{"instruction": "简述新老左翼分裂的背景和原因。", "input": "", "output": "新老左翼的分裂发生在伊曼纽尔・沃勒斯坦所说的 “1968 年的世界革命” 前后。背景是二战后地缘政治秩序以雅尔塔协议为基础，老左翼由共产主义政党、社会民主党和民族解放运动三部分组成，遵循两步走战略，第一步夺取国家政权，第二步改变世界，目标是建立福利国家并追求唯发展主义目的论。原因是新左翼普遍反对按照唯发展主义叙事设计的世界，反对积极参与其再生产的旧左翼，且关注改变世界，但不是从地缘政治的现实政治角度。"}
{"instruction": "比较新老左翼在政治战略和目标上的差异。", "input": "", "output": "老左翼遵循两步走战略，第一步夺取国家政权，第二步改变世界，目标是建立福利国家并追求唯发展主义目的论。新左翼主要关注改变世界，反对唯发展主义叙事和老左翼，且不按地缘政治现实政治角度行动。"}
{"instruction": "概括新左翼对工业现代性衰落的反应。", "input": "", "output": "新左翼尽管反对老左翼及唯发展主义叙事，但仍设法现实地解决了工业现代性历史性衰落的最初症状，如应对伴随其而来的移民形式变化。"}
{"instruction": "分析移民工人对欧洲社会的影响。", "input": "", "output": "数百万的移民工人，如德国的 “客籍工人”，在 “福特主义” 工厂工作并努力融入社会，但大多仍未完全融入。他们的到来及世界的变化，如苏联解体和新自由主义经济秩序建立，使工会和国家政府力量削弱，工厂和工人迁移，改变了欧洲社会结构。"}
{"instruction": "阐述约翰・伯格对欧洲移民工人相关变化的观点。", "input": "", "output": "约翰・伯格认为由于苏联解体和新自由主义全球经济秩序建立，世界政治结构改变，工会和国家政府力量削弱，工厂和工人迁移，穷人更穷，全球经济力量集中，这影响了移民工人及其周围世界。"}
{"instruction": "说明当代左翼在全球机构中的影响力状况。", "input": "", "output": "当代左翼无论是旧左翼、新左翼还是其他类型，对掌管世界的国际政治主体如世界银行、国际货币基金组织和世界贸易组织等几乎没有影响力，更无法获得或掌管其中某些机构的权力。"}
{"instruction": "解释左翼在全球移民问题上缺乏话语权的原因。", "input": "", "output": "左翼在产生、控制和剥削全球移民流动的经济、政治和军事机构中无发言权，其代表不是国际银行和公司的首席执行官，且几乎完全放弃了全球权力关系的基础结构，不再管理有影响力的民族国家或指挥军队。"}
{"instruction": "描述当前欧洲 “难民危机” 中各国政府的普遍反应。", "input": "", "output": "欧洲各国政府对 “难民危机” 普遍持消极态度，如许多国家试图摆脱难民，拒绝接受难民问题，像斯洛伐克等国反对欧盟难民配额，部分国家甚至公开坚持民族主义议程，使欧盟在难民问题上呈现出矛盾的国际右翼合作状态。"}
{"instruction": "分析难民在欧洲引发的深层次问题。", "input": "", "output": "难民的到来加剧或凸显了欧洲一些根本性的、隐藏的问题，如右翼运动兴起、欧盟政治决策方向和形式的问题，使欧盟在难民问题上缺乏立场，引发了内部的分裂和争议。"}
{"instruction": "探讨难民危机中欧洲各国政府反应的影响。", "input": "", "output": "欧洲各国政府的消极反应导致难民在欧洲流动，引发民众对欧盟的负面看法，也使欧盟在难民问题上的决策和行动受到阻碍，成员国多根据自身利益行事，缺乏共同应对的意愿。"}
{"instruction": "比较难民危机中两种意识形态立场的问题。", "input": "", "output": "难民危机中，一种立场是呼吁欧洲团结接纳难民，另一种是保护欧洲生活方式拒绝难民，这两种立场都存在问题，前者可能强化右翼力量，后者未解决真正危机，且都使欧洲在难民问题上陷入困境。"}
{"instruction": "阐述阿伦特关于无国籍者问题的核心观点。", "input": "", "output": "阿伦特认为无国籍问题的核心与难民问题相同，一战导致大量人员成为无国籍者，处于 “绝对无权利” 境地，引发诸多问题，且无法融入现存政治制度，给欧洲国家带来难题。"}
{"instruction": "分析阿伦特提出的难民重新融入社会的方式。", "input": "", "output": "阿伦特提出难民重新融入社会的两种方式为犯罪和成为天才。犯罪可使难民因违反规范而重新进入法律框架，成为天才可因其名声代表人类族群获得认可，但这两种方式都存在局限性。"}
{"instruction": "说明难民问题在法律层面的困境。", "input": "", "output": "对于难民所体现的问题，没有法律上的解决办法，如无国籍者行政和组织管辖不明确，庇护权不断被取消，现有国家政权和法律制度无法解决这些问题。"}
{"instruction": "解释难民成为生命政治首要主体的原因。", "input": "", "output": "在当代生命政治理论中，难民的身体成为生命政治的首要主体，是因为其被视为政治上无质量的 “赤裸生命”，处于人权和人道主义援助的世界主义制度霸权下，且体现了压迫和苦难的叙事。"}
{"instruction": "分析生命政治理论在难民问题上的不足。", "input": "", "output": "生命政治理论在难民问题上存在诸多不足，如未能从阶级斗争和全球资本主义制度的 “构成性暴力” 角度审视难民形象，对难民危机的整体性、政治经济学及难民在阶级斗争中的地位等问题缺乏解释。"}
{"instruction": "阐述阿甘本对难民形象的理论构建。", "input": "", "output": "阿甘本将难民的身体塑造为生命政治的首要主体，认为难民在国际政治体系中挑战了民族国家及其基本概念，其形象类似古罗马法律中的 “神圣人”，在例外状态下被合法遗弃，对西方政治思想重构有重要意义。"}
{"instruction": "探讨米宁格关于公民与难民关系的观点。", "input": "", "output": "米宁格认为难民的身体构成了 “公民的真相”，在全球世界秩序的例外状态下，公民与难民的区别消失，权利可被任意剥夺，人权空洞，公民身份的重新表述基于外在和异质的拓扑术语。"}
{"instruction": "分析新庇护范式对难民的影响。", "input": "", "output": "新庇护范式通过复杂的待决庇护程序、限制难民流动性、使用官僚主义标签、将难民分配到异位空间等方式，限制了难民融入欧洲和获得难民身份，增加了难民的困境。"}
{"instruction": "说明阿拉伯国家在叙利亚难民问题上的困境。", "input": "", "output": "阿拉伯国家如约旦和黎巴嫩在叙利亚难民问题上存在诸多困境，如不是《难民公约》签署国，难民法限制难民权利，难民安置引发社会和经济负担、紧张关系及文化冲突等问题。"}
{"instruction": "阐述难民危机与全球资本主义的关系。", "input": "", "output": "难民危机是全球资本主义体系的一个症状，新自由主义经济政策在当代难民政治中占霸权地位，全球资本主义加剧危机以安置难民，且难民黑市与人口贩运等问题交织。"}
{"instruction": "分析英国难民处理工作的新自由主义特征。", "input": "", "output": "英国的难民处理工作嵌入新自由主义治理术，如将人道主义服务管理转移给私营公司，以市场逻辑取代人道主义和公共利益考虑，导致庇护过程非政治化等问题。"}
{"instruction": "探讨生命政治理论对难民政治经济学批判的缺失。", "input": "", "output": "生命政治理论未能对难民的政治经济学进行彻底批判，忽视了资本主义剥削问题，未将难民纳入阶级斗争范畴，影响了全球资本主义体系的重构和解放性普遍政治的重塑。"}
{"instruction": "解释齐泽克对阿甘本生命政治弥赛亚轨迹的看法。", "input": "", "output": "齐泽克认为阿甘本把难民变成弥赛亚式人物的生命政治理论是 “后政治”，绕过了激进政治空间的核心问题，未能正确理解主体化过程和革命的可能性。"}
{"instruction": "说明齐泽克对难民危机中阶级斗争的观点。", "input": "", "output": "齐泽克认为在难民危机分析中需重新纳入阶级斗争，建立被剥削者和被压迫者的全球团结，围绕共同的积极普遍项目奋斗，因为难民是全球资本主义体系的构成性例外。"}
{"instruction": "阐述难民在全球资本主义体系中的地位和作用。", "input": "", "output": "难民是全球资本主义体系的组成部分，但又游离于其 “好” 的概念之外，是 “无部分的部分”，代表了该体系的结构性不公正和不平等，能揭示和颠覆其霸权框架。"}
{"instruction": "分析难民危机对左翼的挑战。", "input": "", "output": "难民危机是当今左翼面临的最大任务之一，促使左翼重新思考自身的概念框架，因为传统范式难以应对危机，左翼在理论和实践上都面临困境，如缺乏对危机的有效分析和干预工具。"}
{"instruction": "解释晚期全球资本主义与难民危机的关联。", "input": "", "output": "目前大规模人口迁移主要归因于晚期全球资本主义的运作，其在中东和非洲的动态发展与当地危机产生紧张矛盾，西方及新殖民主义干预也是原因，改变了人们生活形式引发难民潮。"}
{"instruction": "阐述资本主义相关暴力的类型。", "input": "", "output": "与资本主义相关的暴力分为六种类型：原始积累的暴力、保护私有财产的暴力、价值本身的暴力、传统虚弱的暴力、生存的暴力、怨恨的暴力，这些暴力影响着社会和难民的产生。"}
{"instruction": "分析难民性质的变化及影响。", "input": "", "output": "当前难民性质发生变化，从传统工作移民转变为追求更好生活的难民，但在欧洲因结构性原因难以实现梦想，这引发了欧洲社会的一系列问题，如就业和政治方面的变化。"}
{"instruction": "说明左翼在金融危机后的困境。", "input": "", "output": "金融危机后，左翼自身成为受害者，无法提供替代全球资本主义的方案，在危机中未能发挥积极作用，反而使民粹主义、战争等问题加剧，巩固了右翼接管的意识形态条件。"}
{"instruction": "解释左翼在难民危机中的立场问题。", "input": "", "output": "左翼在难民危机中多扮演道德能动者角色，仅同情难民使危机根源非政治化，忽视阶级分析和斗争，未从资本主义整体角度看待难民问题，且其立场存在局限性和无力感。"}
{"instruction": "阐述同理心和同情心在难民问题上的区别。", "input": "", "output": "同情心是设身处地的感同身受，也是残酷竞争原则；同理心是理解与他者差异且不评判。在难民问题上，“他们也和我们一样” 的口号体现同情心，用同理心取代阶级斗争会强化反移民情绪。"}
{"instruction": "分析左翼对伊斯兰教的态度及问题。", "input": "", "output": "欧洲左翼对伊斯兰教存在迷恋，这掩盖了其种族主义，后殖民理论使左翼高估文化作用，忽视阶级分析。在对待穆斯林问题上，左翼存在错误立场，如对罩袍等问题的不当看法。"}
{"instruction": "探讨乌玛概念的内涵及意义。", "input": "", "output": "乌玛是信奉真主之言的政治集体，具有救赎感和普遍性，其成员行侠仗义、坚持正义和平等，是一个普遍的 “兄弟集体”，代表着伊斯兰的普遍性，否定身份政治。"}
{"instruction": "解释伊斯兰国与伊斯兰教的关系。", "input": "", "output": "伊斯兰国声称继承伊斯兰传统，但实际上其哈里发国形式和内容无历史及神学依据，是对伊斯兰教的错误利用，代表了左翼身份梦想的扭曲实现，即伊斯兰法西斯主义。"}
{"instruction": "说明难民危机对社会组织形式的影响。", "input": "", "output": "持续的难民危机预示着更大规模移民的到来，促使人们重新定义国家主权与民族的关系，需要新的决策形式和社会组织形式，超越民族国家构造，如思考政党国家和环球党等形式。"}
{"instruction": "分析恐怖分子的背景及行为原因。", "input": "", "output": "一些恐怖分子如尼斯恐袭的穆罕默德・拉胡艾吉 - 布赫莱勒、布鲁塞尔的萨拉赫・阿布德斯拉姆等，原本看似融入正常生活，但因各种原因如生活挫折、社会边缘化等走向激进，其行为背后有深层社会原因。"}
{"instruction": "阐述当今种族主义的表现形式。", "input": "", "output": "当今种族主义有老式拒绝穆斯林他者、“反身性” 政治正确的种族主义（将种族主义归咎于他者）、反向种族主义（赞美他者异国情调但仍歧视）等表现形式，且常绕开文化蔑视与种族主义的区别。"}
{"instruction": "解释 “本我的邪恶” 在暴力行为中的体现。", "input": "", "output": "“本我的邪恶” 是一种无功能、无意识形态原因的暴力，由主体与欲望客体的关系失衡引发，如光头党殴打外国人等暴力行为，体现对他者纯粹的仇恨，在种族暴力中常见。"}
{"instruction": "分析精神分析解释在当代的困境。", "input": "", "output": "在当代，精神分析的 “无意识” 形成被反身化，症状和解释都受理论影响，导致分析师解释失去效力，症状仍存在，如在新纳粹光头党和精神疾病案例中都有体现。"}
{"instruction": "说明工人问题在多元文化主义中的转变。", "input": "", "output": "在多元文化主义中，工人被剥削的阶级问题转化为 “对他者的不容忍” 等问题，自由派在保护移民权利方面的投入掩盖了阶级层面的矛盾，使真正问题被忽视。"}
{"instruction": "探讨应对种族仇恨的有效方法。", "input": "", "output": "有效打击种族仇恨不是靠种族宽容，而是需要针对共同政敌的政治仇恨，摒弃标准多元文化主义思想，深入分析种族仇恨背后的真正原因，如社会结构和意识形态因素。"}
{"instruction": "分析难民与恐怖分子的关联及误解。", "input": "", "output": "难民常被错误地等同于恐怖分子，实际上绝大多数难民是寻求更好生活，但对难民的恐惧氛围使人们产生偏执，将全球资本主义问题投射到难民身上，这是一种意识形态病态。"}
{"instruction": "解释欧洲在难民问题上人道主义立场的问题。", "input": "", "output": "欧洲在难民问题上的人道主义立场存在问题，如将局势去政治化，其背后是 “大棒和胡萝卜” 的政治经济手段，自我鞭挞式的同情效果不佳，无法真正解决难民问题。"}
{"instruction": "分析阿拉伯人在自身困境中的角色。", "input": "", "output": "阿拉伯人并非欧美新殖民主义阴谋的单纯被动受害者，他们以扩张性和侵略性推动伊斯兰化、发动战争等方式积极参与到自身困境中，有一定的能动性。"}
{"instruction": "探讨反移民民粹主义者的矛盾之处。", "input": "", "output": "反移民民粹主义者一方面反对穆斯林移民，另一方面突然强调妇女和同性恋权利，与他们之前的立场矛盾，且忽视了自身与伊斯兰原教旨主义者可能的接近关系。"}
{"instruction": "简述德勒兹对友谊的独特见解及其在其哲学中的作用", "input": "", "output": "德勒兹认为友谊与个人散发的魅力有关，而非忠诚，人们会对这种魅力的符号散逸敏感。在其哲学中，友谊贯穿于他的创作、教学与生活，他通过与其他思想家的友谊进行思想交流与合作，如与加塔利的合作对其著作产生重要影响，这种友谊的精神也体现在他的作品解读与传播中，鼓励读者去探索其哲学思想。"}
{"instruction": "分析德勒兹《差异与重复》中差异和重复概念的内涵及对传统哲学的批判", "input": "", "output": "在《差异与重复》中，差异和重复的概念是德勒兹哲学的重要部分。他批判传统哲学使差异和重复从属于同一性概念，认为差异应是事物的本质，重复是与独特事物相关的必要行为。传统哲学的表象体制用同一性管理差异，限制了思想对独异性的理解，而德勒兹试图打破这种局限，倡导一种新的思想方式，使差异和重复成为推动哲学发展的核心因素。"}
{"instruction": "阐述德勒兹欲望概念的来源、建构及与社会秩序的关系", "input": "", "output": "德勒兹的欲望概念源自康德哲学，并融合了巴塔耶、马克思、尼采、斯宾诺莎、弗洛伊德和拉康等人的要素。他将欲望定义为现实的生产，与社会生产紧密相连。在资本主义社会，欲望生产和社会生产在机制上存在差异，资本主义的发展使二者出现本质同一与机制分离的情况，如劳动力和力比多的抽象化。德勒兹认为应打破这种束缚，解放欲望，使社会生产服从于欲望生产。"}
{"instruction": "解释德勒兹意义和级数概念的含义及在神学和合作领域的应用", "input": "", "output": "德勒兹的意义概念与传统的常识和理智不同，是对差异自身的确证。级数概念则展示了一种差异的组织模式。在神学领域，意义和级数概念削弱了传统神学的可能性，推动了对上帝和审判的新思考。在与他人的合作中，如与加塔利、帕内特的合作，这些概念通过中间地带激发意义之流，改变了合作性思考和意义生产的方式，促进了思想的交流与创新。"}
{"instruction": "探讨德勒兹事件概念的特点、与其他概念的联系及在哲学中的地位", "input": "", "output": "德勒兹认为一切都是事件，事件是一个过程，涉及变化、交流，具有开放性和偶然性。它与差异、重复等概念密切相关，通过独特的方式改变其他事件。在哲学中，事件处于核心地位，与问题和解决方案的关系紧密，是推动哲学思考和实践的关键因素，同时也引发了关于时空定位、事实与事件界限等问题的讨论。"}
{"instruction": "说明德勒兹装置概念的定义、要素及在不同领域的体现", "input": "", "output": "装置是把诸要素聚集在一起的生成过程，要素包括物、特性、情动、速度、线以及符号等。在地质学、考古学、艺术等领域有不同体现。如在社会生活中，家庭可视为一种装置，手机也是一种装置，它涉及人与技术的复杂关系，通过自身的运作和与其他装置的联系，对社会、个人和实践产生重要影响。"}
{"instruction": "比较德勒兹微观政治与宏观政治的区别及微观政治的作用", "input": "", "output": "德勒兹和加塔利区分了微观政治和宏观政治，微观政治关注线和节段的考察、断裂实践和介入模式，与宏观政治在作用和形式上不同。微观政治能应对社会中的复杂问题，激活和质疑政治的基本范畴，为理解和解决文化多元主义、污染、性别暴力等问题提供更合适的视角，是一种具有创造性和活力的政治形式。"}
{"instruction": "分析德勒兹生成 - 女人概念的内涵、引发的争议及在女性主义中的意义", "input": "", "output": "生成 - 女人概念体现了德勒兹对存在和权力迷恋的反击，具有能动的本体论、强调生成的团块、阈限的重要性、内在性和非表象性等特点。它引发了女性主义者的争议，一些人认为其弱化了女性主义政治力量，否定了性别特殊性；但也有学者认为它为女性主义思考和行动赋予能量，提供了替代传统女性主义政治的方案，如在思考妇女闲聊等方面具有重要意义。"}
{"instruction": "阐述德勒兹少数文学概念的特征及卡夫卡作品在其中的体现", "input": "", "output": "德勒兹和加塔利认为少数文学具有语言解域化、个人和政治即时性联结、阐释的集体装置三个特征。在卡夫卡的作品中，如《变形记》和《审判》，体现了语言的解域化，将个人与政治紧密相连，通过对权力关系的揭示和实验，为即将到来的人民打开可能性，是少数文学的典型例证。"}
{"instruction": "概括德勒兹表现概念在其哲学体系中的来源、发展及与其他概念的关联", "input": "", "output": "德勒兹的表现概念首次出现在论斯宾诺莎的著作中，与斯宾诺莎的平行论及斯多葛派的意义非实体性理论相关。它涉及内部思想和外部身体的相互作用，在德勒兹与加塔利讨论语言性质、福柯著作的思考中起到重要作用，与欲望、事件等概念共同构成其哲学体系的重要部分，推动了对哲学问题的深入探讨。"}
{"instruction": "解释德勒兹无器官的身体概念在欲望和社会批判中的作用", "input": "", "output": "无器官的身体是德勒兹欲望哲学的重要概念，它是欲望逃离限定因素的斗争场所，体现了人类争取自由的潜能。在社会批判中，它与资本主义的解码和再编码过程相关，揭示了社会生产和欲望生产的关系，为判断社会形式的合理性提供标准，是理解德勒兹社会批判理论的关键。"}
{"instruction": "探讨德勒兹褶子概念的哲学意义及在其思想和文化实践中的体现", "input": "", "output": "褶子在德勒兹哲学中是重要概念，既是哲学思考超越自身的方式，也体现在他对不同艺术家作品的理解和与文化的交流中。它连接着思想和文化实践，如在马拉美、莱布尼茨等人的作品中有所体现，通过褶子的概念，德勒兹构建了独特的思想和文化交流模式，促进了哲学与其他领域的互动。"}
{"instruction": "分析德勒兹思想中根茎概念的特点及与传统哲学结构的区别", "input": "", "output": "根茎概念具有多元性和横向扩展性，与传统哲学的等级结构形成对比。它通过跳跃横向扩展，没有固定的起点和终点，如在《千高原》中与树木结构相对立。在思想交流和合作中，根茎概念体现了德勒兹对传统哲学结构的突破，促进了思想的自由流动和创新发展。"}
{"instruction": "阐述德勒兹对斯宾诺莎和尼采思想中力的概念的借鉴与发展", "input": "", "output": "德勒兹对力的概念的理解借鉴了斯宾诺莎和尼采的思想。斯宾诺莎的努力概念和尼采的权力意志概念为其提供基础，他将力的观念普遍化，使其贯穿于社会秩序中。在《资本主义与精神分裂》计划中，力的概念有助于对生产方式进行革命性概念化，与欲望、社会生产等概念相互关联，构建了独特的哲学体系。"}
{"instruction": "说明德勒兹哲学中情动概念的特点及在其思想体系中的地位", "input": "", "output": "情动在德勒兹哲学中与身体、事件、装置等概念密切相关，是其哲学体系的重要组成部分。它体现了身体之间的非实体性效果和互动，在装置的运作中发挥作用，如在社会和文化现象的理解中，情动能够揭示事物之间的内在联系和变化，推动了对哲学问题的多元思考。"}
{"instruction": "概括福柯权力理论的核心要点", "input": "", "output": " 福柯的权力理论认为权力是多重的力量关系，具有生产性、非主体性、无处不在且相互作用等特点，它通过微观层面的地方性策略和宏观层面的战略运作，与抵抗相伴而生，传统的权力观念如 “司法 - 话语式” 理解存在局限性，应摆脱旧有的权力分析特权，构建新的权力分析方法。"}
{"instruction": "分析规训权力对个体的塑造方式", "input": "", "output": " 规训权力以身体为目标，通过分配艺术、时间控制、层级监视、规范化裁决等技术对个体进行塑造，使个体成为驯顺而高效的 “单向度” 造物，其在现代社会中广泛渗透于各类机构，如学校、工厂、医院、监狱等，改变了个体与社会的关系。"}
{"instruction": "阐述生命权力的主要特征和表现形式", "input": "", "output": " 生命权力是操持人类生命的权力，与君主权力不同，它通过规范而非法律发挥作用，涵盖规训和调节控制两个层面，关注人口的生命管理，如生育率、死亡率、健康等方面，在现代社会中通过人口普查、社会政策等形式体现，且在特定历史时期与种族主义等观念结合。"}
{"instruction": "解释权力 / 知识在福柯理论中的关系", "input": "", "output": " 在福柯理论中，权力 / 知识是一个关键复合术语，权力和知识相互交织，知识是在权力编排下产生的，权力通过文化、习俗、机构和个体等运作并产生多种效果，如在性别差异等案例中，权力 / 知识体现为一种复杂的社会建构机制，且抵抗也是其表现形式之一。"}
{"instruction": "总结福柯自由观的独特之处", "input": "", "output": " 福柯的自由观不同于传统的形而上学和政治自由观，他认为自由是在具体历史境遇中对自身的塑造，与权力相互关联，是一种实践和实验，关注历史的偶然性和约束的可变性，旨在打破现有规范和身份的束缚，追求可能的转变空间。"}
{"instruction": "探讨自由与身体在福柯思想中的联系", "input": "", "output": " 福柯认为身体是权力的效果和抵抗的策源地，身体由社会塑造，在规训权力和性态等方面体现明显，如在监狱和性史研究中，身体的驯顺与反抗与自由相关，身体的经验和话语存在差异，为自由提供了可能的维度。"}
{"instruction": "分析精神性在福柯后期作品中的作用", "input": "", "output": " 在福柯后期作品中，精神性构成了一种伦理的自我转化和有意识的自由实践，与古代哲学相关联，是对现代主体形式的批判替代，涉及真理、政治等层面，如在古希腊、基督教和伊斯兰等文化背景下都有所体现，为自由提供了新的视角。"}
{"instruction": "阐述福柯对自由实践的理解", "input": "", "output": " 福柯认为自由是一种创造性的实践，通过对苏格拉底、奥古斯丁和康德等哲学家的研究，展现了不同形式的自由，如苏格拉底的民主的直言、奥古斯丁的品性塑造的自由、康德的批判即自由等，强调自由在权力游戏中的实现和历史的偶然性。"}
{"instruction": "分析历史学与社会科学的关系演变", "input": "", "output": " 过去历史学与社会科学关系复杂且存在问题，如在历史研究中经济史占优势，社会史未成为学院专业领域。后来社会科学的发展促使历史研究在技术与机构上变化，社会史快速发展并逐渐解放，与社会科学的交流增多，学科出现多元化与分裂化，研究领域也大幅扩张，但也带来了碎片化等问题。如今历史学与社会科学在不断融合的过程中仍在探索更合理的关系与研究模式。"}
{"instruction": "探讨马克思对历史学的主要贡献", "input": "", "output": " 马克思对历史学的现代化起到关键作用，其 “经济基础与上层建筑” 理论促使历史学转型为社会科学，批判了实证主义。他的思想为社会进化等问题提供了分析视角，强调社会结构的历史性和内在动态变化，弥补了社会系统静态分析的不足，还引发了对社会科学中机械性模式和结构 - 功能理论的批判，为历史学研究提供了重要的方向和方法。"}
{"instruction": "阐述历史研究中不同主题的发展情况", "input": "", "output": " 社会史从原本不受重视到成为热门领域，涵盖人口学与家族研究、都市研究等多个方面，但各方面发展程度不同。经济史在与经济学的复杂关系中发展，有传统经济史与计量史学等不同研究路径。此外，阶级与社会团体、“心态” 史、社会冲突等主题也逐渐受到关注并取得一定成果，但都面临着各自的问题与挑战。"}
{"instruction": "分析历史学家与经济学家之间的合作与分歧", "input": "", "output": " 历史学家与经济学家的关系复杂，在学科融合上存在诸多问题。经济学曾认为自身是历史的受害者，其理论架构与历史变迁适应困难，经济史在学科中作用未彰显。历史学家对经济学的某些局限也有看法，如经济学对历史事实的片面选取。但双方也有合作需求，在经济发展研究等方面可相互借鉴，只是在理论运用和研究方法上还需不断协调。"}
{"instruction": "说明历史研究中党派意识的表现与影响", "input": "", "output": " 党派意识在历史学及社会科学中普遍存在，从广义到狭义有不同理解。在科学研究中，党派意识存在于事实选取与推论等方面，合理的党派意识应基于科学论述的有效性。主观党派意识方面，极端形式会带来危害，而适度的党派意识在科学发展中能提供新思考和挑战，但也可能引发问题，需要在科学研究中加以正确引导和平衡。"}
{"instruction": "解释历史学进步的体现与争议", "input": "", "output": " 历史学在与社会科学的合流等方面取得进步，如研究从叙述性转向分析性与解释性，从关注独特事件到建构规则与通则。但也存在问题，如进展借助简化带来新问题，学科多元化与分裂化，研究领域扩张导致碎片化等。对于历史学是否进步存在不同看法，其内容常受意识形态和政治立场影响，但总体上在对社会历史的理解上有深化。"}
{"instruction": "探讨社会史研究的特点与问题", "input": "", "output": " 社会史概念多样，过去未成为学院专业领域，后来快速发展。其研究领域庞杂，涉及人口、都市、阶级等诸多方面。在研究中面临数据处理、概念界定、团队合作等困难，如阶级研究中数据庞杂、时间点确定难、概念模糊等，但也取得了一定成果，为理解社会结构与变迁提供了重要视角。"}
{"instruction": "分析印刷术在早期美国的普及情况及原因", "input": "", "output": " 在早期美国，印刷术得到广泛普及。随 “五月花” 号进入美洲的行李中就有重要书籍，殖民地时代早期牧师获资助启动宗教图书馆，1640 - 1700 年马萨诸塞和康涅狄格等地文化普及率较高。原因包括加尔文清教徒对识字的要求、移民中部分人文化教育程度较高、城镇法令推动教育建立读写学校等，同时他们能从故国获取大量书籍，无需自己创作，这些因素共同促进了印刷术的普及。"}
{"instruction": "探讨印刷术对美国宗教思想和组织的影响", "input": "", "output": " 印刷术对美国宗教思想和组织产生了重要影响。18 - 19 世纪，美国宗教信徒受理性主义影响，自然神论兴起，各教派通过严谨的小册子和书进行争论，如爱德华兹等传教者学识精深、崇尚理性。各教派还通过创办大学解决矛盾，如长老会、浸礼会等纷纷建立大学，使得美国宗教思想和组织在当时呈现出质朴、博学的话语形式，与现代宗教生活有所不同。"}
{"instruction": "阐述印刷术统治下美国法律系统的特点", "input": "", "output": " 在印刷术统治下，美国法律系统中律师往往受过良好教育、相信理性、擅长论证，像马歇尔、斯托瑞等是崇尚理性、学识渊博的知识分子典范。法律条文制定明确严格，要求法律界人士具备开明、理性和清晰的头脑，律师需要有较高读写能力，且当时的著名律师如韦伯斯特等语言能力非凡，其话语特征体现了印刷术对法律思维和表达的深刻影响。"}
{"instruction": "说明印刷术在美国商业广告发展中的作用及变化", "input": "", "output": " 美国报纸广告最初受印刷术影响，形式较为简单，以理性信息为主。但从 19 世纪 60 - 70 年代开始衰落，逐渐转向娱乐化。早期广告如 1704 年的广告内容多为悬赏、房产出租出售等实用信息，到 19 世纪末，广告开始采用口号、短诗、图片等形式，更注重情感和视觉刺激，如宝洁、亨氏等公司的广告，反映出印刷术在商业广告中的作用从传递理性信息向娱乐化转变。"}
{"instruction": "分析印刷术对美国公众话语的影响", "input": "", "output": " 印刷术统治下的美国公众话语严肃、理性且具有逻辑。公众人物通过文字被熟知，人们阅读时态度神圣、专注，阅读是与外部世界联系和认识世界的重要方式。例如林肯和道格拉斯的辩论，充满书卷气，语言复杂，听众需具备理解复杂长句和政治问题的能力，体现了印刷术对公众话语在内容、形式和受众理解能力等方面的深刻塑造作用。"}
{"instruction": "讲述电报的发明对美国信息传播的改变", "input": "", "output": " 电报的发明极大地改变了美国信息传播。它消除了州际界线，使信息传播速度大幅提升，打破了空间限制，将整个美国纳入同一信息网络，如莫尔斯的电报让缅因州和得克萨斯州能即时对话。但同时也摧毁了原有信息定义，使信息脱离语境，成为可买卖的商品，改变了新闻的性质和公众话语的内容与意义。"}
{"instruction": "探讨摄影术对信息表达和理解的影响", "input": "", "output": " 摄影术的出现改变了信息表达和理解的方式。它能记录具体形象，但与文字功能不同，无法表达抽象概念和观点，也没有句法和逻辑论证能力。它使信息呈现碎片化，像电报一样割裂世界，虽能提供直观图像，但削弱了对信息、新闻和现实的传统定义，在传播中常与文字产生冲突和误解。"}
{"instruction": "理查德·道金斯在《延伸的表型》中提出了什么核心观点？", "input": "", "output": "理查德·道金斯在《延伸的表型》中提出了基因的表型效应是它将自己传至下一代的工具，这些工具可能会‘延伸’到基因所寓居的身体之外，甚至深入其他生物的神经系统之中的核心观点。他认为基因是自然选择的基本单位，生物个体只是基因的载具，基因通过操纵世界来确保自身的复制和存续。"}
{"instruction": "《延伸的表型》一书的写作背景是什么？", "input": "", "output": "《延伸的表型》一书的写作背景是理查德·道金斯在《自私的基因》之后，进一步深化和拓展其基因中心的演化观点。他试图将‘自私的基因’从生物个体中解放出来，探讨基因如何通过延伸的表型效应影响世界，以及这种观点如何为理解生物演化提供新的视角。同时，他也回应了对《自私的基因》的批评，并试图澄清一些误解。"}
{"instruction": "道金斯在书中如何回应对其上一本书《自私的基因》的批评？", "input": "", "output": "道金斯在书中通过详细讨论和举例来回应对其上一本书《自私的基因》的批评。他指出，一些批评是基于对书中观点的误解，如将基因决定论和基因选择论混淆。他强调，他的观点并非基因决定论，而是基因选择论，即基因是自然选择的基本单位，但并不意味着基因决定了所有行为。他还解释了基因与环境的相互作用，以及基因如何通过表型效应影响行为和演化。"}
{"instruction": "书中提到的‘内克尔立方体’类比是什么意思？", "input": "", "output": "书中提到的‘内克尔立方体’类比是指一种著名的视觉错觉，即一幅线条画被大脑理解为一个三维立方体，但感知到的立方体会有两个可能的方向，并且两个方向都与纸上的二维图像同等兼容。这个类比用来说明道金斯所倡导的‘延伸的表型’观点，即我们可以从不同的视角来看待生物和它们的行为，就像内克尔立方体可以被感知为两个不同的方向一样，这种不同的视角可能提供更深刻的理解，但并不意味着其中一个是唯一正确的。"}
{"instruction": "道金斯在书中如何阐述基因与生物个体的关系？", "input": "", "output": "道金斯在书中阐述基因与生物个体的关系时指出，基因是自然选择的基本单位，而生物个体是基因的载具。基因通过操纵生物个体的行为和形态来确保自身的复制和存续。生物个体的特征和行为可以被视为基因的表型效应，这些效应不仅局限于个体本身，还可以延伸到个体之外，影响其他生物或环境。因此，生物个体的存在和行为是为了基因的存续服务，而不是基因为了个体的利益而存在。"}
{"instruction": "书中提到的‘军备竞赛’是什么意思？", "input": "", "output": "书中提到的‘军备竞赛’是指大自然中普遍存在的生态现象，即许多生物为了生存和繁衍后代而进行的激烈竞争。这种竞争可以表现为物种之间的捕食与被捕食关系、竞争资源、适应环境变化等。在军备竞赛中，生物不断进化出新的适应性特征和行为策略，以提高自身的生存和繁殖成功率，就像国家之间的军备竞赛不断升级武器一样。"}
{"instruction": "道金斯在书中如何解释基因的延伸表型效应？", "input": "", "output": "道金斯在书中解释基因的延伸表型效应时，强调基因的影响力可以超越其所在的生物个体，扩展到个体之外的环境和其他生物。例如，基因可以通过影响生物的行为，使其建造巢穴、改变环境或操纵其他生物，从而为基因自身的复制和传播创造有利条件。这种延伸的表型效应体现了基因对整个世界的操纵能力，而不仅仅局限于生物个体的生理结构和功能。"}
{"instruction": "书中提到的‘复制因子和载具’的区分是什么？", "input": "", "output": "书中提到的‘复制因子和载具’的区分是指基因作为复制因子，是自然选择的基本单位，具有自我复制和传递的能力；而生物个体或其他结构则作为载具，为基因提供生存和复制的载体。复制因子是演化过程中的活跃参与者，它们通过影响载具的特征和行为来增加自身的复制概率。载具则是复制因子用来传播自身的工具，它们的特征和行为是由复制因子的表型效应所决定的。这种区分有助于理解自然选择是如何在基因层面发生作用的，以及生物个体是如何作为基因复制的工具而存在的。"}
{"instruction": "道金斯在书中如何回应‘基因决定论’的批评？", "input": "", "output": "道金斯在书中回应‘基因决定论’的批评时，明确指出他的观点并非基因决定论，而是基因选择论。他强调基因是自然选择的基本单位，但并不意味着基因决定了所有行为。基因与环境相互作用，共同影响生物的特征和行为。他批评了一些批评者将基因选择论误解为基因决定论，并通过举例说明基因如何在特定环境下影响行为，但这种影响并非绝对和不可改变。他还指出，基因的表型效应可以因环境的不同而有所差异，因此不能简单地将行为归结为基因的直接决定。"}
{"instruction": "书中提到的‘适应主义’是什么意思？", "input": "", "output": "书中提到的‘适应主义’是指一种生物学观点，它假设生物体形态、生理和行为的所有方面都是对问题的适应性最优解决方案，而无需进一步的证据。适应主义者认为生物的每一个特征都是为了适应环境而进化出来的，这种观点有时会导致对生物特征的过度解释，忽视了其他可能的影响因素，如历史遗留、随机漂变等。道金斯在书中对适应主义持批判态度，他认为适应主义虽然在某些情况下能够提供有益的假设和启发，但也存在局限性，不能解释所有生物特征的演化。"}
{"instruction": "道金斯在书中如何讨论‘完美化的制约因素’？", "input": "", "output": "道金斯在书中讨论‘完美化的制约因素’时，指出生物体虽然在自然选择的作用下不断进化，但并不意味着它们能够达到完美的状态。这些制约因素包括时间滞后、历史性制约、可用的遗传变异、成本和材料的制约等。例如，生物体可能因为环境变化的速度而无法及时适应新的条件（时间滞后）；生物的进化受到其历史进化路径的限制，无法轻易改变已经形成的结构和功能（历史性制约）；并非所有的有利变异都能在生物体中实现，因为可用的遗传变异可能有限；生物在进化过程中需要权衡不同的成本和材料，无法在所有方面都达到最优。这些制约因素解释了为什么生物体不是完美无缺的，而是具有各种适应性和妥协性的特征。"}
{"instruction": "书中提到的‘军备竞赛和操纵行为’是如何体现自然选择的？", "input": "", "output": "书中提到的‘军备竞赛和操纵行为’体现自然选择的方式是，生物在生存竞争中不断进化出新的策略和特征来提高自身的生存和繁殖成功率。在军备竞赛中，捕食者和猎物之间、物种之间为了获取资源和避免被捕食，不断进化出更复杂的适应性特征和行为策略。例如，捕食者可能进化出更敏锐的感官、更快的速度或更巧妙的捕食技巧，而猎物则可能进化出更好的伪装、更快的逃跑速度或更有效的防御机制。操纵行为则是生物通过影响其他生物的行为来为自己谋取利益，如某些寄生生物能够操纵宿主的行为，使其更有利于寄生生物的生存和繁殖。这些军备竞赛和操纵行为都是自然选择作用的结果，生物通过这些方式来增加自己基因的复制和传播概率。"}
{"instruction": "概括电影与伦理的研究现状及本书的研究目的", "input": "", "output": " 电影研究中伦理问题曾未受重视，虽受后结构主义影响有 “伦理学转向”，但电影与伦理相关性未获应有尊重。本书旨在改变电影研究不愿用伦理学观照电影的状况，展现相关冲突，填补现有研究在系统评价、拓宽范围、挖掘潜力和建构伦理空间等方面的空白。"}
{"instruction": "阐述西方主要哲学家的伦理思想及其对电影研究的影响", "input": "", "output": " 康德认为美是道德的善的象征，审美与道德判断有相似性，其美学影响欧洲电影理论。席勒指出改善的内容与统一的形式对美同样重要，黑格尔强调理念与形态的协调统一决定艺术史阶段，他们的思想影响电影理论、批评和实践。列维纳斯将伦理学视为对自我与他者关系的质问，其思想改变人们对伦理学认识，但也存在被误解和驯化的问题。德里达对列维纳斯伦理学说有质疑和发展，其解构思想影响电影研究方向。拉康的伦理学强调欲望与真实相关，齐泽克对其进一步阐释并应用于文化和艺术产品分析。福柯的哲学可视为自我的伦理学，后期关注性史中的伦理问题，其著作对电影研究有潜在价值。巴迪欧的伦理学强调对真理的追求，冲击传统伦理观念，其思想在电影研究中有应用和讨论。"}
{"instruction": "分析电影形式在伦理意义产生中的作用及不同电影类型的伦理体现", "input": "", "output": " 电影形式在伦理意义产生中起关键作用，如戈达尔 “跟拍镜头是个道德问题” 的观点引发对电影形式与伦理关系的思考。在纪录片中，形式与伦理关系密切，如《是和有》通过形式选择体现伦理问题。在故事片中，形式也能传达伦理信息，如《末路狂花》《蝴蝶之吻》等电影通过叙事和表现手法展现伦理困境和思考。不同电影类型如西部片、公路片等也蕴含特定的伦理模式和问题。"}
{"instruction": "探讨电影中性别、种族等身份问题的伦理内涵", "input": "", "output": " 电影中性别、种族等身份问题的表现具有伦理意义。在性别方面，如《末路狂花》《蝴蝶之吻》等电影对女性形象的塑造和女性角色的经历引发对性别平等、女性解放和传统性别观念的伦理思考。在种族方面，电影对不同种族形象的刻画涉及价值判断和伦理前提，如《不朽的园丁》《芭玛戈》等电影探讨了西方电影对非洲的错误表现及背后的伦理问题，以及非洲电影对自身文化和历史的呈现及伦理诉求。"}
{"instruction": "研究观众与电影中受难场面的伦理关系", "input": "", "output": " 观众与电影中受难场面存在复杂的伦理关系。一方面，观看他人受苦影像引发伦理问题，如在《假面》《过客》《隐藏摄像机》等电影中，观众对苦难影像的观看方式、反应及责任受到关注和思考。另一方面，电影通过呈现苦难影像可以促使观众反思自身与他人的关系、社会的责任以及自身的伦理立场，不同电影以不同方式展现这种伦理动态。"}
{"instruction": "分析列维纳斯思想与电影的联系及对电影伦理的启示", "input": "", "output": " 列维纳斯的思想虽很少直接谈论电影，但为电影伦理研究提供重要资源。他对图像和视像的怀疑态度促使重新审视电影表现，其圣像禁诫和面貌的概念与电影实践有联系，如《浩劫》在一定程度上契合其哲学关键方面，同时也引发对电影如何呈现他者和唤起伦理责任的思考，推动对电影伦理维度的探索。"}
{"instruction": "书中所引的论述认为，古代社会生产机体存在的条件是什么，而现实世界的宗教反映要在怎样的社会条件下才会消失？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "相一致的。这个时代的特点就是，一方面,各种权力关系和统治关系是否能持久,还具有很大的不确定性；另一方面，文化和社会的变化正在成倍增加，它们是不是会\"结合\"成某种独特的文化形只存在于古代世界的空隙中，就像伊壁鸠鲁的神只存在于世界的空隙中，或者犹太人只存在于波兰社会的缝隙中一样。这些古老的社会生产机体比资产阶级的社会生产机体简单明了得多，但它们或者以个人尚未成熟，尚未脱掉同其他人的自然血缘联系的脐带为基础，或者以直接的统治和服从的关系为基础。它们存在的条件是:劳动生产力处于低级发展阶段,与此相应,人们在物质生活生产过程内部的关系,即他们彼此之间以及他们同自然之间的关系是很狭隘的。这种实际的狭隘性,观念地反映在古代的自然宗教和民间宗教中。只有当实际日常生活的关系，在人们面前表现为人与人之间和人与自然之间极明白而合理的关系的时候，现实世界的宗教反映才会消失。只有当社会生活过程即物质生产过程的形态，作为自由结合的人的产物，处于人的有意识有计划的控制之下的时候,它才会把自己的神秘的纱幕揭掉。但是, 这需要有一定的社会物质基础或一系列物质生存条件,而这些条件本身又是长期的、痛苦的历史发展的自然产物。”另见《来日方长》中阿尔都塞本人的论述:\"当时我坚持这样的看法:从现在起，‘共产主义的小岛‘便存在于我们"}
{"instruction": "作者为什么说“劳动者是一个具体的人”这句话既对也错，他分别依据什么作出这两种判断？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "法典也没有对我们活动的所有内容作出规定。法陈述了一些一般的、对每个人都有效的规则，正因为如此，它才被说成是抽象的。只要遵守它以保平安就够了。剩下的时间都是我们的：比如劳动、我们的个人生活、我们的欲望和快乐。这些才是我们生活中真正具体的东西:我们自己的所作所为。这样说既对也错。说对，因为确实，劳动者是一个具体的人，他使用一些具体的工具对某种具体的材料进行加工，并对此倾注自己全部的才能和所有的耐心,哪怕他是在为别人劳动,在为自己劳动时就更不用说了。说对— 从一个极端的例子转向另一个极端的例子— 因为确实，爱者是一个具体的男人，他爱慕一个具体的女人（是她，而不是别人），并对她倾注自己全部的注意力和所有的激情。说错，因为只要后撤一小步就会发现,这些具体的人中的每一个人，只有通过重复学来的、服从于一些抽象关系-—它们像语言和法的关系一样抽象— 的动作，才能去劳动或者去爱。一名工人,哪怕心灵手巧，也不会做出这样的或那样的动作，除非现有的原材料和现有的工具或机器-—它们不是由他本人乜8 制造出来的,而是来自独立于他并确定了他的劳动形式的各种社会关系的漫长历史-—把他的劳动形式从而他的那些实践动作强加给了他;除非现有的生产关系为他在劳动组织和劳动分工中确定了一个位置。"}
{"instruction": "作者为什么认为科学并非中立，而大多数科学家和非科学家对此各有怎样的表现？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "— 译注 218写给非哲学家的哲学入门不能落入上述实践领域里纯粹的可见事件的逸闻趣事中:条件是把那些支配着科学实践的再生产，即支配着其存在的理论的生产关系，思考为这种历史的重要条件。这或许就是哲学的一种存在形式。哲学不容易确定和定义, 因为我们很容易把它同唯心主义对它的表述（哲学对科学是万能的）相混淆。但更重要的是正确地构想哲学，因为正如我们从某个时刻以来所疑心的那样，只要哪里有哲学、有意识形态，哪里就有斗争，并且不是任意的斗争，而是必然的斗争，归根到底与阶级斗争联系在一起的斗争。而如果有斗争，就必然有一派①为科学的利益服务,有另一派站在占统治地位的意识形态一边对科学进行盘剥利用。因此，科学不是中立的，因为支持或反对某些价值—科学充当了它们的依靠或托词②一的战斗就在它的深处继续展开。科学家通常不知道这一点,这使得他们不加批判地屈服于占统治地位的意识形态的各种观念的影响。非科学家通常也不知道这一点，这使得他们屈服于同一种意识形态的各种观念，这种意识形态利用科学的威望和有效性为自己谋利益，也就是说，为这种意识形态所服务的那个阶级谋利益。只有少数科学家、唯物主义哲学家和马克思主义政治战士知道这一点并采取相应的行动。第一种人凭他们实践的本能知道这一点，第二种人凭"}
{"instruction": "作者为什么说共产党不能作为“政府的党”去行事，资产阶级党与工人党在依靠什么上又有根本区别？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "所以在任何情况下，共产党都不能作为\"政府的党”去行事，因为做政府的党就意味着做国家的党，这就等于要么为资产阶级国家服务,要么致力于使无产阶级专政国家永久化，而共产党的任务是要致力于消灭国家。第十二章意识形态国家机器253 归根到底,正是共产党所特有的政治实践类型，让我们可以255 理解这种不相容性。因为共产党有着与资产阶级党完全不同的 \"政治实践\"（巴利巴尔）。资产阶级党掌握着各种资源，并得到现有资产阶级的支持，拥有经济上的统治权、录峭I」权，掌握着国家机器和种种意识形态国家机器,等等。它要存在,不需要预先团结人民群众以赢得他们对自己观念的支持:是这个社会秩序本身承担了这项说服、宣传和拉拢工作。对于资产阶级党来说，在更多的情况下，只需要有效地组织好它的选举大战,就可以从这种被转化为利益攸关的信仰的统治中收获全部胜利的果实了。这也就是为什么资产阶级党根本不需要科学的学说就能持续存在下去:它只需要对占统治地位的意识形态的那些基本主题进行耕耘，就足以集合起事先就被说服的“支持者”了。相反,工人党则没有任何东西可以提供给自己的党员：既没有教士似的职位，也没有物质上的好处。工人党如实地表现自己:它是工人的阶级斗争组织，它的一切力量来自科学的学说和因同意党的章程而自愿入党者的自由意志。"}
{"instruction": "作者明知一切哲学论点的高度抽象性意味着什么，为什么仍然主张人人（潜在地）都是哲学家？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "考;在这里,如果不从整体上撼动这个结构,就不可能对任何东西重新提出疑问。由此我们就明白，马克思主义哲学家能够并且必须成为和与世隔绝的人完全不同的人:成为在哲学中思考阶级斗争的理论发展的理论条件的战士，成为不仅在哲学中而且在政治实践中像战士一样行动的理论家。可能还剩下最后一个问题，它把我们拉回这篇论文的开始：这个问题就是，为什么人人都是哲学家？如果我们愿意承认一切哲学论点的高度抽象性都必须以对所有社会实践领域的深入认识为前提，那么这个命题就是悖论性的。我们很容易就会承认人人都是“意识形态动物”①,因为人只能在一些观念的制约下生存和行动— 那是一些关于他的实践的观念,或者是关于统治着他自己的实践的那些实践的观念。但要说人人都是哲学家！在刚才所说的内容之后，我们可能会承认，虽然在哲学家的哲学的意义上并非人人都自觉地是哲学家,但人们至少通过占统治地位的意识形态，或通过以哲学的方式得到制定的被统治阶级的意识形态，接受了一些作为哲学“散落物\"的哲学,因为它们最终都渗透到他们自发的意识形态中。确实,在这个意义上,人人都潜在地是哲学家,因为假以时间和手段，人人都能对在其个人和社会条件中以这种方式自发地体验到的哲学要素获得意识。但要实际上成为哲学家，人们会建议 ①参见本书第228页正文和注释。"}
{"instruction": "Skinner's model excelled at explaining how external stimuli shape habit, but what gap did Clear say it left open, and what kind of model does he claim to present in its place?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "by Charles Duhigg. Behavioral scientists like Skinner realized that if you offered the right reward or punishment, you could get people to act in a certain way. But while Skinner’s model did an excellent job of explaining how external stimuli influenced our habits, it lacked a good explanation for how our thoughts, feelings, and beliefs impact our behavior. Internal states—our moods and emotions—matter, too. In recent decades, scientists have begun to determine the connection between our thoughts, feelings, and behavior. This research will also be covered in these pages. In total, the framework I offer is an integrated model of the cognitive and behavioral sciences. I believe it is one of the first models of human behavior to accurately account for both the influence of external stimuli and internal emotions on our habits. While some of the language may be familiar, I am confident that the details—and the applications of the Four Laws of Behavior Change—will offer a new way to think about your habits."}
{"instruction": "Why does Clear describe the human brain as a prediction machine, and what happens in it when you encounter the same situation repeatedly?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "Experienced radiologists can look at a brain scan and predict the area where a stroke will develop before any obvious signs are visible to the untrained eye. I’ve even heard of hairdressers noticing whether a client is pregnant based only on the feel of her hair. The human brain is a prediction machine. It is continuously taking in your surroundings and analyzing the information it comes across. Whenever you experience something repeatedly—like a paramedic seeing the face of a heart attack patient or a military analyst seeing a missile on a radar screen—your brain begins noticing what is important, sorting through the details and highlighting the relevant cues, and cataloging that information for future use. With enough practice, you can pick up on the cues that predict certain outcomes without consciously thinking about it. Automatically, your brain encodes the lessons learned through experience. We can’t always explain what it is we are learning, but learning is happening all along the way, and your ability to notice the relevant cues in a given situation is the foundation for every habit you have."}
{"instruction": "What are the 'supernormal stimuli of our modern world' in Clear's account, and what do they do to our instincts and habits?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "Online porn splices together stimulating scenes at a rate that would be impossible to replicate in real life. Advertisements are created with a combination of ideal lighting, professional makeup, and Photoshopped edits—even the model doesn’t look like the person in the final image. These are the supernormal stimuli of our modern world. They exaggerate features that are naturally attractive to us, and our instincts go wild as a result, driving us into excessive shopping habits, social media habits, porn habits, eating habits, and many others. If history serves as a guide, the opportunities of the future will be more attractive than those of today. The trend is for rewards to become more concentrated and stimuli to become more enticing. Junk food is a more concentrated form of calories than natural foods. Hard liquor is a more concentrated form of alcohol than beer. Video games are a more concentrated form of play than board games. Compared to nature, these pleasure-packed experiences are hard to resist."}
{"instruction": "How does Clear propose reframing saving money, distraction during meditation, and pregame jitters so that each becomes a source of pleasure rather than limitation?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "It’s time to build endurance and get fast.” Finance. Saving money is often associated with sacrifice. However, you can associate it with freedom rather than limitation if you realize one simple truth: living below your current means increases your future means. The money you save this month increases your purchasing power next month. Meditation. Anyone who has tried meditation for more than three seconds knows how frustrating it can be when the next distraction inevitably pops into your mind. You can transform frustration into delight when you realize that each interruption gives you a chance to practice returning to your breath. Distraction is a good thing because you need distractions to practice meditation. Pregame jitters. Many people feel anxious before delivering a big presentation or competing in an important event. They experience quicker breathing, a faster heart rate, heightened arousal. If we interpret these feelings negatively, then we feel threatened and tense up."}
{"instruction": "What does Clear mean by 'addition by subtraction', and how do habit-forming products such as meal delivery and ride-sharing show it at work?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "I like to refer to this strategy as addition by subtraction . * The Japanese companies looked for every point of friction in the manufacturing process and eliminated it. As they subtracted wasted effort, they added customers and revenue. Similarly, when we remove the points of friction that sap our time and energy, we can achieve more with less effort. (This is one reason tidying up can feel so good: we are simultaneously moving forward and lightening the cognitive load our environment places on us.) If you look at the most habit-forming products, you’ll notice that one of the things these goods and services do best is remove little bits of friction from your life. Meal delivery services reduce the friction of shopping for groceries. Dating apps reduce the friction of making social introductions. Ride-sharing services reduce the friction of getting across town. Text messaging reduces the friction of sending a letter in the mail. Like a Japanese television manufacturer redesigning their workspace to reduce wasted motion, successful companies design their products to automate, eliminate, or simplify as many steps as possible."}
{"instruction": "In the Pakistani neighborhood Stephen Luby studied, why did his team conclude the problem was not knowledge, and whom did they partner with to fix it?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "Nearly one third of the children living there were malnourished. With so many people crammed into such a small space, viruses and bacterial infections spread rapidly. It was this public health crisis that had brought Stephen Luby to Pakistan. Luby and his team realized that in an environment with poor sanitation, the simple habit of washing your hands could make a real difference in the health of the residents. But they soon discovered that many people were already aware that handwashing was important. And yet, despite this knowledge, many residents were washing their hands in a haphazard fashion. Some people would just run their hands under the water quickly. Others would only wash one hand. Many would simply forget to wash their hands before preparing food. Everyone said handwashing was important, but few people made a habit out of it. The problem wasn’t knowledge. The problem was consistency. That was when Luby and his team partnered with Procter & Gamble to supply the neighborhood with Safeguard soap."}
{"instruction": "Why does Clear argue that habits stick best when they suit your natural abilities, and what does he say is both the strength and the weakness of genes?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "This is just as true with habit change as it is with sports and business. Habits are easier to perform, and more satisfying to stick with, when they align with your natural inclinations and abilities. Like Michael Phelps in the pool or Hicham El Guerrouj on the track, you want to play a game where the odds are in your favor. Embracing this strategy requires the acceptance of the simple truth that people are born with different abilities. Some people don’t like to discuss this fact. On the surface, your genes seem to be fixed, and it’s no fun to talk about things you cannot control. Plus, phrases like biological determinism makes it sound like certain individuals are destined for success and others doomed to failure. But this is a shortsighted view of the influence of genes on behavior. The strength of genetics is also their weakness. Genes cannot be easily changed, which means they provide a powerful advantage in favorable circumstances and a serious disadvantage in unfavorable circumstances."}
{"instruction": "What evidence does Clear give that traits such as extroversion and agreeableness have biological underpinnings?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "Neuroticism: anxious and sensitive to confident, calm, and stable. All five characteristics have biological underpinnings. Extroversion, for instance, can be tracked from birth. If scientists play a loud noise in the nursing ward, some babies turn toward it while others turn away. When the researchers tracked these children through life, they found that the babies who turned toward the noise were more likely to grow up to be extroverts. Those who turned away were more likely to become introverts. People who are high in agreeableness are kind, considerate, and warm. They also tend to have higher natural oxytocin levels, a hormone that plays an important role in social bonding, increases feelings of trust, and can act as a natural antidepressant. You can easily imagine how someone with more oxytocin might be inclined to build habits like writing thank-you notes or organizing social events. As a third example, consider neuroticism, which is a personality trait all people possess to various degrees."}
{"instruction": "In Escape from Freedom, what second technological revolution does Fromm say is now replacing not only man's physical energy but his brain and nervous reactions, and what new anxiety does it breed in the most developed industrial countries?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "since then attempts have been made to reduce the danger of a similar crisis, the destructive weapons still exist, the buttons are there, the men charged with pushing them when necessity seems to com mand it are there, anxiety and helplessness are still there. Aside from the nuclear revolution, the cybernetic revolution has developed more rapidly than many could have foreseen twenty-five years ago. We are entering the second industrial revolution in which not only human physical energy-man's hands and arms as it were-but also his brain and his nervous reactions are being replaced by machines. In the most developed industrial countries such as the United States, new anxieties develop because of the threat of increasing structural unemployment; man feels still smaller when confronted with the phe nomenon not only of giant enterprises, but of an almost self-regulating world of computers which think much faster, and often more correctly, than he"}
{"instruction": "What does Fromm credit Freud with discovering about irrational behavior and character structure, and what limits of Freud's own cultural horizon does he point out before building on his discoveries?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "He discovered that these ir rationalities as well as the whole character struc ture of an individual were reactions to the influences exercised by the outside world and particu larly by those occurring in early childhood. But Freud was so imbued with the spirit of his culture that he could not go beyond certain limits which were set by it. These very limits became limitations for his understanding even of the sick individual; they handicapped his understanding of the normal individual and of the irrational phenomena operating in social life. Since this book stresses the role of psychological factors in the whole of the social process and since this analysis is based on some of the fundamental discoveries of Freud-particularly those concern ing the operation of unconscious forces in man's character and their dependence on external influ ences-I think it will be helpful to the reader to know from the outset some of the general prin"}
{"instruction": "According to Fromm's account of the psychological analysis of doctrines, what can such an analysis actually show about a thinker's motives, and what happens to ideas that are not rooted in powerful needs of the personality?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "implies, although such analysis may lead to a better understanding of the real meaning of a doctrine and thereby influence one's value judgment. What the psychological analysis of doctrines can show is the subjective motivations which make a person aware of certain problems and make him seek for answers in certain directions. Any kind of thought, true or false, if it is more than a superficial conformance with conventional ideas, is motivated by the subjective needs and interests of the person who is thinking. It happens that some interests are furthered by finding the truth, others by de stroying it. But in both cases the psychological motivations are important incentives for arriving at certain conclusions. We can go even further and say that ideas which are not rooted in powerful needs of the personality will have little influence on the actions and on the whole life of the person concerned. If we analyze religious or political doctrines with"}
{"instruction": "How does Fromm link the Protestant believer's solitary, individualistic relationship to God with the individualistic character of man's secular economic activities under capitalism?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "entirely subjective experience and with Calvin the conviction of salvation also had this same subjec tive · quality. The individual facing God's might alone could not help feeling crushed and seeking salvation in complete submission. Psychologically this spiritual individualism is not too different from the economic individualism. In both instances the individual is completely alone and in his isolation faces the superior power, be it of God, of com petitors, or of impersonal economic forces. The individualistic re'lationship to God was the psy chological preparation for the individualistic char acter o-f man's secul,a:r activities. While the individualistic character of the eco nomic system is an undisputed fact and only the effect this economic individualism has in increas- - ing the individual's aloneness may appear doubtful, the point we are going to discuss now contradicts some of the most widespread conventional con cepts about capitalism."}
{"instruction": "Why does Fromm break off the main line of his argument at this point to devote a whole chapter to the psychological mechanisms of escape, and why does he feel these premises need detailed elaboration?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "new forms of authority or by a compulsive con forming to accepted patterns. / CHAPTER V Mechanisms of Escape WE have brought our discussion up to the present period and would now proceed to discuss the psychological significance of Fascism and the meaning of freedom in the authoritarian systems and in our own democracy. However, since the validity of our whole argument depends on the validity of our psychological premises, it seems desirable to interrupt the general trend of thought and devote a chapter to a more detailed and con crete discussion of those psychological mechanisms which we have already touched upon and which we are later going to discuss. These premises re quire a detailed discussion because they are based on concepts which deal with unconscious forces and the ways in which they find expression in rationalizations and character traits, concepts which for many readers will seem, if not foreign, at least to warrant elaboration."}
{"instruction": "What does Fromm say masochistic striving actually achieves, and why does it leave the individual caught in new suffering when it exceeds the average amount of masochism in his social group?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": ":MECHANISMS OF ESCAPE succeeds in eliminating the conspicuous suffering but not in removing the underlying conflict and the silent unhappiness. When the masochistic striving does not find a cultural pattern or when it quan titatively exceeds the average amount of masochism in the individual's social group, the masochistic solution does not even solve anything in relative terms. It springs from an unbearable situation, tends to overcome it, and leaves the individual caught in new suffering. If human behavior were always rational and purposeful, masochism would be as inexplicable as neurotic · manifestations in general are. This,-however, is what the study of emotional and mental disturbances has taught us: that human behavior can be motivated by strivings which are caused by anxiety or some other unbearable state of mind, that these strivings tend to overcome this emotional state and yet merely cover up its most visible manifestations, or not even these."}
{"instruction": "What does Fromm identify as the reservoir from which particular hostile tendencies are nourished, and how did the middle class in the age of the Reformation express its hostility?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "life produce the passion for destruction that forms, so to speak, the reservoir from which the particular hostile tendencies-either against others or against oneself-are nourished. It goes without saying how important it is not only to realize the dynamic role of destructiveness in the social process but also to understand what the specific conditions for its intensity are. We have already noted the hostility which pervaded the middle class in the age of the Reformation and which found its expression in certain religious con cepts of Protestantism, especially in its ascetic spirit, and in Calvin's picture of a merciless God to whom it had been pleasing to sentence part of mankind to eternal damnation foര no fault of their own. Then, as later, the middle class expressed its hostility mainly disguised as moral indignation, which rationalized an intense envy against those who had the means to enjoy life. In our contemporary scene the destructiveness of the lower mid"}
{"instruction": "Using the example of the sado-masochistic character, how does Fromm show that single concepts such as love, sacrifice and difference take their meaning from a person's emotional matrix?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "thinking, are greatly determined by the personality structure of the person who thinks. This holds true for the whole of a doctrine or of a theoretical system as well as for a single concept, like love, justice, equality, sacrifice. Each such concept and each doctrine has an emotional matrix and this matrix is rooted in the character structure of the individual. We have given many illustrations of this in the foregoing chapters. With regard to doctrines we have tried to show the emotional roots of early Protestantism and modem authoritarianism. With regard to single concepts we have shown that for the sado-masochistic character, for example, love means symbiotic dependence, not mutual affirma tion and union on the basis of equality; sacrifice means the utmost subordination of the individual self to something higher, not _assertion of one's mental and moral self; difference means difference in power, not the realization of individuality on"}
{"instruction": "What does Fromm say is the task of psychology as an empirical science in studying motivation by ideals, and what distinction between the psychological phenomena of want and those of abundance does he introduce at the end?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "frequently mere phrases or rationalizations, can be genuine strivings, and that any analysis which does not deal with these strivings as dynamic fac tors is fallacious. These ideals have no metaphysi cal character but are rooted in the conditions of human life and can be analyzed as such. The fear of falling back into metaphysical or idealistic con cepts should not stand in the way of such analysis. It is the task of psychology as an empirical science to study motivation by ideals as well as the moral problems connected with them, and thereby to free our thinking on such matters from the unempirical and metaphysical elements that befog the issues in their traditional treatment. Finally, one other point of difference should be mentioned. It concerns the differentiation between psychological phenomena of want and those of abundance. The primitive level of human exist ence is that of want. There are imperative needs which have to be satisfied before anything else."}
{"instruction": "According to Hebdige, what contradictory political responses did the July riots license in Britain, and how did the syndicated photographs of the riots draw on the familiar iconography of the American city-in-crisis?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "Money was suddenly found for limited job creation and youth opportunity schemes. Community policing programmes were floated and assessed. Attention was drawn to the damage caused by Thatcherite intransigence. At the same time, the riots served to harden the law and order lobby's opposition to the principle of \"no go areas\", and were cited in parliamentary debates to justify the drift into coercion: the introduction of the \"short sharp shock centres\", water cannon, tear gas, battle dress, the transplantation of the full technology of crowd control from Northern Ireland to the mainland. All these conflicting possibilities were licensed by what happened that July, by the riots, the reports and the syndicated photographs of riots: bleak studies of shattered glass, burning buildings and violent confrontation. Those photographs recall a familiar iconography, the iconography of the American city-in-crisis, and were filtered through the negative mythology surrounding the American metropolis where"}
{"instruction": "Following John Tagg, how does Hebdige argue that photography served the scientific administration of the urban setting, and how did the camera supplant earlier police systems of classifying criminals?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "important. It indicates a new departure: the systematic monitoring by means of photographic plates and daguerreotypes ofpotential juvenile offenders. As John Tagg has ably demonstrated, 5 the scientific administration ofthe urban setting required for its functioning a mass of evidence, statistics, documentation - details about the most intimate aspects of individual lives. It required a supportive, efficient bureaucracy. The camera supplanted earlier systems ofclassification employed by the police to identify known criminals and record the distinctive features of new ones. By drawing representation closer to reality, photography seemed to make the dream ofcomplete surveillance realisable. Inscribed in photography and photographic practice from its very inception, there were these official documentary uses, this potential for surveillance, by no means neutral, representing, rather, a particular point ofview, particular interests, embodying a desire and a will to know the"}
{"instruction": "What does Hebdige say this paper sets out to map regarding the 'spectre of Americanisation', the separation of the 'serious' from the 'popular', and whether fears of Americanisation were borne out by empirical research?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "fundamental \"British\" or \"European\" values and attitudes and further associated this \"levelling down\" of moral and aesthetic standards with the arrival in Britain of consumer goods which were either imported from America or designed and manufactured \"on American lines\". I shall open by mapping out the connections between certain varieties of cultural conservatism focusing on the''spectre ofAmericanisation\" and indicating some of the ways in .which the ideologically weighted separation of the \"serious\" from the \"popular\" was undertaken. I shall then analyse the formation of those connotational codes which framed the reception given by certain key elites to imported streamlined products and popular American music. Finally, I shall attempt to assess how far the fears concerning the impending \"Americanisation\" and \"homogenisation\" of British society were borne out by empirical work in the sociological and market research fields. This paper deals, then,"}
{"instruction": "Why did European design authorities regard a streamlined refrigerator as blasphemous and subversive, and what possibility of an 'intertextuality of industrial design' did such objects introduce?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "immediate and uniformly hostile. A streamlined refrigerator was interpreted as an act of provocation in direct defiance of the most fundamental principle of\"good design\" - that \"form follows function\". Such an object was plainly blasphemous: a hymn to excess. It was \"decorative\", \"decadent\" and its offensiveness as far as the European design authorities were concerned hinged on its arbitrariness. The intrusion of an expressive design vocabulary which bore no inlrinsic relation to the commodities it shaped was plainly subversive. It introduced the possibility of an inlerlexlualily of industrial design - ofthe unrestricted passage of signifiers across the surfaces of a whole range of unrelated products without any reference whatsoever to \"essential\" qualities such as \"function\" and this ran absolutely counter to the prevailing \"modern\" orthodoxy. (The fact that so much Modern Movement rhetoric was based on an equally arbitrary analogy with"}
{"instruction": "What did Hebdige say finally proved disturbing to cultural critics about mass production, and how did Banham's phrase about the 'chromium horde' capture the threat to the 'authentic' and the 'unique'?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "linked to conflicting definitions of material progress, and the rhetoric of modernism with its references to \"beautiful machines\" and \"well-made objects\" served only to obscure the extent to which mass production technology under \"free market\" conditions necessarily entailed the transformation and displacement of traditional aesthetic criteria and established social distinctions. It was the simultaneous articulation of the fact of accessibility and reproducibility (a million streamlined Chevrolets, a million streamlined radios) which finally proved disturbing to so many cultural critics. A run of different commodities rendered indistinguishable through the identical lines which enfolded them represented in Banham's words, \"a chromium horde bearing down on you\"73 for a group of European intellectuals educated in a tradition which placed (and still continues to place) - value on the \"authentic\", the \"unique\" or at the very least the \"honest\" and the"}
{"instruction": "In the section 'The production of consumers', what broader shifts in production, capital accumulation and corporate power did the 'packaging' of machine parts signal beyond a mere change in the look of things?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "The production of consumers This convergence of form in the designs for machines in related categories is not in itself remarkable. After all, design innovations are meant to set trends. However, the encasement of mechanical parts in metal or plastic \"envelopes\" - a development associated historically with the emergence ofstreamlining - signalled more than just a change in the look ofthings. It marked a general shift in production processes, in the scale and rate of capital accumulation, in the relationship between commodity production and the market. The drift towards a more systematic \"packaging\" of objects, itself linked to the growth of the consultancies, coincided with a much broader development - the rise of the giant corporations - the modem conglomerates and multi-nationals - with the concentration of power and resources into larger and larger units, a movement which in turn had required a fundamental reorganisation ofsocial and cultural life: the translation of masses into"}
{"instruction": "Why did the same book appear in America and Britain under different titles and covers, and what does Hebdige say this translation involved negotiating between the two readerships?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "However, when the same book was published in Britain it appeared as Post Modern Culture with a bright yellow cover consisting of a photograph of a postmodernist \"installation\" incorporating cameras, speakers, etc., complete with comic-book sound and light rays. The translation of postmodernism as a set of discourses addressed in America to a demographically dispersed, university and gallery centred constituency for a similar, though perhaps slightly more diverse, more geographically concentrated readership in Britain (where cultural pluralism, multiculturalism, the appeal or otherwise of \"Americana\", the flattening out of aesthetic and moral standards, etc., are still \"hot\" issues and where there is still - despite all the factional disputes and fragmentations ofthe last twenty' years - a sizeable, organised left) involved the negotiation of different cultural-semantic background expectancies. National differences were further highlighted during the weekend"}
{"instruction": "Following Marshall Berman's terms, how does Hebdige set out the components of 'postmodernisation' alongside those of 'postmodernism' and the experience of the Post?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "Law, not as its accomplice).18 In each case, a particular (end of) subjectivity, a particular subjective modality, a distinct, universal structure of feeling is posited alongside the diagnostic critique of the contemporary condition. Just as Marshall Berman proposes that modernisation (urbanisation, industrialisation, mechanisation) and modernism, the later answering wave of innovations in the arts together articulated a third , term, the experience of modernity itself; so the prophets ofthe Post are suggesting that postmodernisation (automation, micro technologies, decline of manual labour and traditional work forms, consumerism, the rise of multinational media conglomerates, deregulation of the airwaves, etc.) together with postmodernism (bricolage, pastiche, allegory, the \"hyperspace\" of the new architecture) are serving to articulate the experience of the Post. Whereas the experience of modernity represented an undecidable mix ofanticipated freedoms and"}
{"instruction": "What hopeful possibility does Hebdige hold out in the other space beyond the 'multiple fatalities' announced within the Post, and what major shifts of the last twenty years does he list?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "we do get dragged in that direction then we can always pass through the gates: there is another side, an after-life beyond the multiple fatalities announced within the Post. And in this other space a sense ofpossibility is being engendered as new and different voices emerge to articulate positive critical energies, energies which cannot be appropriated to the \"fatal\" systems favoured by some (predominantly? exclusively?) male intellectuals, and which are conveyed along networks and circuits within which the university, the academy and the gallery no longer function as significant termini or are bypassed altogether. This much is clear: in the last twenty years or so, there have been major shifts in consumption, in popular cultural forms, rituals, dispositions; in the degree of conglomeration within the communications industries; in general patterns of capital investment and technological development which have registered deeply in the textures ofeveryday life in the States"}
{"instruction": "Using Bob Marley as a case, how would the earlier subculturalist perspective have judged Island Records' marketing of him, and how does a shift of emphasis revalue his address to panglobal 'African' interests?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "generalised from, appropriated to other struggles in othercontexts. The international systems of communication now available have been used in recent years explicitly to articulate panglobaJ affinities within the black diaspora. Bob Marley's high profile promulgation of the rasta world view is a case in point. From the earliersubculturalist perspective the marketing by Island Records of Marley's dreadlocks-and-ganja image, the adoption of a high quality, packaged album sound and the inclusion of rock guitar riffs would have been regarded as a negative \"dilution\" of an original (angry) essence, a deflection ofenergies away from the master projects of \"resistance\" and \"refusal\". The more positive orientations required by a shift to an emphasis on vital strategies, however, stresses the extent to which Marley's address to panglobal \"African\" interests across the First and the Third Worlds, his historically significant appearance, for instance, at the celebrations to"}
{"instruction": "Why does Hebdige find the collective response of the Montreal group disappointing, and which unconstructive features of that response does he list?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "and the Geldof intervention concerning the mobilisation ofaffect, the as yet barely explored potentialities for organising and redirecting material and \"immaterial\" resources through affective networks opened up within transnational communication forms and systems. From the point of view of the analysis sketched out here, the collective response of the Montreal group may appear disappointing. The bitter denunciations of bad faith and naiVete, the relentless negativity, the commitment to the \"depth model\" of analysis (the real reasons for the famine) seem ungenerous and unappealing because they are essentially unconstructive. They prejudge the issue (issue: outflow, offspring, progeny; (from the verb public giving-out)). Such a response seems so fatally fixated on the rectitude and propriety ofits own line that it can offer no realistic means for working with and on the resources of optimism, good faith and good will tapped to such effect by the"}
{"instruction": "In The Culture Map, how does the 'Deaf Dulac' story seem to reverse the usual stereotype that the French are indirect, subtle communicators while Americans are blunt and direct?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "assumption about the French is that they are masters of implicit and indirect communication, speaking and listening with subtlety and sensitivity, while Americans are thought of as prone to explicit and direct communication—the blunter the better. Yet in the story of “Deaf Dulac,” an American supervisor complains that his French subordinate lacks the sophistication to grasp his meaning, while the French manager seems happily oblivious to the message her boss is trying to convey. Faced with this seemingly counterintuitive situation, you might assume that Webber and Dulac simply have incompatible personalities, regardless of their cultural backgrounds. So you might assume. But suppose you happened to be speaking with twenty or thirty French managers living in the United States, and you heard similar stories from a dozen of them. As they explained, one by one, how their American bosses gave them negative feedback in a way they found confusing, ambiguous, or downright misleading, you"}
{"instruction": "How does Erin Meyer explain the way her culture scales are built, using Germany's place on the Scheduling scale as her worked example?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "country on the map can apply the book’s concepts to their interactions with colleagues from any other country. Some may object that these scales don’t give adequate weight to cultural variations among individuals, subcultures, regions, and organizations. Understanding how the scales were created may help you see how such variations are reflected in the scales, as well as how you can most accurately apply the insights that the scales provide. As an example, let’s look at the placement of Germany on the Scheduling scale, which reflects how people in various cultures tend to manage time. The first step is interviewing mid-level German managers, asking them to speak about the importance of being flexible versus organized when it comes to scheduling meetings, projects, or timelines. Of course, individual responses vary, but a normative pattern emerges. A bell curve illustrates the range of what is considered appropriate and acceptable business behavior"}
{"instruction": "What does Meyer say distinguishes constructive from destructive negative feedback across cultures, and which two scales do the French and Americans swap places on?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "As we will see, the French and the Americans are not the only cultures that swap places on the Communicating and Evaluating scales. The Evaluating scale will provide you with important insights into how to give effective performance appraisals and negative feedback in different parts of the world. People from all cultures believe in “constructive criticism.” Yet what is considered constructive in one culture may be viewed as destructive in another. Getting negative feedback right can motivate your employees and strengthen your reputation as a fair and professional colleague. Getting it wrong can demoralize an entire team and earn you an undeserved reputation as an unfeeling tyrant or a hopelessly incompetent manager. SPEAKING FRANKLY: A GIFT OR A SLAP IN THE FACE? One Thursday in mid-January, I had been holed up for six hours in a dark conference room with twelve people participating in my executive education program. It was a group coaching day, and each executive had thirty minutes"}
{"instruction": "What tips does Meyer give for presenting to French, Spanish, or German audiences, and how did Brazilian engineer Jorge Da Silva adjust his persuasion when influencing a new team in Houston?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "Presenting to French, Spaniards, or Germans? Spend more time setting the parameters and explaining the background before jumping to your conclusion. STRATEGIES FOR PERSUADING ACROSS CULTURES Effective leadership often relies on the ability to persuade others to change their systems, adopt new methods of working, or adjust to new trends in markets, technologies, or business models. So if you are a manager of a team whose members come from a culture different from your own, learning to adapt your persuasive technique to your audience can be crucial. Jorge Da Silva, a Brazilian engineer with a steel company headquartered in southern Brazil, explains how he learned to use a different approach when seeking to influence a new team of colleagues located in Houston, Texas: We had developed a new method for monitoring safety risks in our plants that was working beautifully and required less oversight than the status quo. Our Latin American offices were in the process of adopting the"}
{"instruction": "How does the Protestant Reformation help explain where European countries land on the Leading scale, and why does Meyer call these historical observations oversimplifications?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "One interpretation of this pattern is that the Protestant Reformation largely removed the traditional hierarchy from the church. In many strains of Protestantism, the individual speaks directly to God instead of speaking to God through the priest, the bishop, and the pope. Thus, it’s natural that societies in which Protestant religions predominate tend to be more egalitarian than those dominated by Catholicism. Of course, all three of these historical observations are dramatic oversimplifications, as each country has a rich and complex history that helps shape its leadership beliefs. But even in this day of text messaging and video calls, where cross-cultural interactions are commonplace, events that took place thousands of years ago continue to influence the cultures in which individuals are raised and formed—and these historical forces help to explain why European countries appear in such widely different locations on the Leading scale. Meanwhile, a glance to the right-hand side of the scale,"}
{"instruction": "What does Meyer contrast between American and German decision making, and which institutions embody the German preference for consensus?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "arriving first and working hard, regarding mistakes as an inevitable and ultimately insignificant side effect of speed. As a corollary, Americans developed a dislike for too much discussion, which would just slow them down, preferring to make decisions quickly, often based on scanty information, whether by the leader or by voting. Of course, today’s American businesspeople are not looking for gold in California ditches or searching for arable farmland on empty plains, but this emphasis on rapid individual decision making, accompanied by the sense that decisions can always be changed, remains strong in the national culture. By contrast, the preference for consensual decision making permeates many German companies, where power is generally vested not in one CEO but in a small group of senior managers who manage through group agreement. Larger companies have an Aufsichtstrat, or supervisory board, which appoints a Vorstand, or managerial board."}
{"instruction": "Why did the first week of Karl Morel's Shanghai joint-venture talks with eight Chinese executives feel like one uphill battle after another to him?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "Powly and Morez managed to complete their deal without ever discovering the source of their discomfort. Nestlé’s Karl Morel, who found himself in a similarly challenging situation, required more explicit advice to improve his effectiveness when negotiating a joint venture in China. An acquisitions expert from the German-speaking region of Switzerland, Morel led a negotiation team for multinational food giant Nestlé. The team traveled to Shanghai to explore a potential joint venture with a company specializing in packaged Chinese delicacies. The initial meetings with eight Chinese executives proved to be a baffling experience for Morel. While he and his colleagues tried to be friendly and transparent, providing all the business details the Chinese asked for, the Chinese seemed closed and secretive. “They were impenetrable. They were tough as nails and unwilling to budge on any of their demands. That first week was one uphill battle after another,” Morel recalls."}
{"instruction": "从山上的房子朝西望去，开罗呈现出怎样一片中世纪景象，作者用哪些比喻来描绘它那一片尖塔森林？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "它们之于开罗，也许正如蒂沃利花园之于哥本哈根。这座城市的生活的另一层带有朦胧的中世纪色彩，直接遗传自阿拉伯征服者从东方的沙漠里旋风般冲过来、以伊斯兰教的名义攫夺了埃及的那些时代。从山上的房子里朝西望去，你会看到这座城市斑驳陆离的部分。那一片微呈褐色，杂乱混沌，似乎流溢出（如果你天性富于想象力）一种岁月、香料与污秽的蒸汽。这是中世纪的开罗。一片无与伦比的尖塔森林，从那破碎的大杂烩街道里一跃而出：这座塔带着螺旋楼梯，那座塔带有球茎状屋顶，有的是单体，有的是双体，有的像胡椒瓶，有的像蜀葵，有的优雅而简单，有的华丽而自负，有的形如阳具，有的端庄娴静，从密密麻麻围绕在周围的房屋里升起，像是如此之多、各色各样的通风井从同一个地下室里冒出来。据说在开罗，一年中的每一天都有一座清真寺与其对应，而在清真寺周围，徘徊着奇迹般腌制保存的中世纪伊斯兰教的灵魂，刚刚从万物有灵论与异教徒迷信的混沌中浮现。在这些狭窄的街巷与摇晃的屋舍中，恶魔之眼依然有着强大的力量，一百种禁忌与符咒约束了日常生活的进程。在城墙的一道大门上，你仍然可以看到脏兮兮的亚麻和纸张的碎片，它们被钉在那儿是为了向某个模糊的史前圣人祈愿。一座清真寺里有节庆活动时，吱嘎作响的秋千为孩子们竖起来，望不到头的人流整夜围着本地圣人的墓喧嚷，然后美术馆里所有那些中世纪的角色在"}
{"instruction": "作者觉得悉尼港与里约、香港、旧金山相比如何，又是怎样的光景让他不时想起哪座城市？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "纸不是迟钝就是令人反感，最终，当你在这个著名的地方渴求美或安慰时，你会不情不愿地回到港湾，那里有船带着优雅的小心翼翼向下碇处驶去，还有巨大的拱桥犹如主宰者般耸立在码头上方。一个陌生人说这些话很是刺耳，不过，没有什么对比比悉尼与其环境之间的不和谐更刺眼。在我心中，这个港口不如它通常被人提及的同侪里约、香港和旧金山漂亮，但仍然是极其可爱的。在一个清爽的有阳光的下午站在北头，南太平洋上一轮波涛滚滚而来，游艇在布莱德雷海岬外悠闲地摇动——这样一个下午，站在悉尼的门户，就是一种经典的旅游体验：你头顶的天空是如此难以言喻的澳洲的蓝，港口中无数的山凹与峡湾如此出人意料、惹人心动，驶向大海的油轮如此沉着，阿索尔湾里的战船如此安静而气派，那座桥于海角之上拱起的驼背是如此宏伟却又畸形。这样的环境所匹配的该是旧金山，实际上，这个急切的旅行者偶尔发现悉尼让自己想起那个天国般的海港。他会在冬日的薄雾中看见相似之处：每一道深景尽头处海水的拍打，乌鲁姆鲁湾上面的领地公园中清凉的绿色花园，如此惬意地安坐于港口上方悬崖上的别墅。如果碰上合适的悉尼人，他将会品味到同样谨慎却又永远不乏幽默的勤勉，对一段简单往事同样小心翼翼的兴趣，差不多一样欢乐的俱乐部，以及，国王十字区逼仄的浓缩咖啡馆里相似的任性而坚决的放浪不羁。"}
{"instruction": "跨过卡诺的城门之后，作者看到哪些景象，为什么说这座尼日利亚城市让人感觉像是“另一个国家”？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "叫的收音机时，你会对自己低声说道：“上帝啊，我们让他们陷入了怎样的混乱啊！”在部落的恶魔与进步的蔚蓝深海之间，在古老的宗教与新宗教之间，在酋长会议与厄斯金·梅之间，多少可怜的非洲人被本能与渴望弄得脑子一团糟，荒腔走板地吹着口哨给自己壮胆。但当你走过卡诺的城门，看到它长草的防御墙像密西西比河堤岸一样伸向地平线，所有这一切都在一刹那间消失。在有围墙的城池外面，是南边来的伊博人和约鲁巴人的社区，也是异教徒和不同宗派的基督徒的社区，在他们中间，也许会不时看到戴牛仔帽的年轻人，或者听到拉格泰姆的重音，甚或被人带着在一个猪圈周围转悠；城里全都是穆斯林，一个非洲宣礼员的沙哑的四分音从清真寺尖塔上传来，这里让人感觉到一种风格与潜在的壮观。尽管尼日利亚这三个结成联邦的省各有其独立地位，但卡诺仍然让人感觉是一个不同的国家，它的人民有自己古老而根深蒂固的忠诚，在仪式性的场合（或者旅游海报上），酋长的保镖像古代武士一样披挂古老的锁子甲和面盔。在宫殿附近巨大的白色清真寺，你能够抓住这个浪漫而非凡的城市脉动。一些快乐的囚犯穿着一尘不染的白色编号工作服，在庭院中茫然地闲逛，披头巾的黑人宣礼员在开始爬下梯子以前，在城门附近的平台上颇为紧张地整理他的长袍。接近清真寺尖塔并非总是那么容易，因为"}
{"instruction": "作者如何描绘伦敦法庭上法官与旁听者的表演氛围，伦敦佬文化在当时的处境又如何？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "天的日戏。没有哪位专业演员曾经像女王陛下的法官这样表演过如此莫测的司法审判，他们的脸如同海龟一样在假发层层叠叠的甲壳下皱皱巴巴。他们坐在高椅子上，潦草匆忙地做着笔记，或者，偶尔插入多音节的讥诮之语。没有什么黄金时段的滑稽戏能够胜过最尖锐的伦敦律师，他们像仪器一样陈述辩护状，只要有可能就会让自己以侧面示人，在成功的狂喜中将长袍环裹到身上，仿佛如此之多的布鲁图聚在一起搞刺杀。伦敦的法庭上频频爆发出的笑声往往是没心没肺的；这里有一批由丑老太婆和游手好闲者组成的固定观众，剧院的氛围如此有感染力，以至于被短暂地抬高到明星位置的贫穷被告会在欣赏的目光中流露出苍白的微笑。若是幸运的话，你还可以看到伦敦佬的表演。伦敦佬文化在其发源的这座城市中勉强幸存下来：出租车司机、小商贩和报贩搬往市郊，被重新安置在高价公寓里，或者发现自己的口音、忠诚和幽默感被淹没在这个时代的千篇一律中。多年前，官方就已经将卖花人从皮卡迪利广场清走，甚至作为伦敦传统的街头艺人、过去常为剧场排队者提供娱乐的逃亡艺术家、国家展览馆外人行道上的艺术家也正被慢慢驱赶得不见踪影。但是，这种文化依然幸存，并且依然是一切传统中真正最好出风头的。即使到今天，你仍然可以偶尔在游乐会和庆典上看到珍珠国王和王后——伦敦果蔬手推车小贩，这个行当的民间世袭君主，他们穿着"}
{"instruction": "悉尼与它周围的荒野之间形成怎样的反差，作者为什么说自己在悉尼时像是透过玻璃或镜中影像在看这座城市？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "限制了广告经理在电梯里的发挥。附近总有矮树丛林。即使到了现在，无所不在的绿色斑点仍然让这座大都市像是荒原的闯入者，人们每天从几乎还未开垦的灌木丛林的乡村赶去悉尼上班。沿霍克斯布里河逆流而上，一越出这座大都市的边界，就能看到依然不通公路的社区，由突突响的河船每天送来邮件，那船在溪流和水渠中小心翼翼地行进，穿过小袋鼠蹦跳、考拉反刍的林地，在由棚屋和平房组成的小村落旁摇摇晃晃的码头卸下邮件，然后由破旧蹒跚的牡蛎捕捞船运走——而在橡胶树林后面，开着空调的悉尼高楼几乎还没有隐没到视线之外！到处都是海水，从无数个水湾不知不觉地进入这座城市，似乎是一种没有实质的海，很少将含盐的微风的强烈味道送入市区街道，事实上，我觉得那始终像是淡水。悉尼的历史，像澳大利亚的历史一样，本质上是空洞的，对于曾经在这儿发生的事几乎没有兴趣，甚至这个地方的胜利本身也有一种冷血的特性，它的风格中有一种苍白，甚至在人流高峰时间也有一丝奇特的消音，让你反复想起山岭之外那片广阔的荒凉。这种情绪攫住了许多澳大利亚的艺术家，并且非常奇怪地影响到我。有时在悉尼，我感觉自己压根儿就没有直接看到这城市，而是透过玻璃看到它，或者也许是看到它在镜中的影像。当我处于这样一种心绪时，它的边缘显得怪异地模糊不清，它明澈的光线缺乏折射，没"}
{"instruction": "作者如何描写柏林街头的混杂景象，它笔下的柏林墙和东柏林亚历山大广场当时又是什么样子？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "堆，穷光蛋和阔佬混杂：带婴儿的吉卜赛乞丐，牵狗的布尔乔亚女士，餐厅饭桌旁拥抱的情侣，黑乎乎的门道里未刮胡子的外币贩子，灯光明亮的鞋店外演奏斯卡拉蒂的管乐三人组，在两棵树中间的一根绳子上不太熟练地走动的杂技演员，不知疲倦的鼓手，冗长乏味的哑剧，不知何时就会突然冒出来的滑板少年，素描肖像画家，带便携式音响、鬼鬼祟祟蹲在自己制造的垃圾中间的年轻人，咖啡和新鲜面包卷的味道，街头滑过的双层巴士，水花泼溅的喷泉，人行道旁展示皮带和珠宝的玻璃橱窗——统摄这一切、并被不协调地保留下来提醒我们勿忘旧时恐怖的，是丑陋的、坟墓般的威廉一世纪念教堂的残骸，它被泛光灯挑衅般地照亮。柏林人一直以其无法抑制的不敬与享乐主义而闻名，他们在任何压迫下都始终保持着这种态度，即使在我第一次去那儿，它还是一座半毁的城市时就非常明显。在东柏林，与选帝侯大街相对应的是无情的亚历山大广场，即使在这边，在独裁统治已经倒台的今天，高昂的兴致也时常透过极权主义的坏脾气闪出光来。一位侍者眨巴眼，无视我们已经错过供应咖啡时间的管理规章。一个年轻人大胆地驾车以V 字形路线掉头，在制动器和车轮打滑的尖啸声中，穿过卡尔-马克思大道去接他那位哈哈笑的女朋友。迄今为止神圣不可侵犯的那道墙，朝西的一边已经覆满壁画，并被称作“东边画廊”。"}
{"instruction": "在《伊甸之东》里，萨利纳斯河谷的地名分别依据哪几类事物命名？作者举出了哪些例子，又为什么说自己更偏爱美国人用事件取的那类地名？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "再有描述性的地名：帕索罗布尔斯是橡树隘口，洛斯劳雷勒斯是月桂树，图拉西托斯是沼泽地里的芦苇，萨利纳斯是白得像盐的碱土地。另有一些命名根据的是当地的飞禽走兽——— 加比兰来自那条山脉上的飞鹰，托波来自打洞的鼹鼠，洛斯加托斯来自山猫。有时候，地形地貌给了人们启发：塔萨哈拉是碟子上的茶杯，拉古那赛卡是干涸的湖，科拉德蒂拉是土围子，帕拉伊索是指那地方美得像天堂。接踵而来的是美国人，他们人数更多，因而也更贪婪。他们取得了土地，为巩固产权而修订了法律。到处都兴建了农舍，先在河谷，然后在山坡上盖起了用红杉树木板铺屋顶的木头小房子和用木桩圈起来的牲口栏。哪里冒出泉水，哪里就盖起一座房屋，一户人家便开始生息繁衍。门前庭院种了红天竺葵和蔷薇丛。四轮马车的轮辙代替了人踩出来的小径；原先长着黄芥的地方开辟出了一片片玉米地和大麦小麦田。在过客往来频繁的道路上，每隔十英里就开起一家杂货店和铁匠铺，这些就成为布雷德利、金城、格林菲尔德等等小城镇的核心。美国人比西班牙人更喜欢用人名给地方取名字。河谷有他们定居之后，地名多半指那里发生过的事情。对我来说，这类地名更有吸引力，因为每一个名字都暗含着一段已经遗忘的故事。我想起了意思是新钱袋的博沙诺瓦，意思是瘸腿摩尔人的摩罗科霍（他是谁？"}
{"instruction": "塞缪尔那本《冈恩医师家用医药大全》的哪些章节被翻得皱折破旧、哪些部分从未打开过，从中能看出汉密尔顿一家怎样的医疗历史？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "扎好脐带，拍打新生儿的屁股，让他哇地哭出来，然后把家里收拾得干干净净。最小的孩子生下来时有点窒息，他便口对口往孩子嘴里吹气吸气，直到孩子自己能够呼吸。塞缪尔的手灵巧轻柔，二十英里外的居民都慕名前来请他帮忙。除了替人接生外，牛马产仔，他也同样在行。塞缪尔有一本黑皮大书放在手边的架子上，书封面烫的金字是枟冈恩医师家用医药大全枠。有些书页已经翻得皱折破旧，另一些却从没有打开过。把枟冈恩医师家用医药大全枠翻阅一遍就能了解汉密尔顿一家的医疗历史。最常用的章节是骨折、割伤、挫伤、腮腺炎、麻疹、腰痛、猩红热、白喉、风湿病，妇科疾患、疝气，当然还有关于妊娠和分娩的全部章节。汉密尔顿家不是好运气就准是品行端正，因为有关淋病和梅毒的部分从没有翻阅过。在安抚歇斯底里和使受惊的小孩方面，塞缪尔是无与伦比的。原因在于他那甜美的声音和温柔的心灵。他非但外表整饬，内心也很纯洁。到他的铁工房来闲聊、听他讲故事的人暂时都收起骂人的粗话，这并不是有什么约束，而是出于自觉，仿佛这里不是说粗话的场合。塞缪尔始终保持着一种外国味道。原因也许在于他那抑扬顿挫的腔调，这一点引得男人女人们都把他们不愿意告诉亲戚好友的事情讲给他听。他的淡淡的外国味道使他显得像是局外人，在保守秘密方面比较可靠。"}
{"instruction": "亚当为了求得安宁采用了怎样的方式？他同父异母的弟弟查尔斯又是什么样的性格，他对亚当怀着怎样一种近乎怜悯的感情？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "管那种紧张寂静无声，却尖利得能把房子撕裂似的。为了求得他所希望的安宁，他从不诉诸暴力和斗争，要做到这一点，他不得不退到隐蔽的地位，因为每一个人的身上都有暴力的因素。他用一幅迷惘的帷幕遮住自己的生活，而丰满的生活仍在他安详的眼睛后面进行。帷幕并不能使他不遭到攻击，但是能使他不受影响。只比他小一岁多的异母弟弟查尔斯秉承了父亲的武断性格。查尔斯生来就是运动员的材料，他有估计时间和协调动作的本能，还有竞技者要压倒对手的决心，这一点激励他在世上去求得成功。凡是牵涉到技巧、气力或者反应敏捷的比赛，小查尔斯都能轻易地胜过亚当，因此他很快就对亚当失去了兴趣，不得不去找别的孩子比试。这一来，两个男孩中间产生了一种亲切的感情，不像是兄弟，而更像是姊弟之间的关系。别的男孩招惹或者欺侮亚当，查尔斯就出头找人打架，多半是赢。在粗暴的父亲面前，他用撒谎甚至代人受过的办法保护亚当。查尔斯对他哥哥的感情仿佛是人们对于瞎眼小狗或者初生婴儿那种孤苦无助的生物的怜悯。透过遮住他头脑的那层帷幕——— 用他隧道般幽深的眼睛——— 亚当观察周围的人：父亲起先是个一条腿的自然力量，他的存在只为了让小孩子感到更小，让傻孩子明白自己的傻；后来——— 自从神摔得粉碎之后——— 他把父亲看作是一个天造地设的警察，一个只能对之回"}
{"instruction": "《伊甸之东》的叙述者如何区分'假话'与'故事'？卡西的谎言与一般撒谎者相比有哪些与众不同之处？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "感觉，也就是说，觉得卡西有点异样。过了不久，同她交往的每一个时期只有一个人。别的男孩和女孩们都躲着她，仿佛她身上有一种说不出的危险。卡西爱说假话，但是方式跟大多数孩子不同。她撒的谎不是不着边际的，她说起假话来活龙活现，像是真有其事。其实这只是一般的与表面真实有出入而已。我认为假话和故事之间的差别在于故事利用真实的幌子和外表，供听故事以及讲故事的人消遣。故事本身并没有得失。但是假话是获得好处或者逃避坏处的一种手段。我想如果严格按照这个定义来看问题，那么故事作家就是骗子——— 如果他经济收益不错的话。卡西的假话从来不是出于无知说出来的。它们的目的是逃避责罚、干活或者责任，动机是获得好处。大多数说假话的人都有被戳穿的时候，不是因为他们忘了说过的话，就是因为他们的谎言突然碰到了颠扑不破的真话。但是卡西从不忘记她撒过的谎，并且形成了一套最有效的撒谎办法。她撒的谎同事实相当接近，谁都摸不准她。她还懂得两种办法：一种是把真话和假话混杂在一起，另一种是把真话当成假话来说。如果有人指责她说假话，结果发现并不假，她在一个相当长的时期内就振振有辞，并且可以掩护许多别的假话。卡西是独生女儿，她妈妈无从在家里找到对比。她认为小孩大概都像她自己的女儿那样。凡是做父母的都喜欢为子女瞎操心，她"}
{"instruction": "博尔多尼家的农场如何从桑切斯家族一万英亩的授予地缩减到只剩九百英亩？那栋砖坯老宅又是怎样建造、为何几乎永远不会朽坏？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "”但是他的暗示如石沉大海。亚当已经跌跌撞撞地飞快走上那狭窄的楼梯。亚当的注意力逐渐集中到博尔多尼的农场上，那个农场坐落在金城以南几英里的地方，事实上几乎在圣卢卡斯和金城的正中央。博尔多尼太太的曾祖父从西班牙国王那里得到一片面积为一万英亩的授予地，传到现在还剩下九百英亩。博尔多尼家是瑞士人，但是博尔多尼太太是一个早期在萨利纳斯河谷定居的西班牙望族的后代和继承人。古老的家族大多都有衰落的情况，土地逐渐变卖掉了。有的是赌博输掉的，有的是为了筹付税款，零敲碎打地卖了，再有些则是像撕下联券票那样一块块卖了去换取某些奢侈品——— 一匹骏马、一颗钻石、或者一个漂亮的女人。剩下的九百英亩是当初桑切斯授予地的核心和精华。这片地横跨河流，伸向两边的山麓，河谷在这里收缩一下，然后又变得开阔。桑切斯的老宅还在使用。它是用砖坯盖的，坐落在山脚下的一个缺口处，一股终年不枯的甜泉水从这里流下，仿佛是一个小型的河谷。正因为这股泉水，第一代的桑切斯选中这里兴建宅院。粗壮的橡树把河谷装点得郁郁葱葱，土地的肥沃和苍翠是这一带绝无仅有的。房屋不高，砖坯墙有四英尺厚，圆木椽子是用在水里浸透的生牛皮绳索趁湿绑扎的。牛皮干后要收缩，把椽子和小梁牢牢地扎紧，牛皮绳索变得铁硬，几乎永远不会朽坏。"}
{"instruction": "萨利纳斯镇上的珍妮、黑里俏和费叶几处场所各有什么样的风格，分别吸引哪一类客人前来？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "珍妮是个好伴侣，能保守秘密，肯秘密放款。萨利纳斯流传的有关珍妮的故事可多呢。黑里俏是个俊俏、端庄的女人，银白色的头发，正经得令人生畏。她的深陷的棕色眼睛带着哲学家的悲哀望着这个丑恶的世界。她把她那个场所办得像一座供奉悲哀而勃起的普里亚帕斯①的大教堂。如果你想尽情欢笑，打打闹闹，你就到珍妮那里去，花了钱不会吃亏；如果你悲天悯人，寂寞得想哭一场，长绿院就是你该去的地方。等你从那里出来时，你觉得已经发生过一件相当严肃重要的事情。那不是闹着玩的。黑里俏美丽的深色眼睛会在你心头萦绕好几天。费叶从萨克拉门托来这里开业时，引起两家老字号的一阵敌视。她们联合起来想把费叶挤出去，但发现她并不抢她们的生意。费叶是属于母亲型的女人，肥大的胸脯，肥大的臀部，热情的性格。你苦恼的时候可以在她怀里哭泣，她能给你慰藉和安抚。黑里俏那里的货真价实的性爱和珍妮那里像小酒馆里一样的狂饮作乐自有一批信徒，并没有转移到费叶那里去。费叶那里成了情窦初开的年轻人的避难所，他们为了丧失童贞而哀伤，但又渴望再失去一些。费叶使那些郁郁不得意的丈夫增强了信心。她那里可以填补冷漠的妻子们造成的空缺。那里像是祖母的散发着桂皮气息的厨房。如果你在费叶那里出了性的问题，你觉得只是意外事件，是可以原谅的。"}
{"instruction": "为什么同样的话语和举动在阿伦身上显得可爱，到了迦尔身上却令人生疑不安？一个男孩遭到嫌弃之后会如何反应，迦尔又是怎样在自己周围筑起一道自给自足的墙？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "地达到目的。但是一开始，阿伦就以他的漂亮和单纯赢得了人们的喜欢。迦尔很自然地要用他所知道的唯一方式争取注意和钟爱，他的方式就是试图模仿阿伦。但是在天真的、金黄头发白皮肤的阿伦身上显得可爱的东西，到了脸色阴沉、眼睛眯缝的迦尔身上就使人起疑，感到不快。既然他在装假，他做作的模样当然使人信不过。即使两人做的事、说的话完全一样，阿伦惹人疼爱，迦尔却遭人嫌弃。就像拍拍小狗的鼻子会使它把头扭开一样，对一个男孩表示嫌弃就会使那孩子从头到脚畏畏缩缩。小狗会躲避，或者在地上打滚，摇尾乞怜；男孩却用漠不关心、虚张声势、或者秘而不宣的态度掩饰自己的畏缩。一个男孩一旦遭到嫌弃之后，即使在没有人嫌弃他的场合也会臆想出嫌弃——— 或者更糟糕的是由于他的期待，真正引来了人们的嫌弃。在迦尔身上，这个过程很长很慢，因此他并不感到奇怪。他在自己周围筑起一道自给自足的墙，坚固得足以防范外面的世界。如果说他这道墙有薄弱地方的话，那就是在最靠近阿伦和老李，尤其是最靠近亚当的几处。也许迦尔在父亲的凡事都不注意的性格中找到了安全。完全不受到注意比被人怀有敌意地注意要好一些。迦尔很小的时候发现了一个秘密。如果他悄悄地挨到父亲坐着的地方，轻轻地靠在父亲的膝头，亚当的手会自动抬起来，抚摩迦尔的肩膀。"}
{"instruction": "在《超越百岁》中，作者如何用接住从楼上掉下来的鸡蛋这个比喻，来区分现代医学在应对急性问题与慢性病时的能力差异？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "if we could reset the clock the way we could with acute problems. We had become better at catching the eggs, but we had little ability to stop them from falling off the building in the first place. 任何人追求长寿的主要障碍之一是，事实证明，我和我的同事在医学训练中获得的技能对于防止快速死亡比缓慢死亡更有效。我们学会了修复骨折、用强效抗生素消除感染、支持甚至取代受损器官，以及缓解严重的嵴椎或脑损伤。我们拥有惊人的能力来拯救生命，使破碎的身体恢复全部功能，甚至使濒临死亡的病人复活。但我们在帮助癌症、心血管疾病或神经系统疾病等慢性病患者避免缓慢死亡方面显然不太成功。我们可以缓解他们的症状，通常会稍微推迟结束时间，但似乎我们无法像解决严重问题那样重置时钟。我们已经更擅长捕捉鸡蛋了，但我们一开始就没有能力阻止它们从建筑物上掉下来。The problem was that we approached both sets of patients—trauma victims and chronic disease sufferers—with the same basic script."}
{"instruction": "作者以激素替代疗法的研究为例，如何区分医学2.0与医学3.0看待同一项临床试验证据的方式？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "医学 2.0 宁愿在一项临床试验的基础上完全抛弃这种疗法，也不愿尝试理解和解决其中的细微差别。医学 3.0 将考虑这项研究，同时认识到其不可避免的局限性和内在偏见。医学3.0 提出的关键问题是，这种干预措施，即激素替代疗法，在一大群65 岁以上女性中平均风险增加相对较小，是否仍然对我们的个别患者产生净有益，因为她有自己独特的特征。症状和危险因子的混合。她与研究中的族群有何相似或不同？一个巨大的差异是：被选中参加这项研究的女性中没有一位真正出现症状，而且大多数都已经脱离更年期很多年了。那么这项研究的结果对于处于或刚进入更年期的女性（并且可能更年轻）有多大的适用性呢？最后，对于这种特定 HRT 方案观察到的风险轻微增加是否有其他可能的解释？[*3] My broader point is that at the level of the individual patient, we should be willing to ask deeper questions of risk versus reward versus cost for this therapy—and for almost anything else we might do. 我更广泛的观点是，在个别患者的层面上，我们应该愿意就这种疗"}
{"instruction": "作者为什么借阿里寻找击败福尔曼的策略这一比喻，来强调对抗衰老相关疾病必须先理解衰老本身，而不能直接跳到具体做法？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "account as he searched for a way to defeat Foreman. Without the right strategy, Ali would have almost certainly lost the fight. 老化过程本身使我们容易患上这些疾病，同时也会影响我们的健康寿命。死于心脏病的人并不是一小时前就生病了。几十年来，这种疾病在他们体内悄无声息、无形地发挥作用。随着年龄的增长，他们自身的内在防御机制减弱，疾病占了上风。我们在 COVID-19 大流行中看到了类似的情况。该病毒感染了所有年龄层的人，但它杀死了绝大多数老年人，正是因为它暴露并利用了他们现有的疾病和死亡脆弱性：他们脆弱的免疫系统，他们的心血管和呼吸系统问题等等。因此，我们的策略必须考虑到衰老的影响，就像阿里在寻找击败福尔曼的方法时考虑到了自己的年岁增长一样。如果没有正确的策略，阿里几乎肯定会输掉这场战斗。This is why we can’t just skip ahead to the tactics, where I tell you what to do. If you are tempted, my advice is to pause, take a breath, and settle in."}
{"instruction": "根据波士顿大学托马斯·珀尔斯等人的研究，百岁老人患癌症和心血管疾病的时间与普通人群相比有何差别，具体数据是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "The same pattern holds for bone loss, or osteoporosis, which strikes centenarians sixteen years later than average, as well as for stroke, dementia, and hypertension: centenarians succumb to these conditions much later, if at all. 关键的区别，本质的区别是，他们患这些疾病的时间往往比我们其他人晚得多——如果他们真的患上这些疾病的话。我们不是在谈论两年、三年甚至五年后；而是在谈论什么。我们正在谈论几十年。根据波士顿大学的托马斯·珀尔斯 (Thomas Perls) 及其负责新英格兰百岁老人研究的同事的研究，普通人群中五分之一的人在 72 岁时会被诊断出某种类型的癌症。在百岁老人中，这一五分之一的门槛要到一百岁（近三十年后）才达到。同样，四分之一的一般人群在七十五岁时被诊断出患有临床明显的心血管疾病；在百岁老人中，这一比例只有在九十二岁时才达到。同样的模式也适用于骨质流失或骨质疏松症（百岁老人比平均晚十六年发病），以及中风、失智症和高血压：百岁老人患这些疾病的时间要晚得多（如果有的话）。"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者说演化不再是我们的朋友？请结合自然选择赋予我们储存脂肪能力的那段历史环境来解释。", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "That enabled our distant ancestors to survive periods of famine, cold climates, and physiologic stressors such as illness and pregnancy. But these genes have proved less advantageous in our present environment, where many people in the developed world have access to almost unlimited calories. 最简单的解释可能是，我们的新陈代谢已经进化了数千年，无法适应我们上个世纪左右才出现的超现代饮食。演化不再是我们的朋友，因为我们的环境变化速度比我们的基因组变化速度快得多。演化希望我们在营养丰富时变胖：在我们祖先的过去，我们储存的能量越多，我们生存和成功繁殖的机会就越大。我们需要能够忍受一段时间没有太多食物的情况，自然选择赋予我们基因，帮助我们以脂肪的形式保存和储存能量。这使得我们的远祖能够度过饥荒、寒冷气候以及疾病和怀孕等生理压力的时期。但事实证明，这些基因在我们目前的环境中不太有利，因为已开发国家的许多人可以获得"}
{"instruction": "请描述从LDL卡在冠状动脉内皮下空间到脂肪条纹出现的过程，其中单核细胞、巨噬细胞和泡沫细胞各起了什么作用？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "splayed-open coronary artery. 如果您将健康的冠状动脉暴露于足够高浓度的 apoB 颗粒中，经过足够长的时间，一定量的 LDL（和 VLDL）将卡在该内皮下空间并被氧化，从而导致其粘附聚集成团块或聚集体。为了应对这种入侵，内皮细胞会调出相当于 911 的生化讯号，召唤称为单核细胞的特殊免疫细胞来对抗入侵者。单核细胞是进入内皮下空间并转化为巨噬细胞的大型白血球，巨噬细胞是更大、更饥饿的免疫细胞，有时与吃豆人比较。巨噬细胞的名字意思是“大食者”，它吞噬聚集或氧化的低密度脂蛋白，试图将其从动脉壁上清除。但如果它消耗了太多的胆固醇，那么它就会膨胀成泡沫细胞，你可能听说过这个术语—— 如此命名是因为在显微镜下它看起来呈泡沫状或肥皂状。当足够多的泡沫细胞聚集在一起时，它们会形成“脂肪条纹”——字面意思是在对张开的冠状动脉进行尸检时用肉眼可以看到的脂肪条纹。The fatty streak is a precursor of an atherosclerotic plaque, and if you are reading this and are older than fifteen or so, there is a good chance you already have some of these lurking in your arteries."}
{"instruction": "癌症基因组图谱的研究结果为何让研究者感到困惑？作者说它并没有揭示森林的形状，这句话指的是什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "结果显示，混乱多于清晰。该研究并没有揭示驱动每种癌症的基因变化的明确模式，而是发现了巨大的复杂性。每个肿瘤平均有一百多个不同的突变，而且这些突变几乎是随机的。少数基因成为驱动因素，包括 TP53（也称为 p53，在一半的癌症中都有发现）、KRAS（常见于胰腺癌）、PIC3A（常见于乳腺癌）和 BRAF（常见于黑色素瘤），但这些众所周知的突变几乎没有在所有肿瘤中共有。事实上，似乎根本没有任何单一基因“引发”癌症；相反，它似乎是随机的体细胞突变结合起来导致癌症。因此，乳癌不仅在基因上与结肠癌不同（正如研究人员预期的那样），而且没有两种乳癌肿瘤非常相似。如果两名女性患有乳癌，处于同一阶段，她们的肿瘤基因组可能彼此非常不同。因此，根据肿瘤的遗传特征为这两位女性设计一种治疗方法即使不是不可能，也是很困难的。那么，癌症基因组图谱并没有揭示森林的形状，只是将我们拖入了树木迷宫的更深处。Or so it seemed at the time. Ultimately, genome sequencing has proved to be a very powerful tool against cancer—just not in the way that was envisioned two decades ago."}
{"instruction": "为什么在患病率仅约1%的低风险人群中，乳腺X光检查呈阳性的人真正患癌的可能性只有大约十分之一？请用敏感度、特异度与患病率的关系加以解释。", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "chance that you actually have breast cancer. In other populations, with greater overall prevalence (and risk), the test performs much better. 对于所有诊断测试，灵敏度或测试检测现有病症的能力（即其真实阳性率，以百分比表示）和特异性之间存在权衡，特异性是确定某人的能力不具备该条件（即真负率）。这些共同代表了测试的整体准确性。然而，此外，我们还必须考虑该疾病在目标族群中的盛行率。我们正在测试的人实际上患有这种疾病的可能性有多大？乳房X 光照相术在八十年代中期具有敏感性，在九十年代下旬具有特异性。但如果我们检查的是相对低风险的人群，其中可能有 1% 的人实际上患有乳癌，那么即使是灵敏度不错的测试也会产生相当多的假阳性。事实上，在这个低风险群体中，乳房X 光检查的“阳性预测值” 仅为10% 左右，这意味着如果您的检测结果呈阳性，那么您实际上患有乳癌的可能性只有大约十分之一。在其他人群中，由于整体盛行率（和风险）较高，该测试的效果要好得多。The situation with mammography illustrates why we need to be very"}
{"instruction": "面对一系列抗淀粉样蛋白药物的失败，研究者提出了关于用药时机的什么假设？罗氏与基因泰克为此启动了怎样的临床试验？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "results are expected in 2026. Some researchers think that the disease process might be reversible at the point where amyloid is present but not tau, which appears later. That theory is being tested in yet another ongoing study. 随着这些药物相继失效，出现了一种假设：当疾病已经发病时，患者服用药物的时间太晚了。众所周知，阿兹海默症的发展缓慢，需要数十年的时间。如果我们早点服药会怎样？这个有希望的假设已经在大型且广为人知的临床试验中得到了检验，这些临床试验涉及具有遗传突变的人，这种突变基本上注定了他们患有早发性阿兹海默症，但这些最终也失败了。罗氏(Roche) 和基因泰克(Genentech) 于 2022 年启动了一项更广泛的临床试验，测试在基因正常的人群中早期施用抗淀粉样蛋白化合物，这些人群已证实大脑中有淀粉样蛋白积累，但没有明显的痴呆症状；预计将于 2026 年得出结果。一些研究人员认为，当淀粉样蛋白出现但 tau 蛋白出现较晚时，疾病过程可能是可逆的。"}
{"instruction": "阿兹海默症、额叶与血管性失智症以及帕金森氏症分别主要影响大脑的哪些区域或系统，由此产生的症状差异是什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "这些决定了疾病的病理特征。额叶和血管性失智症主要影响额叶，额叶是大脑中负责注意力、组织、处理速度和解决问题等执行功能的区域。因此，这些形式的失智症剥夺了个体的这种高阶认知特征。另一方面，阿兹海默症主要影响颞叶，因此最明显的症状与记忆、语言和听觉处理（形成和理解言语）有关——尽管研究人员开始根据以下数据识别阿兹海默症的不同可能亚型：哪些脑部区域受影响最严重。帕金森氏症有点不同，它主要表现为运动障碍，部分原因是缺乏多巴胺（一种关键的神经传导物质）的产生。虽然阿兹海默症可以透过检测脑嵴髓液中的淀粉样蛋白来确诊，但这些其他形式的神经退化性疾病主要是基于检测和解释的临床诊断。因此，它们可能更加主观，但鉴于所有这些情况，尽快识别它们至关重要，以便有更多时间让预防策略发挥作用。One reason why Alzheimer’s and related dementias can be so tricky to diagnose is that our highly complex brains are adept at compensating for damage, in a way that conceals these early stages of neurodegeneration."}
{"instruction": "为什么作者认为解决史蒂芬妮的睡眠困难刻不容缓？他如何解释高皮质醇会损害褪黑激素的释放？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "扫房间”，清除神经元之间积聚的细胞内废物。睡眠中断和睡眠品质差是失智症风险增加的潜在驱动因素。如果睡眠品质不佳伴随着高压力和皮质醇水平升高，就像史蒂芬妮的情况一样，那么这几乎会增加风险，因为它会导致胰岛素阻抗，同时损害海马体。此外，高皮质醇血症（由于压力导致皮质醇过多）会损害褪黑激素的释放，褪黑激素通常会向我们的大脑发出该睡觉的信号（这也可能有助于防止神经元损失和认可知障碍）。因此，解决史蒂芬妮的睡眠困难刻不容缓。离婚和工作状况使她几乎不可能在任何一个晚上获得超过四个小时不间断的睡眠。Another somewhat surprising risk factor that has emerged is hearing loss. Studies have found that hearing loss is clearly associated with Alzheimer’s disease, but it’s not a direct symptom. Rather, it seems hearing loss may be causally linked to cognitive decline, because folks with hearing loss tend to"}
{"instruction": "圣米兰与布鲁克斯比较职业自行车手、健康男性和代谢症候群男性的研究发现了什么？代谢不灵活具体指什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "burning primarily fat. But the subjects with metabolic syndrome relied almost entirely on glucose for their fuel source, even from the first pedal stroke. They had virtually zero ability to tap into their fat stores, meaning they were metabolically inflexible: able to use only glucose but not fat. 几年前，圣米兰和他的同事乔治布鲁克斯发表了一项有趣的研究，有助于说明这一点。他们比较了三组受试者：职业自行车手、适度活跃的健康男性和符合代谢症候群标准的久坐男性，这意味着他们本质上有胰岛素抗性。他们让每组人以相对于他们的健康水平的给定强度（大约是最大心率的 80%）骑固定自行车，同时科学家们分析了他们消耗的氧气量和二氧化碳 2 呼气以确定它们发电的效率以及它们使用的主要燃料。他们发现的差异是惊人的。职业自行车手可以快速前进，产生巨大的动力，同时仍然主要燃烧脂肪。但患有代谢症候群的受试者几乎完全依赖葡萄糖作为燃料来源，甚至从第一"}
{"instruction": "作者如何描述自己日常进行的负重徒步锻炼？他为什么把这种活动视为兼顾腿部躯干力量与心血管训练的方式？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "outings; it’s just me, in nature, or maybe with a friend or a family member or a houseguest (for whom rucking is mandatory; I keep two extra rucksacks in the garage). 我一直都喜欢用手搬运重物。当我还是个夏天在建筑工地工作的青少年时，我总是自愿在工地上搬运工具和材料，如今我仍然将某种搬运方式（通常是哑铃、壶铃或沙袋）纳入我的大部分锻炼中。我还对一种叫做 rucking 的活动半着迷，这基本上意味着背着负重的背包徒步旅行或快步行走。每周三到四天，我会花一个小时在我的社区周围闲逛，上下山，通常在三四英里的路程中爬升和下降数百英尺。我背上五十到六十磅的重物让这件事变得相当具有挑战性，所以我在加强我的腿部和躯干的同时，也进行了扎实的心血管训练。最好的一点是，我在外出时从不带手机。只有我，在大自然中，或者可能和朋友、家人或房客一起（对他们来说，翻磙是强制性的；我在车库里放了两个额外的背包）。I was introduced to this pastime by Michael Easter in his eye-opening"}
{"instruction": "作者用汽车轮胎充气不足和过度充气这两个比喻，分别说明足部的旋前与旋后会带来什么问题？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "这是一种常见的表型。另一种常见的足部策略是“内旋”或将脚向内折叠——如果您曾经购买过跑鞋，您可能会熟悉这个术语。贝丝将内旋比喻为驾驶一辆轮胎空气太少的汽车，这意味着你的动作有点晃动，无法有效地将力量传递到地面。另一方面，旋后就像轮胎充气过度，所以你会打滑并四处弹跳。你的脚无法吸收震动，所有的弹跳和震动都会直接转移到脚踝、臀部、膝盖和下背部。旋前和旋后这两种症候群也会使我们面临足底筋膜炎和膝关节损伤等问题的风险。我们必须能够进出旋后和旋前，才能有效地移动。现在，当我蹲下或做任何站立举重时，我的第一步就是双脚着地，注意所有四个“角”，并平均分配重量。（同样重要的是：我更喜欢赤脚或穿着极简的鞋子举起，鞋底几乎没有缓冲，因为它可以让我始终感觉到脚的整个表面。）Feet are also crucial to balance, another important element of stability. One key test in our movement assessment is to have our patients stand with one foot in front of the other and try to balance. Now close your eyes and see"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者认为人类是营养学研究中的糟糕研究对象？他以让一组孩子长期吃巨无霸的随机试验为例，说明了哪些现实困难？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "为了理解其中的原因，我们必须（再次）谘询奥斯汀·布拉德福德·希尔爵士（Sir Austin Bradford Hill），他是一位英国科学家，我们在第 11 章中遇到了他。希尔在20 世纪50 年代初帮助调查了吸烟与肺癌之间的联系，他提出了九个标准：评估流行病学发现的强度并确定因果关系的可能方向，我们在运动方面也提到了这一点。[*3] 其中最重要的一项，也是最能区分相关性和因果关系的一项，也是营养学中最棘手的一项：实验。尝试提出一项研究，透过随机分配年轻男孩和女孩吃巨无霸或非快餐饮食来测试一生吃快餐的影响。即使你确实以某种方式获得了机构审查委员会对这个糟糕想法的批准，但即使是一个简单的实验也可能透过多种不同的方式出错。有些巨无霸小孩可能会偷偷地吃素，而控制者可能会决定经常光顾金拱门。关键是，人类对于营养学（或其他任何事物）来说都是一个糟糕的研究对象，因为我们是不守规矩、不听话、凌乱、健忘、混乱、饥饿和复杂的生物。This is why we rely on epidemiology, which derives data from observation and often from the subjects themselves. As we saw earlier, the epidemiology"}
{"instruction": "作者如何回应专家针对在非糖尿病人群中使用连续血糖监测提出的成本过高与缺乏随机临床试验这两点批评？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "Once they have this knowledge, many of them no longer need CGM. It’s a worthwhile investment. 然而，一些专家和实证医学类型批评了在非糖尿病患者中越来越多地使用 CGM。正如这类人一贯所做的那样，他们认为“成本”过高。CGM 每月的费用约为 120 美元，这并不是微不足道的，但我认为即使这样，仍然比让某人陷入代谢功能障碍并最终患上 2 型糖尿病要便宜得多。光是胰岛素治疗每月就需要花费数百美元。此外，随着 CGM 变得越来越普遍，并且无需处方即可轻松获得，成本肯定会下降。通常情况下，我的健康患者只需要使用 CGM 一两个月，然后他们就开始了解哪些食物会增加他们的血糖（和胰岛素）以及如何调整他们的饮食模式以获得更稳定的血糖曲线。一旦他们掌握了这些知识，他们中的许多人就不再需要 CGM。这是一项值得的投资。The second argument against using CGM in healthy patients is also pretty typical: There are no randomized clinical trials showing a benefit from the"}
{"instruction": "作者认为蛋白质摄入量应当取决于哪些因素？为什么老年人可能需要摄入更多蛋白质？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "(It’s very difficult for me to consume four actual meals. Typically, I will consume a protein shake, a high-protein snack, and two protein meals.) 您需要多少蛋白质取决于您的性别、体重和去脂体重、活动量以及其他因素，包括年龄。有一些证据表明，老年人可能需要更多的蛋白质，因为随着年龄的增长，合成代谢阻力会增加，也就是说，他们获得肌肉的难度更高。不幸的是，蛋白质没有 CGM，所以它变成了一个反复试验的过程。我在训练时尝试摄取足够的热量来维持肌肉质量。如果我发现我正在失去肌肉质量，那么我会努力吃得更多。老年人尤其应该尝试追踪他们的瘦体重，例如透过身体组成测量量表（或更好的是，DEXA 扫描），并在瘦体重下降时向上调整蛋白质摄取量。对我和我的患者来说，如上所述，这相当于四份，其中至少一份是乳清蛋白奶昔。（对我来说，吃四餐真正的餐点是非常困难的。通常，我会吃一杯蛋白质奶昔、一份高蛋白零食和两餐蛋白质餐。）Now, a word on plant protein. Do you need to eat meat, fish, and dairy to"}
{"instruction": "作者如何解释睡眠与代谢健康之间的关联？皮质醇在其中扮演什么角色，睡眠不好与压力之间构成了怎样的循环？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "睡眠和代谢健康之间的这种链接一开始似乎令人费解，但我认为这里缺少的环节是压力。众所周知，较高的压力水平会让我们睡不好，但睡眠不好也会让我们更有压力。这是一个回馈循环。睡眠不足和压力大都会激活交感神经系统，尽管它的名字如此，但它与平静相反。它是我们战斗或逃跑反应的一部分，促使糖皮质激素的释放，包括压力荷尔蒙皮质醇。皮质醇会升高血压；它还会导致肝脏释放葡萄糖，同时抑制肌肉和脂肪组织对葡萄糖的吸收和利用，也许是为了优先将葡萄糖输送到大脑。在体内，这表现为由于压力引起的胰岛素抗性而导致的血糖升高。我经常在我自己和我的一些患者身上看到这样的情况：连续血糖监测（CGM）时夜间血糖过高几乎总是皮质醇过多的征兆，有时深夜饮食会加剧这种情况。如果这种情况持续存在，血糖升高可能会导致第 2 型糖尿病。Compounding the problem, poor sleep also changes the way we behave around food. Studies by Eve van Cauter’s group have found that limiting subjects’ sleep to four or five hours a night suppresses their levels of leptin,"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者认为安必恩等安眠药实际上是在用高质量的睡眠换取低质量的睡眠？他引用研究说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "REM, meaning people who take it are basically trading high-quality sleep for low-quality sleep. Meanwhile, Ambien has the well-publicized side effect that some users have been known to walk around and do things while “sleeping,” leading to all sorts of problems. 目前，美国睡眠药物市场估计每年价值约280亿美元。但最近处方数量实际上一直在下降，也许是因为消费者逐渐意识到，总的来说，这些药物实际上效果不佳。他们很擅长让人失去意识，但话又说回来，穆罕默德·阿里的右传也是如此。安必恩（Ambien）和鲁内斯塔（Lunesta）等安眠药物并不能促进健康、持久的睡眠，因为它们往往会促进类似睡眠的无意识状态，而这种状态对于快速动眼睡眠或深度睡眠的大脑治愈作用并没有真正起到多大作用。。一项研究发现，安必恩实际上减少了慢波睡眠（深度睡眠），但没有增加快速动眼睡眠，这意味着服用它的人基本上是在用高品质的睡眠换取低品质的睡眠。同时，安必恩有一个广为人知的副作用，即一些用户"}
{"instruction": "作者在终于接受自己过去的真相之后做了什么？他写下的那些肯定句传达出怎样的自我认知？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "And he was still with me. 这种认识让我的情绪陷入了自由落体状态。它已经酝酿了两年半，但我终于能够放手并接受关于我的过去以及它如何塑造我的真相，没有任何借口或合理化。我所发生的一切——无论好坏——都是对我所经历的事情的回应。这也不仅仅是大T创伤那么简单。我们发现了许多许多隐藏在裂缝中的小创伤，这些创伤对我的影响更为深远。我没有受到保护。我觉得不安全。我的信任被与我亲近的人打破了。我感到被抛弃了。这一切都表现为我作为一个成年人的自我厌恶；我已经成为自己最大的敌人。而我根本不配得到这些。这是关键的见解。那个可爱的小男孩不值得这样。而他仍然和我在一起。Once I had accepted all this, it was easy to write out the forty-seven affirmations. 一旦我接受了这一切，写出四十七个肯定句就很容易了。I am flawed, but not defective. 我有缺陷，但不是缺陷。I am a good husband and father. 我是一个好丈夫、好父亲。I am a good cook. 我是个好厨师。I am not my shame. 我不是我的耻辱。"}
{"instruction": "塔可夫斯基为什么认为诗的逻辑比传统戏剧的逻辑更接近生活的本质？而在把结论直接呈现给观众这件事上，他为什么觉得这么做并不好？", "input": "Source: 雕刻时光", "output": "暂且不论这一点，如果让情节随着人物性格发展，就会发现，所谓连贯性逻辑是建立在对生活复杂性的肤浅理解之上的。还有一种串联电影素材的方式，其要点是人类思维逻辑的发展。唯此，事件的连贯性与组合成一体的蒙太奇才能被口授记录。思想的产生与发展服从于特殊的规律，其表达需要有别于抽象逻辑构造的形式。我认为，诗的逻辑更接近思想发展的规则，这也意味着，它比传统戏剧的逻辑更接近生活的本质。然而，古典戏剧的手法却被看成唯一的典范，多年来它界定了戏剧冲突的表现形式。连贯性的诗意叙述形式带有很多感情色彩，能激发观众的主动性。让观众不再依赖情节的预设和作者不懈的指示，成为认知生活的参与者。作者能支配的只是那些帮助观众搞清楚所描述现象的深层意义的东西，没必要把复杂的思想和对世界的诗意幻想硬塞进赤裸裸的条条框框。一般的叙述连贯的直线逻辑像几何定理的论证一样乏味。鲜少有人用诗意的叙述方法寻找感性与理性的结合点。电影工作者如此漠视这种方法，真是无法让人理解。其实这条道路更为有益。它蕴藏着一股内在的力量，随时能将创造形象的素材引爆。一件事情没有被说尽时，反而给观众留下了思索的空间。直接将结论呈现给观众，观众就不用动脑子了，但这并不是观众需要的。如果不能和观众分享形象生命化的快乐与痛苦，还有什么可对观众讲的呢？"}
{"instruction": "在塔可夫斯基看来，艺术创作中的直觉与理解同科学研究中的直觉与理解有何根本区别？他又为什么无法相信艺术家只是为了表达自我才创作？", "input": "Source: 雕刻时光", "output": "艺术作品有别于科学概念，它不要求任何实际的物质产出。艺术是一种元语言，人们借助它尝试联系彼此：传达自己的信息、吸收别人的经验。但这依然无关实际收益，而是为了实现爱的理想，其意义便寓于牺牲之中，与实用主义相抵触。我完全无法相信，艺术家只是为了表达自我才创作。缺乏交互理解的自我表述毫无意义。而单以与他人建立精神联系为目的的自我表述痛苦且无益，结果便是牺牲。是否值得单单为了听自己的回声而奋斗？直觉在艺术创作和科学研究中都存在，也许正是它拉近了这两种全然相反的认知世界手段的距离。当然，直觉在两者中都发挥着重要作用，然而诗意创作中的直觉和科学研究中的直觉并不是一回事。不理解这个概念亦如此——在这两个层面中完全不是一回事。科学思维中的理解，是大脑逻辑层面的认同，好比论证某个定理的智力行为。文艺形象中的理解，是在感性的有时甚至超越感性的层面上，对诗意思维的美的领悟。科学家的直觉，即便如灵光乍现，或曰灵感，也总是迂回的逻辑推演符号。这并不是说，以信息为基础的逻辑方法自始至终都是失算的，而是指这些信息只储存在记忆中，并没有经过习得阶段。也就意味着在这种或那种领域的科学知识基础上的逻辑论断的跳跃。虽说有些科学发现似乎源于灵感，但科学家的灵感和诗人的灵感完全不同。因为仰仗理性的经验无法说明艺术形象是如何诞生的：它独一无"}
{"instruction": "塔可夫斯基借弗洛连斯基关于古俄罗斯绘画“反透视”的说法想要说明什么？他为什么认为电影诞生于二十世纪并非偶然？", "input": "Source: 雕刻时光", "output": "只是需要寻找，每一回都需要重新开始寻找电影艺术应走的路。我坚信，对于每一位电影工作者来说，假如不能精确领会或不能心无旁骛地了解这门艺术的特色，不能在自身中发现打开电影的密钥，我们就会一无所获，毫无希望。上述就是我对电影艺术特色的看法。使命与命运电影和其他艺术形式一样，有自己独特的诗意内容、特殊使命和自己的命运——电影的诞生，是为了表现生活和宇宙的独特部分，那是迄今其他艺术形式都无法表现的。任何一种艺术都是心灵需求的产物，在提出时代深度意义的问题方面发挥着重要作用。巴维尔·弗洛连斯基神父在《圣像画》中所说的一段关于反向透视的话，饶有趣味。他认为，古俄罗斯绘画中的反透视，并非圣像画家不了解意大利文艺复兴时期经阿尔贝蒂修正过的视觉原理。弗洛连斯基认为，艺术家在观察自然时不可能对透视熟视无睹，这并非没有根据。事实是，很有可能当时它不被需要，也即它是可以忽略的。所以，古俄罗斯绘画的反透视和文艺复兴时期的透视法，反映了公元十五世纪古俄罗斯画家和意大利画家阐释不同精神问题的不同需求。（顺便说一下，也有人说安德烈·鲁布廖夫去过威尼斯，所以他不可能不知道意大利画家是怎么分析透视问题的。）不算电影刚诞生的那几年，我们可以认为它是二十世纪的同龄人。这不是偶然的，意味着一百年前新缪斯诞生的时机就已成熟。"}
{"instruction": "塔可夫斯基为什么认为剧本不可能成为完善的文学体裁，也不能保证未来成片的品质？他在加工导演脚本时如今的做法与过去有何不同？", "input": "Source: 雕刻时光", "output": "本，其中的文学形象已经转化为电影形象。假如剧本从一开头就是准确的电影方案，亦即里面只有拍摄的内容与方法,那么它便是未来电影独特而有预见性的记录，和文学没有任何共同之处。如果在拍摄过程中电影剧本最初的方案有了变动，我拍电影的时候经常发生这种情况，那么它事实上已经失去了最初的形态，只有关心电影史的专家才会对它感兴趣。这些总是在变化的方案能吸引关注电影创作特质的研究者，但无论如何都不会成为完善的文学体裁。文学形态的成熟剧本是用来说服那些决定拍摄的人，让他们认为拍摄极其合理。但实质上，没有任何剧本能保证未来成片的品质：有好几十部差片的剧本都很好，但影片看上去就像根据糟糕的剧本拍的一样。有一件事对谁都不是秘密：在剧本被选中、购买后，导演才开始对剧本进行真正的创作，为此他必须自己创作或与合作伙伴保持紧密联系，使其文学才华用于导演所需的思想上。当然，这里我指的是所谓的作者电影的工作。以前在加工导演脚本时，我会力求在脑海中呈现未来影片的精确图像，精确到具体的场景。现在我却倾向于大致勾勒一下场景与镜头的轮廓，让它们在拍摄过程中自然产生。鲜活的外景地、拍摄现场的气氛、演员的情绪，会碰撞出鲜明而出人意料的全新策略。生活比想象更丰富。所以我现在常想，拍摄前事先准备没错，但是不要预设情绪，要依"}
{"instruction": "塔可夫斯基如何论述自由、良知与个人责任之间的关系？他为什么说良知这一范畴从生物进化意义上毫无意义，却又伴随着人类作为物种的整个存在？", "input": "Source: 雕刻时光", "output": "程间的鸿沟便加深了。我们受制于他人的思想，要么依照这一思想标准发展自我，要么一味无望地与之疏离。多么不可思议而野蛮的局面！我相信，只有实现物质与精神的平等，才能够根除个体与社会之间的这种矛盾。什么叫“为公共事业牺牲自己”？这难道不是个人与社会之间的戏剧性冲突吗？如果人被剥夺了深植于内心的对未来社会的责任感，感知并运用支配他人而非自己的权利，指挥他人的命运，强令他人接受其在社会发展中的作用，那么，个人与社会之间的分歧会变本加厉。意志的自由是一个保障，让我们得以像评价自己在社会中的地位一样评价社会现象，得以在善恶之间自觉做出选择。如此，与自由问题并生的，还有良知的问题。如果说，社会意识产生的所有概念都是进化的产物，那么良知这一概念与历史进程毫不相干。良知的概念与良知的感觉内在而先验地为人所固有，动摇着自病态文明衍生的社会根基。良知威胁着这个社会的稳定，它的产生，常常与利润，甚至与物种的拯救背道而驰。从生物进化意义上讲，良知这一范畴本身毫无意义，但它的存在，伴随着人类作为物种的整个存在和发展阶段。众所周知，人类社会在寻求物质财富与精神完善这两方面发展并不协调，导致我们似乎注定不能将物质所得造福于自身。我们建立了文明，可这种文明却威胁人类走向毁灭。面对这样的全球性灾难，我认为关键就是提出个人责任的问题。"}
{"instruction": "塔勒布在《反脆弱》中为什么主张，面对黑天鹅问题，与其去预测罕见灾难是否发生，不如先弄清哪些事物是脆弱的？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "我宁愿做愚钝但具有反脆弱性的人，也不做极其聪明但脆弱的人。我们很容易看到周围有一些偏好压力和波动性的事物，如经济系统、你的身体、你的营养（糖尿病和阿尔茨海默病似乎在很大程度上来自于饮食缺乏随机性，缺乏偶尔挨饿带来的压力）、你的心灵，甚至还有极具反脆弱性的金融合约——它们本质上就是要从市场的波动中获益。反脆弱性使我们更好地理解了脆弱性。正如不减少疾病我们就无法改善健康，不减少损失我们就无法增加财富，反脆弱性和脆弱性是同一波谱上的不同波段。非预测性掌握反脆弱性的机制后，我们就可以在充满不确定性的商业、政治、医学和整个生活中（未知因素占主导地位的地方，随机性、不可预测性、不透明性或不完全理解性占主导的情况下）做出非预测性决策，建立一个系统和广泛的指导。弄清楚什么是脆弱的，比预测对其造成伤害的某个事件是否会发生要容易得多，脆弱性是可以衡量的，但风险却是无法衡量的（在赌场外，或者在自称“风险管理专家”的人的头脑之外）。这为我所说的“黑天鹅”问题提供了一个解决方案，因为我们原本就不可能计算出重要的罕见事件的风险，也无法预测其何时会发生。但事物对波动性所致危害的敏感性是可观察的，这比对造成危害的事件进行预测更容易。因此，我们建议颠覆我们目前的预测、预言和风险管理方法。在每一个领域或应用方面，我们都提出了通过降低脆弱性或利用反脆弱性，从脆弱走向反脆弱性的规则。"}
{"instruction": "塔勒布为什么提倡用随机抽签，甚至用所谓的维吉尔卦，来决定领导人的去留和其他棘手的决策？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "社会早亡率的下降对我们来说当然是好事，但它剥夺了自然管理下的优胜劣汰。谋杀是黑手党接班的标准程序，最后一次众所周知的退火行动是约翰·戈蒂在纽约牛排馆门口谋杀了前任黑手党教父，顺理成章地成为新的头领。而在黑手党之外，比如老板和董事会成员，他们的在位时间更长，这是在许多领域都存在的一个事实，比如首席执行官、终身学者、政治家们、记者——看来，我们需要随机抽签来决定他们的去留，从而打破僵化的局面。不幸的是，你不能随机决定政党的存留。如今在美国困扰人们的并非两党制，而是为什么永远是这两个政党进行角逐，它们的系统内不存在内嵌的到期日。最后，古人多少是在逆境下完善随机抽签的方法并将其融入占卜中的。这些抽签的目的实实在在地是要挑选出一个随机的解决方案，但又不用自己做出决定，并终身承担该决定带来的后果。你按照神的指示行事，那样就不用揣摩自己的真实意图了。有一种方法被称为“维吉尔卦”，即把命运交托在诗人维吉尔的史诗中，其方法是随机打开维吉尔的《埃涅阿斯纪》，将第一时间读到的话语作为自己的行动指南。你应该使用这样的方法来推动每一项棘手的业务决策。我会不断地重复这一点，直至声嘶力竭：古人开发了隐秘而复杂的方法和技巧来探索随机性。举例来说，实际上我在餐馆里也尝试过随机点餐法。由于菜单冗长复杂，往往置我于被心理学家称为“选择的暴政”的境地中，以至于每次做完选择心里就有一种不安的感觉，暗示自己其实应该点其他菜品。"}
{"instruction": "塔勒布如何区分理性的漫游者和观光客？他由这种差别为什么主张不要去问别人他们想要什么？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "一个理性的漫游者与观光客不同，他在旅途的每一步都可能导致他修改日程安排，这样他就可以根据新的信息制订计划，就像尼罗在旅途中所尝试练习的就是依靠嗅觉的引领。如果根据新的信息，该计划不再有效，那么漫游者也不会固守原有的计划。观光客，不管是真正的还是比喻意义上的观光客，无不抱有目的论错觉；他们假定愿景的完整性，并将其锁入一个难以修订的计划，而漫游者却会持续，最关键的是，合理地根据他获得的信息修订他的目标。我们有一个小小的警告：无论在生活还是事业中，漫游者的机会主义都是很管用的——但这不包括私人生活和涉及其他人的事务。在人际关系中，与机会主义相反的是忠诚，一种高尚的情操——但这需要人们在正确的地方进行足够的投资，也就是长期致力于维护人际关系和道义。你可能认为，你确切地知道自己要去往哪里，并认为你今天会知道你明天的偏好。这个谬误还有一个关联谬误，即你认为其他人也知道他们要去往哪里，如果问他们，他们一定会告诉你他们想要的是什么。千万不要问别人：他们想要什么，或者他们想去哪里，或者他们认为他们应该去哪里，最糟糕的情况是，他们认为明天会渴望什么。那位电脑创业者史蒂夫·乔布斯的力量正是在于不信任市场研究和焦点小组——这些都基于问人们他们想要什么——而是跟随自己的想象。他的理念是，人们根本不知道他们想要什么，直到你提供给他们。"}
{"instruction": "为什么塔勒布认为芝加哥的场内交易员不懂吉尔萨诺夫定理照样能做好期权交易，并由此怀疑博士学位反而会让人丧失常识？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "可是，我们谈及的是场内交易员（正如我们在上一章中所见），他们肯定会把吉尔萨诺夫当作某种伏特加品牌。做交易的人通常没有受过很多教育，如果他们能正确地拼出自己所在街道的地址，那就可被视为教育程度过高了。弗莱德抱有一种纯粹是副现象的印象，认为交易员要确定期权价格，肯定数学学得很好。事实上，在我听说过这些深奥的定理之前，就已经通过试错法和听取有经验人的意见，摸清如何进行这种复杂的交易了。然而，我突然意识到了一件事。没有人担心那些不懂空气动力学定理或不会解运动方程式的孩童们学不会骑自行车。那么，为什么弗莱德不能把这个观点从一个领域转移到另一个领域呢？难道他没有意识到那些只需对场内供需做出反应、只知道努力赚钱的芝加哥场内交易员根本不需要了解吉尔萨诺夫定理，就像黎凡特露天市场的开心果小贩无须懂得解一般的平衡等式就能为自己的产品定价一样？有一分钟的时间，我怀疑自己是生活在另外一个星球上。或者弗莱德的博士学位和研究生涯导致他无视常识，或奇异般地丧失了这种常识——又或者说，缺乏常识的人才有动力和兴趣在经济学的虚幻世界中追求博士学位。这是不是选择性偏见？我觉得我有了一个新发现，并感到非常兴奋，但也意识到，如果要寻找一个人帮我证实这个观点，那么他必须同时是一个实践者和一个研究者，而且是先进行实践再开始进行研究的。"}
{"instruction": "塔勒布为什么推测，削减并非急需的外科手术和治疗的医疗开支，反而有助于延长富裕国家尤其是美国人的寿命？这和他说的基本凸性分析有什么关联？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "如果所有那些因癌症早逝的人得的都是恶性肿瘤，那也并不意味着所有恶性肿瘤都能导致人死亡。同样的，聪明的人也不会根据“所有克里特人都是骗子”的条件来推断说，所有骗子都是克里特人，或根据所有银行家都很腐败的条件推断出，所有腐败的人都是银行家。只有在极端情况下，大自然才会允许我们打破这种逻辑，做出“肯定前件”的决策，以帮助我们生存，过度反应可以让我们的祖先在他们的生存环境中受益。对类似乳房X光检查问题的误解引发了政治家的过度反应（这是我主张通过下放重要的决策权，以使社会免受立法者的愚蠢影响的另一个原因）。希拉里·克林顿就是这样一名不开化的政治家，她竟然声称，批评乳房X光检查的实用性无异于杀害妇女。我们可以将乳房X光检查的问题推广到无条件的实验室测试中，以发现偏离正常的值，并采取措施“治愈”它们。减法使你的寿命增长现在，在仔细查看了我的朋友斯佩诺斯·马克瑞戴克斯的数据后，我做出以下推测。斯佩诺斯是一位统计学家和决策科学家，我们在前几章介绍过他，他是第一个发现统计预测方法具有缺陷的人。我们估计，削减一定金额的医疗开支（将削减范围限于并非急需治疗的外科手术和治疗上）有助于延长大多数富裕国家，尤其是美国人的寿命。为什么呢？让我们进行一个简单的基本凸性分析，简单地考察有条件的医源性损伤：对轻度患者进行治疗的错误会将他们置于凹性状况。"}
{"instruction": "Why does Huyen argue that AI engineering is genuinely new even though many of its practices are inherited from traditional machine learning?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "RAG was coined. The best practices for deploying traditional machine learning applications—systematic experimentation, rigorous evaluation, relentless optimization for faster and cheaper models—are still the best practices for working with foundation model-based applications. xi The familiarity and ease of use of many AI engineering techniques can mislead people into thinking there is nothing new to AI engineering. But while many principles for building AI applications remain the same, the scale and improved capabilities of AI models introduce opportunities and challenges that require new solutions. This book covers the end-to-end process of adapting foundation models to solve realworld problems, encompassing tried-and-true techniques from other engineering fields and techniques emerging with foundation models. I set out to write the book because I wanted to learn, and I did learn a lot. I learned from the projects I worked on, the papers I read, and the people I interviewed."}
{"instruction": "What are the three layers of the AI engineering stack, and what responsibilities does each layer carry?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "start from the top layer and move down as needed: Application development With models readily available, anyone can use them to develop applications. This is the layer that has seen the most action in the last two years, and it is still rapidly evolving. Application development involves providing a model with good prompts and necessary context. This layer requires rigorous evaluation. Good applications also demand good interfaces. Model development This layer provides tooling for developing models, including frameworks for modeling, training, finetuning, and inference optimization. Because data is central to model development, this layer also contains dataset engineering. Model development also requires rigorous evaluation. Infrastructure At the bottom is the stack is infrastructure, which includes tooling for model serving, managing data and compute, and monitoring. The AI Engineering Stack | These three layers and examples of responsibilities for each layer are shown in"}
{"instruction": "How does AI engineering shift attention away from feature engineering, and where must a team gain differentiation when everyone uses the same foundation model?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "More about feature engineering, especially with tabular data Less about feature engineering and more about data deduplication, tokenization, context retrieval, and quality control Inference optimization Important Even more important a Many people would dispute this claim, saying that ML knowledge is a must-have. The AI Engineering Stack | Inference optimization techniques, including quantization, distillation, and parallelism, are discussed in Chapters 7 through 9. Application development With traditional ML engineering, where teams build applications using their proprietary models, the model quality is a differentiation. With foundation models, where many teams use the same model, differentiation must be gained through the application development process. The application development layer consists of these responsibilities: evaluation, prompt engineering, and AI interface. Evaluation. Evaluation is about mitigating risks and uncovering opportunities."}
{"instruction": "How does Huyen position AI engineering relative to ML engineering, and what aspect of the field does she say is especially hard to capture in writing?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "whether you should build it. This chapter discussed this question together with major considerations for building AI applications. While AI engineering is a new term, it evolved out of ML engineering, which is the overarching discipline involved with building applications with all ML models. Many principles from ML engineering are still applicable to AI engineering. However, AI engineering also brings with it new challenges and solutions. The last section of the chapter discusses the AI engineering stack, including how it has changed from ML engineering. One aspect of AI engineering that is especially challenging to capture in writing is the incredible amount of collective energy, creativity, and engineering talent that the community brings. This collective enthusiasm can often be overwhelming, as it’s impossible to keep up-to-date with new techniques, discoveries, and engineering feats that seem to happen constantly. One consolation is that since AI is great at information aggregation, it can help us"}
{"instruction": "Why does evaluating foundation models call for systematic evaluation, and which language model metrics and evaluation approaches does Huyen highlight?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "results.3 This creates even more risk and slows application iteration. Instead, we need to invest in systematic evaluation to make the results more reliable. Since many foundation models have a language model component, this chapter will provide a quick overview of the metrics used to evaluate language models, including cross entropy and perplexity. These metrics are essential for guiding the training and finetuning of language models and are frequently used in many evaluation methods. Evaluating foundation models is especially challenging because they are open-ended, and I’ll cover best practices for how to tackle these. Using human evaluators remains a necessary option for many applications. However, given how slow and expensive human annotations can be, the goal is to automate the process. This book focuses on automatic evaluation, which includes both exact and subjective evaluation. The rising star of subjective evaluation is AI as a judge—the approach of using AI to"}
{"instruction": "What techniques do leaderboards such as LMSYS and Scale use to make model comparisons more trustworthy, and what are the downsides of each?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "most relevant documents. One potential way to enforce standardization is to limit users to a set of predetermined prompts. However, this might impact the leaderboard’s ability to capture diverse use cases. LMSYS instead lets users use any prompts but then filter out hard prompts using their internal model and rank models using only these hard prompts. Another way is to use only evaluators that we can trust. We can train evaluators on the criteria to compare two responses or train them to use practical prompts and sophisticated prompting techniques. This is the approach that Scale uses with their private comparative leaderboard. The downside of this approach is that it’s expensive and it can severely reduce the number of comparisons we can get. Another option is to incorporate comparative evaluation into your products and let users evaluate models during their workflows. For example, for the code generation task, you can suggest users two code snippets inside the user’s code editor and let"}
{"instruction": "What motivated the development of preference models in AI evaluation, and how does comparative evaluation resemble the way chess is judged?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "which of the two models is better? Comparative evaluation is common in sports, especially chess, and is gaining traction in AI evaluation. Both comparative evaluation and the post-training alignment process need preference signals, which are expensive to collect. This motivated the development of preference models: specialized AI judges that predict which response users prefer. | Chapter 3: Evaluation Methodology While language modeling metrics and hand-designed similarity measurements have existed for some time, AI as a judge and comparative evaluation have only gained adoption with the emergence of foundation models. Many teams are figuring out how to incorporate them into their evaluation pipelines. Figuring out how to build a reliable evaluation pipeline to evaluate open-ended applications is the topic of the next chapter. Summary | CHAPTER 4 Evaluate AI Systems A model is only useful if it works for its intended purposes. You need to evaluate"}
{"instruction": "According to Huyen, why might different evaluation criteria call for different methods, and how can several methods be combined within one pipeline?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "responsibility. While an emphasis on stickiness and engagement metrics can lead to higher revenues, it may also cause a product to prioritize addictive features or extreme content, which can be detrimental to users. Design Your Evaluation Pipeline | Step 3. Define Evaluation Methods and Data Now that you’ve developed your criteria and scoring rubrics, let’s define what methods and data you want to use to evaluate your application. Select evaluation methods Different criteria might require different evaluation methods. For example, you use a small, specialized toxicity classifier for toxicity detection, semantic similarity to measure relevance between the response and the user’s original question, and an AI judge to measure the factual consistency between the response and the whole context. An unambiguous scoring rubric and examples will be critical for specialized scorers and AI judges to succeed. It’s possible to mix and match evaluation methods for the same criteria."}
{"instruction": "Why does Huyen compare prompt engineering to human communication, and what new risk does a model's ability to follow instructions open up?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "You can think of prompt engineering as human–AI communication. Anyone can communicate, but not everyone can communicate well. Prompt engineering is easy to get started, which misleads many into thinking that it’s easy to do it well. The first part of this chapter discusses the anatomy of a prompt, why in-context learning works, and best prompt engineering practices. Whether you’re communicating with AI or other humans, clear instructions with examples and relevant information are essential. Simple tricks like asking the model to slow down and think step by step can yield surprising improvements. Just like humans, AI models have their quirks and biases, which need to be considered for a productive relationship with them. Foundation models are useful because they can follow instructions. However, this ability also opens them up to prompt attacks in which bad actors get models to follow malicious instructions. This chapter discusses different attack approaches and poten‐"}
{"instruction": "What two steps make up the RAG pattern, what does it originally overcome, and what determines the success of a RAG system?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "tioned that this is the chapter they’re most excited about. This chapter started with RAG, the pattern that emerged first between the two. Many tasks require extensive background knowledge that often exceeds a model’s context window. For example, code copilots might need access to entire codebases, and research assistants may need to analyze multiple books. Originally developed to overcome a model’s context limitations, RAG also enables more efficient use of information, improving response quality while reducing costs. From the early days of foundation models, it was clear that the RAG pattern would be immensely valuable for a wide range of applications, and it has since been rapidly adopted across both consumer and enterprise use cases. RAG employs a two-step process. It first retrieves relevant information from external memory and then uses this information to generate more accurate responses. The success of a RAG system depends on the quality of its retriever."}
{"instruction": "What story do many practitioners tell about concluding that prompting was ineffective, and what does Huyen advise doing before turning to finetuning?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "discussed in Chapter 6. Explore more advanced solutions only if prompting alone proves inadequate. Ensure you have thoroughly tested various prompts, as a model’s performance can vary greatly with different prompts. Many practitioners I’ve spoken with share a similar story that goes like this. Someone complains that prompting is ineffective and insists on finetuning. Upon investigation, it turns out that prompt experiments were minimal and unsystematic. Instructions were unclear, examples didn’t represent actual data, and metrics were poorly defined. After refining the prompt experiment process, the prompt quality improved enough to be sufficient for their application.3 Finetuning Domain-Specific Tasks Beware of the argument that general-purpose models don’t work well for domainspecific tasks, and, therefore, you must finetune or train models for your specific tasks. As general-purpose models become more capable, they also become better at"}
{"instruction": "How did finetuning change as foundation models grew larger, and what single motivation unites most modern finetuning techniques?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "These frameworks can even suggest common finetuning methods with sensible default hyperparameters. However, the context surrounding finetuning is complex. It starts with whether you should even finetune a model. This chapter started with the reasons for finetuning and the reasons for not finetuning. It also discussed one question that I have been asked many times: when to finetune and when to do RAG. In its early days, finetuning was similar to pre-training—both involved updating the model’s entire weights. However, as models increased in size, full finetuning became impractical for most practitioners. The more parameters to update during finetuning, the more memory finetuning needs. Most practitioners don’t have access to sufficient resources (hardware, time, and data) to do full finetuning with foundation models. Many finetuning techniques have been developed with the same motivation: to achieve strong performance on a minimal memory footprint."}
{"instruction": "What are the two main computational bottlenecks of an inference workload, and how does Huyen illustrate each with an everyday example?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": ". Figure 9-1. A simple inference service. Model APIs like those provided by OpenAI and Google are inference services. If you use one of these services, you won’t be implementing most of the techniques discussed in this chapter. However, if you host a model yourself, you’ll be responsible for building, optimizing, and maintaining its inference service. Computational bottlenecks Optimization is about identifying bottlenecks and addressing them. For example, to optimize traffic, city planners might identify congestion points and take measures to alleviate congestion. Similarly, an inference server should be designed to address the computational bottlenecks of the inference workloads it serves. There are two main computational bottlenecks, compute-bound and memory bandwidth-bound: Compute-bound This refers to tasks whose time-to-complete is determined by the computation needed for the tasks. For example, password decryption is typically compute-"}
{"instruction": "What kind of hardware knowledge and which programming languages does writing efficient kernels require, and why does that put kernels out of reach for many AI engineers?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "sive routines that need to be executed repeatedly, often in parallel, to maximize the performance of these accelerators. Common AI operations, including matrix multiplication, attention computation, and convolution operation, all have specialized kernels to make their computation more efficient on different hardware.23 Writing kernels requires a deep understanding of the underlying hardware architecture. This includes knowledge about how the memory hierarchy is structured (such as caches, global memory, shared memory, and registers) and how data is accessed and moved between these different levels. Moreover, kernels are typically written in lower-level programming languages like CUDA (for NVIDIA GPUs), Triton (a language developed by OpenAI for writing custom kernels), and ROCm (for AMD GPUs). These languages allow fine-grained control over thread management and memory access but are also harder to learn than the languages that most AI engineers are familiar with, like Python."}
{"instruction": "What is the goal of service-level optimization, and how does batching requests reduce cost?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "AI companies might have their own compilers, with their proprietary kernels designed to speed up their own workloads.24 Inference Service Optimization Most service-level optimization techniques focus on resource management. Given a fixed amount of resources (compute and memory) and dynamic workloads (inference requests from users that may involve different models), the goal is to efficiently allocate resources to these workloads to optimize for latency and cost. Unlike many model-level techniques, service-level techniques don’t modify models and shouldn’t change the output quality. Batching One of the easiest ways to reduce your cost is batching. In production, your inference service might receive multiple requests simultaneously. Instead of processing each request separately, batching the requests that arrive around the same time together can significantly reduce the service’s throughput. If processing each request separately is like everyone driving their own car, batching is like putting them together on"}
{"instruction": "Which inference optimization techniques does Huyen call the most impactful across use cases, and what does each of them accomplish?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "However, across various use cases, the most impactful techniques are typically quantization (which generally works well across models), tensor parallelism (which both reduces latency and enables serving larger models), replica parallelism (which is relatively straightforward to implement), and attention mechanism optimization (which can significantly accelerate transformer models). Inference optimization concludes the list of model adaptation techniques covered in this book. The next chapter will explore how to integrate these techniques into a cohesive system. | Chapter 9: Inference Optimization CHAPTER 10 AI Engineering Architecture and User Feedback So far, this book has covered a wide range of techniques to adapt foundation models to specific applications. This chapter will discuss how to bring these techniques together to build successful products. Given the wide range of AI engineering techniques and tools available, selecting the"}
{"instruction": "What is the difference between spot checks and exhaustive checks when computing metrics, and why are logs and traces still needed alongside them?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "ensure you stay within your allocated limits and avoid potential service interruptions. When calculating metrics, you can choose between spot checks and exhaustive checks. Spot checks involve sampling a subset of data to quickly identify issues, while exhaustive checks evaluate every request for a comprehensive performance view. The choice depends on your system’s requirements and available resources, with a combination of both providing a balanced monitoring strategy. When computing metrics, ensure they can be broken down by relevant axes, such as users, releases, prompt/chain versions, prompt/chain types, and time. This granularity helps in understanding performance variations and identifying specific issues. Logs and traces Metrics are typically aggregated. They condense information from events that occur in your system over time. They help you understand, at a glance, how your system is doing. However, there are many questions that metrics can’t help you answer."}
{"instruction": "Why do some teams want users to be able to give positive feedback even though it may clutter the interface, and how do they manage that risk?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "positive and negative feedback. Your application should produce good results by default. Asking for feedback on good results might give users the impression that good results are exceptions. Ultimately, if users are happy, they continue using your application. | Chapter 10: AI Engineering Architecture and User Feedback However, many people I’ve talked to believe users should have the option to give feedback when they encounter something amazing. A product manager for a popular AI-powered product mentioned that their team needs positive feedback because it reveals the features users love enough to give enthusiastic feedback about. This allows the team to concentrate on refining a small set of high-impact features rather than spreading resources across many with minimal added value. Some avoid asking for positive feedback out of concern it may clutter the interface or annoy users. However, this risk can be managed by limiting the frequency of feed‐"}
{"instruction": "How does Don Ihde characterize existential phenomenology, and why does this philosophical style insist that embodiment is never a priori to historical and cultural existence?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "As philosopher Don Ihde characterizes it, existential phenomenology “is a philosophical style that emphasizes a certain interpretation of human experience and that, in particular, concerns perception and bodily activity.”1 Indeed, existential phenomenology is philosophically grounded on the carnal, fleshy, objective foundations of subjective consciousness as it engages and is transformed by and in the world. Thus phenomenological inquiry focuses on the phenomena of experience and their meaning as spatially and temporally embodied, lived, and valued by an objective subject—and, as such, always already qualified by the mutable specificities and constraints of history and culture. In this sense embodiment is never a priori to historical and cultural existence. Furthermore, counter to an ahistorical and acultural idealism, the phenomena of our experience cannot be reduced to fixed essences; rather, in existence they have provisional forms and structures and themes and thus are"}
{"instruction": "Why does Sobchack say that Carnal Thoughts is relatively user friendly compared with her earlier The Address of the Eye, and what role do autobiographical and anecdotal experiences play in her argument?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "they never strike exactly the same chords in every body. In regard to both language and experience it is my hope that the essays in Carnal Thoughts are relatively user friendly, as contrasted with my earlier— and (in my view) historically necessary polemic—The Address of the Eye: A Phenomenology of Film Experience. Not only do I avail myself of an array of popular sources, but also many of the essays in the volume are grounded explicitly in representations of autobiographical and/or anecdotal experience (mine as well as others). Nonetheless, these representations of personal or “subjective” experience—and the bafflement they sometimes express—provide the beginning of inquiry rather than its end. Indeed, grounding broader social claims in autobiographical and anecdotal experience is not merely a fuzzy and subjective substitute for rigorous and objective analysis but purposefully provides the phenomenological—and embodied—premises for a"}
{"instruction": "What did the geographer Golledge hope to learn by studying blind adults and children, and which types of 'errors' did he identify as causing spatial disorientation?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "Golledge, professor of geography and director of the Research Unit on Spatial Cognition and Choice at the University of California, Santa Barbara, studied blind adults and children to explore “how route following strategies can build up a cognitive map [to] explain why cognitive maps may be fragmented, distorted, and irregular” (lecture abstract). Golledge identifies the types of “errors” that can occur in relation to navigation and thus cause spatial disorientation: “sequencing of places or route segments; route versus configural understanding; interpoint distance comprehension; locational displacement; variable place recognition; directional misunderstandings; misaligned landmarks (anchors); poor spatial integration; angle generalization; changing perspective; incorrect orientation; incorrect directional comprehension” (lecture handout). My thanks to Louise Krasniewicz for bringing this lecture to my attention. possible if presently unrealized future."}
{"instruction": "Why does Sobchack insist that the wordplay in popular reviews and in phenomenological descriptions is precise and empirically based, and what chiasmatic relation between subject and object does it reveal?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "reversibility of body and language is deeply felt—and often articulated—in these unnameable and undecidable descriptions that nonetheless express quite clearly the ambiguous and ambivalent point at which “our movement up the entropic slope of language encounters the movement by which we come back this side of the distinctions between actuality, action, production, motion.” Thus, the wordplay at work in popular reviews, in Dyer’s comments, and in my own phenomenological descriptions is quite precise and empirically based in the structure and sense of embodied experience itself. Indeed, it helps us not only to understand the enormous capacity of language to say what we mean but also to reveal the very structure of our meaningful experience. The chiasmatic relation in which the subjective sense of embodied experience and the objective sense of representation are perceived as reversibly figure and ground and thus both commensurable and incommensurable"}
{"instruction": "How does the nonanthropocentric gaze Sobchack attributes to Kieslowski both nullify the primacy of human existence and affirm its transcendence and meaning, and why can experiencing it be either threatening or liberating?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "within existence that is always potentially both awful and awesome in its obdurate materiality, its nonanthropocentric presence, and its assertion of the existential equality of all things, human and animate or otherwise. This vision of existential equality nullifies the primacy and privilege of human existence, meaning, and order yet simultaneously affirms human existence as always also transcendent and meaningful. Within this gaze “man” is reduced as a privileged “being,” but existence is amplified as an expansive field of “becoming.” Thus, whether filmmaker, character, or spectator, depending on one’s perspective and depending on how willing one is to concede the seemingly secure fixity of human identity and privilege, experiencing oneself as the subject—or object—of such an expansive and nonanthropocentric gaze can be threatening or liberating. In response to this expanded, nonhierarchical, and decentered gaze, the nonhuman and inanimate things in Kieslowski’s worldview seem to “look"}
{"instruction": "Why does Sobchack say that cinematic and electronic technologies differ from photographic technologies and from each other in their concrete materiality and existential significance, and what different ways of 'being-in-the-world' does each offer the lived body?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "This different sense of subjectively perceived and embodied presence, both signified and supported by first photographic and then cinematic and electronic media, emerges within and co-constitutes objective and material practices of representation and social existence. Thus, while certainly cooperative in creating the moving-image culture or lifeworld we now inhabit, cinematic and electronic technologies are quite different not only from photographic technologies but also from each other in their concrete materiality and particular existential significance. Each technology not only differently mediates our figurations of bodily existence but also constitutes them. That is, each offers our lived bodies radically different ways of “being-in-the-world.” Each implicates us in different structures of material investment, and— because each has a particular affinity with different cultural functions, forms, and contents—each stimulates us through differing modes of presentation"}
{"instruction": "Why does the increasingly rapid cinematic succession of stilled and dissolving photographs fail to animate the woman or give her a presence beyond her image, and what kind of 'suddenly' does the blink that follows bring?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "moments that mark her loss as much as her presence—suddenly blinks. Yet this is a peculiar sense of “suddenly”—one that speaks more to surprise at an unexpected and radical shift in the ontological status of the image and our relation to it than to a more superficial narrative or formal surprise. Indeed, just prior to the brief momentum and intentional revelation of the woman actively blinking, we have watched an increasingly rapid cinematic succession of stilled and dissolving photographic images of her supine in bed that increasingly approach motion but never achieve it. The editorial succession thus may prepare us narratologically or formally for motion, but, however rapid, this succession alone does not animate the woman or give her substantial presence as more than her image. Thus, even as we are seemingly prepared, and even though the photographic move to cinematic movement is extremely subtle, we are nonetheless surprised and deem the movement"}
{"instruction": "How does the cinematic thicken the photograph with 'the elegiac mysteries of durée and of memory,' and how does it make time visibly heterogeneous?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "poral and spatial structure of the photograph. Consonant with what Jameson calls the “high-modernist thematics of time and temporality,” the cinematic thickens the photographic with “the elegiac mysteries of durée and of memory.”30 Although its visible structure of unfolding does not challenge the dominant realist perception of objective time as an irreversible and forwardly directed stream (even flashbacks are contained by the film’s vision in a forwardly directed momentum of experience), the intentional temporal and spatial fluidity of the cinema expresses and makes visible as well—and for the first time—the nonlinear and multidirectional movements of subjectivity as it imagines, remembers, projects forward. In this way the cinematic makes time visibly heterogeneous. That is, we visibly perceive time as structured differently in its subjective and objective modes, and we understand that these the scene of the screen two structures exist simultaneously in a demonstrable state of discontinuity as"}
{"instruction": "How does digital electronic technology atomize and abstractly schematize the analogic quality of the photographic and cinematic, and in what state does the electronic world incorporate the spectator or user?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "cinematic anticipation of a future. Digital electronic technology atomizes and abstractly schematizes the analogic quality of the photographic and cinematic into discrete pixels and bits of information that are then transmitted serially, each bit discontinuous, discontiguous, and absolute—each bit “being-in-itself” even as it is part of a system.33 Television, videocassettes and digital discs, VCR and DVD recorder/players, electronic games, personal computers with Internet access, and pocket electronics of all kinds form an encompassing perceptual and representational system whose various forms “interface” to constitute an alternative and absolute electronic world of immaterialized—if materially consequential—experience. And this electronic world incorporates the spectator/user uniquely in a spatially decentered, weakly temporalized and quasi-disembodied (or diffusely embodied) state. Once again we can turn to Blade Runner to provide illustration of how the"}
{"instruction": "How does the postmodern electronic techno-logic transform modernist and cinematic temporality so that subjective and objective time once again become homogeneous, and why is this a radical transformation rather than a return to an earlier phenomeno-logic?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "logic phenomenologically informed and transformed an earlier moment’s primarily objective and linear sense of temporality with the material realization of time as heterogeneous. That is, it re-cognized and representationally realized that objective and subjective time were lived simultaneously but structured quite differently. By means of a perverse turn, the now dominant cultural logic of postmodernism (and, perhaps, post-postmodernism) and its electronic techno-logic phenomenologically informs—and transforms— modernist and cinematic temporality with a sense of subjective and objective time as once again homogeneous. However, this is a radical transformation rather than a return to an older phenomeno-logic in which the sense of objective time as constitutively streaming forward in a linear progression that marked past, present, and future was dominant, and subjective time was subordinated to this movement and thus transparently sensed as homoge-"}
{"instruction": "How does electronic space compensate for its lack of temporal thickness and bodily investment by replacing depth and texture with saturation of color and hyperbolic attention to detail, and what transformation of ethical investments does Sobchack see emerging from this?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "invested situation in which action counts rather than computes. Such a superficial space can no longer precisely hold the interest of the spectator/user but has to constantly stimulate it. Its flatness—a function of its lack of temporal thickness and bodily investment—has to attract spectator interest at the surface. To achieve this, electronic space constructs objective and superficial equivalents to depth, texture, and invested bodily movement. Saturation of color and hyperbolic attention to detail replace depth and texture at the surface of the image, and constant action and the simultaneous and busy multiplicity of screens and images replace the gravity that grounds and orients the movement of the lived body with a purely spectacular, kinetically exciting, often dizzying sense of bodily freedom (and freedom from the body). Thus, along with this transformation of aesthetic characteristics and sensibility emerges a significant transformation of ethical investments."}
{"instruction": "How does the prosthetic as a metaphor tend to take adjectival form, producing phrases such as 'prosthetic memory' and 'prosthetic territories,' and how do metonymy and synecdoche differ from metaphor?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "in more detail. Earlier I pointed out that predicated on relations of resemblance, metaphor operates to construct an analogy, presenting “one idea under the sign of another,” primarily through highlighting similarities between the structural or functional aspects of objects rather than between the literal objects as such. Hence the prosthetic as a metaphor easily—and often—takes on adjectival form, characterizing and qualifying other nouns rather than serving a noun function itself: “prosthetic memory,” “prosthetic territories,” and so forth. Unlike metaphor, however, metonymy and synecdoche do primarily refer to objects—albeit quite differently. Constructing relations of correspondence or correlation, metonymy “brings together two objects each of which constitutes ‘an absolutely separate whole.’ This is why metonymy divides up in turn according to the variety of relationships that satisfy the general condition of correspondence: relationship of cause to"}
{"instruction": "Why does Sobchack call birth 'the sign to begin all signs' and death 'a sign that ends all signs,' and why is death always perceived as original, unconventional, and shocking in a secular and scientized culture?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "Indeed, it seems unrepresentable. Birth, by contrast, does not seem unrepresentable. Although it also involves a bodily transformation that interrogates conventional systems of representation with its radical originality, unlike death it affirmatively signifies the entrance into conventional culture, into social order and value systems, into a representable world and a world of representation. Birth, for us (and possibly for all cultures), is the sign to begin all signs. Death, however, is a sign that ends all signs. In a secular and scientized culture such as ours, it is perceived as the last, the ultimate, act of semiosis. It is always original, unconventional, and shocking, its event always simultaneously representing both the last gasp of sign production and the end of representation. Thus, although birth and death are each processes and representations of liminal moments of bodily transformation and both threaten the stability of cultural codes and conventions with their radical"}
{"instruction": "In the Zapruder footage and in Gimme Shelter, how does the cinematic coding of distance mark the filmmaker's helplessness before death, and what does 'the excess of the death over its representation' mean?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "its signification more precise. This, in fact, is what has been done both with the Zapruder footage and in Gimme Shelter. Nonetheless, although viewing and reviewing the film in both instances increases our focus and direction, it never finally overcomes the accidental oversight of the immediate visual encounter with mortality (and the excess of the death over its representation). The helpless gaze at the event of death is cinematically coded in markers of technical and physical distance from it. The distance may be great—in which case physical intervention on the part of the filmmaker is visibly perceived to have been impossible. In other instances, particularly when the death entails the ritual of a legal execution, the filmmaker may be technically and physically closer to the event but is legislatively distanced and prevented from intervening. Distance, and the helplessness it confers, is signified not only by the long shot but also by the frequent use of telephoto and zoom"}
{"instruction": "How is the unsettling epistemological ambiguity Sobchack describes produced, and how does the 'snuff' film concretize it in the most vital and visceral way?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "meaning.12 Thus, it is relatively rare when distinctions between fiction and documentary are purposefully and “really” confused in the film object itself and the two representational forms so complexly interwoven that they confound the spectator’s capacity to discriminate precisely between them, resulting in a rich, if unsettling, epistemological ambiguity. Here the confusion of fiction and fact isn’t constituted as a self-congratulatory hermeneutic game in which the players know the rules from the start; indeed, the rules themselves are challenged—albeit not changed. Certainly, it is this unsettling epistemological ambiguity that not only structures but also constitutes the titillation, ethical outrage, and moral charge generated by the undecidable status as document or fiction of the “snuff” film, which concretizes in the most vital and visceral way the conundrum of representation qua representation, of “not being able to tell” what the ontological status of an abstracted cinematic image"}
{"instruction": "Why does Sobchack argue that the historical provisionality of cinematic consciousness and of the ontological status of cinematic representation is qualified by certain essential material conditions of embodied existence, and why does she keep returning to the death of Renoir's rabbit as her example?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "and the Devil with documentary consciousness and that Husbands and Wives will remand itself to fiction as we ourselves lose sight of its charged cultural context. Although such historical provisionality in the co-constitution of cinematic consciousness and the ontological status of cinematic representation is certain, this provisionality is itself qualified by certain essential material conditions of embodied existence that persist in human experience: birth, death, bodily functions, and the general spontaneity of young babies and most animals. Hence my ongoing concern for the death of Renoir’s rabbit— and the likelihood that, despite the passage of time, it will outlast my concern for the travails of Woody and Mia. In this regard my previous description of the restructuring of fictional into documentary consciousness and space by the charge of the real may be phenomenologically accurate, but it still does not go quite far enough. For while it may be easy to circumscribe the experiences of this transformation"}
{"instruction": "What does Sobchack mean by 'interobjectivity,' and why does it stand in a relation to intersubjectivity that is at once complimentary and contrary?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "consciousness of ourselves is always only partial, consciousness being above explanation as the origin of explanations; on the “being” side our dense flesh is often opaque and below explanation, overrunning our consciousness and its comprehension. This reversible structure of transcendence and immanence “in the flesh” provides the grounds for the possibility (if not always the observance) of that reversible structure of empathy and sympathy between our own embodied subjectivity and other body-subjects known as intersubjectivity. I would argue, however, that it also provides the grounds for the possibility of a similarly reversible structure of empathy and sympathy between our own subjective embodiment and other body-objects that I here call interobjectivity. Interobjectivity, then, stands in a necessary relation to intersubjectivity—albeit in a relation that is, at once, both complimentary and contrary. For Merleau-Ponty the question, and possibility, of intersubjectivity was"}
{"instruction": "What does the book offer as an example of asymmetric information, using German expectations about Britain and Belgian entry into the war in 1914?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "French participation. On the other hand, many German authorities believed that Britain would not enter the war—and were stunned when German troops encountered the British Expeditionary Force in Belgium. The British had in fact made fairly clear that they would intervene, but the German government chose to disbelieve this: in a sense Germany “had” the information, yet because of an information processing problem “did not have” it. In addition, the Belgians were not expected to fi ght at all. But fi ght they did, resulting in political embarrassment and causing Germany military problems. In contrast, all of Germany’s western adversaries correctly believed that the Belgians would fi ght. These are examples of asymmetric information or, more precisely, examples of hidden characteristics about one’s opponent, characteristics not revealed until battle is joined and swords are crossed. The asymmetry may not just be about whether certain facts are known"}
{"instruction": "What simplifying assumptions about time, space, conflict, and information characterize early neoclassical economic models?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "Early neoclassical economics—again, in its stylized version—progressed by making a number of assumptions that would lighten the economist’s analytic workload. For example, the models used to explain observed behavior generally are ahistoric. The analysis is static rather than dynamic. How an economic agent moves from one point in time to another is not explored. Time does not exist. Neither does space, as the early models do not explicitly consider the signifi cance of distance, topography, or climate on decision making. Similarly, in championing the analysis of production and mutually benefi cial but competitive market exchange, pure economics assumes the absence of confl ict and appropriation, surely a drastic narrowing of the scope of the analysis. Further, the models assume that economic agents possess perfect information about economics [ 9 ] themselves, about each other, about product prices and qualities, and about every relevant piece of information that would be important in coming to a"}
{"instruction": "Which examples of substitution do the authors draw from marriage and from the medical field, and why is the possibility of substitution said to go to the essence of competition?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "of boys, and boys from among a selection of girls. Marriage is a social device to limit substitution possibilities for a higher social purpose (the unimpeded rearing of children). In the medical fi eld, hospital administrators substitute relatively cheap registered nurses for more expensive medical doctors. As nurses become expensive in turn, hospitals substitute bedside technology for nurses. Meanwhile, health maintenance organizations serve as institutionalized providers of medical secondopinions and can force substitution of one treatment plan for another. Pharmaceutical companies weigh in and offer substitute, drugbased treatment to reduce severity of illness and to speed up time of recuperation. Much of this takes place in an environment of skewed incentives and asymmetric information (on which much more in later sections). The possibility of substitution goes to the essence of competition. It is not surprising that providers go to great lengths to stifl e, limit, and restrict com-"}
{"instruction": "How does the nineteenth-century explosives factory example distinguish hidden characteristics from hidden actions?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "teaching efforts focused. An interesting example, not without relevance for the larger topic of the book, is supplied, once more, by textbook authors Katz and Rosen. In the nineteenth century the manufacture of explosives was a particularly dangerous occupation. They write that one way to reassure workers that appropriate manufacturing precautions had been taken—a hidden action, for how would workers know that appropriate precautions had in fact been taken?—was to locate the owner’s family home, with its full complement of wife and children, right next to the plant!47 This highlights the difference between hidden characteristics and hidden actions: the former is about information and information transmittal before a commitment is made, the latter is about incentives and incentive alignment after a commitment has been made. The former is about being truthful, the latter about acting truthfully. Failing the former, the point is to reveal truthful"}
{"instruction": "Why are the Welsh castles called 'white elephants,' and what irony do the authors see in the Carolingians' creation of feudalism to build an army?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "of castle building. Nor was castle building a panacea. The Welsh castles have been described as “white elephants” because, although their presence did anchor English rule, their small garrisons could do nothing during rebellions but protect themselves. Eventually the very defensive strength of castles made them obsolete. Rather than engaging in long and costly sieges, armies fought away from the great forts and the importance of masonry began to decline in the fourteenth century.75 To some leaders, nonfi nancial dangers of maintaining armies may have been the decisive consideration. In the eight and ninth centuries, the Carolingian rulers established feudalism in order to create armies, but as the empire disintegrated feudal warriors became rulers themselves. Ironically, the attempt to create an imperial army accelerated the empire’s undoing. In contrast, medieval monarchs were reluctant to experiment. “Changes in methods of recruiting"}
{"instruction": "How did increasingly centralized war administrations and the condottiere riding into battle help address the hidden action problem with mercenary forces?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "Likewise, mustering and regular inspections were to ensure that the horses and equipment mercenary forces claimed to have did in fact measure up. The gradual evolution of sophisticated and centralized war administrations—on both sides—not only furthered mundane accounting purposes but also served to signal the parties about each other’s intent and capacities. The same purpose was fulfi lled by having the condottiere ride into battle himself. Understandably a city would be much more likely to contract with a fellow whose past battlefi eld actions and skills have been observed (revealed) than to contract with one who is unknown and merely talks a good game. The hidden action problem was addressed in a wide variety of ways. For example, the common use of base and bonus pay served to ensure that men put forth requisite effort, as did the development of contract renewal options. Those who would not put forth visible effort would not receive bonus pay"}
{"instruction": "What did the rise of the nation-state mean for nobles' and subjects' loyalties, and which older arrangements did it slowly replace?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "On the other hand, monarchs risked losing the traditional loyalty of their subjects and upending their relationship with the nobility. The nobles themselves were in an equally ambiguous position. While nobles in time became servants of the state—such as in Prussia, for example—this meant elevating their loyalty to the country over loyalty to their class. Ultimately the nationstate would make unlimited claims on the loyalty and resources of its inhabitants and reject all forms of external restriction. The new system would not accept the meddling of the international church, the class ties of the nobles, or, later, the class ties of labor. It slowly replaced the complex and divided feudal system of the Middle Ages with its emphasis on individual relationships, contracts, privileges, and overlapping systems of authority. This was anything but an overnight change—for example, feudalism was more superseded than abolished, at least until the French Revolution—but with the"}
{"instruction": "According to the table, which practices illustrate diminishing marginal returns in war, and what about morale and ammunition relates to overcoming hidden characteristics?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "no longer needed the bayonet for the pike; the former costs less because one no longer needed specialized pikemen when ideal force is not “available” due to high costs others will have to do—cavalry instead of infantry, etc. artillery bombardments sometimes used as alternative to infantry assault Diminishing marginal returns too many troops in an attack produces crowding and confusion too many troops clog roads needed by supply convoys massing more artillery than is necessary for a particular mission leads to waste of fi repower, ammunition, etc. concentrating all force on a single goal wasteful because more units than necessary may be employed an excessive number of units participating in an operation may generate too much complexity Asymmetric information (overcoming) hidden characteristics low morale should be concealed, information about enemy morale can be critical lack of ammunition must be carefully concealed the telescope"}
{"instruction": "How did Burnside squander his informational advantage at Fredericksburg, and what did his thirteen thousand losses show about action revealing information?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "decided that the time to concentrate the entire army had arrived.32 When Burnside arrived at Fredericksburg he faced little opposition, but the expected pontoon bridges had not come. He could not cross. His informational advantage (knowing that he was going to Fredericksburg while Lee did not) started to disintegrate—but not completely, as the Rebels had not concentrated when the bridges fi nally arrived. Yet Burnside hesitated and, by the time his army made a heavily contested crossing, Lee was well ensconced above Fredericksburg. Burnside had deciphered Lee’s hidden characteristic and kept Lee guessing for three weeks, but now Burnside sacrifi ced the advantage. He also sacrifi ced thousands of soldiers—his losses were almost thirteen thousand men—as their advance lacked any secrecy or surprise. Tactically, his advance on the Confederate position gave his opponents perfect information. Action reveals information, as Jomini had warned."}
{"instruction": "What Civil War examples does the table give for overcoming hidden characteristics and for solving hidden action problems?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "numbers Union armies’ size increases railroad dependency, slows them down size of artillery park; too many equals slower movement, add’l batteries each have lesser effect increasing use of fi eld forti- fi cations as offensives fail to yield decisive results multiple attacks by Grant in VA; successive waves less impact than fi rst ones Asymmetric information (overcoming) hidden characteristics morale, both own and enemy’s, a constant issue in dispatches Vicksburg: Confederacy’s attack on nonexisting Union supply line construction of observation stations in VA; heavy fi ghting to protect them establishment of Bureau of Military Information Gettysburg: both commanders heavily infl uenced by lack of information Asymmetric information (overcoming) hidden action incentive alignment problem “solved” with drafts Sutlers (private suppliers of basic needs); private incentive USS Monitor and other innovations; speed gives inventor prestige and"}
{"instruction": "Why did building more aircraft not remedy Germany's shortage of pilots, and what cost-plus contracting problem did its private arms industry face?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "Air Force fi nally encountered a formidable opponent in the air, so formidable that it overwhelmed the Luftwaffe. Survival rates dropped, and German pilots became scarce. Economically, aircraft and pilots are complementary goods. One requires the other. Building aircraft would not solve the problem, neither would fueling them. Without pilots, diminishing returns to more aircraft set in rather more rapidly. Regarding the overcoming of hidden action problems, the development of the German arms industry serves as an example. Initially, much industry was private and worked on a costplus contract basis. The usual arms industry contracting problems that are much discussed today applied back then as well. How does the state know to what degree a privately contracted party honestly and conscientiously fulfi lls its contractual obligations? There are many ways to address this problem. The German state initially helped fi nance much of the construction of the industrial assets needed to rebuild its arms industry after"}
{"instruction": "What changes did Mitterrand make to France's nuclear and conventional forces, and how did one observer characterize France's nuclear priority?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "From an ideological perspective, a major shift in foreign policy, and hence military policy, might have been expected. There was none. To be sure, he made a few changes such as adding a rapid strike force, a separate headquarters for tactical nuclear weapons, and placing both classes of nuclear weapons and the strike force directly under his own presidential authority. The rapid strike force was intended to complement the nuclear force, giving the government a reinforced deterrent although its exact purpose remained somewhat ambiguous. Despite this conventionalarms expansion, the administration continued to believe that nuclear weapons provided better deterrence than the conventional kind. Still, Mitterand’s tendencies led one observer to conclude that France’s “nuclear priority,” which had caused “underfunding of critical conventional military programs, is being deemphasized.”42 And yet it is hard to see Mitterand’s government as being atomically differ-"}
{"instruction": "What did de Gaulle's instruction on tactical nuclear weapons emphasize, and what did the review of the force de frappe conclude about substitution?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "many offi cers thought of tactical nuclear weapons as “super artillery.” He even wrote an instruction emphasizing that nuclear weapons existed to deter war and that it was global politics rather than the European military balance that chapter seven [ 272 ] mattered. It was unusual for de Gaulle to descend to doctrinal levels, but in so doing he emphasized that, for him, tactical nuclear weapons were not going to be a substitute for conventional weakness.75 substituting nuclear for conventional forces This review of the history and rationale for the force de frappe demonstrates that some type of substitution did indeed occur. The limitations on resources were obvious. France’s military expenditure entered an inevitable period of decline during the Gaullist era as the country ended sixteen years of counterinsurgency warfare and steered more resources toward economic development and social welfare. Political and economic reality demanded that defense spending"}
{"instruction": "How does the book describe Western Europe's dependence on the United States after the war, and why did France's pursuit of nuclear weapons count as substitution?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "although often stealthily via its intelligence arm. In contrast, simple possession of nuclear weapons draws far more attention than possession of a conventional army. While the merits of the case were argued, at least in the pertinent French decision makers’ minds comparable foreign policy benefi ts did exist and substitution did take place. Substitution of Nuclear Weapons for the United States After World War II, the dependence of Western Europe on the United States was nearly absolute. National sovereignty existed courtesy of Washington, and France felt particularly uncomfortable. De Gaulle and others had suffered being ignored at the great conferences that decided the war and its aftermath. All independent European states depended on the American deterrent and American military force but had no control over when and whether the American umbrella could be relied upon. For France, in addition, Dien Bien Phu, Suez, and Algeria were defi ning moments."}
{"instruction": "What arguments did French strategists advance for nuclear weapons, and how did doctrinal confusion complicate the authors' assessment of whether substitution occurred?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "tions about its allies, the expense of conventional rearmament, fears about its infantry becoming NATO cannon fodder, but, above all, the need to restore greatness and grandeur. French strategists argued that nuclear weapons abolished traditional battle and military notions of time and space and enabled a relatively small force to deter a much larger one. The most radical thinkers advocated abolition of the conventional forces. Moderates hoped to protect the homeland or utilize nuclear weapons to improve France’s world, or at least European, position. De Gaulle also wished to create a completely new army. Doctrine, however, remained unclear and contradictory, and many issues remained unresolved. The picture was further clouded by the introduction of tactical nuclear weapons, about whose role no consensus existed. Doctrinal haziness does complicate our analysis of whether substitution occurred but does not make it impossible. Our assessment is refl ected in table"}
{"instruction": "Why must a government anticipate the reaction of terror producers when choosing a 'terror tax,' and what unintended effect followed from installing metal detectors at airports?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "governments, and the cost of coordination among two hundred or so governments and international organizations can be very high indeed (as we address in more detail in a moment). In contrast, unilateral defensive measures may be cheaper.6 Second, apart from the cost to government of imposing restrictions on terror organizations, government must also anticipate the reaction of the terror producers. For example, while it was relatively cheap to install metal detectors at airports, an unforeseen, and unintended, consequence was that terror organizations changed their product mix: they produced fewer skyjackings and more embassy bombings. Similarly, it has been shown that a program of embassy fortifi cation induced terror organizations to shift toward more assassinations and terror threats.7 In a word, in choosing the appropriate “terror tax,” government must choose not the cheapest but the optimal option across the available product mix."}
{"instruction": "Why do countries tend to overinvest in defensive measures and underinvest in offensive ones, making the international response to transnational terrorism suboptimal?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "countries, countries that, once the threat is removed, or even while the threat is being removed, have no incentive to pay a share of the cost. And so the United States will engage in preemptive or retaliatory strikes only if the expected benefi ts to itself outweigh its costs, regardless of the benefi ts that may accrue to other countries. But if the benefi ts of offensive action are judged too small relative to the cost incurred, the United States will then prefer to engage in defensive action only. Other countries reason along similar lines, and so we can explain the empirical regularity with which countries tend to overinvest in defensive measures that require no international cooperation and underinvest in offensive measures that do require such cooperation. In a word, the international response to transnational terrorism is suboptimal. Table 8.1: Attributes of terror organizations and target governments Terror organizations Targeted governments"}
{"instruction": "What evidence does the book offer that the private security sector is larger than the public one, in both employees and dollar terms?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "for the sort of security one wishes to see supplied. Perhaps different types of security are best supplied by different governance structures. It is not well appreciated that the private security sector is larger than the public one, both in the numbers of employees and in dollar terms. In the United States, most shopping malls hire private security guards, virtually every private college campus has its own public safety department (that, despite its name, is actually private), all big sport events come with security services on hand, businesses erect fences around manufacturing plants and patrol their premises twentyfour hours a day, hospitals employ guards, gas stations and retail stores use cameras to videotape customers (and employees), and private citizens wire their homes and yards with security cameras and alarm systems that are linked to private security fi rms, and some of them even go so far as to place the entire neighborhood inside a gated community."}
{"instruction": "What advantages do private military and security companies offer an exporting state, and what concerns about democratic accountability does that raise?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "To the exporting state this can provide certain advantages. Soldiers of fortune roaming about abroad are less likely to cause trouble at home; casualties that private contractors may incur are not usually as politically sensitive as casualties incurred by a state’s offi cial defense force; if the importing country pays up, the exporting country does not even have to foot the bill for sending forces abroad; and the exporting country may be able to carry out foreign policy objectives while offi cially maintaining a handsoff policy. This last point has raised concerns in the United States and Britain in particular: If private contractors carry out foreign policy, how transparent and accountable are they to democratic control? Are private contractors used to carry out foreign policy without legislative supervision? Consequently much has been written about the ethics, economics, and proper regulation of PMCs and PSCs. Fredland makes the good point that to the importing state it may not"}
{"instruction": "According to Chip Huyen, what does machine learning systems design mean, and what four characteristics should most ML systems have?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "to give you an overview of machine learning systems design. It starts by explaining what machine learning systems design is and covers the requirements for ML systems. We will then go over the iterative process for designing systems to meet those requirements. ML systems design is the process of defining all the components of an ML system, including interface, algorithms, data, infrastructure, and hardware, so that the system satisfies specified requirements. Requirements for ML Systems Before building a system, it’s essential to define requirements for that system. Requirements vary from use case to use case. However, most systems should have these four characteristics: reliable, scalable, maintainable, and adaptable. We’ll walk through each of these concepts in detail. Let’s take a closer look at reliability first. Reliability The system should continue to perform the correct function at the desired level of performance even in the face of adversity (hardware or software"}
{"instruction": "Why does the author separate transactional processing from analytical processing before discussing the ETL process in a production ML system, and where does she defer the batch-versus-stream topic to?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "your adjacent team might need to select a database appropriate for your application. Typically, there are two types of workloads that databases are optimized for: transactional processing and analytical processing, and there’s a big difference between them. In this section, we will discuss the difference between transaction processing and analytical processing. We will then cover the basics of the ETL (Extract, Transform, Load) process that you will inevitably encounter when building an ML system in production. [TODO] Readers tuned into data engineering trends might wonder why batch processing versus stream processing is missing from this chapter. We’ll cover this topic in Chapter 6: Deployment since I believe it’s more related to other deployment concepts. Transactional and Analytical Processing Traditionally, a transaction refers to the action of buying or selling something. In the digital world, a transaction refers to any kind of actions that happen online: tweeting, ordering a ride"}
{"instruction": "How has the relationship between data storage engines and data processing changed in recent years, according to this chapter summary?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "that reads the data has to assume the structure. We continued the chapter with data storage engines and processing. We studied databases optimized for two distinct types of data processing: transactional processing and analytical processing. We also studied a process that is ubiquitous in data science and analytics workloads today: ETL. These fundamentals will hopefully help readers become better prepared when facing seemingly overwhelming data in production. We put data storage engines and processing together in the same section because traditionally, storage is coupled with processing: transactional databases for transactional processing and analytical databases for analytical processing. However, in recent years, many vendors have worked on decoupling storage and processing. Today, we have transactional databases that can handle analytical queries and analytical databases that can handle transactional queries. When discussing data formats, data models, data storage engines and processing, data is"}
{"instruction": "Why might a team prefer to maintain separate models for spam filtering and post quality ranking rather than a single combined model?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "explained above. Second, it’s easier for maintenance since different objectives might need different maintenance schedules. Spamming techniques evolve much faster than the way post quality is perceived, so spam filtering systems need updates at a much higher frequency than quality ranking systems. Model Development and Training In this section, we’ll discuss necessary aspects to help you develop and train your model, including how to evaluate different ML models for your problem, creating ensembles of models to solve your problem, experiment tracking and versioning, and distributed training, which is necessary for the scale at which models today are usually trained at. We’ll end this section with the more advanced topic of AutoML — using ML to automatically choose a model best for your problem. Evaluating ML Models Developing a model starts with selecting the right model for your problem. There are many possible solutions to any given problem, both ML solutions"}
{"instruction": "What problems does the author identify with aggressive experiment tracking and versioning, including the issue of non-determinism and the treatment of ML as a blackbox?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "Third, if you use user data to train your model, regulations like GDPR might make versioning this data complicated. For example, regulations might mandate that you delete user data if requested, making it legally impossible to recover older versions of your data. Aggressive experiment tracking and versioning helps with reproducibility, but doesn’t ensure reproducibility. The frameworks and hardware you use might introduce non-determinism to your experiment results , making it impossible to replicate the result of an experiment without knowing everything about the environment your experiment runs in. The way we have to run so many experiments right now to find the best possible model is the result of us treating ML as a blackbox. Because we can’t predict which configuration will work best, we have to experiment with multiple configurations. However, I hope that as the field progresses, we’ll gain more understanding into different models and can reason about"}
{"instruction": "What is neural architecture search, and what components does a NAS setup consist of?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "Hard AutoML: Architecture search and learned optimizer Some teams take hyperparameter tuning to the next level: what if we treat other components of a model or the entire model as hyperparameters. The size of a convolution layer or whether or not to have a skip layer can be considered a hyperparameter. Instead of manually putting a pooling layer after a convolutional layer or ReLu after linear, you give your algorithm these building blocks and let it figure out how to combine them. This area of research is known as architectural search, or neural architecture search (NAS) for neural networks, as it searches for the optimal model architecture. A NAS setup consists of three components: a search space that defines possible neural networks, e.g. building blocks to choose from and constraints on how they can be combined. a performance estimation strategy to evaluate the performance of a candidate architecture. Even though the final architecture resulting"}
{"instruction": "What is the difference between online prediction and batch prediction, and what examples does the author give for each?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "end users and developers working on your system is how it generates and serves its predictions to end-users: online or batch. Online prediction is when predictions are generated and returned as soon as requests for these predictions arrive. For example, you enter an English sentence into Google Translate and get back its French translation immediately. Online prediction is also known as synchronous prediction: predictions are generated in synchronization with requests, or on-demand prediction: predictions are generated after requests for these predictions, not before. Traditionally, when doing online prediction, requests are sent to the prediction service via RESTful APIs (e.g. HTTP requests — see Data passing through services in Chapter 2). Batch prediction is when predictions are generated periodically or whenever triggered. The predictions are stored somewhere, such as in SQL tables or CSV files, and retrieved as needed. For example, Netflix might"}
{"instruction": "What is the disagreement between Liu et al. and Zhu et al. about the real value of pruning a trained network?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "Experiments show that pruning techniques can reduce the non-zero parameter counts of trained networks by over 90%, decreasing storage requirements and improving computational performance of inference without compromising accuracy . While it’s generally agreed that pruning works , there have been many discussions on the actual value of pruning. Liu et al. argued that the main value of pruning isn’t in the inherited “important weights”, but in the pruned architecture itself. In some cases, pruning can be useful as an architecture search paradigm, and the pruned architecture should be retrained from scratch as a dense model. However, Zhu et al. showed that the large sparse model after pruning outperformed the retrained small counterpart. Quantization Quantization is the most general and commonly used model compression method. It’s straightforward to do and generalizes over tasks and architectures. Quantization reduces a model’s size by using fewer bits to represent its"}
{"instruction": "How does Beckert characterize the phase of capitalism that preceded industrial capitalism, contrasting it with modern capitalism on labor, markets, property, and law?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "often unrecognized phase in the development of capitalism, unfolded in a constantly shifting set of places embedded within constantly changing relationships. In some parts of the world it lasted well into the nineteenth century. When we think of capitalism, we think of wage workers, yet this prior phase of capitalism was based not on free labor but on slavery. We associate industrial capitalism with contracts and markets, but early capitalism was based as often as not on violence and bodily coercion. Modern capitalism privileges property rights, but this earlier moment was characterized just as much by massive expropriations as by secure ownership. Latter-day capitalism rests upon the rule of law and powerful institutions backed by the state, but capitalism’s early phase, although ultimately requiring state power to create world-spanning empires, was frequently based on the unrestrained actions of private individuals—the domination of masters over slaves and of frontier capitalists over indigenous"}
{"instruction": "What means does Beckert list by which European capitalists and rulers reshaped global cotton networks, and why does he call these alterations the first steps toward the Industrial Revolution?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "cotton not because of new inventions or superior technologies, but because of their ability to reshape and then dominate global cotton networks. European capitalists and rulers altered global networks through multiple means. The muscle of armed trade enabled the creation of a complex, Eurocentric maritime trade web; the forging of a military-ɹscal state allowed for the projection of power into the far- ɻung corners of the world; the invention of ɹnancial instruments— from marine insurance to bills of lading—allowed for the transfer of capital and goods over long distances; the development of a legal system gave a modicum of security to global investments; the construction of alliances with distant capitalists and rulers provided access to local weavers and cotton growers; the expropriation of land and the deportation of Africans created ɻourishing plantations. Unbeknownst to contemporaries, these alterations were the ɹrst steps toward the Industrial Revolution."}
{"instruction": "How did the rise of the cotton-centered world transform economic space from multipolar to unipolar, and what were the repercussions within Europe itself?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "At the root of the emergence of the modern world of sustained economic growth, it created unfathomable suʃering, but also a consequential transformation of the organization of economic space: A multipolar world increasingly became unipolar. Power long spread across multiple continents and through numerous networks increasingly became centralized through a single node, dominated by European capitalists and European states. At the core of this change stood cotton, as the multiple and diverse worlds of the production and distribution of this commodity increasingly lost ground to a hierarchical empire organized on a global scale. Within Europe itself, this reorganization of economic space had continent-wide repercussions. “Atlantic” powers such as the Netherlands, Great Britain, and France replaced the erstwhile economic powerhouses such as Venice and its northern Italian hinterland. As Atlantic trade superseded Mediterranean trade and as the New World became an important producer of raw materials,"}
{"instruction": "How did the East India Company try to bypass the independent Indian banias through its agency system, and what did direct advances to weavers do to their dependence?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "to bypass the independent Indian banias who had historically connected them to the weavers by giving that responsibility to Indian “agents” whom they put on their own payroll. The Board of Trade in London instructed the governor-general in great detail how to recast the system of purchasing cotton cloth, hoping thereby to “recover to the Company that genuine knowledge of the business,” and thus acquire more cloth at cheaper prices by implementing the “grand Fundamental principle of the Agency System.” Through its Indian agents the company now made direct advances to weavers, something the British had not done in earlier years, which was greatly aided by territorial control and the attendant political authority. While weavers had always depended on credit, the novel insertion of Europeans into these credit networks along with the eʃorts of European merchants to monopolize economic control of particular parts of India made them ever more dependent on the"}
{"instruction": "According to Beckert, how had European merchants already rearranged global cotton networks long before new cotton-producing technologies appeared?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "These institutions originated in the world of war capitalism “as advanced industrial techniques and commercial practices” migrated from export businesses into the domestic economy.54 European—and especially British—merchants, with the willing partnership of the British state, had inserted themselves in unique ways into the global networks of cotton production, between growers and spinners, between spinners and weavers, between producers and consumers. Long before the advent of new cottonproducing technologies, they had in fact already rearranged the global cotton industry and global cotton networks. These networks were dominated by the joint venture of private capital and increasingly robust states. Together their commitment to armed trade, industrial espionage, prohibitions, restrictive trade regulations, domination of territories, capturing of labor, removal of indigenous inhabitants, and the state-sponsored creation of territories that were then left to the far-reaching domination of"}
{"instruction": "Why did the low opportunity cost of female-dominated spinning in India and China make the embrace of new spinning technologies less likely?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "eager manufacturers to mobilize large numbers of workers. Because of the diʃerent organization of households, especially limitations on women’s outside activities, female-dominated spinning had extremely low opportunity costs in India and China, making the embrace of new technologies less likely. Women’s labor, in the calculation of peasant households, was inexpensive. In India, additionally, the chain between the weaver and the ɹnal consumer was a long one, with many intermediaries. “To break out of this traditional historical institution” proved diɽcult, as one historian has remarked, and in the minds of many, of little advantage. Many spinners and weavers in the English countryside likely felt similarly to their brethren in India and China; they knew that newer spinning technology would make their home-based manufacturing unsustainable. And yet with few other means of earning income, and with their episodic eʃorts to organize against the encroachment"}
{"instruction": "What factors prevented Europeans from pressing for monocultural cotton production in western Anatolia despite the labor shortage there?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "The labor shortage was such that beginning in the 1770s landowners in western Anatolia brought in thousands of Greek laborers to grow cotton—an expansion that still did not provide the scale necessary for the supply of European industry. The largely precapitalist dependencies that structured the world of rural cultivators, the eʃorts of peasants to secure their subsistence, the lack of transportation infrastructure, and the continued political independence of the Ottoman state contributed to Europeans’ inability to press for the monocultural production of cotton. A rapid reallocation of land and labor for cotton planting proved impossible. Local elites, moreover, remained a powerful counterweight against the increasingly inɻuential presence of Western merchants in port cities such as Izmir and Thessaloniki, hampering the ability of Western capitalists to reform the social structure in the countryside to produce more cotton for world markets."}
{"instruction": "Why does Beckert argue that the capacity of states to foster a domestic cotton industry was the key division between places that industrialized and those that did not?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "ill-suited for the next step: the mass production of cotton textiles. Another way of organizing economic activity had to be forged—and transferring that model turned out to be much more challenging than moving machines or mobilizing capital. What the British example also shows is the importance of the state’s capacity to forge conditions conducive to industrialization. Without a powerful state capable of legally, bureaucratically, infrastructurally, and militarily penetrating its own territory, industrialization was all but impossible. Forging markets, protecting domestic industry, creating tools to raise revenues, policing borders, and fostering changes that allowed for the mobilization of wage workers were crucial. Indeed, the capacity of states to foster a domestic cotton industry turns out to be the key division between places that industrialized and those that did not. The map of modern states corresponds almost perfectly to the map of regions that saw"}
{"instruction": "What does Beckert mean by claiming that the coexistence of war capitalism and industrial capitalism might have been the true innovation of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "Industrial capitalism rested, as we have seen, on a combination of capital and state power—creating markets and mobilizing capital and labor in novel ways. The emergence of industrial capitalism in the ɹrst half of the nineteenth century in turn created the conditions for ever greater territorialization—including the greater territorialization of capital, that is, its attachment to particular nation-states.73 Crucial to this phase in the history of capitalism was the very diversity of its forms. Capitalism rested on the coexistence of war capitalism, with its violent expropriation of land and labor, its peculiar state, and the uncoordinated and unrestrained initiatives of its leading capitalists, with industrial capitalism, with its administratively, infrastructurally, legally and militarily powerful states channeling private initiative. The simultaneity of such diʃerent but mutually dependent forms of capitalism might have been the true innovation of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth"}
{"instruction": "How does Beckert use the Liverpool cotton exchange to depict the expanding empire of cotton, and why did these transformations look so different in the Black Forest, Bombay, or Mississippi?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "merchants at the turn to the nineteenth century further moved a multipolar world of cotton into the direction of becoming unipolar. Seen from the cotton exchange at Liverpool, the world beyond its high windows was essentially a huge cotton production and consumption complex. The voracious appetite for proɹt demanded ever more lands for the commercial production of cotton, the multiplying of cotton mills, and the opening of cloth markets. This unprecedented and highly leveraged industrial expansion depended for its survival on the permanent transformation of the global countryside to mobilize ever more labor and resources and provide markets. Yet despite the omnipresence of Liverpool capital and its merchants, the nature of these connected transformations looked radically diʃerent in the Black Forest, Bombay, or Mississippi. While Liverpool merchants stood at the heart of this new empire of cotton, in fact constituted it, they were just one of many groups of"}
{"instruction": "How does Beckert describe the actual daily work of merchants, and why does he say the global cotton system was built not from a central imperial directive but by myriad actors?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "capitalism, the actual work of merchants seems often almost banal. Most of their time was spent writing letters, talking to suppliers and customers, traveling, and making calculations. Because the empire of cotton they created was so vast, merchants soon specialized in speciɹc aspects of the trade. Some focused on moving cotton from plantations to ports, others on transoceanic trade; some concentrated on selling raw cotton to manufacturers, while others speculated in exporting cotton goods, and others distributed imported cotton goods throughout a particular country or region. Usually merchants focused their trade on a particular region, becoming experts on connecting certain parts of the world to one another. Consequently, they had businesses that could look surprisingly diʃerent from each other. The global system, in eʃect, was built not from a central, imperial directive, but rather by myriad actors with local and diverse connections often solving very"}
{"instruction": "Why did the tools of European war capitalism fail fully to incorporate land and labor in Asia and Africa into the global cotton nexus?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "manufacturers. In fact, the tools of European war capitalism, so eʃective in North America, did not allow for the full incorporation of land and labor in Asia and Africa into the global cotton nexus. The necessary infrastructure, physical, administrative, military and legal, simply did not exist. Not that there was no connection between European merchant capital and peasant producers, for example in India. However, the quantities of cotton traded remained limited, and the quality never quite satisɹed European manufacturers. The ways cotton was produced in India never meshed well with the particular needs of modern European spinning factories. Indeed, in regions where cotton was grown by peasant labor, European capital did not reach the producers. Instead, local growers retained suɽcient control over their land and labor to escape the monocultural production of cotton for global markets, and indigenous merchants retained control over the internal cotton trade—and even exports."}
{"instruction": "How did European states seek to turn the global countryside into both a supplier of raw materials and a market for their industrial products, and how did they justify that mission?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "markets, and he unabashedly celebrated the involvement of the British state in the interests of its merchants and manufacturers. Industrializing states depended on a ɻourishing manufacturing economy for their strength and social stability. Even statesmen of no great vision could grasp the importance of securing a reliable supply of raw materials for domestic industry and of creating a market for its products. So fast was their rate of growth, and so ɹerce their competition, that European states sought to transform the global countryside simultaneously into a supplier of materials for their industrial enterprises and into consumers for the resulting products. Having transformed their own countrysides in the search for labor, they sought to deploy that experience to the rest of the world, making the particular form of that integration into nothing less than a “law of nature.” This new, conveniently and divinely ordained mission unintentionally but no less surely lessened the dependence of"}
{"instruction": "How did the Brown family's shifting business illustrate northern merchants' move toward domestic industrialization and away from the planters' cause?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "southerners, northern industrial capitalists drew increasing political strength from a relatively stable political coalition with commercial farmers and even segments of a rapidly expanding working class. These capitalists drew encouragement from the fact that a small but growing number of merchants, so long the planters’ most signiɹcant northern allies, were increasingly embracing the project of domestic industrialization as well—even though they hesitated to challenge the slave regime in the South directly. Tellingly, the United States’ most important cotton traders, the Browns, slowly began to specialize in the foreign exchange business and to invest in industrial enterprises—railroads, for example, but also the Novelty Iron Works in New York.84 Such moves made sense because their former commodity trade, with its low entry costs, was always open to new competitors who were willing to take on greater risks and operate on narrower margins."}
{"instruction": "What evidence does Beckert give that Liverpool, the world's largest cotton port, was the most pro-Confederate place outside the Confederacy itself?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "and a preference for a divided and weakened power in North America, yet concerns about cotton certainly came into their calculations as well: When John Arthur Roebuck advocated in the House of Commons for the recognition of the Confederacy, he did not tire of mentioning the fate of Lancashire textile workers and their need for cotton. Tellingly, Liverpool, the world’s largest cotton port, was the most pro-Confederate place in the world outside the Confederacy itself. Liverpool merchants helped bring out cotton from ports blockaded by the Union navy, built warships for the Confederacy, and supplied the South with military equipment and credit. The Liverpool Southern Club, as well as the Central Association for the Recognition of the Confederate States, agitated for permanent separation. Even the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce entertained the beneɹts of an independent Confederacy. Liverpool’s mercantile community believed, as the Browns’ Liverpool partner Francis Alexander Hamilton wrote in August"}
{"instruction": "What does Beckert mean by saying land had to be liberated from noneconomic ties, and why did rulers and bureaucrats come to support this project?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "time, that land had to be “liberated” from noneconomic ties and made into a freely marketable commodity. This “liberation” rested ideologically on the naturalizing of certain historically speciɹc ways of organizing production, and was thus enabled by economic, social, cultural, and even racial hierarchies it had helped to produce. Capitalists were the age’s true revolutionaries.72 Rulers and bureaucrats supported this project because securing access to raw materials, including extracting cotton, became increasingly a touchstone of national politics. As they consolidated their states, the rearrangement of global economic connections in fact became a project they deliberately embarked upon—indeed, the late-nineteenth-century acceleration of global economic integration went hand in hand with a strengthening and consolidation of nation-states themselves. Powerful states, rulers, and bureaucrats depended on strong national industries, which in turn depended on"}
{"instruction": "After the American Civil War, how did cotton manufacturers and states pursue control over ever more cotton-growing lands, and what lessons did they apply from the United States after emancipation?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "Having lived through the grand defeat of slavery in the American South and experiencing often insurmountable hurdles to transform the global countryside, cotton manufacturers in particular, concerned with continuous access to inexpensive cotton and markets, pressured their governments to exert more control over ever more extensive cotton-growing lands. The consolidation of states in the United States, Egypt, the Ottoman Empire, and elsewhere, as well as the expansion of imperial control over colonial territories in Korea, western Africa, and Central Asia, signiɹcantly extended the reach of the cotton empire in the decades after the American Civil War. Conquest and control, however, did not by itself produce cotton. Expansion demanded incorporation strategies, and state bureaucrats and capitalists systematically applied lessons learned from the mobilization of cotton-growing workers in the United States after emancipation. In some cases, they removed native populations to"}
{"instruction": "Why did coercion become more appealing to colonial administrators in cotton-growing regions, and how did Karl Supf and Georg A. Schmidt differ on its use?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "colonial state left the resilient social structure of rural producers, predicated on the continued access to plentiful land, largely untouched. Railroads, markets, and price guarantees were not suɽcient to persuade growers to abandon subsistence agriculture.70 With eʃorts to involve rural cultivators in debt schemes faltering, and outright expropriation of land beyond the power of the colonial administration, other forms of coercion became more appealing. While cotton manufacturer Karl Supf recommended “slight pressure,” local colonial administrator Georg A. Schmidt suggested the need for “strong pressure” as the best way to increase cotton production. Colonialists systematically undermined markets by setting ɹxed prices that were completely detached from the world market price, compelling cultivators to bring their cotton to market in ways exactly prescribed by the colonial administration, eliminating middlemen, forcing certain cotton strains on producers,"}
{"instruction": "According to Beckert, which two groups played a decisive role in the rise of cotton manufacturing in the global South, and what two mutually reinforcing processes did they drive?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "moment in the history of capitalism was nothing but a self-serving justiɹcation for global inequality. The history of the empire of cotton, in fact, proved them wrong. This rise of cotton manufacturers in the global South resulted from a shift in the balance of social power in both the heartland of industrial capitalism and its periphery. Industrial capitalism had altered class structures not only in Europe and North America, but also in the global South, which witnessed the rise of new inequalities in state strength and wealth. Two groups played a decisive role in this century-long story: workers in Europe and the northeastern United States, and aspiring cotton capitalists in the global South. They contributed independently to a pair of mutually reinforcing processes: nationalizing social conɻicts and strengthening states. As workers organized across the United States and Europe, their collective action increased labor costs. This made"}
{"instruction": "How did the debate over building domestic manufacturing capacity spread beyond Europe by the late nineteenth century, and which statesmen and capitalists does Beckert name?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "had reached the far corners of the world already by the early nineteenth century. During the cotton revolutions of Germany, Egypt, the United States, and Mexico, forethinking statesmen and capitalists in each country, including Friedrich List, Muhammad Ali, Tench Coxe, and Esteban de Antuñano, had engaged in these discussions and drawn political conclusions from them. By the late nineteenth century, others beyond Europe took note as well. Faced by the pressures from imported cotton wares on domestic handicraft industries and desiring to build an industrial economy, Brazilian, Japanese, Chinese, and other statesmen and capitalists searched for ways to replace imports with domestic production, this time mixing a unique blend of state-building and capital accumulation eʃorts. The debate on how to withstand European imperialism and how to take advantage of the new ways toward proɹt by building manufacturing capacity spread around the world."}
{"instruction": "Why do several essays in Kandel's book repeat similar descriptions of the brain science underlying our responses to art, particularly to faces, and for which audiences and occasions were the essays originally written?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "Understanding how these higher-order processes interact to create the beholder’s share is one of the great challenges confronting brain science in the twenty-first century. Artists themselves realize the importance of these unconscious processes—their own and the viewer’s—and may deliberately play upon them or challenge them in creating their art. Each essay in this book was written for or presented to a different audience over the past decade. Some of the essays appear in the catalogue accompanying a specific gallery or museum exhibit, others are a chapter in a book or a talk given at a museum. The most recent essay presents research on the viewer’s response to figurative versus abstract art, rewritten for the general reader. Because the essays were written for different audiences, some included similar descriptions of the brain science underlying our responses to art—particularly our response to faces, a central component of the beholder’s share."}
{"instruction": "Besides introducing the concept of the unconscious, what three other themes did Freud contribute to the modernist outlook, and why was his insistence that psychology is an independent science so critical?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "Freud expanded on Breuer’s analysis of mental processes by applying Rokitansky’s principle to mental illness: to understand a mental illness, the analyst must go below the symptoms to the underlying unconscious conflicts that cause the disease. In addition to introducing the concept of the unconscious, Freud introduced three other themes that contributed to the modernist outlook. First, he emphasized that human beings are not rational creatures but are driven by irrational, unconscious mental processes. Second, he argued that adult character, including unconscious sexuality and aggression, can be traced to the child’s mind. Finally, he argued that no mental events occur by chance: they adhere to scientific laws and follow the principle of psychic determinism. This was a critical point. Before Freud, psychology was thought of as an extension of philosophy. Freud was the first practitioner to insist that psychology is an independent science, and by applying Rokitansky’s principles to psychology, Freud essentially developed a cognitive psychology."}
{"instruction": "According to the psychologist David Perrett's research, why do both women and men across cultures prefer symmetrical faces, and what does the effectiveness of Soutine's deliberate overstatement, exaggeration, and distortion reveal about the mechanisms of art?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "This is particularly interesting in light of psychologist David Perrett’s research, which has shown that both women and men across cultures actually prefer symmetrical faces. Perrett suggests that symmetry reflects, for many people, a healthy genetic contribution and good reproductive capabilities. Soutine tried to tap into such primitive emotions in order to evoke a desired response from the viewer. He seems to have understood implicitly that many forms of art are successful because they involve deliberate overstatement, exaggeration, and distortion designed to pique our curiosity and produce a satisfying emotional response in our brains. To be effective, however, such deviations from realistic depiction cannot be arbitrary. They must succeed in capturing the innate brain mechanisms for emotional release, once again reminding us of the discovery by behavioral psychologists and ethologists of the importance of exaggeration. That discovery became the basis for the exploration of a simple sign stimulus that is capable of releasing a full-blown behavior and whose exaggeration produces an even stronger behavior."}
{"instruction": "What is contrast useful for in face perception and what is shape useful for, and how does today's new dialogue between science and art differ from the way past generations of thinkers pursued the question of the mind?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "This leads us to an important conclusion: contrast is useful for face detection, and shape is useful for face recognition. These studies have shed new light on the nature of the templates the brain uses to detect faces. Behavioral studies further suggest that there is a powerful link between the brain’s face detection machinery and the areas that control attention, which may account for why faces and portraiture draw our attention so strongly. Knowing Ourselves: The New Dialogue Between Science and Art Ever since Socrates and Plato speculated on the nature of the human mind, serious thinkers have sought to understand the self and human behavior. For past generations, that quest was restricted to the intellectual and often nonempirical frameworks of philosophy and psychology. Today, however, brain scientists are attempting to translate abstract philosophical and psychological questions about mind into the empirical language of cognitive psychology and brain biology."}
{"instruction": "What do 'a sense of form' and 'sculptural presence' mean in Kandel's comparison of sculpture to painting, and which elements did Western painting from Giotto to the Impressionists master in order to achieve the latter?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "artres.com In comparing sculpture to painting, we begin with the common-sense difference in dimensionality, but sculpture is not simply a multisided painting. We actually perceive sculpture differently than we do paintings. From the time we are born, we are intimately involved with the world of three-dimensional form. As a result, we learn something about the structure and expressive properties of forms, and we develop emotional responses to them. This combination of understanding and sensitive response, often called a sense of form , can be cultivated and refined. Sculpture appeals to our sense of form. In addition, because it influences how we perceive the space surrounding it, sculpture possesses an outgoing quality known as sculptural presence . Western painting from Giotto to the Impressionists represents increasingly successful illusions of sculptural presence. The success of those paintings derives from the ability of the artist to master the elements of perspective, foreshortening, modeling, and chiaroscuro—elements that enable the beholder to believe that he or she is looking at a three-dimensional image."}
{"instruction": "In the study that primed participants by asking them to imagine their lives tomorrow or one year from now, how did temporal distance change their ratings of the conventionality of abstract and figurative art, and how did the researchers explain that difference?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "This relationship indicates that psychological distance can be used to measure empirical differences in a viewer’s subjective interpretations of art and that it does so by quantifying the differing levels of representation that art evokes. Psychological distance is already being used in the context of aesthetics. One study found that temporal distance affects attitudes toward art (27). Participants were asked to imagine their lives tomorrow (near-future priming) or one year from now (far-future priming), and then asked to rate the conventionality of figurative and abstract art. Participants given the far-future priming rated abstract art as more conventional than those given the near-future priming; participants given the near-future priming rated representational art as more conventional than those given the far-future priming. The authors of this study suggest that these discrepancies indicate changes in the viewers’ construal levels: viewers with far-future priming rated abstract (unconventional) art as more conventional because the priming had elevated their construal level."}
{"instruction": "Why does testing the hypothesis that intellectual differences underlie technological differences run into double difficulties, and how do the great differences in social environment and educational opportunities between the peoples compared complicate such tests?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "Guineans – routinely master industrial technologies when given opportunities to do so. An enormous effort by cognitive psychologists has gone into the search for differences in IQ between peoples of different geographic origins now living in the same country. In particular, numerous white American psychologists have been trying for decades to demonstrate that black Americans of African origins are innately less intelligent than white Americans of European origins. However, as is well known, the peoples compared differ greatly in their social environment and educational opportunities. This fact creates double difficulties for efforts to test the hypothesis that intellectual differences underlie technological differences. First, even our cognitive abilities as adults are heavily influenced by the social environment that we experienced during childhood, making it hard to discern any influence of preexisting genetic differences. Second, tests of cognitive ability (like"}
{"instruction": "Some argue that lowland river valleys in dry climates produced centralized bureaucracies because they required large-scale irrigation systems; how have detailed archaeological studies refuted this claim?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "in the first millennium AD. Still a third type of answer to Yali invokes the supposed importance of lowland river valleys in dry climates, where highly productive agriculture depended on large-scale irrigation systems that in turn required centralized bureaucracies. This explanation was suggested by the undoubted fact that the earliest known em- Prologue: Yali’s Question pires and writing systems arose in the Tigris and Euphrates Valleys of the Fertile Crescent and in the Nile Valley of Egypt. Water control systems also appear to have been associated with centralized political organization in some other areas of the world, including the Indus Valley of the Indian subcontinent, the Yellow and Yangtze Valleys of China, the Maya lowlands of Mesoamerica, and the coastal desert of Peru. However, detailed archaeological studies have shown that complex irrigation systems did not accompany the rise of centralized bureaucracies but followed after"}
{"instruction": "How did differences in population density and land area among Polynesian societies shape their forms of political organization, and why is the Hawaiian Archipelago regarded as the zenith of this trend?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "nonproducers mobilizing them included chiefs, priests, bureaucrats, and warriors. The biggest political units could assemble large labor forces to construct irrigation systems and fishponds that intensified food production even further. These developments were especially apparent on Tonga, Samoa, and the Societies, all of which were fertile, densely populated, and moderately large by Polynesian standards. The trends reached their zenith on the Hawaiian Archipelago, consisting of the largest tropical Polynesian islands, where high population densities and large land areas meant that very large labor forces were potentially available to individual chiefs. The variations among Polynesian societies associated with different population densities and sizes were as follows. Economies remained simplest on islands with low population densities (such as the hunter-gatherers of the Chathams), low population numbers (small atolls), or both low densities and low numbers."}
{"instruction": "Why does Diamond call Polynesia 'a natural experiment of history,' and why did no Polynesian island except New Zealand develop metalworking?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "as environmentally related variations on a single ancestral society. Those categories of cultural differences within Polynesia are essentially the same categories that emerged everywhere else in the world. Of course, the range of variation over the rest of the globe is much greater than that within Polynesia. While modern continental peoples included ones dependent on stone tools, as were Polynesians, South America also spawned societies expert in using precious metals, and Eurasians and Africans went on to utilize iron. Those developments were precluded in Polynesia, because no Polynesian island except A Natural Experiment of History New Zealand had significant metal deposits. Eurasia had full-fledged empires before Polynesia was even settled, and South America and Mesoamerica developed empires later, whereas Polynesia produced just two proto-empires, one of which (Hawaii) coalesced only after the arrival of Europeans. Eurasia and Mesoamerica"}
{"instruction": "Why is the hunting-gathering lifestyle no longer viable in much of modern New Guinea, and how does this explain why highlanders today are settled farmers who take garden-grown vegetables along on hunting trips?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "lowlanders in the interior still live today as hunter-gatherers, subsisting especially on wild sago palms. But no peoples still live as hunter-gatherers in the New Guinea highlands; all modern highlanders are instead farmers who use wild foods only to supplement their diets. When highlanders go into the forest on hunting trips, they take along garden-grown vegetables to feed themselves. If they have the misfortune to run out of those provisions, even they starve to death despite their detailed knowledge of locally available wild foods. Since the hunting-gathering lifestyle is thus nonviable in much of modern New Guinea, it comes as no surprise that all New Guinea highlanders and most lowlanders today are settled farmers with sophisticated systems of food production. Extensive, formerly forested areas of the highlands were converted by traditional New Guinea farmers to fenced, drained, intensively managed field systems supporting dense human populations."}
{"instruction": "Why might the pattern of predominantly single domestications in Southwest Asia but frequent multiple domestications in the Americas indicate that crops spread more easily out of Southwest Asia, and how does the rapid spread of a crop preempt domestication of the same or closely related wild species elsewhere?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "slowly to preempt its domestication elsewhere. The evidence for predominantly single domestications in Southwest Asia, but frequent multiple domestications in the Americas, might thus provide more subtle evidence that crops spread more easily out of Southwest Asia than in the Americas. Rapid spread of a crop may preempt domestication not only of the same wild ancestral species somewhere else but also of related wild species. If you’re already growing good peas, it’s of course pointless to start from scratch to domesticate the same wild ancestral pea again, but it’s also pointless to domesticate closely related wild pea species that for farmers are virtually equivalent to the already domesticated pea species. All of Southwest Asia’s founder crops preempted domestication of any of their close relatives throughout the whole expanse of western Eurasia. In contrast, the New World presents many cases of equivalent and closely related, but nevertheless distinct, species having been domesticated in Mesoamerica and"}
{"instruction": "Why did hunter-gatherer societies never develop or even adopt writing, and why does Diamond say that writing arose independently only in the Fertile Crescent, Mexico, and probably China?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "Valley, and the Maya area), involved socially stratified societies with complex and centralized political institutions, whose necessary relation to food production we shall explore in a later chapter. Early writing served the needs of those political institutions (such as record keeping and royal propaganda), and the users were full-time bureaucrats nourished by stored food surpluses grown by food-producing peasants. Writing was never developed or even adopted by hunter-gatherer societies, because they lacked both the institutional uses of early writing and the social and agricultural mechanisms for generating the food surpluses required to feed scribes. Thus, food production and thousands of years of societal evolution following its adoption were as essential for the evolution of writing as for the evolution of microbes causing human epidemic diseases. Writing arose independently only in the Fertile Crescent, Mexico, and probably China precisely because those were"}
{"instruction": "What do the societies that abandoned powerful technologies show, and why does the assumption that useful technologies, once acquired, inevitably persist until superseded fail to hold?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "India and China and inherited ancient Greek learning. The importance of diffusion, and of geographic location in making it possible, is strikingly illustrated by some otherwise incomprehensible cases of societies that abandoned powerful technologies. We tend to assume that useful technolo- Necessity’s Mother gies, once acquired, inevitably persist until superseded by better ones. In reality, technologies must be not only acquired but also maintained, and that too depends on many unpredictable factors. Any society goes through social movements or fads, in which economically useless things become valued or useful things devalued temporarily. Nowadays, when almost all societies on Earth are connected to each other, we cannot imagine a fad’s going so far that an important technology would actually be discarded. A society that temporarily turned against a powerful technology would continue to see it being used by neighboring societies and"}
{"instruction": "Why does posing the question of the causal relation between intensive food production and societal complexity in either-or form miss the point, and what does Diamond mean here by 'autocatalysis'?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "protracted chicken-or-egg debate about the casual relations between food production, population variables, and societal complexity. Is it intensive food production that is the cause, triggering population growth and somehow leading to a complex society? Or are large populations and complex societies instead the cause, somehow leading to intensification of food production? Posing the question in that either-or form misses the point. Intensified food production and societal complexity stimulate each other, by autocatalysis. That is, population growth leads to societal complexity, by mechanisms that we shall discuss, while societal complexity in turn leads to intensified food production and thereby to population growth. Complex centralized societies are uniquely capable of organizing public works (including irrigation systems), long-distance trade (including the importation of metals to make better agricultural tools), and activities of different groups of economic specialists (such as feeding herders with farmers’"}
{"instruction": "What evidence from language, genes, and physical anthropology shows that the societies of Australia and New Guinea long remained in substantial isolation from the Asian societies that founded them?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "pigs in New Guinea and Asian-derived dogs in Australia. Thus, the human societies of Australia and New Guinea developed in substantial isolation from the Asian societies that founded them. That isolation is reflected in languages spoken today. After all those millennia of isolation, neither modern Aboriginal Australian languages nor the major group of modern New Guinea languages (the so-called Papuan languages) exhibit any clear relationships with any modern Asian languages. The isolation is also reflected in genes and physical anthropology. Genetic studies suggest that Aboriginal Australians and New Guinea highlanders are somewhat more similar to modern Asians than to peoples of other continents, but the relationship is not a close one. In skeletons and physical appearance, Aboriginal Yali’s People Australians and New Guineans are also distinct form most Southeast Asian populations; as becomes obvious if one compares photos of Australians or New Guineans"}
{"instruction": "What does the replacement of Native American languages by English reveal about the real cause of language replacement, and what corresponding question does this raise about East Asia's linguistic upheavals?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "languages, especially English and Spanish, into the New World, formerly home to a thousand or more Native American languages. We know from our recent history that English did not come to replace U.S. Indian languages merely because English sounded musical to Indians’ ears. Instead, the replacement entailed English-speaking immigrants’ killing most Indians by war, murder, and introduced diseases, and the surviving Indians’ being pressured into adopting English, the new majority language. The immediate causes of that language replacement were the advantages in technology and political organization, stemming ultimately from the advantage of an early rise of food production, that invading Europeans held over Native Americans. Essentially the same processes accounted for the replacement of Aboriginal Australian languages by English, and of subequatorial Africa’s original Pygmy and Khoisan languages by Bantu languages. Hence East Asia’s linguistic upheavals raise a corresponding question: what"}
{"instruction": "If the deepest divisions of the Austronesian language family were found in the Malay Peninsula rather than in Taiwan, what would the order of colonization of the Malay Peninsula, Taiwan, the Philippines, and Indonesia have been?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "to the Philippines and Taiwan, we would find the deepest divisions (reflecting the greatest time depth) of the Austronesian language family among the modern lan- Speedboat to Polynesia guages of the Malay Peninsula and Sumatra, and the languages of Taiwan and the Philippines would have differentiated only recently within a single subfamily. Instead, the deepest divisions are in Taiwan, and the languages of the Malay Peninsula and Sumatra fall together in the same sub-sub-subfamily: a recent branch of the Western Malayo-Polynesian sub-subfamily, which is in turn a fairly recent branch of the Malayo-Polynesian subfamily. Those details of linguistic relationships agree perfectly with the archaeological evidence that the colonization of the Malay Peninsula was recent, and followed rather than preceded the colonization of Taiwan, the Philippines, and Indonesia. The other coincidence between archaeological and linguistic evidence concerns the cultural baggage that ancient Austronesians used."}
{"instruction": "How do the relationships between Austronesian and Papuan languages in the New Guinea region confirm the route by which Austronesian speakers arrived and testify to their long contact with Papuan-speaking residents?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "Austronesian languages spoken in the Bismarcks and Solomons and north coastal New Guinea are related, as a separate sub-sub-subfamily termed Oceanic, to the sub-sub-subfamily of languages spoken on Halmahera and the west end of New Guinea. That linguistic relationship confirms, as one would expect from a map, that Austronesian speakers of the New Guinea region arrived by way of Halmahera. Details of Austronesian and Papuan languages and their distributions in North New Guinea testify to long contact between the Austronesian invaders and the Papuan-speaking residents. Both the Austronesian and the Papuan languages of the region show massive influences of each other’s vocabularies and grammars, making it difficult to decide whether certain languages are basically Austronesian languages influenced by Papuan ones or the reverse. As one travels from village to village along the north coast or its fringing islands, one passes from a village with"}
{"instruction": "What recurring pattern does Diamond identify, in which peoples with access to the prerequisites for food production and a location favoring diffusion of technology replace peoples lacking these advantages, and how do the examples of South China and the Yumbri illustrate it?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "and in their connectedness to other peoples. Again and again, people with access to the prerequisites for food production, and with a location favoring diffusion of technology from elsewhere, replaced peoples lacking these advantages. Again and again, when a single wave of colonists spread out over diverse environments, their descendants developed in separate ways, depending on those environmental differences. For instance, we have seen that South China developed indigenous food production and technology, received writing and still more technology and political structures from North China, and went on to colonize tropical Southeast Asia and Taiwan, largely replacing the former inhabitants of those areas. Within Southeast Asia, among the descendants or relatives of those food-producing South Chinese colonists, the Yumbri in the mountain rain forests of northeastern Thailand and Laos reverted to living as hunter-gatherers, while the Yumbri’s close relatives the"}
{"instruction": "What two factors does Diamond give for the lag in Native American development, and how did the Americas' virtual lack of domesticable wild mammals affect the lifestyle of early American farmers?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "Hemispheres Colliding tic tundra. They had to invent for themselves the equipment suitable to each new habitat they encountered. That technology lag may have contributed significantly to the delay in Native American developments. An even more obvious factor behind the delay was the wild animals and plants available for domestication. As I discussed in Chapter 6, when hunter-gatherers adopt food production, it is not because they foresee the potential benefits awaiting their remote descendants but because incipient food production begins to offer advantages over the hunter-gatherer lifestyle. Early food production was less competitive with hunting-gathering in the Americas than in the Fertile Crescent or China, partly owing to the Americas’ virtual lack of domesticable wild mammals. Hence early American farmers remained dependent on wild animals for animal protein and necessarily remained part-time hunter-gatherers, whereas in both the Fertile Crescent and China animal domestication followed plant do-"}
{"instruction": "Which three sets of ultimate factors does Diamond say tipped the advantage to European invaders of the Americas, and what fourth, more speculative ultimate factor does he add?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "ers over a large area, they would have left legacies of easily recognized language families, as in Eurasia, and the relationships of Native American languages would not be so controversial. Thus, we have identified three sets of ultimate factors that tipped the advantage to European invaders of the Americas: Eurasia’s long head start on human settlement; its more effective food production, resulting from greater availability of domesticable wild plants and especially of animals; and its less formidable geographic and ecological barriers to intracontinental diffusion. A fourth, more speculative ultimate factor is suggested by some puzzling non-inventions in the Americas: the non-inventions of writing and wheels in complex Andean societies, despite a time depth of those societies approximately equal to that of complex Mesoamerican societies that did make those inventions; and wheels’ confinement to toys and their eventual disappearance in Mesoamerica, where they could pre-"}
{"instruction": "Which four sets of environmental differences does Diamond list as objectively quantifiable and not subject to dispute, and why does the label 'geographic determinism' raise historians' hackles?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "gatherers whose subsistence methods and technology were far superior to those of the Norse under Greenland conditions. Among the world’s landmasses, area and the number of competing societies were largest for Eurasia, much smaller for Australia and New Guinea and especially for Tasmania. The Americas, despite their large aggregate area, were fragmented by geography and ecology and functioned effectively as several poorly connected smaller continents. Those four sets of factors constitute big environmental differences that can be quantified objectively and that are not subject to dispute. While one can contest my subjective impression that New Guineans are on the average smarter than Eurasians, one cannot deny that New Guinea has a much smaller area and far fewer big animal species than Eurasia. But mention of these environmental differences invites among historians the label “geographic determinism”, which raises hackles. The label seems to have unpleasant connotations, such as that human creativity"}
{"instruction": "How do the sciences of human history use natural experiments to identify the effect of some putative causative factor, and how does the epidemiology example of salt intake illustrate this method?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "other historical sciences? A methodology that has proved useful involves the comparative method and so-called natural experiments. While neither astronomers studying galaxy formation nor human historians can manipulate their systems in controlled laboratory experiments, they both can take advantage of natural experiments, by comparing systems differing in the presence or absence (or in the strong or weak effect) of some putative causative factor. For example, epidemiol- Epilogue: The Future of Human History as a Science ogists, forbidden to feed large amounts of salt to people experimentally, have still been able to identify effects of high salt intake by comparing groups of humans who already differ greatly in their salt intake; and cultural anthropologists, unable to provide human groups experimentally with varying resource abundances for many centuries, still study long-term effects of resource abundance on human societies by comparing recent Polynesian populations living on islands differing"}
{"instruction": "Who are the authors of the fourth edition of Neuroscience: Exploring the Brain, and what academic positions does each of them hold?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "Thank you for purchasing this e-book. To receive special offers and news about our latest products, sign up below. Or visit LWW.com Sign Up NEUROSCIENCE EXPLORING THE BRAIN NEUROSCIENCE EXPLORING THE BRAIN FOURTH EDITION MARK F. BEAR, Ph.D. Picower Professor of Neuroscience The Picower Institute for Learning and Memory Department of Brain and Cognitive Sciences Massachusetts Institute of Technology Cambridge, Massachusetts BARRY W. CONNORS, Ph.D. L. Herbert Ballou University Professor Professor of Neuroscience and Chair Department of Neuroscience Brown University Providence, Rhode Island MICHAEL A. PARADISO, Ph.D. Sidney A. Fox and Dorothea Doctors Fox Professor of Ophthalmology and Visual Science Department of Neuroscience Brown University Providence, Rhode Island Acquisitions Editor: Jonathan Joyce Product Development Editor: Linda G. Francis Development Editor: Tom Lochhaas Editorial Assistant: Tish Rogers Production Project Manager: Alicia Jackson"}
{"instruction": "Why did the neuroscience revolution occur, and how do most people investigating the nervous system today regard themselves?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "medicine, biology, psychology, physics, chemistry, mathematics. The neuroscience revolution occurred when scientists realized that the best hope for understanding the workings of the brain would come from an interdisciplinary approach, a combination of traditional approaches to yield a new synthesis, a new perspective. Most people involved in the scientifi c investigation of the nervous system today regard themselves as neuroscientists. Indeed, while the course you are now taking may be sponsored by the psychology or biology department at your university or college and may be called biopsychology or neurobiology, you can bet that your instructor is a neuroscientist. The Society for Neuroscience is one of the largest and fastest growing associations of professional scientists. Far from being overly specialized, the fi eld is as broad as nearly all of natural science, with the nervous system serving as the common point of focus. Understanding how the"}
{"instruction": "Why did Flourens wrongly conclude from his ablation experiments in birds that certain functions were not localized in the cerebrum?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "Uses the genetic material of neurons to understand the structure and function of brain molecules Neuroanatomist Studies the structure of the nervous system Neurochemist Studies the chemistry of the nervous system Neuroethologist Studies the neural basis of species-specifi c animal behaviors in natural settings Neuropharmacologist Examines the effects of drugs on the nervous system Neurophysiologist Measures the electrical activity of the nervous system Physiological psychologist (biological psychologist, psychobiologist) Studies the biological basis of behavior Psychophysicist Quantitatively measures perceptual abilities (or “mind set”). Interpretations therefore do not always withstand the test of time. For example, at the time he made his observations, Flourens was unaware that the cerebrum of a bird is fundamentally different from that of a mammal. Thus, he wrongly concluded from experimental ablations in birds that there was no localization of certain functions in the cerebrum"}
{"instruction": "What is threshold, and by what common laboratory method do neuroscientists depolarize neurons in order to study action potentials?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "ate an action potential. The critical level of depolarization that must be reached in order to trigger an action potential is called threshold . Action potentials are caused by depolarization of the membrane beyond threshold. The depolarization that causes action potentials arises in different ways in different neurons. In our previous example, depolarization was caused by the entry of Na \u0003 through specialized ion channels that were sensitive to membrane stretching. In interneurons, depolarization is usually caused by Na \u0003 entry through channels that are sensitive to neurotransmitters released by other neurons. In addition to these natural routes, neurons can be depolarized by injecting electrical current through a microelectrode, a method commonly used by neuroscientists to study action potentials in different cells. Generating an action potential by depolarizing a neuron is something like taking a photograph by pressing the shutter button on an old-fashioned"}
{"instruction": "What role do autoreceptors play at a presynaptic terminal, and how are amino acid and amine neurotransmitters cleared from the synaptic cleft?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "The consequences of activating these receptors vary, but a common effect is inhibition of neurotransmitter release and, in some cases, neurotransmitter synthesis. This allows a presynaptic terminal to regulate itself. Autoreceptors appear to function as a sort of safety valve to reduce release when the concentration of neurotransmitter around the presynaptic terminal gets too high. Neurotransmitter Recovery and Degradation Once the released neurotransmitter has interacted with postsynaptic receptors, it must be cleared from the synaptic cleft to allow another round of synaptic transmission. One way this happens is by simple diffusion of the transmitter molecules through the extracellular fl uid and away from the synapse. For most of the amino acid and amine neurotransmitters, however, diffusion is aided by their reuptake into the presynaptic axon terminal. Reuptake occurs by the action of specifi c neurotransmitter transporter proteins located in the presynaptic membrane."}
{"instruction": "According to this chapter outline, through what developmental sequence is the structure of the central nervous system assembled and explained?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "UNDERSTANDING CNS STRUCTURE THROUGH DEVELOPMENT Formation of the Neural Tube BOX 7.4 OF SPECIAL INTEREST: Nutrition and the Neural Tube Three Primary Brain Vesicles Differentiation of the Forebrain Differentiation of the Telencephalon and Diencephalon Forebrain Structure-Function Relationships Differentiation of the Midbrain Midbrain Structure-Function Relationships Differentiation of the Hindbrain Hindbrain Structure-Function Relationships Differentiation of the Spinal Cord Spinal Cord Structure-Function Relationships Putting the Pieces Together Special Features of the Human CNS A GUIDE TO THE CEREBRAL CORTEX Types of Cerebral Cortex Areas of Neocortex Neocortical Evolution and Structure-Function Relationships BOX 7.5 PATH OF DISCOVERY: Connecting with the Connectome, by Sebastian Seung APPENDIX: AN ILLUSTRATED GUIDE TO HUMAN NEUROANATOMY In previous chapters, we saw how individual neurons function and communicate. Now we are ready to assemble them into a nervous system"}
{"instruction": "What general conclusions does this chapter draw about the neural motor system, especially about how sensation, movement, and spinal circuits relate to one another?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "sis, ranging from biochemistry and genetics to biophysics and behavior. Indeed, a complete understanding, whether of excitation–contraction coupling or central pattern generation, requires knowledge derived from every approach. Second, sensation and movement are inextricably linked even at the lowest levels of the neural motor system. The normal function of the alpha motor neuron depends on direct feedback from the muscles themselves and indirect information from the tendons, joints, and skin. Third, the spinal cord contains an intricate network of circuits for the control of movement; it is far more than just a conduit for somatic sensory and motor information. Evidently, coordinated and complex patterns of activity in these spinal circuits can be driven by relatively crude descending signals. This leaves the question of precisely what the upper motor neurons contribute to motor control—the subject of the next chapter. Excitatory interneuron"}
{"instruction": "Besides ACh, what do some preganglionic terminals release, and how do these peptides modulate postganglionic activity?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "These slow mAChR events are usually not evident unless the preganglionic nerve is activated repetitively. In addition to ACh, some preganglionic terminals release a variety of small, neuroactive peptides such as neuropeptide Y (NPY) and vasoactive intestinal polypeptide (VIP). These also interact with G-protein-coupled receptors and can trigger small EPSPs that last for several minutes. The effects of peptides are modulatory; they do not usually bring the postsynaptic neurons to fi ring threshold, but they make them more responsive to the fast nicotinic effects when they do come along. Since more than one action potential is required to stimulate the release of these modulatory neurotransmitters, the pattern of fi ring in preganglionic neurons is an important variable in determining the type of postganglionic activity that is evoked. Postganglionic Neurotransmitters. Postganglionic cells—the autonomic motor neurons that actually trigger glands to secrete, sphincters to con-"}
{"instruction": "Which neurons are most important for temperature homeostasis, and what hormonal chain follows when a fall in temperature is detected?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "Neurons that change their fi ring rate in response to small changes in temperature are found throughout the brain and spinal cord. However, the most important neurons for temperature homeostasis are found clustered in the anterior hypothalamus. These cells transduce small changes in blood temperature into changes in their fi ring rate. Humoral and visceromotor responses are subsequently initiated by neurons in the medial preoptic area of the hypothalamus; somatic motor (behavioral) responses are initiated by the neurons of the lateral hypothalamic area. Lesions in these different regions can selectively abolish different components of the integrated response. A fall in temperature is detected by cold-sensitive neurons of the anterior hypothalamus. In response, TSH is released by the anterior pituitary. TSH stimulates the release of the hormone thyroxin from the thyroid gland, which causes a widespread increase in cellular metabolism. The visceromotor re-"}
{"instruction": "By what several mechanisms does estradiol appear to increase the capacity for synaptic plasticity in the hippocampus?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "citatory synapses? Although the details of this mechanism are not all clear, it appears that estradiol increases the capacity for synaptic plasticity in the hippocampus in multiple ways. In the presence of estradiol, postsynaptic responses to glutamate are larger than without estradiol. As we will see in Chapter 25, such enhanced responses at excitatory synapses cause the synapses to strengthen. Estradiol may also alter hippocampal function by decreasing synaptic inhibition. Estradiol causes some inhibitory cells to produce less GABA, their neurotransmitter, and therefore synaptic inhibition becomes less effective. Less inhibition increases neural activity, complementing the estradiol effect at excitatory synapses. When the pieces are put together, it seems that estradiol produces a hippocampus with less effective inhibitory synapses and stronger excitatory synapses, thereby triggering an increase in the number of spines on the pyramidal cells."}
{"instruction": "What are the effects of stimulating or lesioning the amygdala, and which two pathways connect the amygdala with the hypothalamus?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "The corticomedial nuclei (surrounded by purple) receive olfactory afferents. large variety of sources, including the neocortex in all lobes of the brain, as well as the hippocampal and cingulate gyri. Of particular interest here is the fact that information from all the sensory systems feeds into the amygdala, particularly the basolateral nuclei. Each sensory system has a different projection pattern to the amygdala nuclei, and interconnections within the amygdala allow the integration of information from different sensory modalities. Two major pathways connect the amygdala with the hypothalamus: the ventral amygdalofugal pathway and the stria terminalis . Effects of Amygdala Stimulation and Lesions Researchers have demonstrated in several species that lesions of the amygdala have the effect of fl attening emotion in a manner similar to the Klüver–Bucy syndrome. Bilateral amygdalectomy in animals can profoundly reduce fear and aggression."}
{"instruction": "What regulates the number of glucocorticoid receptors in the hippocampus, and how was this demonstrated in experiments on rats and maternal care?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "hippocampal response to cortisol is a decreased number of glucocorticoid receptors. What regulates glucocorticoid receptor number? In a fascinating parallel with the factors implicated in mood disorders, the answer is genes, monoamines, and early childhood experience. Glucocorticoid receptors, like all proteins, are a product of gene expression. In rats, it has been shown that the amount of glucocorticoid receptor gene expression is regulated by early sensory experience. Rats that received a lot of maternal care as pups express more glucocorticoid receptors in their hippocampus, less CRH in their hypothalamus, and reduced anxiety as adults. The maternal infl uence can be replaced by increasing the tactile stimulation of the pups. Tactile stimulation activates the ascending serotonergic inputs to the hippocampus, and the serotonin triggers a long-lasting increase in the expression of the glucocorticoid receptor gene. More glucocorticoid receptors equip the animal to respond"}
{"instruction": "What evidence suggests that the maturation of GABAergic inhibition determines the duration of the critical period for ocular dominance plasticity?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "A decline in the effectiveness of these neurotransmitters, or a change in the conditions under which they are released, may contribute to the decline in plasticity. Indeed, evidence suggests that supplementing the adult cortex with NE can restore some degree of modifi ability. Evidence also indicates that intrinsic inhibitory circuitry is late to mature in the striate cortex. Consequently, patterns of activity that may have gained access to modifi able synapses in superfi cial layers early in postnatal development might be tempered by inhibition in the adult. Consistent with the idea that inhibition regulates the duration of the critical period, recent research in mice has shown that genetic manipulations that accelerate the maturation of GABAergic inhibition in visual cortex also shorten the duration of the critical period for ocular dominance plasticity. Conversely, manipulations that slow the development of inhibition can prolong the critical period."}
{"instruction": "According to this glossary, what does associative learning mean, and which two types are usually distinguished?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "area V4 An area of neocortex, anterior to striate cortex, that is in the ventral visual processing stream and appears to be important for both shape perception and color perception. aspinous neuron A neuron lacking dendritic spines. associative learning The learning of associations between events; two types are usually distinguished: classical conditioning and instrumental conditioning. astrocyte A glial cell in the brain that supports neurons and regulates the extracellular ionic and chemical environment. ataxia Abnormally uncoordinated and inaccurate movements, often associated with cerebellar dysfunction. atonia The absence of muscle tone. ATP See adenosine triphosphate. attention The state of selectively allocating mental energy to a sensory stimulus. attention-defi cit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) A behavioral condition characterized by inattention, hyperactivity, and impulsiveness. attenuation refl ex The contraction of muscles in"}
{"instruction": "According to this glossary, what is channelrhodopsin-2, and what does the chemoaffinity hypothesis propose about growing axons?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "channelrhodopsin-2 (ChR2) A light-sensitive cation channel, originally isolated from green algae, which can be expressed in neurons and used to control their activity using light. characteristic frequency The sound frequency to which a neuron in the auditory system gives its greatest response. chemical synapse A synapse in which presynaptic activity stimulates the release of neurotransmitter, which activates receptors in the postsynaptic membrane. chemoaffi nity hypothesis The hypothesis that chemical markers on growing axons are matched with complementary chemical markers on their targets. chemoattractant A diffusible molecule that acts over a distance to attract growing axons. chemoreceptor Any sensory receptor selective for chemicals. chemorepellent A diffusible molecule that acts over a distance to repel growing axons. cholecystokinin (CCK) A peptide found within some neurons of the central and peripheral nervous systems and in some endothelial cells lining"}
{"instruction": "According to this glossary, what is excitation-contraction coupling, and what does EPSP summation produce?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "adrenaline. EPSP See excitatory postsynaptic potential. EPSP summation A simple form of synaptic integration whereby excitatory postsynaptic potentials combine to produce a larger postsynaptic depolarization. equilibrium potential See ionic equilibrium potential. estrogens Female steroidal hormones, the most important of which are estradiol and progesterone. estrous cycle The female reproductive cycle in most nonprimate mammals in which there are periodic episodes of estrus or “heat.” eustachian tube An air-fi lled tube connecting the middle ear to the nasal cavities. excitable membrane Any membrane capable of generating action potentials. The membrane of axons and muscle cells is excitable. excitation–contraction coupling The physiological process by which the excitation of a muscle cell leads to its contraction. excitatory postsynaptic potential (EPSP) Depolarization of the postsynaptic membrane potential by the action of a synaptically released"}
{"instruction": "What does the glutamate hypothesis of schizophrenia propose about the cause of the disorder?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "cortisol released from the adrenal gland. glutamate (Glu) An amino acid; the major excitatory neurotransmitter in the central nervous system. glutamate hypothesis of schizophrenia A hypothesis suggesting that schizophrenia is caused by the reduced activation of NMDA receptors in the brain. glutamatergic Describing neurons or synapses that produce and release glutamate. glycine (Gly) An amino acid; an inhibitory neurotransmitter at some locations in the central nervous system. GnRH See gonadotropin-releasing hormone. Goldman equation A mathematical relationship used to predict membrane potential from the concentrations and membrane permeabilities of ions. Golgi apparatus An organelle that sorts and chemically modifi es proteins that are destined for delivery to different parts of the cell. Golgi stain A method of staining brain tissue that shows neurons and all of their neurites; named for its discoverer, Italian histologist Camillo Golgi"}
{"instruction": "What is the magnocellular pathway, where does it begin, and where does it lead within the visual system?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "transduce head tilt and acceleration. magnetoencephalography (MEG) A measurement of electrical activity generated by the brain and recorded by detecting associated magnetic fi eld fl uctuations with sensors surrounding the scalp. magnocellular LGN layer A layer of the lateral geniculate nucleus receiving synaptic input from M-type retinal ganglion cells. magnocellular neurosecretory cell A large neuron of the periventricular and supraoptic nuclei of the hypothalamus that projects to the posterior pituitary and secretes oxytocin or vasopressin into the blood. magnocellular pathway A visual informationprocessing pathway that begins with M-type retinal ganglion cells and leads to layer IVB of striate cortex; believed to process information about object motion and motor actions. major depression An affective disorder characterized by prolonged, severe impairment of mood; may include anxiety, sleep disturbances, and other physiological disturbances."}
{"instruction": "What is the Papez circuit, and what did Papez propose it to be?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "tory cells; stimulates uterine contractions and milk letdown from the mammary glands. Pacinian corpuscle A mechanoreceptor of the deep skin, selective for high-frequency vibrations. PAG See periaqueductal gray matter. panic disorder A mental disorder characterized by recurring, seemingly unprovoked panic attacks and a persistent worry about having further attacks. Papez circuit A circuit of structures interconnecting the hypothalamus and cortex, proposed by Papez to be an emotion system. papilla A small protuberance on the surface of the tongue that contains taste buds. parahippocampal cortex A cortical region in the medial temporal lobe that lies lateral to the rhinal sulcus. parallel fi ber An axon of a cerebellar granule cell that innervates Purkinje cells. Plasticity of the synapse between a parallel fi ber and a Purkinje cell is believed to be important for motor learning. parallel processing The idea that different stimulus attributes are processed by the brain in parallel"}
{"instruction": "Where are action potentials normally initiated, and how does spike timing-dependent plasticity modify synaptic strength?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "muscles. somatic sensation The senses of touch, temperature, body position, and pain. somatotopy The topographic organization of somatic sensory pathways in which neighboring receptors in the skin feed information to neighboring cells in a target structure. spatial summation The combining of excitatory postsynaptic potentials generated at more than one synapse on the same cell. See also temporal summation. specifi c language impairment A delay in the mastery of language in the absence of hearing loss or more general developmental delays. speech Spoken language. spike-initiation zone A region of the neuronal membrane where action potentials are normally initiated, characterized by a high density of voltage-gated sodium channels. spike timing–dependent plasticity Bidirectional modifi cation of synaptic strength induced by varying the relative timing of the presynaptic and postsynaptic spikes. second messenger A short-lived chemical signal in"}
{"instruction": "In Noise, why do the authors argue that the extent of disagreement in professional judgments such as judicial sentencing is far greater than we expect, and what do they call this unwanted variability?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "First, judgment is difϐicult because the world is a complicated, uncertain place. This complexity is obvious in the judiciary and holds in most other situations requiring professional judgment. Broadly, these situations include judgments made by doctors, nurses, lawyers, engineers, teachers, architects, Hollywood executives, members of hiring committees, book publishers, corporate executives of all kinds, and managers of sports teams. Disagreement is unavoidable wherever judgment is involved. Second, the extent of these disagreements is much greater than we expect. While few people object to the principle of judicial discretion, almost everyone disapproves of the magnitude of the disparities it produces. System noise, that is, unwanted variability in judgments that should ideally be identical, can create rampant injustice, high economic costs, and errors of many kinds. Third, noise can be reduced. The approach advocated by Frankel and implemented by the US Sentencing Commission—rules and"}
{"instruction": "What did studies of judges reveal about how their stated sentencing goals and their region relate to how severe their sentences are, and what do the authors call the variability this produces?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "deterrence. They found that judges who think that the main goal is rehabilitation tend to assign shorter prison sentences and more supervised time than do judges who pointed to deterrence or incapacitation. Separately, judges located in the American South assigned signiϐicantly longer sentences than did their counterparts in other parts of the country. Not surprisingly, conservative ideology was also related to severity of sentences. The general conclusion is that the average level of sentencing functions like a personality trait. You could use this study to arrange judges on a scale that ranges from very harsh to very lenient, just as a personality test might measure their degree of extraversion or agreeableness. Like other traits, we would expect severity of sentencing to be correlated with genetic factors, with life experiences, and with other aspects of personality. None of these has anything to do with the case or the defendant. We use the term level noise for the variability of"}
{"instruction": "According to the authors, why can a simple unweighted average of predictors forecast someone's performance better than a carefully weighted average or an expert's judgment?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "If you think about the example of Monica and Nathalie in the previous chapter, you probably believe that some predictors matter more than others. Most people, for instance, would give leadership a higher weight than technical skills. How can a straight unweighted average predict someone’s performance better than a carefully weighted average, or better than the judgment of an expert? Today, many years after Dawes’s breakthrough, the statistical phenomenon that so surprised his contemporaries is well understood. As explained earlier in this book, multiple regression computes “optimal” weights that minimize squared errors. But multiple regression minimizes error in the original data. The formula therefore adjusts itself to predict every random ϐluke in the data. If, for instance, the sample includes a few managers who have high technical skills and who also performed exceptionally well for unrelated reasons, the model will exaggerate the weight of technical skill."}
{"instruction": "What did the Fragile Families challenge show about the gap between understanding people's life trajectories and being able to predict individual outcomes?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "lives of fragile families. Unfortunately, this sense of progress was not matched by an ability to make granular predictions about individual events in individual lives. The introductory abstract of the multiauthored report on the Fragile Families challenge contained a stark admonition: “Researchers must reconcile the idea that they understand life trajectories with the fact that none of the predictions were very accurate.” Understanding and Prediction The logic behind this pessimistic conclusion requires some elaboration. When the authors of the Fragile Families challenge equate understanding with prediction (or the absence of one with the absence of the other), they use the term understanding in a speciϐic sense. There are other meanings of the word: if you say you understand a mathematical concept or you understand what love is, you are probably not suggesting an ability to make any speciϐic predictions. However, in the discourse of social science, and in most everyday"}
{"instruction": "What is pattern noise, and how do the authors use the examples of a secretly accurate forecaster and of specialists evaluating the same athletes to explain it?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "had read Julie’s story last week, you would have been reminded of the same people and would have seen her story in the same distinctively personal light. Individual differences in the quality of judgments are another source of pattern noise. Imagine a single forecaster with crystal-ball powers that no one knows about (including herself). Her accuracy would make her deviate in many cases from the average forecast. In the absence of outcome data, these deviations would be regarded as pattern errors. When judgments are unveriϐiable, superior accuracy will look like pattern noise. Pattern noise also arises from systematic differences in the ability to make valid judgments about different dimensions of a case. Consider the process of selection for professional sports teams. Coaches may focus on skills in various aspects of the game, physicians on susceptibility to injuries, and psychologists on motivation and resilience. When these different specialists evaluate the same players,"}
{"instruction": "After assembling their studies, what did the authors conclude about whether pattern noise is transient or stable, and how significant it is compared with the other components of system noise?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "and transient circumstances that create occasion noise. The evidence gradually led us to realize that the noisy judgments that different people make are largely determined by something that is neither a general bias of the individual nor transient and random: the persistent personal reactions of particular individuals to a multitude of features, which determine their reactions to speciϐic cases. We eventually concluded that our default assumption about the transient nature of pattern noise should be abandoned. Though we want to be careful not to overgeneralize from what remains a limited selection of examples, the studies we have assembled, taken together, suggest that stable pattern noise is actually more signiϐicant than the other components of system noise. Because we rarely have a full picture of the components of error in the same study, it requires some triangulation to formulate this tentative conclusion. In short, here is what we know—and what we don’t."}
{"instruction": "What makes someone a respect-expert, and why do shared professional norms matter when there is no data to establish expertise objectively?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "themselves respected for the quality of their judgment decide to trust someone as an expert when there is no data to establish expertise objectively? What makes a respect-expert? Part of the answer is the existence of shared norms, or professional doctrine. Experts often obtain professional qualiϐications from professional communities and receive training and supervision in their organizations. Doctors who complete their residency and young lawyers who learn from a senior partner do not just learn the technical tools of their trade; they are trained to use certain methods and follow certain norms. Shared norms give professionals a sense of which inputs should be taken into account and how to make and justify their ϐinal judgments. In the insurance company, for instance, claims adjusters had no difϐiculty agreeing on and describing the relevant considerations that should be included in a checklist to assess a claim. This agreement, of course, did not stop the claims adjusters from"}
{"instruction": "Why are debiasing interventions effective against problems like the planning fallacy yet insufficient when psychological biases vary unpredictably from one judge to another?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "add error in the same direction or offsetting one another, with unpredictable consequences. The upshot is that ex post or ex ante debiasing—which, respectively, correct or prevent speciϐic psychological biases—are useful in some situations. These approaches work where the general direction of error is known and manifests itself as a clear statistical bias. Types of decisions that are expected to be strongly biased are likely to beneϐit from debiasing interventions. For instance, the planning fallacy is a sufϐiciently robust ϐinding to warrant debiasing interventions against overconϐident planning. The problem is that in many situations, the likely direction of error is not known in advance. Such situations include all those in which the effect of psychological biases is variable among judges and essentially unpredictable—resulting in system noise. To reduce error under circumstances like these, we need to cast a broader net to try to detect"}
{"instruction": "What is linear sequential unmasking, and how does it protect the independence of forensic examiners' judgments?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "potential to bias judgments by leading the judge to form a premature intuition. In that spirit, the new procedures deployed in forensic laboratories aim to protect the independence of the examiners’ judgments by giving the examiners only the information they need, when they need it. In other words, the laboratory keeps them as much in the dark about the case as possible and reveals information only gradually. To do that, the approach Dror and colleagues codiϐied is called linear sequential unmasking. Dror has another recommendation that illustrates the same decision hygiene strategy: examiners should document their judgments at each step. They should document their analysis of a latent ϐingerprint before they look at exemplar ϐingerprints to decide whether they are a match. This sequence of steps helps experts avoid the risk that they see only what they are looking for. And they should record their judgment on the evidence before they have access to contextual information that"}
{"instruction": "What do the authors suggest about the performance ratings used in organizations, and why might such ratings be essentially useless and quite possibly counterproductive?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "among people in a given organization—for instance, whether performance follows a normal distribution or whether there exists “star talent” making a hugely disproportionate contribution. And if your goal is to bring out the best in people, you can reasonably ask whether measuring individual performance and using that measurement to motivate people through fear and greed is the best approach (or even an effective one). If you are designing or revising a performance management system, you will need to answer these questions and many more. Our aspiration here is not to examine these questions but to make a more modest suggestion: if you do measure performance, your performance ratings have probably been pervaded by system noise and, for that reason, they might be essentially useless and quite possibly counterproductive. Reducing this noise is a challenge that cannot be solved by simple technological ϐixes. It requires clear thinking about the judgments that"}
{"instruction": "Why did Google introduce structured behavioral interviews, and what problem with traditional interviews were they meant to solve?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "requires that information on each assessment be collected independently. Just listing the components of the job description is not enough: most recruiters conducting traditional interviews also know the four or ϐive things they look for in a candidate. The problem is that, in the conduct of the interview, they do not evaluate these elements separately. Each assessment inϐluences the others, which makes each assessment very noisy. To overcome this problem, Google orchestrated ways to make assessments in a fact-based manner and independently of one another. Perhaps its most visible move was to introduce structured behavioral interviews. The interviewers’ task in such interviews is not to decide whether they like a candidate overall; it is to collect data about each assessment in the evaluation structure and to assign a score to the candidate on each assessment. To do so, interviewers are required to ask predeϐined questions about the candidate’s behaviors in past"}
{"instruction": "Why may it be easier to generate standards than rules in sharply divided organizations, and what risk does setting standards without specifying details create?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "discretion, they turn into rules. Algorithms work as rules, not standards. Divisions and Ignorance It should be clear at the outset that whenever ϐirms, organizations, societies, or groups are sharply divided, it might be far easier to generate standards than rules. Company leaders might agree that managers should not act abusively, without knowing precisely what the proscription means. Managers might oppose sexual harassment in the workplace without deciding whether ϐlirtatious behavior is acceptable. A university might prohibit students from engaging in plagiarism, without specifying the exact meaning of that term. People might agree that a constitution should protect freedom of speech, without deciding whether it should protect commercial advertising, threats, or obscenity. People might agree that environmental regulators should issue prudent rules to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, without deϐining what constitutes prudence. Setting standards without specifying details can lead to noise,"}
{"instruction": "What does the divide-and-conquer principle for structuring judgments aim to counteract, and what analogy do the authors use to show the harm of excessive coherence?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "the statistics of similar cases. It also leads to the recommendation that predictions should be moderate (the technical term is regressive; see appendix C). Attention to the wide range of past outcomes and to their limited predictability should help decision makers calibrate their conϐidence in their judgments. People cannot be faulted for failing to predict the unpredictable, but they can be blamed for a lack of predictive humility. Structure judgments into several independent tasks. This divideand-conquer principle is made necessary by the psychological mechanism we have described as excessive coherence, which causes people to distort or ignore information that does not ϐit a preexisting or emerging story. Overall accuracy suffers when impressions of distinct aspects of a case contaminate each other. For an analogy, think of what happens to the evidentiary value of a set of witnesses when they are allowed to communicate. People can reduce excessive coherence by breaking down the"}
{"instruction": "Why do the authors recommend collecting participants' judgments before the discussion and then averaging independent judgments, and what does this averaging reduce and what does it not reduce?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "the formation of a holistic judgment is delayed until the proϐile of assessments is complete. Obtain independent judgments from multiple judges, then consider aggregating those judgments. The requirement of independence is routinely violated in the procedures of organizations, notably in meetings in which participants’ opinions are shaped by those of others. Because of cascade effects and group polarization, group discussions often increase noise. The simple procedure of collecting participants’ judgments before the discussion both reveals the extent of noise and facilitates a constructive resolution of differences. Averaging independent judgments is guaranteed to reduce system noise (but not bias). A single judgment is a sample of one, drawn from the population of all possible judgments; and increasing sample size improves the precision of estimates. The advantage of averaging is further enhanced when judges have diverse skills and complementary"}
{"instruction": "What translation difficulties does the translator of Powers of Horror describe regarding German vocabulary and the French versus English versions of Hegel's Lectures?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "rate “incest dread,” and Genussgefähig gets afflicted with the connotation of “objets comestibles” that belongs to Geniessbar instead of the more general and accurate “capable of enjoyment” of the English version. While this has required some vocabulary adjustment, it does not affect Kristeva’s argument. Where Hegel’s works are concerned the situation is even more troublesome, for discrepancies between French and English translations are considerable. Referring back to the German text of Vorlesungen über die Philosophie der Religion I find that the English text is faithful to it. What apparently happened is that the French translation was made from an earlier version of the Lectures, which, like Saussure’s famous Cours de linguistique générale, was published by Hegel’s students after his death. The second edition, on which the English version is based, is presumably an improved one—but that need not concern us here. In the excerpts quoted by Kristeva, the"}
{"instruction": "According to the quoted Freudian passage, how do internal perceptions of emotional and thought processes come to be projected outward, and what role does the development of a language of abstract thought play?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "another way than as preludes to the obsessional or paranoid structure. Under conditions whose nature has not yet been sufficiently established, internal perceptions of emotional and thought processes can be projected outwards in the same way as sense perceptions; they are thus employed for building up the external world, though they should by rights remain part of the internal world. This may have some genetic connection with the fact that the function of attention was originally directed not towards the internal world but towards the stimuli that stream in from the external world, and that that function’s only information upon endopsychic processes was received from feelings of pleasure and unpleasure. It was not until a language of abstract thought had been developed, that is to say, not until the sensory residues of verbal presentations had been linked to the internal processes, that the latter themselves gradually became capable of being per-"}
{"instruction": "How does Kristeva criticize Mary Douglas's handling of Freudian data, and what advantage does she attribute to Levi-Strauss's structural anthropology?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "problems: what is the meaning that such a border-element assumes in other psychological, economic, etc., systems? At this moment of her thinking there emerges a concern to integrate Freudian data as semantic values connected with the psychosomatic functioning of the speaking subject. But a hasty assimilation of such data leads Mary Douglas naively to reject Freudian premises. Finally, such a conception disregards both subjective dynamics (if one wishes to consider the social set in its utmost particularization) and language as common and universal code (if one wishes to consider the aggregate and the social aggregates in their greatest generality). Lévi- Strauss’ structural anthropology had one advantage among others; it linked a classification system, that is, a symbolic system, within a given from filth to defilement society, to the order of language in its universality (binary aspects of phonology, signifier-signified dependencies and autonomies, etc.)."}
{"instruction": "What does Kristeva mean by an economy of the speaking subject discovered through analytic listening and semanalytic deciphering, and why does this procedure necessarily entail a share of fiction?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "economy: the general, logical determination that underlies anthropological variants (social structures, marriage rules, religious rites) and evinces a specific economy of the speaking subject, no matter what its historical manifestations may be. In short, an economy that analytic listening and semanalytic deciphering discover in our contemporaries. Such a procedure seems to me to be directly in from filth to defilement keeping with Freudian utilization of anthropological data. It inevitably entails a share of disappointment for the empirically minded ethnologist. It does not unfold without a share of fiction, the nucleus of which, drawn from actuality and the subjective experience of the one who writes, is projected upon data collected from the life of other cultures, less to justify itself than to throw light on them by means of an interpretation to which they obviously offer resistance. The Margin of a Floating Structure Taking a closer look at defilement, as Mary Douglas has done, one"}
{"instruction": "How does the structuralist hypothesis explain myth and sacrifice, and how does Kristeva connect defilement rites to the boundary of the borderline patient's body?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "the Borderline Patient? The structuralist hypothesis is well known. Basic symbolic institutions, such as sacrifice or myths, expand on logical processes inherent in the economy of language itself; in doing so they realize for the community what makes up in depth, historically and logically, the speaking being as such. Thus myth projects on contents that are vitally important for a given community those binary oppositions discovered at the level of phonematic concatenation of language. As for sacrifice, it solemnizes the vertical dimension of the sign: the one that leads from the thing that is left behind, or killed, to the meaning of the word and transcendence. Following that line, one could suggest that the rites surrounding defilement, particularly those involving excremential and menstrual variants, shift the border (in the psychoanalytic meaning relating to borderline patients) that separates the body’s territory from the sig-"}
{"instruction": "Why does Kristeva say India has an incomparable advantage for laying bare the abject logic of the separation between sex and language, and how does the fate of Oedipus relate to mythical defilement?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "by the good/evil opposition, the boundary at issue is related, through the hierarchy of caste and matrimonial regulations that accompany and secure it, to a very deep logic of the speaking being as separated by sex and language. India has the incomparable advantage of laying bare the ab-ject logic of that separation and resolving in its nonviolent fashion the asymptotic relation between sexuality and symbolism, balancing differences where sexuality is concerned, multiplying and grading divisions to the utmost in the case of symbolism. Oedipus the King or Invisible Abjection The tragic and sublime fate of Oedipus sums up and displaces the mythical defilement that situates impurity on the untouchable “other side” constituted by the other sex, within the corporeal border—the thin sheet of desire—and, basically, within the mother woman—the myth From Filth to Defilement\u000285 of natural fullness. To be convinced of this, we would have to follow"}
{"instruction": "In Kristeva's reading, how does biblical abjection blend dietary abomination with the maternal as unclean, and what role does the prophetic strand, especially Ezekiel, play?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "back, at the intensive moments of its demonstration and expansion, to that mytheme of the archaic relation to the mother. Biblical abjection thus translates a crucial semantics in which the dietary, when it departs from the conformity that can be demanded by the logic of separation, blends with the maternal as unclean and improper coalescence, as undifferentiated power and threat, a defilement to be cut off. The Prophets, or Inescapable Abjection If reminders of dietary abomination persist in the Yahwist text, while the Elohist strengthens sociological and moral aspects, this does not prevent the originating “mytheme” from being present everywhere. And yet it is the prophetic strand that carried that “mytheme” into full blossoming. Particularly, through Ezekiel, who inherited from Leviticus the positing of the Law of purity and the Law of holiness, semiotics of biblical abomination and who wends his way toward a theological distinction between"}
{"instruction": "How does Kristeva read the conjunction of courtliness and sadism in Celine's feminine characters, using Gwendor the Magnificent and Mireille as examples?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "body, without anything” as the subtitle [to Féerie pour une autre fois] makes clear) are an ineffectual attempt at staging an archaizing idealization where the feminine ideal persists, no matter what the personality of the female characters, in the sublime body of the ballerina. But one remembers, more abruptly yet, those pages in Death on the Instalment Plan where Ferdinand confesses to Gustin Sabayot his intention of writing a thoroughly chivalrous legend about the adventures of Gwendor the Magnificent. Immediately afterward he relates that enchanted knightly romance to a perverted minor, Mireille, before she becomes the object of his hardly courtly pornographic and sadistic desires. (D, 136ff ). This episodic character and the isolated sequence set apart from the thread of a narrative without continuity are nevertheless those females who can wreck the infinite symptomatic. The conjunction of opposites (courtliness-sadism) is again encountered in all of Céline’s feminine characters."}
{"instruction": "Whom does the author single out as the two most important collaborators in putting together this textbook's superb package of supplements?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "Most important in this process have been Ron Cronovich (Carthage College) and David Hakes (University of Northern Iowa). Ron and David, both dedicated teachers, have served as reliable sounding boards for ideas and hardworking partners with me in putting together the superb package of supplements. The following reviewers of the sixth edition provided suggestions for refining the content, organization, and approach in the seventh. Mark Abajian, San Diego Mesa College Rahi Abouk, University of Wisconsin Milwaukee Nathanael Adams, Cardinal Stritch Seemi Ahmad, Dutchess Community College May Akabogu-Collins, Mira Costa College–Oceanside Ercument Aksoy, Los Angeles Valley College William Aldridge, University of Alabama–Tuscaloosa Donald L. Alexander, Western Michigan University Basil Al-Hashimi, Mesa Community College Rashid Al-Hmoud, Texas Tech Hassan Aly, Ohio State University Michelle Amaral, University of the Pacific Shahina Amin, University of Northern"}
{"instruction": "In this reviewer list, which institutions were Joseph Franklin, Winnie Fung, and Marc Fusaro affiliated with?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "Harold Elder, University of Alabama–Tuscaloosa Lynne Elkes, Loyola University Maryland Diantha Ellis, Abraham Baldwin College Noha Emara, Columbia University Michael Enz, Framingham State Lee Erickson, Taylor University Pat Euzent, University of Central Florida–Orlando Timothy Ewest, Wartburg College Amir Farmanesh, University of Maryland Donna Fisher, Georgia Southern Nikki Follis, Chadron State College Joseph Franklin, Newberry College Ted Fu, Shenandoah University Winnie Fung, Wheaton College Marc Fusaro, Arkansas Tech Todd Gabe, University of Maine Mary Gade, Oklahoma State University Jonathan Gafford, Columbia State Community College Iris Geisler, Austin Community College Jacob Gelber, University of Alabama at Birmingham Robert Gentenaar, Pima Downtown Community College Soma Ghosh, Albright College Edgar Ghossoub, University of Texas at San Antonio Alex Gialanella, Manhattanville College Bill Gibson, University of Vermont Kenneth Gillingham, Yale University"}
{"instruction": "In this reviewer list, which institutions were Jennifer McNiece, Evan Moore, and Francis Mummery affiliated with?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "Jennifer McNiece, Howard Payne Charles Meyrick, Housatonic Community College Heather Micelli, Mira Costa College Laura Middlesworth, University of Wisconsin–Eau Claire Phillip Mixon, Troy University–Troy Evan Moore, Auburn University–Montgomery Francis Mummery, California State University–Fullerton John Mundy, St. Johns River State James Murray, University of Wisconsin–LaCrosse Christopher Mushrush, Illinois State John Nader, Davenport University Max Grunbaum Nagiel, Daytona State College Scott Niederjohn, Lakeland College George Norman, Tufts University Yanira Ogrodnik, Post University David O’Hara, Metro State College of Denver Wafa Orman, University of Alabama in Huntsville Brian O’Roark, Robert Morris Glenda Orosco, Oklahoma State University Institute of Technology Orgul Ozturk, University of South Carolina Maria Papapavlou, San Jacinto Central College Nitin Paranjpe, Wayne State Irene Parietti, Felician College Jooyoun Park, Kent State University"}
{"instruction": "What three positive externalities of a more educated population does this passage identify?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "educated population leads to more informed voters, which means better government for everyone. Another externality is that a more educated population tends to mean lower crime rates. A third externality is that a more educated population may encourage the development and dissemination of technological advances, leading to higher productivity and wages for everyone. Because of these three positive externalities, a person may prefer to have neighbors who are well educated. The analysis of positive externalities is similar to the analysis of negative externalities. As Figure 3 shows, the demand curve does not reflect the value to society internalizing the externality altering incentives so that people take account of the external effects of their actions Education and the Social Optimum In the presence of a positive externality, the social value of the good exceeds the private value. The optimal quantity, QOPTIMUM, is therefore larger"}
{"instruction": "How does the socially optimal quantity compare with the equilibrium quantity when an activity yields negative versus positive externalities, and what policies can government use to remedy the inefficiency?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "If an activity yields negative externalities, such as pollution, the socially optimal quantity in a market is less than the equilibrium quantity. If an activity yields positive externalities, such as technology spillovers, the socially optimal quantity is greater than the equilibrium quantity. • Governments pursue various policies to remedy the inefficiencies caused by externalities. Sometimes the government prevents socially inefficient activity by regulating behavior. Other times it internalizes an externality using corrective taxes. Another public policy is to issue permits. For example, the government could protect the environment by issuing a limited number of pollution permits. The result of this policy is largely the same as imposing corrective taxes on polluters. • Those affected by externalities can sometimes solve the problem privately. For instance, when one business imposes an externality on another business, the two businesses can internalize the externality by merging."}
{"instruction": "What do critics of advertising argue about its effect on competition, and how do defenders of advertising respond to those critics?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "have many friends and be happy, if you drink our product.” Critics of advertising argue that such a commercial creates a desire that otherwise might not exist. Critics also argue that advertising impedes competition. Advertising often tries to convince consumers that products are more different than they truly are. By increasing the perception of product differentiation and fostering brand loyalty, advertising makes buyers less concerned with price differences among similar goods, thereby making the demand for a particular brand less elastic. When a firm faces a less elastic demand curve, it can increase its profits by charging a larger markup over marginal cost. The Defense of Advertising Defenders of advertising argue that firms use advertising to provide information to customers. Advertising conveys the prices of the goods offered for sale, the existence of new products, and the locations of retail outlets. This information allows customers to make better choices about what to"}
{"instruction": "What do the Condorcet paradox and Arrow's impossibility theorem show about majority rule and about voting systems in general?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "adverse selection among the sellers. Private markets sometimes deal with asymmetric information with signaling and screening. • Although government policy can sometimes improve market outcomes, governments are themselves imperfect institutions. The Condorcet paradox shows that majority rule fails to produce transitive preferences for society, and Arrow’s impossibility theorem shows that no voting system will be perfect. In many situations, democratic institutions will produce the outcome desired by the median voter, regardless of the preferences of the rest of the electorate. Moreover, the individuals who set government policy may be motivated by self-interest rather than the national interest. • The study of psychology and economics reveals that human decision making is more complex than is assumed in conventional economic theory. People are not always rational, they care about the fairness of economic outcomes (even to their own detriment), and"}
{"instruction": "What are inward-oriented policies and the infant-industry argument, and why do most economists today favor outward-oriented policies?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "growth by pursuing inward-oriented policies. These policies attempt to increase productivity and living standards within the country by avoiding interaction with the rest of the world. Domestic firms often advance the infant-industry argument, claiming they need protection from foreign competition to thrive and grow. Together with a general distrust of foreigners, this argument has at times led policymakers in less developed countries to impose tariffs and other trade restrictions. Most economists today believe that poor countries are better off pursuing outward-oriented policies that integrate these countries into the world economy. International trade in goods and services can improve the economic well-being of a country’s citizens. Trade is, in some ways, a type of technology. When a country exports wheat and imports textiles, the country benefits as if it had invented a technology for turning wheat into textiles. A country that eliminates trade restric-"}
{"instruction": "What did Keynes mean by \"animal spirits\", and what did he argue government should do when aggregate demand appeared insufficient?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "ernment should respond to changes in the private economy to stabilize aggregate demand. The act was passed not long after the publication of Keynes’s The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money, which has been one of the most influential books ever written about economics. In it, Keynes emphasized the key role of aggregate demand in explaining short-run economic fluctuations. Keynes claimed that the government should actively stimulate aggregate demand when aggregate demand appeared insufficient to maintain production at its full-employment level. Keynes (and his many followers) argued that aggregate demand fluctuates because of largely irrational waves of pessimism and optimism. He used the term “animal spirits” to refer to these arbitrary changes in attitude. When pessimism reigns, households reduce consumption spending and firms reduce investment spending. The result is reduced aggregate demand, lower production, and higher"}
{"instruction": "What does the theory of rational expectations claim, and how did its proponents extend the Friedman-Phelps account of the inflation-unemployment trade-off?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "This group included such prominent economists as Robert Lucas, Thomas Sargent, and Robert Barro. Their revolution was based on a new approach to economic theory and policy called rational expectations. According to the theory of rational expectations, people optimally use all the information they have, including information about government policies, when forecasting the future. This new approach has had profound implications for many areas of macroeconomics, but none is more important than its application to the trade-off between inflation and unemployment. As Friedman and Phelps had first emphasized, expected inflation is an important variable that explains why there is a trade-off between inflation and unemployment in the short run but not in the long run. How quickly the short-run trade-off disappears depends on how quickly people adjust their expectations of inflation. Proponents of rational expectations expanded upon the Friedman-Phelps analysis to argue that when economic policies change,"}
{"instruction": "Why might government-spending multipliers be smaller than is conventionally believed, according to the effects described here?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "cessions. First of all, consumers understand that higher government spending, together with the government borrowing needed to finance it, will likely lead to higher taxes in the future. The anticipation of those future taxes will induce consumers to cut back spending today. Moreover, like most taxes, those in the future will likely cause a variety of deadweight losses. As businesses look ahead to a more highly distorted future economy, they may reduce their expectations of future profits and reduce investment spending today. Because of these various effects, government-spending multipliers may be smaller than is conventionally believed. It is also far from clear whether the government can spend money both wisely and quickly. Large government spending projects often require years of planning, as policymakers and voters weigh the costs and benefits of the many alternative courses of action. By contrast, when unemployment soars during recessions, the"}
{"instruction": "According to this glossary, what is adverse selection, and what does absolute advantage mean?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "shoulder the burden absolute advantage the ability to produce a good using fewer inputs than another producer accounting profit total revenue minus total explicit cost adverse selection the tendency for the mix of unobserved attributes to become undesirable from the standpoint of an uninformed party agent a person who is performing an act for another person, called the principal aggregate-demand curve a curve that shows the quantity of goods and services that households, firms, the government, and customers abroad want to buy at each price level aggregate-supply curve a curve that shows the quantity of goods and services that firms choose to produce and sell at each price level appreciation an increase in the value of a currency as measured by the amount of foreign currency it can buy Arrow’s impossibility theorem a mathematical result showing that, under certain assumed conditions, there is no scheme for aggregating individual preferences into a valid set of social"}
{"instruction": "According to this glossary, what does the Coase theorem propose about private parties and externalities?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "variables closed economy an economy that does not interact with other economies in the world club goods goods that are excludable but not rival in consumption Coase theorem the proposition that if private parties can bargain without cost over the allocation of resources, they can solve the problem of externalities on their own collective bargaining the process by which unions and firms agree on the terms of employment collusion an agreement among firms in a market about quantities to produce or prices to charge commodity money money that takes the form of a commodity with intrinsic value common resources goods that are rival in consumption but not excludable comparative advantage the ability to produce a good at a lower opportunity cost than another producer compensating differential a difference in wages that arises to offset the nonmonetary characteristics of different jobs competitive market a market with many buyers and sellers trading"}
{"instruction": "According to this glossary, what is fiat money, and what distinguishes financial markets from financial intermediaries?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "GLOSSARY F factors of production the inputs used to produce goods and services federal funds rate the interest rate at which banks make overnight loans to one another Federal Reserve (Fed) the central bank of the United States fiat money money without intrinsic value that is used as money because of government decree finance the field that studies how people make decisions regarding the allocation of resources over time and the handling of risk financial intermediaries financial institutions through which savers can indirectly provide funds to borrowers financial markets financial institutions through which savers can directly provide funds to borrowers financial system the group of institutions in the economy that help to match one person’s saving with another person’s investment firm-specific risk risk that affects only a single company fiscal policy the setting of the level of government spending and taxation by government policymakers"}
{"instruction": "According to this glossary, what is the prisoner's dilemma, and how is producer surplus defined?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "ers that illustrates why cooperation is difficult to maintain even when it is mutually beneficial private goods goods that are both excludable and rival in consumption private saving the income that households have left after paying for taxes and consumption producer price index a measure of the cost of a basket of goods and services bought by firms producer surplus the amount a seller is paid for a good minus the seller’s cost of providing it production function the relationship between quantity of inputs used to make a good and the quantity of output of that good production possibilities frontier a graph that shows the combinations of output that the economy can possibly produce given the available factors of production and the available production technology productivity the quantity of goods and services produced from each unit of labor input profit total revenue minus total cost progressive tax a tax for which highincome taxpayers pay a larger fraction"}
{"instruction": "Which chapter titles appear in this table of contents, and which one claims incentives are the most powerful force in the world?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "Overnight Tragedies and Long-Term Miracles Good news comes from compounding, which always takes time, but bad news comes from a loss in confidence or a catastrophic error that can occur in a blink of an eye. Tiny and Magnificent When little things compound into extraordinary things. Elation and Despair Progress requires optimism and pessimism to coexist. Casualties of Perfection There is a huge advantage to being a little imperfect. It’s Supposed to Be Hard Everything worth pursuing comes with a little pain. The trick is not minding that it hurts. Keep Running Most competitive advantages eventually die. The Wonders of the Future It always feels like we’re falling behind, and it’s easy to discount the potential of new technology. Harder Than It Looks and Not as Fun as It Seems “The grass is always greener on the side that’s fertilized with bullshit.” Incentives: The Most Powerful Force in the World When the incentives are crazy, the behavior is crazy."}
{"instruction": "What examples from Hawking, Churchill, and the stock market support Housel's claim that the best story wins wherever information is exchanged?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "grasp scenes. If you look, I think you’ll find that wherever information is exchanged— wherever there are products, companies, careers, politics, knowledge, education, and culture—the best story wins. Stephen Hawking once noted of his bestselling physics books: “Someone told me that each equation I included in the book would halve the sales.” Readers don’t want a lecture; they want a memorable story. Winston Churchill was, by most accounts, a mediocre politician. But he was a master storyteller and orator, a savant at getting people’s attention through motivation and provoking emotion—which is what made all the difference during his time in office. Or take the stock market. The valuation of every company is simply a number from today multiplied by a story about tomorrow. Some companies are incredibly good at telling stories, and during some eras investors become captivated by the wildest ideas of what the future might bring. If you’re trying to figure out where something is going next, you have to"}
{"instruction": "What six characteristics does Housel list as common features of surprise, and why does he say stability is destabilizing?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "Their valuations would become ever more expensive. They would get so expensive that their future return prospects would decline close to zero. And at that very moment, the seeds of breakdown would start to sprout. The higher stock valuations become, the more sensitive markets are to being caught off guard by life’s ability to surprise you in ways you never imagined. Surprise has six common characteristics: • Incomplete information • Uncertainty • Randomness • Chance • Unfortunate timing • Poor incentives With assets priced high and no room for error, markets would be hanging on by a thread, crushed at the first sniff of anything less than perfection. The irony is that when markets are guaranteed not to crash—or more realistically, when people think that’s the case—they are far more likely to crash. The mere idea of stability causes a smart and rational movement toward bidding asset prices up high enough to cause instability. Stability is destabilizing."}
{"instruction": "Why does Housel argue that a little inefficiency is the ideal spot to be in, and which examples from investing and analysis does he use?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "A little inefficiency across the whole supply chain would have been the sweet spot. Room for error is often viewed as a cost, an anchor, an inefficiency. But in the long run it can have some of the highest payoffs imaginable. Same in investing. Cash is an inefficient drag during bull markets and as valuable as oxygen during bear markets. Leverage is the most efficient way to maximize your balance sheet and the easiest way to lose everything. Concentration is the best way to maximize returns, but diversification is the best way to increase the odds of owning a company capable of delivering returns. On and on. If you’re honest with yourself, you’ll see that a little inefficiency is the ideal spot to be in. Same with analysis. There’s an investing quip that it’s better to be approximately right than precisely wrong. But where does the intellectual effort go in the investment industry? Toward the pursuit of precisions— decimal-point exactness that deludes people into thinking they’re not"}
{"instruction": "What question does Housel suggest you ask about your own incentives, and what does answering 'none' reveal about you?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "of what people are willing to do can be extended with certain incentives. That goes both ways. It’s easy to underestimate how much good people can do, how talented they can become, and what they can accomplish when they operate in a world where their incentives are aligned toward progress. Extremes are the norm. Unsustainable things can last longer than you anticipate. Incentives can keep crazy, unsustainable trends going longer than seems reasonable because there are social and financial reasons preventing people from accepting reality for as long as they can. A good question to ask is, “Which of my current views would change if my incentives were different?” If you answer “none,” you are likely not only persuaded but blinded by your incentives. — Speaking of persuasion, let’s discuss a related point: Nothing is more persuasive than what you’ve experienced firsthand. N Now You Get It Nothing is more persuasive than what you’ve experienced firsthand."}
{"instruction": "How does the authors' example of a lingering mortgage concern illustrate that scarcity generates internal disruptions from within the mind?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "Though this room seems quiet, it is full of disruptions—disruptions that come from within. This is how scarcity taxes bandwidth. The things that distract us, that occupy our mind, need not come from outside us. We often generate them for ourselves, and these distractions can disrupt our attention more than a physical train. These trains of thought rumble with personal relevance. The mortgage distraction lingers because it matters. It is not a passing nuisance but an intensely personal concern. It is a distraction precisely because it causes us to tunnel. The persistent concern pulls at the mind, drawing us in. Just like an external noise that distracts us from thinking clearly, scarcity generates internal disruption. The notion of an “internal disruption” is commonplace in the cognitive sciences and in neuroscience. A great many studies have documented the profound impact of internal thoughts—even something as trivial as rehearsing a sequence of numbers in your head—on"}
{"instruction": "How does the marshmallow test show the link between executive control and self-control, and what did the two-digit versus seven-digit memory experiment demonstrate at the snack table?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "The children who were most successful in resisting the marshmallow temptation did so by focusing their attention elsewhere. Instead of looking at and thinking about the marshmallow, they thought about other things. Instead of having to resist the desire, they simply arranged not to notice it. As Mischel put it, “Once you realize that willpower is just a matter of learning how to control your attention and thoughts, you can really begin to increase it.” This provides a telling link between executive control and selfcontrol. Since executive control helps direct attention and control impulses, reduced executive function will hamper self-control. A number of experiments have vividly illustrated this connection. One experiment gave subjects a memory task. Some were asked to remember a two-digit number; some were given a seven-digit number. The subjects were then led to a lobby where they would await further testing. In front of them in the waiting area were slices of"}
{"instruction": "What do studies comparing dieters with nondieters find about their performance on cognitive tests, and why do the authors rule out a simple lack of calories as the cause?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "because they are partly preoccupied with food. In fact, this is what a few studies have shown. They have compared dieters to nondieters on various cognitive measures, the kind that psychologists use to gauge effective cognitive capacity. Sometimes they compare restrained eaters to nonrestrained eaters. Sometimes they compare the same person over time, during periods when he is dieting compared to periods when he is not. However they do it, they find the same effect. Across a variety of cognitive tests, they find that people simply perform worse when they are dieting. And when psychologists interview the respondents, they find a common pattern: concerns related to dieting are top of mind for these dieters and interfere with their performance. These results do not appear to come from a simple lack of calories. Not surprisingly (since many of those who attempt to diet fail), the effects appear even in cases where there is no weight loss. Furthermore, direct physiological measures show that nutritional deficiencies"}
{"instruction": "How do the authors use the harvest study on farmers' heart rate variability to judge whether stress is the biological mechanism through which scarcity taxes the mind?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "many things. Scientifically, however, there has been considerable progress in the understanding of stress. We now have a firmer grasp of the biochemistry of the generalized stress response. We can even identify several of the molecules involved—glucocorticoids (such as cortisol), norepinephrine, and serotonin—as well as some of their function. This knowledge allows us to more carefully consider whether stress is the biological mechanism by which scarcity affects the mind. There is, even in our data, some reason to think that stress plays some role. Predictably, experiencing scarcity can be stressful. In the harvest study, for example, we found that postharvest farmers were less stressed than they were before harvest. We also found sizable reductions in heart rate variability, a frequently used measure of stress. At the same time, stress is unlikely to be the primary driver of many of the effects we have observed. Some of the most important effects had to do with scarcity taxing what we"}
{"instruction": "Why do the authors reject present bias or financial ineptitude as the explanation for why the poor borrow, and what do they say is the real cause?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "myopic thinking at the level of personal differences between rich and poor—whether differences in present bias or otherwise—would need to somehow explain how scarcity led to borrowing in our present contexts, where rich and poor were created at random and could not have been more alike. These studies support our more general hypothesis about the world: the reason the poor borrow is poverty itself. No need to resort to myopia or to financial ineptitude for an explanation. Predatory lenders may certainly facilitate this type of borrowing, but they are not the source. The powerful impulse to borrow, the demand for high interest and potentially spiraling borrowing, the kind that creates a slippery slope and looks so ill advised, is a direct consequence of tunneling. Scarcity leads us to borrow and pushes us deeper into scarcity. NEGLECTING THE FUTURE Imagine you are working under a tight deadline. Suddenly, after weeks of planning, your report is due tomorrow, and you are not quite there."}
{"instruction": "Why is the DOTS protocol of directly watching patients take their tuberculosis pills so important, and why is nonadherence concentrated among the poor?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "today. Yet millions have died because they did not take the medications consistently. For tuberculosis, the problem is so large that the standard delivery protocol in developing countries, DOTS (directly observed therapy), is designed just to address this problem: someone comes every day to watch you take the pill. In some countries, we cannot afford to provide tuberculosis medication. Not because the pills are expensive—they are cheap antibiotics—but because the cost of DOTS is too high. One remarkable medical achievement after another stumbles on nonadherence, this vagary of human behavior. Nonadherence affects many people, but it is particularly concentrated in one group: the poor. While people at every income level may fail to take their medications, the poor do so most often. Disease after disease—HIV, diabetes, tuberculosis—the same pattern repeats itself. No matter the location, the kind of medication, or the side effects, one thing stays"}
{"instruction": "What did Antoinette Schoar's reaction to the tedious ADOPEM financial literacy module reveal about how education can avoid taxing bandwidth?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "Is that added class really worth what little quality time he managed to spend reading or with his children? There are hidden costs to taxing bandwidth. And even when we do decide that educating is the right thing, there can be ways to do so and still economize on bandwidth, as illustrated in a study by the economist Antoinette Schoar and her coauthors. They had been working with a microfinance institution in the Dominican Republic called ADOPEM, whose clients run small enterprises—general stores, beauty salons, food services—usually with no employees. ADOPEM felt that its clients were making mistakes in their accounting books and generally didn’t understand finance as well as they should. The solution seemed simple: financial literacy education. So Schoar procured a standard financial literacy training module, of the kind typically given to microentrepreneurs worldwide. Her reaction upon seeing the material: Wow, how tedious! (And she’s a finance professor at MIT.) The course was several weeks long and focused on"}
{"instruction": "Why do the authors call increasing work hours and forgoing vacations 'tunneling responses', and what do they say really maximizes effective bandwidth?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "cognitive system should be so different from our physical one? The deeper lesson is the need to focus on managing and cultivating bandwidth, despite pressures to the contrary brought on by scarcity. Increasing work hours, working people harder, forgoing vacations, and so on are all tunneling responses, like borrowing at high interest. They ignore the long-term consequences. Psychiatrists report an increasing number of patients who show symptoms of acute stress “stretched to their limits and beyond with no margin, no room in their lives for rest, relaxation, and reflection.” There is nothing magical about working forty or fifty or sixty hours a week. But there is something important about letting your mind out for a jog—to maximize effective bandwidth rather than hours worked. Of course, all of these mistakes—from firefighting to failing to cultivate bandwidth—are individual problems, to which any person can fall prey. But organizations can magnify the"}
{"instruction": "Instead of motivating, training, or threatening underperforming low-wage workers, what different problem does a scarcity perspective suggest the manager tackle?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "managing his underperforming employees. What might he do? Should he spend his time and energy motivating them? Should he resort to threats of firing? Greater incentives? More training? Additional conversations? The manager’s problem is not unique. Many employers of low-wage workers face problems of productivity and absenteeism. And they invariably try these assorted interventions. But a focus on the psychology of scarcity suggests that this manager may want to tackle a different problem. Rather than motivating or training, threatening or enticing, perhaps he can focus on increasing bandwidth. Low-wage workers have volatile financial lives. We have seen their effects. We have also seen that incentives can be less effective in circumstances like this. When you’re tunneling, many rewards can fall outside the tunnel. Why not instead think about financial products, logistical interventions, or working conditions that help workers deal with financial volatility and help clear some bandwidth?"}
{"instruction": "Why does Audre Lorde argue that Black women organizing around concerns beyond the sexual relationship is no threat to Black men, and whom does she say actually perceives it as one?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "unequals have not served us as a people, nor as individuals. Black women who define ourselves and our goals beyond the sphere of a sexual relationship can bring to any endeavor the realized focus of completed and therefore empowered individuals. Black women and Black men who recognize that the development of their particular strengths and interests does not diminish the other do not need to diffuse their energies fighting for control over each other. We can focus our attentions against the real economic, political, and social forces at the heart of this society which are ripping us and our children and our worlds apart. Increasingly, despite opposition, Black women are coming together to explore and to alter those manifestations of our society which oppress us in different ways from those that oppress Black men. This is no threat to Black men. It is only seen as one by those Black men who choose to embody within themselves those same manifestations of female oppression."}
{"instruction": "Why does Lorde claim that sexism and woman-hating are critically dysfunctional to Black men's own liberation, and how does the accusation of being too visceral work as avoidance?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "privilege. But the Black male consciousness must be raised to the realization that sexism and woman-hating are critically dysfunctional to his liberation as a Black man because they arise out of the same constellation that engenders racism and homophobia. Until that consciousness is developed, Black men will view sexism and the destruction of Black women as tangential to Black liberation rather than as central to that struggle. So long as this occurs, we will never be able to embark upon that dialogue between Black women and Black men that is so essential to our survival as a people. This continued blindness between us can only serve the oppressive system within which we live. Men avoid womenʼs observations by accusing us of being too “visceral.” But no amount of understanding the roots of Black woman-hating will bring back Patricia Cowan, nor mute her familyʼs loss. Pain is very visceral, particularly to the people who are hurting. As the poet"}
{"instruction": "Why does Lorde call the mere tolerance of difference between women the grossest reformism, and what does she say difference should be instead?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "order to be used, but in order to be creative. This is a difference between the passive be and the active being. Advocating the mere tolerance of difference between women is the grossest reformism. It is a total denial of the creative function of difference in our lives. Difference must be not merely tolerated, but seen as a fund of necessary polarities between which our creativity can spark like a dialectic. Only then does the necessity for interdependency become unthreatening. Only within that interdependency of different strengths, acknowledged and equal, can the power to seek new ways of being in the world generate, as well as the courage and sustenance to act where there are no charters. Within the interdependence of mutual (nondominant) differences lies that security which enables us to descend into the chaos of knowledge and return with true visions of our future, along with the concomitant power to effect those changes which can bring that future into"}
{"instruction": "Under what conditions does Lorde say her fullest concentration of energy becomes available, and what has the fear of being accused of being a lesbian done to many Black women?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "My fullest concentration of energy is available to me only when I integrate all the parts of who I am, openly, allowing power from particular sources of my living to flow back and forth freely through all my different selves, without the restrictions of externally imposed definition. Only then can I bring myself and my energies as a whole to the service of those struggles which I embrace as part of my living. A fear of lesbians, or of being accused of being a lesbian, has led many Black women into testifying against themselves. It has led some of us into destructive alliances, and others into despair and isolation. In the white womenʼs communities, heterosexism is sometimes a result of identifying with the white patriarchy, a rejection of that interdependence between womenidentified women which allows the self to be, rather than to be used in the service of men. Sometimes it reflects a die-hard belief in the protective coloration of heterosexual"}
{"instruction": "What does Lorde mean by saying that unity implies the coming together of elements which are, to begin with, varied and diverse, and why is continuity not automatic?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "indistinguishable particles resembling a vat of homogenized chocolate milk. Unity implies the coming together of elements which are, to begin with, varied and diverse in their particular natures. Our persistence in examining the tensions within diversity encourages growth toward our common goal. So often we either ignore the past or romanticize it, render the reason for unity useless or mythic. We forget that the necessary ingredient needed to make the past work for the future is our energy in the present, metabolizing one into the other. Continuity does not happen automatically, nor is it a passive process. The 60s were characterized by a heady belief in instantaneous solutions. They were vital years of awakening, of pride, and of error. The civil rights and Black power movements rekindled possibilities for disenfranchised groups within this nation. Even though we fought common enemies, at times the lure of individual solutions made us careless of each other."}
{"instruction": "How does Lorde describe the American press coverage of the Grenada invasion and the fate of Maurice Bishop's body, and what did the phrase surgical precision serve to conceal?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "No civilian body count is available. Even the bodies of Maurice Bishop and his slain ministers are never positively identified, no doubt to forestall any possible enshrinement by the people who loved him, no doubt to make the task of smearing his popular memory more easily accomplished. It has already begun. For the first time in an american war, the american press was kept out until the stage could be set. This extends by precedent the meaning of military censorship in this country. At the time, it also deflected attention from the invasion itself. Mission accomplished with “surgical precision” meant attempting to conceal the bombing and destruction of civilian homes, the destruction of a hospital and a radio station and police headquarters; attempting to conceal the american heavy transports left mangled on the side of the road by soldiers not trained to drive to the left, and the civilian cars those army vehicles collided with. It meant the"}
{"instruction": "Why are mice the preeminent animal species for modeling brain disorders, and what controlled experiments do they make possible about the connections between genes, the brain, the environment, and behavior?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "Mice are the preeminent animal species for modeling brain disorders. Mouse models have given scientists important insights into how rare structural mutations in genes lead to abnormal brain activity in autism and schizophrenia. Moreover, genetically modified mice are proving to be extremely valuable for studying the cognitive deficits of schizophrenia. They can even be used to model environmental risk factors: scientists can expose mice in utero to risks such as maternal stress or activation of their mother’s immune system (as might occur when a mother contracts an infection) to determine how such factors affect brain development and function. Animal models make possible controlled experiments that reveal connections between genes, the brain, the environment, and behavior. NARROWING THE DIVIDE BETWEEN PSYCHIATRIC AND NEUROLOGICAL DISORDERS Understanding the biological underpinnings of neurological disorders has greatly enriched our understanding of normal brain function—of how the"}
{"instruction": "In what ways do sleep problems appear in depression and in bipolar disorder, and how does Kandel trace the slow, fitful progress from Pinel and Kraepelin to today's treatments?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "Many depressed people, for example, have trouble getting to sleep and staying asleep; others sleep all the time, especially if they are more withdrawn than anxious. Sleep deprivation, which causes increased activity in the amygdala, can trigger manic episodes in some people with bipolar disorder. Treatments for people with psychiatric disorders have improved by fits and starts since Philippe Pinel liberated the inmates of Salpêtrière hospital from their chains. A century elapsed before Pinel’s insistence that psychiatric disorders are medical in nature and that heredity plays a role in them was carried forward by Kraepelin. It took equally long for Pinel’s humane treatment of patients to reach fruition in psychotherapy. Since then, we have developed new forms of psychotherapy, new drug therapies, and a greater biological understanding of how these therapies act and interact. An essential component of treatment is understanding and accepting that psychiatric"}
{"instruction": "Even though SSRIs raise the concentration of serotonin in the synapse by blocking its reuptake, why did the monoamine hypothesis ultimately fall short of fully explaining the biology of depression?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs). These drugs increase concentrations of serotonin in the synapse by blocking the reuptake of serotonin; they do not act on noradrenaline. This finding led researchers to conclude that depression is related specifically to depletion of serotonin and not the depletion of noradrenaline. In time, however, scientists realized that treating depression is more than a simple matter of flooding the synapses with serotonin. To begin with, boosting serotonin didn’t help all patients get better. Conversely, reducing serotonin didn’t consistently worsen symptoms in depressed people, nor did it produce depression in all healthy people. Moreover, antidepressant drugs such as Prozac increase serotonin very rapidly in depressed people, yet people don’t show improvement in their mood or synaptic connections for weeks. While the monoamine hypothesis ultimately fell short of fully explaining the biology of depression, it spurred many good studies of the brain and helped"}
{"instruction": "What fascinating features does lithium treatment for mania have, and how is bipolar disorder treated today by combining mood-stabilizing drugs with psychotherapy?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "sensitivity to stimuli. Again, lithium may act directly on the surface receptors of neurons or through its interaction with intracellular second messenger systems. One fascinating aspect of lithium treatment for mania is that it does not take effect for several days, and its effects do not disappear immediately after treatment is discontinued. Today, bipolar disorder is treated with a combination of mood-stabilizing drugs and psychotherapy. Psychotherapy helps people with bipolar disorder recognize the particular emotional and physical situations that trigger depressive or manic episodes and emphasizes the importance of managing and reducing stress. Depressive episodes of bipolar disorder that are not contained by mood stabilizers such as lithium, atypical antipsychotics, or antiepileptic drugs are treated with antidepressants. While lithium reduces the severity and frequency of manic episodes in many patients, not everyone with bipolar disorder responds to it."}
{"instruction": "What neurotransmitter pathways does the binding of atypical antipsychotics to D4 and other receptors suggest schizophrenia may involve, and why does Kandel argue for early intervention in schizophrenia?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "Atypical antipsychotics bind to D4 dopamine receptors and to receptors for other modulatory neurotransmitters as well, notably serotonin and histamine. This diversity of action raises the possibility that schizophrenia involves abnormalities in serotonergic and histaminergic pathways as well as in dopaminergic pathways. EARLY INTERVENTION One key to improved treatment of any medical disorder is early intervention. Scientists have successfully identified high-risk lifestyles for a heart attack and have developed interventions to prevent them. Why not do the same for schizophrenia? We know that genetic and environmental factors act on the developing brain before birth and in early childhood to increase the risk of schizophrenia, and we may eventually be able to pinpoint them and intervene before the disease manifests itself years later. One genetic variation that acts on the developing brain has already been identified, as we shall see later."}
{"instruction": "What mechanism of associative learning did Kandel and his colleagues discover in the sea snail Aplysia, and how did the Canadian psychologist Donald Hebb challenge the view that associative learning requires a complex neural circuit?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "mechanism of associative learning in the invertebrate marine snail Aplysia that does not require a complex neural circuit.2 Aplysia has an important defensive reflex that is mediated by the connections between a small number of sensory neurons and motor neurons. Learning leads to the activation of modulatory neurons, which strengthen the connections between the sensory and motor neurons. My colleagues and I found that this mechanism contributes to implicit learning of classical conditioning in invertebrate animals. It also operates in the amygdala, the brain structure in mammals that is critical for implicit learning of emotion, particularly fear. Another person who challenged the idea that a complex neural circuit is required for learning was the Canadian psychologist Donald Hebb. Hebb suggested that associative learning could be produced by the simple interaction of two neurons: if neuron A repeatedly stimulates neuron B to fire an action potential—the electrical impulse that travels down the axon to the"}
{"instruction": "What should be the goal of medications used to treat addiction, and why have pharmaceutical companies devoted so little effort to developing such drugs?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "—even after repeated relapses—is so important. The goal of medications would be to help an addicted person forget the pleasure associated with an addictive drug and counteract the powerful biological forces that drive addiction, thereby enhancing the effectiveness of rehabilitation and psychosocial treatment. We have seen that behavioral therapies and medication both work through biological processes in the brain and that they are frequently synergistic. One of the central challenges in treating addiction is to translate our increasing knowledge of the brain’s reward circuits into new therapies. Unfortunately, pharmaceutical companies have devoted very little effort to developing drugs to treat addiction. One reason is their perception that they cannot recover their research costs from addicted people. Nevertheless, basic research has led to some important medications that reduce cravings. Nicotine-replacement drugs, for example, target the same areas of the brain"}
{"instruction": "In the index of The Disordered Mind, what subentries are listed under 'hallucinations' and under 'happiness'?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "disease and; mood disorders and; mutations; neural circuits as targets for mutations; prions and; proteinfolding disorders and; psychiatric disorders and; psychopathy and; PTSD and; schizophrenia and; sexual differentiation and gender identity; simple illness gene transcripts genital ridge genome Germany Giordano, Simona Glausier, Jill global workspace glucose regulation glutamate glutamines Golgi, Camillo Golgi stain Gombrich, Ernst gonads Gotts, Stephen grammar gray matter, loss of Greece, ancient Greene, Joshua guanine guilt Gusella, James Gustafsson, Bengt gyrus H.M. hallucinations; auditory; visual hand tremors Happé, Francesca happiness; intensity spectrum of Hardy, John Harvard University head trauma health care system hearing heart disease heart rate Hebb, Donald Helmholtz, Hermann von helplessness Hereditary Disease Foundation Hermelin, Beate, Bright Splinters of the Mind heroin hippocampus Hippocrates Hitler, Adolf homosexuality"}
{"instruction": "In the index of The Disordered Mind, what subentries are listed under 'perception' and under 'pleasure'?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "paranoia paranoic-critical method paranoid delusions Paris Parkinson, James; “An Essay on the Shaking Palsy” Parkinson’s disease; animal models of; deep-brain stimulation for; dopamine and; history of; protein folding and; treatments for patterns Pavlov, Ivan Pelphrey, Kevin Penfield, Wilder perception; consciousness and; subliminal vs. conscious personality pharmaceutical companies phenylketonuria (PKU) pheromones philosophy phobias Picasso, Pablo Pick, Arnold Pinel, Philippe PKA Plato pleasure; addiction and; biological basis of; dopamine and pleasure principle pneumoencephalography polymorphisms pornography positive reinforcement positron emission tomography (PET) posterior cingulate cortex posterior parietal cortex posterior pituitary gland Post-Impressionism postsynaptic neuron post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) Power, Robert prairie voles preconscious unconscious prefrontal cortex pregnancy; schizophrenia and prejudice Premack, David"}
{"instruction": "What word game did Aibileen play with her son when he was in junior high, and why did the word Crisco become a private joke between them?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "By the time he in third grade, though, he get to talking better than the President a the United States, coming home using words like conjugation and parliamentary. He get in junior high and we play this game where I give him a real simple word and he got to come up with a fancy one like it. I say housecat, he say domesticized feline, I say mixer and he say motorized rotunda. One day I say Crisco. He scratch his head. He just can’t believe I done won the game with something simple as Crisco. Came to be a secret joke with us, meaning something you can’t dress up no matter how you try. We start calling his daddy Crisco cause you can’t fancy up a man done run off on his family. Plus he the greasiest nocount you ever known. I tote Mae Mobley into the kitchen and put her in her high chair, thinking about two chores I need to finish today fore Miss Leefolt have a fit: separate the napkins that started to fray and straighten up the silver service in the cabinet."}
{"instruction": "What was Mrs. Charlotte Phelan's first rule of husband-hunting, and how did Skeeter measure up against it?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "your mother spends her nights taking down hems, yanking at sweater sleeves, flattening your hair for dances you hadn’t been asked to, finally pressing the top of your head as if she could shrink you back to the years when she had to remind you to stand up straight. By the time I was seventeen, Mother would rather I suffered from apoplectic diarrhea than stand up straight. She was five-foot-four and first-runner-up as Miss South Carolina. She decided there was only one thing to do in a case like mine. Mrs. Charlotte Phelan’s Guide to Husband-Hunting, Rule Number One: a pretty, petite girl should accentuate with makeup and good posture. A tall plain one, with a trust fund. I was five-foot-eleven but I had twenty-five thousand cotton dollars in my name and if the beauty in that was not apparent then, by God, he wasn’t smart enough to be in the family anyway. … MY CHILDHOOD BEDROOM is the top floor of my parents’ house. It has white-frosting chair rails and"}
{"instruction": "Why did Skeeter have to sneak cigarettes from her brother Carlton's dresser and smoke them secretly in the backyard tire swing?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "A SUMMER MONTH COULD STRETCH on for years, out on Longleaf. I didn’t have friends coming over every day—we lived too far out to have any white neighbors. In town, Hilly and Elizabeth spent all weekend going to and from each other’s houses, while I was only allowed to spend the night out or have company every other weekend. I grumbled over this plenty. I took Constantine for granted at times, but I think I knew, for the most part, how lucky I was to have her there. When I was fourteen, I started smoking cigarettes. I’d sneak them from Carlton’s packs of Marlboros he kept in his dresser drawer. He was almost eighteen and no one minded that he’d been smoking for years anywhere he wanted to in the house or out in the fields with Daddy. Sometimes Daddy smoked a pipe, but he wasn’t a cigarette man and Mother didn’t smoke anything at all, even though most of her friends did. Mother told me I wasn’t allowed to smoke until I was seventeen. So I’d slip into the backyard and sit in the tire swing,"}
{"instruction": "Why was Skeeter so shaken by her mother's insistence that Constantine was 'nothing but a colored thing'?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "happened!” I’m disgusted by the squeakiness of my voice, the childish sound of my demands. Mother raises her eyebrows at my tone, takes her glasses off. “It was nothing but a colored thing. And that’s all I’m saying.” She puts her glasses back on and lifts her DAR sheet to her eyes. I’m shaking, I’m so mad. I pound my way up the stairs. I sit at my typewriter, stunned that my mother could cast off someone who’d done her the biggest favor of her life, raise her children, teach me kindness and self-respect. I stare across my room at the rose wallpaper, the eyelet curtains, the yellowing photographs so familiar they are nearly contemptible. Constantine worked for our family for twenty-nine years. FOR THE NEXT WEEK, Daddy rises before dawn. I wake to truck motors, the chug of the combines starting, the hollers to hurry. The fields are brown and crisp with dead cotton stalks, defoliated so the machines can get to the bolls. Cotton harvest is"}
{"instruction": "What had Skeeter managed to collect in her notebook by that point, and why had she still heard nothing from Aibileen four days after the interview?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "we were at her house, because she wasn’t wearing a uniform. I look over at my notebook on the white leather seat. Besides where she grew up, I’ve gotten a total of twelve words. And four of them are yes ma’am and no ma’am. PATSY CLINE’S VOICE DRIFTS out of WJDX radio. As I drive down the County Road, they’re playing “Walking After Midnight.” When I pull into Hilly’s driveway, they’re on “Three Cigarettes in an Ashtray.” Her plane crashed this morning and everyone from New York to Mississippi to Seattle is in mourning, singing her songs. I park the Cadillac and stare out at Hilly’s rambling white house. It’s been four days since Aibileen vomited in the middle of our interview and I’ve heard nothing from her. I go inside. The bridge table is set up in Hilly’s antebellum-style parlor with its deafening grandfather clock and gold swag curtains. Everyone is seated— Hilly, Elizabeth, and Lou Anne Templeton, who has replaced Missus Walters. Lou Anne is one of those"}
{"instruction": "What was in the booklet that Skeeter skimmed, and what struck her as she read through it?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "The booklet is simply a list of laws stating what colored people can and cannot do, in an assortment of Southern states. I skim the first page, puzzled why this is here. The laws are neither threatening nor friendly, just citing the facts: No person shall require any white female to nurse in wards or rooms in which negro men are placed. It shall be unlawful for a white person to marry anyone except a white person. Any marriage in violation of this section shall be void. No colored barber shall serve as a barber to white women or girls. The officer in charge shall not bury any colored persons upon ground used for the burial of white persons. Books shall not be interchangeable between the white and colored schools, but shall continue to be used by the race first using them. I read through four of the twenty-five pages, mesmerized by how many laws exist to separate us. Negroes and whites are not allowed to share water fountains, movie houses, public restrooms,"}
{"instruction": "How does Skeeter describe her own place of comfort compared with Elizabeth's and Hilly's?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "I’ve never stolen a thing in my life before today. I’m a little satisfied it was on Susie’s watch. OUR PLACES OF COMFORT ARE expectedly different, my friends and I. Elizabeth’s is hunched over her sewing machine trying to make her life look seamless, store-bought. Mine is at my typewriter writing pithy things I’ll never have the guts to say out loud. And Hilly’s is behind a podium telling sixty-five women that three cans apiece isn’t enough to feed all those PSCAs. The Poor Starving Children of Africa, that is. Mary Joline Walker, however, thinks three is plenty. “And isn’t it kind of expensive, carting all this tin across the world to Ethiopia?” Mary Joline asks. “Doesn’t it make more sense just to send them a check?” The meeting has not officially started, but Hilly’s already behind her podium. There’s a franticness in her eyes. This isn’t our normal evening time, but an extra afternoon session Hilly’s called. In June, many of the members are going out of town for summer"}
{"instruction": "What did Minny discover hidden in the upstairs cupboard, and what did it make her suspect about Miss Celia?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "on the toilet lid. She’s got the hair dryer on the back tank and the hood pulled over her bleached head. With that contraption on she wouldn’t hear the Abomb explode. I go upstairs with my oil rags and I open that cupboard for myself. Two dozen flat whiskey bottles are hidden behind some ratty old blankets Miss Celia must’ve toted with her from Tunica County. The bottles don’t have any labels fastened to them, just the stamp Old KENTUCKY in the glass. Twelve are full, ready for tomorrow. Twelve are empty from last week. Just like all these damn bedrooms. No wonder the fool doesn’t have any kids. ON THE FIRST THURSDAY of July, at twelve noon, Miss Celia gets up from the bed for her cooking lesson. She’s dressed in a white sweater so tight it’d make a hooker look holy. I swear her clothes get tighter every week. We settle in our places, me at the stovetop, her on her stool. I’ve hardly spoken word one to her since I found those bottles last week."}
{"instruction": "What made the Whitworth house feel like a shrine to the War Between the States?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "next. Mother gasps over a genuine Yankee bullethole in the front parlor, the bullet still lodged in the wood. There are letters from Confederate soldiers lying on a Federal desk, strategically placed antique spectacles and handkerchiefs. The house is a shrine to the War Between the States and I wonder what it must’ve been like for Stuart, growing up in a home where you can’t touch anything. On the third floor, Mother gaggles over a canopy bed where Robert E. Lee slept. When we finally come down a “secret” staircase, I linger over family pictures in the hallway. I see Stuart and his two brothers as babies, Stuart holding a red ball. Stuart in a christening gown, held by a colored woman in white uniform. Mother and Missus Whitworth move down the hall, but I keep looking, for there is something so deeply dear in Stuart’s face as a young boy. His cheeks were fat and his mother’s blue eyes shone the same as they do now. His hair was the whitish-yellow of a"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage describe the Jackson Junior League's annual Benefit, and where do its proceeds go?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "With Miss Hilly at the helm, it is too late for Miss Celia, and Lord knows, it is too late for me. THE BENEFIT Chapter 25 THE JACKSON JUNIOR LEAGUE Annual Ball and Benefit is known simply as “the Benefit” to anyone who lives within a ten-mile radius of town. At seven o’clock on a cool November night, guests will arrive at the Robert E. Lee Hotel bar for the cocktail hour. At eight o’clock, the doors from the lounge will open to the ballroom. Swags of green velvet have been hung around the windows, adorned with bouquets of real holly berries. Along the windows stand tables with auction lists and the prizes. The goods have been donated by members and local shops, and the auction is expected to generate more than six thousand dollars this year, five hundred more dollars than last year. The proceeds will go to the Poor Starving Children of Africa. In the center of the room, beneath a gigantic chandelier, twenty-eight tables are dressed and ready for the sit-down dinner to be served at nine."}
{"instruction": "How did Hilly acknowledge the servants while thanking people for the evening's success at the Benefit?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "couples, friends of friends who aren’t really friends of anyone at all. Skeeter is seated with a few local couples, not President Hilly or even Secretary Elizabeth this year. The room is full of chatter, praise for the party, praise for the Chateaubriand. After the main course, Hilly stands behind the podium. There is a round of applause and she smiles at the crowd. “Good evening. I sure do thank y’all for coming tonight. Everybody enjoying their dinner?” There are nods and rumbles of consent. “Before we start the announcements, I’d like to go ahead and thank the people who are making tonight such a success.” Without turning her head from the audience, Hilly gestures to her left, where two dozen colored women have lined up, dressed in their white uniforms. A dozen colored men are behind them, in gray-and-white tuxedos. “Let’s give a special round of applause to the help, for all the wonderful food they cooked and served, and for the desserts they made for the auction.”"}
{"instruction": "Why does Skeeter recall feeling lucky about the night she and Pascagoula's brothers scattered junkyard toilets across Hilly's lawn?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "initiative for the newsletter, typing words like disease and protect yourself and you’re welcome!, it was like something cracked open inside of me, not unlike a watermelon, cool and soothing and sweet. I always thought insanity would be a dark, bitter feeling, but it is drenching and delicious if you really roll around in it. I’d paid Pascagoula’s brothers twenty-five dollars each to put those junkyard pots onto Hilly’s lawn and they were scared, but willing to do it. I remember how dark the night had been. I remember feeling lucky that some old building had been gutted and there were so many toilets at the junkyard to choose from. Twice I’ve dreamed I was back there doing it again. I don’t regret it, but I don’t feel quite as lucky anymore. “And you call yourself a Christian,” were Hilly’s final words to me and I thought, God. When did I ever do that? This November, Stooley Whitworth won the senator’s race for Washington. But William Holbrook lost the"}
{"instruction": "What did Skeeter buy and do to her appearance on her trip to New Orleans, and what did she intend it to change that night with Stuart?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "“Um, somewhere,” I said, but he lost interest as I faked through my handbag. All around me, clothes looked like they’d sprouted roots and bloomed on their hangers. I thought of Miss LaVole and laughed. No easter-egg suits here. Flowers! Big bright stripes! And hemlines that showed several inches of thigh. It was electric and gorgeous and dizzying. This Emilio Pucci character must stick his finger in a socket every morning. I bought with my blank check enough clothes to fill the back seat of the Cadillac. Then on Magazine Street, I paid forty-five dollars to have my hair lightened and trimmed and ironed straight. It had grown longer over the winter and was the color of dirty dishwater. By four o’clock I was driving back over the Lake Pontchartrain bridge with the radio playing a band called the Rolling Stones and the wind blowing through my satiny, straight hair, and I thought, Tonight, I’ll strip off all this armor and let it be as it was before with Stuart."}
{"instruction": "Why did Skeeter retaliate against the commuter who sneered at Mississippi, and how does she explain her own right to complain about the state?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "Metro Northtrain type of town asked me where I was from and I told him Mississippi. He sneered and said, “I am so sorry.” I nailed down his foot with the stiletto portion of my shoe and spent the next ten minutes quietly educating him on the where-from-abouts of William Faulkner, Eudora Welty, Tennessee Williams, Elvis Presley, B. B. King, Oprah Winfrey, Jim Henson, Faith Hill, James Earl Jones, and Craig Claiborne, the food editor and critic for The New York Times. I informed him that Mississippi hosted the first lung transplant and the first heart transplant and that the basis of the United States legal system was developed at the University of Mississippi. I was homesick and I’d been waiting for somebody like him. I wasn’t very genteel or ladylike, and the poor guy squirmed away and looked nervous for the rest of the party. But I couldn’t help it. Mississippi is like my mother. I am allowed to complain about her all I want, but God help the"}
{"instruction": "How does Barley characterize the senior anthropologists who defended fieldwork as a rite of passage, and how did he weigh whether doing fieldwork was one of the unpleasant tasks that might be suffered in silence?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "business’ had a vested interest in maintaining the cult of the god to whom they were high priests. They had damn well suffered the trials and privations of swamp and jungle and no young whippersnapper should take a short cut. Whenever pressed in debate over some point of theory or metaphysics, they would shake their heads sadly, draw languidly on their pipes or stroke their beards and mutter something about ‘real people’ not fitting the clear abstractions of those who ‘had never done fieldwork’. They evinced genuine pity for these deprived fellows but the matter was perfectly clear to them. They had been there, they had seen. There was nothing more to say. After several years teaching the received orthodoxies in a department of anthropology of no particular academic distinction, the time was perhaps right for change. It was far from easy to determine whether doing fieldwork was one of the unpleasant tasks like national service that might quite properly be suffered in silence, or"}
{"instruction": "Why did Barley first lean toward Portuguese Timor as a field site, and what news events forced him to abandon that plan and return to Africa?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "harassment in the Indonesian area interspersed with general news stories of atrocities and destruction all over Asia. In the end, I tended rather towards Portuguese Timor. I knew well enough that I was interested in cultural symbolism and belief systems rather than in politics or urban socialization and Timor seemed to show all sorts of interesting possibilities, with its various kingdoms and prescriptive alliance systems, where marriage with a certain kinclass was required. It seems to be a rule of thumb that neat symbolic systems often turn up most clearly where such phenomena occur. I was about to settle down and work out a project when the newspapers suddenly became full of stories of civil war, genocide and invasion. Whites apparently went in fear of their lives, starvation loomed on the horizon. The trip was off. Rapid consultations with contacts in the trade suggested that I would do better to return to Africa where permission for research"}
{"instruction": "How does Barley describe the town where expatriates live, and what game do the souvenir sellers play when they sell 'genuine antiques' to white men?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "Its main monuments have all the appeal of motorway café architecture. Collapsed gratings in the pavements offer the unwary visitor a direct route to the town sewers. Newcomers seldom survive long without wrenching at least one limb. The life of expatriates centres around two or three cafés where they sit in deep boredom, staring at the passing yellow cabs and fighting off the attentions of souvenir sellers. These are gentlemen of the greatest charm who have learnt that white men will buy absolutely anything as long as it is overpriced. They offer for sale a blend of perfectly acceptable carvings and absolute rubbish as ‘genuine antiques’. The whole trade is practised with something of the air of a game. Asked prices are something like twenty times what is reasonable. Should a client protest that he is being robbed, they giggle and agree, cutting their price to five times the going rate. Many enjoy something like a client/patron relationship with jaded Europeans, fully aware that the"}
{"instruction": "Contrasting himself with the German, how did Barley handle bargaining with a taxi driver, and why had the missionaries' traditional hospitality to travellers been curtailed?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "bargaining with a taxi driver. Whereas I would probably have accepted my historical role as someone to be robbed, the German devoted himself to haggling with the ferocity and apparent deep contempt for all taxi drivers that I came to note as the mark of a man who really knew his way around. The result was that we were delivered to the Catholic mission with minimum delay, at reasonable cost, and received warmly by the priests, whom he knew well. There is a widespread impression that missionaries have taken upon themselves the mantle of medieval hospitality to travellers. Some do, indeed, provide lodging but this is more likely to be for their own personnel flitting between conferences than for vapid wanderers. They have suffered greatly from penniless hitchhikers who expect to be able to live off the fat of Africa as easily as they do in Europe. Under their onslaught, hospitality has necessarily been curtailed; otherwise missions would find themselves exclusively in"}
{"instruction": "What did Alphonse do night after night in the bar, and how does Barley describe his friend Augustin's defection from chartered accountancy?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "Alphonse began to heave, like some great phenomenon of nature. Oblivious to the world, he shuffled, emitting low moans, drawing great draughts from his bottle, hips swaying, groin gyrating, head drooping. This would continue for hours until he reached a more advanced stage where everyone else had to dance as well lest he take offence. It was a matter of some concern whether the mail would arrive before Alphonse attained the point of social dancing. Alphonse was no respecter of persons and the bar would often contain nervously circling tax inspectors and gendarmes all dancing under his imperial sway, as he sighed and smiled happily in one corner. His chief ally and fellow hell-raiser was another Southerner, Augustin. Augustin had defected from the life of a chartered accountant in the capital and become a teacher of French. He was another rugged individualist in a state that treasured fawning conformity, the only man I knew who refused to buy a membership"}
{"instruction": "What was the state of Barley's jaw and teeth after his accident, and how did the Dowayo traditional healer classify the different kinds of disease?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "infer that his examination failed to show up a number of minor fractures. The worst part was the condition of my jaw. Two teeth at the front seemed very loose and my whole jaw began slowly to swell up, causing me considerable pain. Hoping for the best, I reverted to Kongle and continued my researches into leopards and wildcats, dosing myself with Valium to get to sleep at night. One of my principal concerns now was the classification of disease, and in pursuit of this I spent a lot of time with one traditional healer in particular who had the disadvantage of living at the top of a sheer cliff above Kongle. We would spend hours collecting roots, discussing the identification of disease and the differences between various treatments. Dowayos, as mentioned, divide diseases between ‘infectious diseases’, head witchcraft, ancestor interference and pollutions. Only infectious diseases or accidental injuries that may be caused by witchcraft can be helped with herbs."}
{"instruction": "What does Barley say about the sexual experience of the female fieldworker and its absence from the anthropological literature, and what blessing did his own apparent lack of sexual existence in the village bring him?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "her people as part of new ideas of ‘being accepted’. Any unaccompanied female who returns inexperienced tends to excite surprised and almost reproachful comment among fellow students. An opportunity for research has been neglected. For the male, of course, passing opportunities arise and are often less awkward as being institutionalized on a commercial basis. This is a whole area – like the ethnographic assistant – that is absent from the anthropological literature but not the anthropological experience. The fieldworker may well decide that the whole thing is best avoided on the grounds of the huge complications it would cause in his domestic and personal life, but the problem must surely arise for all marooned for long periods in an alien culture. In my own case, being viewed by Dowayo men as having no sexual existence in the village was a considerable blessing; I was allowed all manner of freedoms that no Dowayo male would be permitted."}
{"instruction": "In The Selfish Gene, how does Dawkins define natural selection, and why does he say Darwinian theory has been so widely neglected even within biology and the social sciences?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "one species above another. Chimp and human, lizard and fungus, we have all evolved over some three billion years by a process known as natural selection. Within each species some individuals leave more surviving offspring than others, so that the inheritable traits (genes) of the reproductively successful become more numerous in the next generation. This is natural selection: the non-random differential reproduction of genes. Natural selection has built us, and it is natural selection we must understand if we are to comprehend our own identities. Although Darwin’s theory of evolution through natural selection is central to the study of social behavior (especially when wedded to Mendel’s genetics), it has been very widely neglected. Whole industries have grown up in the social sciences dedicated to the construction of a pre-Darwinian and pre-Mendelian view of the social and psychological world. Even within biology the neglect and misuse of Darwinian theory has been astonishing."}
{"instruction": "Why does the individual selectionist concede that groups may die out yet still reject group selection, and how does he argue that evolution is blind to the future while selfish individuals prosper in the short term?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "in from neighbouring selfish groups, and, by inter-marriage, contaminating the purity of the altruistic groups. The individual selectionist would admit that groups do indeed die out, and that whether or not a group goes extinct may be influenced by the behaviour of the individuals in that group. He might even admit that if only the individuals in a group had the gift of foresight they could see that in the long run their own best interests lay in restraining their selfish greed, to prevent the destruction of the whole group. How many times must this have been said in recent years to the working people of Britain? But group extinction is a slow process compared with the rapid cut and thrust of individual competition. Even while the group is going slowly and inexorably downhill, selfish individuals prosper in the short term at the expense of altruists. The citizens of Britain may or may not be blessed with foresight, but evolution is blind to the future."}
{"instruction": "What did recent laboratory simulations of the earth's prebiotic chemical conditions yield, and how did these organic substances come to form the 'primeval soup' and then combine into larger molecules?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "Now, however, their existence need imply only the presence of a few simple gases in the atmosphere and some volcanoes, sunlight, or thundery weather. More recently, laboratory simulations of the chemical conditions of earth before the coming of life have yielded organic substances called purines and pyrimidines. These are building blocks of the genetic molecule, DNA itself. Processes analogous to these must have given rise to the ‘primeval soup’ which biologists and chemists believe constituted the seas some three to four thousand million years ago. The the replicators · 19 organic substances became locally concentrated, perhaps in drying scum round the shores, or in tiny suspended droplets. Under the further influence of energy such as ultraviolet light from the sun, they combined into larger molecules. Nowadays large organic molecules would not last long enough to be noticed: they would be quickly absorbed and broken down by bacteria or other living"}
{"instruction": "Why does Dawkins define a gene as a unit approaching indivisible particulateness, and what did Mendel show about hereditary units that makes natural selection possible?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "nificant period of evolutionary time. Small genetic units have these properties: individuals, groups, and species do not. It was the great achievement of Gregor Mendel to show that hereditary units can be treated in practice as indivisible and independent particles. Nowadays we know that this is a little too simple. Even a cistron is occasionally divisible and any two genes on the same chromosome are not wholly independent. What I have done is to define a gene as a unit which, to a high degree, approaches the ideal of indivisible particulateness. A gene is not indivisible, but it is seldom divided. It is either definitely present or definitely absent in the body of any given individual. A gene travels intact from grandparent to grandchild, passing straight through the intermediate generation without being merged with other genes. If genes continually blended with each other, natural selection as immortal coils · 43 we now understand it would be impossible."}
{"instruction": "What mechanical and electronic devices does Dawkins use as analogies for timing mechanisms, and why does he say survival machines have bypassed the cam and the punched card?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "cuts the string. In many artificial machines timing is achieved by that brilliant invention the cam. This translates simple rotary motion into a complex rhythmic pattern of operations by means of an eccentric or specially shaped wheel. The principle of the musical box is similar. Other machines such as the steam organ 62 · the gene machine and the pianola use paper rolls or cards with holes punched in a pattern. Recently there has been a trend towards replacing such simple mechanical timers with electronic ones. Digital computers are examples of large and versatile electronic devices which can be used for generating complex timed patterns of movements. The basic component of a modern electronic machine like a computer is the semiconductor, of which a familiar form is the transistor. Survival machines seem to have bypassed the cam and the punched card altogether. The apparatus they use for timing their movements has more in common with an electronic computer,"}
{"instruction": "What behaviour in honey bees does Dawkins present as a model for how altruistic behaviour might be inherited, and what is the difference between the hygienic and the susceptible strains?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "experimental evidence for the genetic inheritance of altruistic behaviour? No, but that is hardly surprising, since little work has been done on the genetics of any behaviour. Instead, let me tell you about one study of a behaviour pattern which does not happen to be obviously altruistic, but which is complex enough to be interesting. It serves as a model for how altruistic behaviour might be inherited. Honey bees suffer from an infectious disease called foul brood. This attacks the grubs in their cells. Of the domestic breeds used by beekeepers, some are more at risk from foul brood than others, and it turns out that the difference between strains is, at least in some cases, a behavioural one. There are so-called hygienic strains which quickly stamp out epidemics by locating infected grubs, pulling them from their cells and throwing them out of the hive. The susceptible strains are susceptible because they do not practise this hygienic infanticide."}
{"instruction": "What examples of animal communication does Dawkins give, and how does the traditional ethological story explain the cheeping of lost chicks as evolving for mutual benefit?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "frequencies spanning the whole of human hearing from subsonic rumblings to ultrasonic squeaks. Mole-crickets amplify their song to stentorian loudness by singing down in a burrow which they carefully dig in the shape of a double exponential horn, or megaphone. Bees dance in the dark to give other bees accurate information about the direction and distance of food, a feat of communication rivalled only by human language itself. The traditional story of ethologists is that communication signals evolve for the mutual benefit of both sender and recipient. For instance, baby chicks influence their mother’s behaviour by giving high piercing cheeps when they are lost or cold. This usually has the immediate effect of summoning the mother, who leads the chick back to the main clutch. This behaviour could be said to have evolved for mutual benefit, in the sense that natural selection has favoured babies that cheep when they are lost, and also mothers that respond appropriately to the cheeping."}
{"instruction": "Why does Dawkins argue that the 'sensible' fighting strategy is probably only of academic interest, and what risks does a sensible strategist run in a population dominated by paradoxical fighters?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "A mutant of average size who plays the ‘sensible’ strategy of picking on smaller opponents is involved in a seriously escalated fight with half the people he meets. This is because, if he meets somebody smaller than him, he attacks; the smaller individual fights back fiercely, because he is playing paradoxical; although the sensible strategist is more likely to win than the paradoxical one, he still runs a substantial risk of losing and of being seriously injured. Since the majority of the population are paradoxical, a sensible strategist is more likely to be injured than any single paradoxical strategist. Even though a paradoxical strategy can be stable, it is probably only of academic interest. Paradoxical fighters will only have a higher average pay-off if they very heavily out-number sensible ones. It is hard to imagine how this state of affairs could ever arise in the first place. Even if it did, the ratio of sensibles to paradoxicals in the population only has to drift a little way towards"}
{"instruction": "How does Dawkins respond to the objection that parental care should be separated from other kinds of kin-selected altruism, and why does he say the onus is on the objector?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "When Hamilton demonstrated the genetic equivalence of other relationships, and their evolutionary significance, he naturally had to lay stress on these other relationships. In particular, he drew examples from the social insects such as ants and bees, in which the sister/sister relationship is particularly important, as we shall see in a later chapter. I have even heard people say that they thought Hamilton’s theory applied only to the social insects! If anybody does not want to admit that parental care is an example of kin selection in action, then the onus is on him to formulate a general theory of natural selection that predicts parental altruism, but that does not predict altruism between collateral kin. I think he will fail. Family Planning I t is easy to see why some people have wanted to separate parental care from the other kinds of kin-selected altruism. Parental care looks like an integral part of reproduction whereas, for example, altruism toward a nephew is not."}
{"instruction": "How might the extravagant tail of a male bird of paradise have evolved through a runaway process of female selection, and what need not be assumed about the short tail itself?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "big muscles, but once such qualities became widely accepted as attractive among the females of the species, natural selection would continue to favour them simply because they were attractive. Extravagances such as the tails of male birds of paradise may therefore have evolved by a kind of unstable, runaway process.* In the early days, a slightly longer tail than usual may have been selected by females as a desirable quality in males, perhaps because it betokened a fit and healthy constitution. A short tail on a male might have been an indicator of some vitamin deficiency—evidence of poor food-getting ability. Or perhaps shorttailed males were not very good at running away from predators, and so had had their tails bitten off. Notice that we don’t have to assume that the short tail was in itself genetically inherited, only that it served as an indicator of some genetic inferiority. Anyway, for whatever reason, let us suppose that females in the ancestral"}
{"instruction": "Using cleaner fish and their mimics, how does Dawkins explain why site-tenacity matters, and what does Trivers suggest about the origin of human psychological characteristics?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "same ‘barber’s shop’, rather than continually searching for a new one, must outweigh the cost of refraining from eating the cleaner. Since cleaners are small, this is not hard to believe. The presence of cheating cleaner-mimics probably indirectly endangers the bonafide cleaners by setting up a minor pressure on large fish to eat stripy dancers. Site-tenacity on the part of genuine cleaners enables customers to find them and to avoid cheats. A long memory and a capacity for individual recognition are well developed in man. We might therefore expect reciprocal altruism to have played an important part in human evolution. Trivers goes so far as to suggest that many of our psychological characteristics—envy, guilt, gratitude, sympathy, etc.—have been shaped by natural selection for improved ability to cheat, to detect cheats, and to avoid being thought to be a cheat. Of particular interest are ‘subtle cheats’ who appear to be reciprocating, but"}
{"instruction": "What does Dawkins mean by 'viscosity' in a population, and how does this automatically bring relatives together without any choice on the animals' part?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "individuals might happen to cluster together in sufficient numbers that they can all benefit at the banker’s expense. This line of thought seems to be promising, but it is rather vague. How exactly might mutually resembling individuals find themselves clustered together, in local aggregations? In nature, the obvious way is through genetic relatedness—kinship. Animals of most species are likely to find themselves living close to their sisters, brothers, and cousins, rather than to random members of the population. This is not necessarily through choice. It follows automatically from ‘viscosity’ in the population. Viscosity means any tendency for individuals to continue living close to the place where they were born. For instance, through most of history, and in most parts of the world (though not, as it happens, in our modern world), individual humans have seldom strayed more than a few miles from their birthplace. As a result, local clus-"}
{"instruction": "Why does Dawkins say it takes a deliberate mental effort to turn biology the right way up, and how did the packaging of replicators into discrete vehicles come to dominate biologists' questions?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "in each other’s presence. At some point in the evolution of life on our earth, this ganging up of mutually compatible replicators began to be formalized in the creation of discrete vehicles—cells and, later, many-celled bodies. Vehicles that evolved a bottlenecked life cycle prospered, and became more discrete and vehicle-like. This packaging of living material into discrete vehicles became such a salient and dominant feature that, when biologists arrived on the scene and started asking questions about life, their questions were mostly about vehicles—individual organisms. The individual organism came first in the biologist’s consciousness, while the replicators—now known as genes—were seen as part of the machinery used by individual organisms. It requires a deliberate mental effort to turn biology the right way up again, and remind ourselves that the replicators come first, in importance as well as in history. One way to remind ourselves is to reflect that, even today, not"}
{"instruction": "How do tall trees and their buttresses serve Dawkins's answer to Sahlins, and why does the absence of mathematical expertise in trees not undermine the theory underlying them?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "aspect of biology, not just behaviour, in Sahlins’s way you would arrive at his same non-existent problem. The embryological development of any bit of an animal’s or plant’s body requires complicated mathematics for its complete description, but this does not mean that the animal or plant must itself be a clever mathematician! Very tall trees usually have huge buttresses flaring out like wings from the base of their trunks. Within any one species, the taller the tree, the relatively larger the buttresses. It is widely accepted that the shape and size of these buttresses are close to the economic optimum for keeping the tree erect, although an engineer would require quite sophisticated mathematics to demonstrate this. It would never occur to Sahlins or anyone else to doubt the theory underlying buttresses simply on the grounds that trees lack the mathematical expertise to do the calculations. Why, then, raise the problem for the special case of kin-selected behaviour?"}
{"instruction": "Why does the world full of parasites produce no paradox of vanishing variation, and how does Hamilton picture the endlessly rolling cycle of counteradaptation among rabbits and viruses?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "the present gene pool. Hence no paradox of vanishing variation. But now look at the kind of violently fluctuating environment provided by parasites. In a world full of parasites there is strong selection in favour of ability to resist them. Natural selection will favour whichever individual rabbits are least vulnerable to the parasites that happen to be around. The crucial point is that these will not always be the same parasites. Plagues come and go. Today it may be myxomatosis, next year the rabbit equivalent of the black death, the year after that rabbit AIDS, and so on. Then, after say a ten-year cycle it may be back to myxomatosis, and so on. Or the myxomatosis virus itself may evolve to counter whatever counteradaptations the rabbits come up with. Hamilton pictures cycles of counteradaptation and counter-counteradaptation endlessly rolling through time and forever perversely updating the definition of the ‘best’ rabbit. The upshot of all this is that there is something importantly different"}
{"instruction": "What part of Zahavi's theory did biologists object to, and why does Dawkins say Grafen's vindication of it might demand a radical change in our outlook on the evolution of behaviour?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "their advertisements emerge because their differences in quality are being faithfully rendered by the signalling rule. We always admitted that signals as a matter of fact can be handicaps. We always understood that extreme handicaps could evolve, especially as a result of sexual selection, in spite of the fact that they were handicaps. The part of the Zahavi theory that we all objected to was the idea that signals might be favoured by selection precisely because they were handicaps to the signallers. It is this that Alan Grafen has apparently vindicated. If Grafen is correct—and I think he is—it is a result of considerable importance for the whole study of animal signals. It might even necessitate a radical change in our entire outlook on the evolution of behaviour, a radical change in our view of many of the issues discussed in this book. Sexual advertisement is only one kind of advertisement. The Zahavi–Grafen theory, if true, will turn topsy-turvy biologists’ ideas of"}
{"instruction": "What happens to a termite colony's offspring when its founding royal pair are highly heterozygous, and what dramatic effect follows once the old incest cycle begins again?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "each other, their offspring will be highly heterozygous, but uniformly so. Heterozygous means that at many of the genetic loci the two genes are different from each other. Uniformly heterozygous means that almost every one of the offspring will be heterozygous in exactly the same way. They will be genetically almost identical to their siblings, but at the same time they will be highly heterozygous. Now jump forward in time. The new colony with its founding royal pair has grown. It has become peopled by a large number of identically heterozygous young termites. Think about what will happen when one or both of the founding royal pair dies. That old incest cycle will begin again, with remarkable consequences. The first incestuously produced generation will be dramatically more variable than the previous generation. It doesn’t matter whether we consider a brother–sister mating, a father–daughter mating or a mother–son mating. The principle is the"}
{"instruction": "Why did the teams that made the most money in Seelig's five-dollar challenge decide not to use the five dollars at all?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "But most of my students eventually found a way to move far beyond the standard responses. They took seriously the challenge to question traditional assumptions—exposing a wealth of possibilities—in order to create as much value as possible. How did they do this? Here’s a clue: the teams that made the most money didn’t use the five dollars at all. They realized that focusing on the money actually framed the problem way too tightly. They understood that five dollars is essentially nothing and decided to reinterpret the problem more broadly: What can we do to make money if we start with absolutely nothing? They ramped up their observation skills, tapped into their talents, and unlocked their creativity to identify problems in their midst—problems they experienced or noticed others experiencing—problems they might have seen before but had never thought to solve. These problems were nagging but not necessarily at the forefront of anyone’s mind."}
{"instruction": "What does Seelig say an entrepreneurial mind-set cultivates, and how does she describe the Stanford d.school where she teaches?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "what their role, having an entrepreneurial mind-set is key to solving problems, from small challenges that face each of us every day to looming world crises that require the attention and efforts of the entire planet. In fact, entrepreneurship cultivates a range of important life skills, from leadership and team building to negotiation, innovation, and decision making. I’m also on the faculty of the Hasso Plattner Institute of Design at Stanford, affectionately called the “d.school.”7 This cross-disciplinary program draws upon educators from across the entire university, including the Schools of Engineering, Medicine, Business, and Education. The institute was envisioned and launched by Stanford mechanical engineering professor David Kelley, who is also the founder of the design firm IDEO, known for creating wildly inventive products and experiences. All d.school courses are taught by at least two professors from different disciplines, and cover an endless array of"}
{"instruction": "How did the early resistance to balloon angioplasty, and the fate of inventor John Simpson, illustrate what Seelig calls 'problem blindness'?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "which carries substantial risks. When the balloon angioplasty procedure, which is much less dangerous and invasive, was first introduced, it was met with tremendous skepticism and resistance among physicians, especially surgeons who “understood best” how to treat the disease. Significant roadblocks appeared in front of pioneers of the procedure. For example, John Simpson, one of the inventors of balloon angioplasty, wound up having to leave the university to do his research at a private hospital. However, over time, the efficacy of balloon angioplasty was firmly established and became the standard of care for most patients with clogged arteries. This is a great example of a case where the status quo is so entrenched that those closest to the situation can’t imagine anything different. “Problem blindness” applies to consumer product development as well. For example, it is well documented that automatic teller machines (ATMs) failed in focus groups where potential customers were asked if"}
{"instruction": "What opportunity did Paul Yock realize Stanford was missing, and how did the BioDesign Program come into being out of it?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "This is exactly what Paul Yock discovered. Paul, as previously introduced, is the director of Stanford’s BioDesign Program. His home base is the medical school, which is literally across the street from the engineering school. About ten years ago, Paul realized that Stanford was missing a huge opportunity by not finding ways for the medical school students and faculty to work with the engineering school students and faculty to invent new medical technologies. The medical folks, including doctors, students, and research scientists, needed engineers to design new products and processes to improve patient care; and the engineers across the street were looking for compelling problems to solve using their skills. Over the course of months, the various stakeholders met to discuss ways that they could work together. It was a complicated process since the two groups work so differently and have quite different vocabularies. Eventually, they hammered out a plan and the BioDesign Program was born."}
{"instruction": "How does Bruce Ransom's research on glial cells illustrate Seelig's claim that an appealing idea can itself impede scientific progress?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "Bruce Ransom, the founding editor of the scientific journal Glia, is a pioneer in this field. He and other scientists around the world have demonstrated that glial cells are active participants in virtually every function of the brain. Even synaptic transmission, the most studied interaction between neurons, involves glial cells. Bruce, who is also a neurologist, believes that glia have not yet given up all their secrets and are critically involved in many neurological diseases. This is an important reminder that ideas can be so attractive that they actually impede progress. People latch onto them and don’t see the other viable alternatives; they unconsciously “adjust” conflicting observations to fit prevailing theories. In retrospect, it seems obvious that glia serve an important role in the brain. But those who began doing research in this area two decades ago were taking a risk by stepping off a clearly defined path to explore uncharted territory."}
{"instruction": "《策略思维》如何说明博弈论为进化论建立了数学模型？为什么自然选择出来的最优策略是纳什均衡策略，这一点又怎样回避了传统经济学理性人假设带来的尴尬？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "现质量问题。这样，通过较长的保修期，企业就把高质量的信号发送给了消费者，而消费者也就因此放弃购买没有发送高质量信号的企业产品，转而购买发送高质量信号的企业产品了。生命现象是我们这个地球上最神奇、最神秘的现象。达尔文的进化论为我们说明了复杂的生命现象是如何进化而来的。正是博弈论为进化论建立起了数学模型。生命的个体也许并不是对于许多不同的生存策略进行理性的选择，而是通过偶然的试错过程发现了最优的策略。当所有个体都完成了最优生存策略的“自然选择”之后，就达到了纳什均衡。个体因为发生突变而面对不同的生存策略，而不同的生存策略给个体带来了不同的生存适应度。只有那些带来最大适应度的策略才可以让个体生存下去，而通过遗传，那些成功地“自然”选择了最优策略的个体便把自己的基因遗传了下来，而其他物种个体便灭绝了。博弈论专家证明，这种自然选择出来的最优策略是纳什均衡策略，尽管并不假定生命个体一定是理性人——这避免了传统经济学理性人假设带来的尴尬，因为心理学家经常会批评这样的假定。在人类出现的东非大峡谷，那些高个子的人类祖先，因为生存更加困难(高个子更容易被豺狼虎豹看见，在野兽追来时更难以躲避)，心脏负荷大，需要更多的食物而处于生存劣势。因此，只有那些生存能力较强的高个子基因遗传下来了。"}
{"instruction": "在橄榄球和网球比赛中，为什么说“多管齐下”的上上之策其诀窍在于不可预测性，而不是按一个可以预计的模式交替使用策略？美国国税局审计的例子又如何说明这一点？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "现在让我们回到体育世界。在橄榄球比赛里，每一次贴身争抢之前，攻方都会在传球或带球突破之中择其一，而守方则会把赌注押在其中一个选择上，做好准备进行反击。在网球比赛里，发球一方可能选择接球一方的正手或反手，而接球一方则准备在回击的时候选择打对角线或直线。在这两个例子里，每一方都对自己的优点和对方的弱点有所了解。假如他们的选择可以同时考虑到怎样利用对方所有的弱点，而不是仅仅瞄准其中一个弱点，那么，这个选择应该算是上上之策。球员和球迷一样都很明白，必须多管齐下，来些出其不意的奇袭。理由在于，假如你每次都做同样的事情，对方就能集中全部力量最大限度地还击你的单一策略，还击效果也会更好。多管齐下并不等于说要按照一个可以预计的模式交替使用你的策略。若是那样的话，你的对手就会通过观察得出一个模式，从而最大限度地利用这个模式还击，其效果几乎跟你使用单一策略一样好。实施多管齐下策略，诀窍在于不可预测性。设想一下，假如存在一些人人都知道的公式，用来确定谁将受到美国国税局(IRS)的审计，在你填写报税单的时候，你就会套用这些公式看看自己会不会受到审计。假如预计到你会受到审计，而你又找到一个办法“修改”你的报税单，使其不再符合那些公式以避免被审计，很可能你已经动手这样做了。假如被审计已经无法避免，你大概会选择如实相"}
{"instruction": "要让敌人相信士兵听到召唤就会为祖国献身，为什么必须借助承诺策略？而新兵训练营里“袜子必须叠好”这类看似毫无理由的要求，其真正目的又是什么？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "不上并非出于自愿而被别人绑在铁轨上的人得到的同情。第二种受托谈判代理人是机器。没有多少人会跟一台自动售货机讨论价格问题；讨价还价成功者更是寥寥无几。注59 这就结束了我们关于建立成功承诺的八种方法的讨论。在实践中，任何特殊情况都有可能需要不止一种方法。以下是两个例子。2.只有一次生命可以献给你的祖国怎样才能使敌人相信，你的士兵一旦听到召唤就会毫不犹豫地为祖国献身？假如战场上的每一个士兵都会对献身之举的得失进行一番理性的考虑，那么，世界上大多数军队早就完蛋了。我们必须找到其他办法，其中包括上面说过的许多例子中的办法。我们已经提到破釜沉舟的策略，以及在阻止临阵脱逃行为的过程里惩罚与团队合作所起的作用。现在我们集中讨论激励单个士兵的办法。这个过程从新兵训练营开始。世界各地的武装部队的基本训练其实都是一次伤痕累累的历程。新兵遭到虐待、羞辱，同时面临巨大的体力与精神压力，这些压力如此巨大，以至于要不了几个星期，他的个性就会发生改变。在这一历程当中学会的一个重要习惯是自动自觉而不问是非地服从。为什么袜子必须叠好或者床铺必须整理，而且要按照一个特定方式完成，完全没有理由可言，唯一理由就是军官下了这样的命令。这么做的目的是，将来听到更加重要的命令时，士兵也会照样服从。"}
{"instruction": "古特曼对斯佩德使用的边缘政策，在什么条件下才奏效？为什么说边缘政策不仅在于创造风险还在于控制风险的程度，而肯尼迪的例子恰恰说明这一点很难做到？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "难以置信。古特曼的边缘政策在且只在一个条件下奏效：存在一个中等程度的风险概率，它使这个风险大到足以迫使斯佩德说出那只鸟的藏身之处，却又小到让古特曼觉得可以接受。这么一个范围只在斯佩德重视自己的生命胜过于古特曼重视那只鸟的时候存在，这是因为，迫使斯佩德招供的风险(即死亡)小于阻止古特曼下毒手的风险(即失去宝贵的信息)。边缘政策不仅在于创造风险，还在于小心控制这个风险的程度。现在我们遇到一个问题。许多创造风险的机制不允许对这个风险的程度进行足够精确的控制。我们前面已经看到肯尼迪是怎样运用内部政治和标准操作程序确保局势可能超出他的控制的，且局势不会由于肯尼迪自己有心退让而受到影响。不过，同样是这些事情，使他难以确保这个风险不会上升到连美国自己也感到难以承受的程度。肯尼迪自己估计的这个风险——概率介于三分之一与一半之间——是一个具有较宽范围的风险，不由得让人担心这个风险究竟能不能得到有效控制。对于这个两难问题，我们没有任何完美的或普遍有效的答案。边缘政策通常会是一个很管用的办法，却同样可能变成某种冒险经历。4.逃离边缘还有最后一个方面的控制，是使边缘政策发挥效力所不可缺少的因素。受到威胁的一方通过同意边缘政策者的条件，必须有能力充分减小这一风险，通常是一路减小为零。"}
{"instruction": "面对敌意收购，这家公司的总裁、两名年轻董事、管理层在董事局的代表和外来的董事，分别提出了哪四种应对选择？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "应该怎样分配。只要你可以指望别人以后会为你挽回局面，你就会有一种歪曲自己的真实偏好的激励，夸大自己的要求，利用他人的偏好做文章。你可能愿意冒着失去你自己想要的某种东西的风险获得某种好处，只要你还可以依靠别人承担挽回局面的代价。迫使他人为你挽回局面的原理，可以带来出其不意的结果，从你认为最糟糕的结果一直到你最满意的结果都有可能。我们以一家公司的董事局为例进行说明。该公司面临敌意收购，董事们准备投票表决。他们的当务之急在于如何应对。一共提出了四种选择，每一种都有支持者。该公司的创办人兼总裁希望找到一个保住该公司免遭分拆的办法。他的首选是在公司章程中加入一个“毒药”条款注90。这个“毒药”条款规定，任何外来者如果没有事先得到董事局的同意，不能取得该公司的控制权。然而，董事局的两名年轻成员认为目前局势更加紧急。他们认为收购已经无法避免，从而希望集中精力寻求达成一个比较容易接受的收购合同。他们倾向于采取行动寻找一位白衣骑士，即该公司管理层和董事局一致认为比较容易接受的收购者。管理层在董事局的代表则提出了第三种可能性，即目前在任的经理们愿意通过管理层出价收购(即MBO)，进而收购该公司。董事局的第五名成员是一个来自外界的董事。他对于现在面临的收购持一种审慎乐观的态度，争辩说我们还有时间观察对方出价将会有什"}
{"instruction": "沃德为什么说研究动物感觉最大的难题是抛开自己的人类中心主义偏见？而要真正理解感觉，他为什么又意识到必须突破解剖学和生理学这类学科的限制？", "input": "Source: 世界之门：感官的故事", "output": "我在研究中考察了哪些刺激在引导从昆虫直到鲸等动物的行为，也考察了不同动物如何体验各自的世界。其中最大的难题是努力抛开我自己的人类中心主义偏见，从各种截然不同的角度来理解对象。虽然我绝不可能像其他物种那样感知事物，但我至少可以尽力丢下对自身感觉体验的确信，尽可能通过它们的眼去看世界。这一过程无与伦比地点燃了我了解感觉的激情，不单是了解其他动物的感觉，还有我们人类自己的。作为生物学家，我必须明白为什么演化赋予了我们如此这般的感觉。为此我钻研起了其他生物的感觉生活，其中既有与我们在世系关系上最近的哺乳动物，也有与我们关系甚远的生物如甲壳类动物，甚至细菌。我要从它们身上追溯人类感觉的源头，并弄清我们的体验和它们有何不同。虽然本书的主题是人类的感觉，但先去探索一番其他动物的感觉世界，有助于我们加深对自身感觉的理解。然而，一旦试图对感觉做出最广义的理解，我就很快意识到，必须突破自己的学科限制。感觉不仅牵涉解剖学和生理学，虽然一些枯燥的课本会这样概括它们。那种局限于感觉过程的研究路径，根本无法传达感觉的奇妙之处抑或深层意义。在从纯粹生物学的视角中解放出来后，我扎进了包含心理学、生态学、医学、经济学甚至工程学在内的广泛领域，并开始沉思一个问题：我们的感觉世界，是如何被思想、情绪和文化所塑造，又如何反过来塑造了这些？"}
{"instruction": "为什么人类对光谱的感受并不均衡，却在红绿之间以及红绿两色上有格外敏锐的分辨力？红绿色盲为何男性远多于女性，而女性又为何更擅长分辨紧密相连的颜色？", "input": "Source: 世界之门：感官的故事", "output": "这反倒成了哺乳动物中的异类。在遥远过去的某个时刻，某位灵长类祖先在基因复制过程中额外获得了第三种光感受器，由此，我们就有了至少与其他哺乳动物相比堪称优秀的色觉。不过虽说人有三种视锥，但红视锥和绿视锥的感受范围仍有大块重叠，这意味着我们对光谱的感受并不均衡。具体来说，我们极善于找出红绿两色以及介于红绿之间的各种颜色中的细微差别。这对以采集水果为生的动物而言是一项突出的优势，因为许多水果在成熟时，颜色都会从绿色变为橙色或红色。现代人或许已经不怎么依赖这项技能，但这仍在提醒我们，人类的感觉还背负着来自过去的演化包袱，我们观看颜色的眼睛，是针对古代祖先的需求而优化的。我们看颜色的能力并不平等。男性约有1/12会患红绿色盲，女性则较少有这种情况。这种差异的原因在于，造成红绿色盲的基因有一部分位于X染色体上。女性有两条X染色体，也就有了一套备份，因此患这种病的概率大大降低。除了不易患色盲外，还有证据显示女性更擅长分辨紧密相连的颜色。和许多性别差异一样，这个差异的原因也从来不乏解释。从演化的角度看，这可能是因为女性在早期人类社会中扮演采集水果特别是浆果的角色。或者，这也可能和语言影响知觉的辩论有关，因为女性往往有更多词语用来描述颜色。更倾向生物学的解释则又到遗传基因中找"}
{"instruction": "为什么气味至今仍是最难测量的一种感觉？贝尔给华盛顿特区大学生出的著名难题是什么？麝猫油那股强烈的粪臭味又为何能在香水中起到近乎魔法的作用？", "input": "Source: 世界之门：感官的故事", "output": "不过，香水毕竟也象征了财富和地位，不消说还让用它的人平添了一份撩人的魅力。而今人对洗澡的喜爱，就意味着香水只能在一块较为寡淡的嗅觉画布上增色添彩，它们的香气也因此含蓄得多了。不过香水师并不希望它们的产品过于含蓄。在香水中加入一点点难闻的东西，就能有效地使它的整体气味变得复杂。比如麝猫油有一股强烈的粪臭味，能逼得一头冲锋的犀牛停下脚步并流出眼泪，但它也能在香水的气息中加入一股近乎魔法的温暖与醇厚。因为气味实在复杂得难以想象，要理解我们的嗅觉绝不容易。不像其他感觉，只要提取一个参数，比如光的波长或压力波的大小，就能直接同我们的知觉挂钩了。气味远没有这么简单。亚历山大·格拉汉姆·贝尔曾给华盛顿特区的一个大学毕业班学生出了一道著名的难题，要他们测量一种气味，他还说，任谁做到这件事，都势必在科学界博得美名。现在一百多年过去，我们和这个目标仍有一点距离——气味仍是我们的感觉中最难测量的一种。我们虽已能分解出一种气味的化学成分，但还是需要一点时间，才能将其中近乎无限的化学组合，精确对应到特定的嗅觉体验上去。说到底，每一种气味的产生，都是脑在对数百种感受器传来的信息进行校准和比对。至于它是如何将如此复杂的局面变为一个有意义的感觉的，这依然是人脑保守最严的秘密之一。虽然气味对我们的生活贡献良多，但它的价值在现代西方社会却是低估的。"}
{"instruction": "沃德如何借线虫、大鼠和黑猩猩的例子说明触摸对发育与社会纽带的深层作用？用温暖潮湿的油画笔模仿母鼠舌头，为何足以改善受冷落幼崽最恶劣的境况？", "input": "Source: 世界之门：感官的故事", "output": "会应对危险。有些耐心的科学家致力于探索感觉的深层起源，他们想验证线虫的这种缺陷能否用人工方法修复，结果发现用探针对孤独的线虫轻柔拍打，就能帮它们重回正常发育之路。再举个更日常的例子：对大鼠的研究显示，母亲的爱和关怀对幼崽的健康发育十分重要。那些沐浴关爱的大鼠幼崽，特别是有母亲时常理毛抚摸的那些，都发育成了适应良好的成年鼠，而受到冷落的幼鼠则变得焦虑紧张，它们追逐自己的尾巴，容易暴饮暴食，也难以和其他大鼠交流，再后来也果然成了不太懂关爱的父母，使这一缺陷代代相传。但问题是，这一切难道都只是触碰的缺失造成的？和线虫的情况一样，这个问题也需要一点直接的人类干预来回答。研究者用温暖潮湿的油画笔粗略地模仿母鼠的舌头，小心翼翼地拂拭受冷落的新生幼崽，这看起来虽只是无足轻重的干预，却足以改善不称职的母鼠造成的最恶劣影响。和我们亲缘最近的两种类人猿是黑猩猩和倭黑猩猩，它们每天都要花五个小时细心地抚摸彼此，为彼此梳毛、挠痒。你可能认为这体现了它们的细致严谨，一定要将跳蚤和其他吸血小虫都抓出来才罢休。但这么想你就错了。它们这么做也不是为了外表光鲜。虽说这样细致的梳理肯定有助于这些灵长类保持身体卫生、外表整洁，但梳毛最重要的功能还是维系社会纽带。互相抚摸能刺激释放催产素，它有时被称"}
{"instruction": "沃德如何用一大早走进面包房的例子说明内感受决定了外界刺激的显著程度？而“橡胶手错觉”又怎样揭示出我们“自我感”的核心内容？", "input": "Source: 世界之门：感官的故事", "output": "试想你一早走进一间面包房，周围洋溢着刚刚烤好的油酥面食和现磨咖啡的香气。这感觉真是美妙，但你之所以觉得美妙，原因之一大概是你还饿着。那一阵阵飘散的香气如此诱人，多半是因为你体内的传感器发现你血糖低了、胃也空了。如果是早上饱餐一顿后再走进同一间面包房，你的鼻子或许就淡定多了。我们那几大外部感官能产生多少体验，是由我们对身体状态的知觉设置的，而这种知觉又取决于内感受。更科学一点的说法是，内感受决定了外界刺激的显著程度。它决定了哪些刺激是我们应当关注的，进而塑造我们对这些刺激的反应。内感受和外感受的结合使我们能将自己感知为单一个统一的整体，这也是我们谈及 “自我感”时的核心内容。这方面一个有用的例子是“橡胶手错觉”：让一名被试坐在桌边，左臂伸至面前，略偏向一侧，左手手心朝下，静置于桌面。这时实验者取出一块挡板，挡在被试面前，使他看不见自己的左臂。接着实验者再取出一截造型逼真的假臂，像被试自己的胳膊一样平放在桌上。这时，被试看见的是一件或许不怎么令人信服的复制品摆在眼前，他肯定在想自己怎么参与了这样一件荒唐事。当他注视这条假臂时，实验者用两支小画笔同时轻抚这件橡胶复制品和被试藏在挡板后的真手。几分钟后，实验者要被试闭上眼睛，将右手放到桌子底下，直到他觉得右手在左手正下方为止。"}
{"instruction": "《佩德罗·巴拉莫》的序言作者回忆他在墨西哥时期的一段往事：他写的哥伦比亚文学笔记引来大使抗议后，马克斯·奥伯作何反应？他当时已出版和尚未出版的作品又分别有哪些？", "input": "Source: 佩德罗巴拉莫", "output": "有一半时间，我们都是在政府办事处的院子里排队，有时候还得冒着雨，而队伍却总不往前走。闲暇时，我便写些关于哥伦比亚文学的笔记，在当时由马克斯·奥伯主持的大学电台播出。那些笔记太过直率，引得哥伦比亚大使打电话给电台提出了正式抗议。他认为，我的言论不是关于哥伦比亚文学的笔记，而是抨击哥伦比亚文学的笔记。马克斯·奥伯将我叫到他的办公室，我以为，我在六个月里找到的唯一的糊口法子就这么完了。但是，事情正相反。“我一直没时间听那个节目，”马克斯·奥伯对我说，“但如果它是像你们的大使所说的那样，那应该是很好的。” 我当时三十二岁，在哥伦比亚当过很短时间的记者，刚刚在巴黎度过了很有用但也很艰苦的三年，又在纽约待了八个月，我想在墨西哥写电影剧本。那一时期墨西哥作家圈子与哥伦比亚的很像，我在这个圈子里十分自在。六年前，我出版了我的第一部小说《枯枝败叶》，还有三本尚未出版的书：大概在那时候于哥伦比亚面世的《没人给他写信的上校》，不久以后由文森特·罗霍请求时代出版社出版的《恶时辰》，以及故事集《格兰德大妈的葬礼》。最后这一本当时只有不完整的草稿，因为在我来墨西哥之前，阿尔瓦罗·穆蒂斯就已经将原稿借给我们尊敬的埃莱娜·波尼亚托夫斯卡，而她把稿子弄丢了。之后，我重组了所有的故事，由阿尔瓦罗·穆蒂斯请塞尔吉奥·加林多在维拉克鲁兹大学出版社出版。"}
{"instruction": "序言作者借《佩德罗·巴拉莫》指出作家写细节时常犯什么毛病？鲁尔福的这部作品又给了他怎样的启发？", "input": "Source: 佩德罗巴拉莫", "output": "这种情况不仅发生在月份与日期上，花也是一样。有些作家常用花朵，纯粹只是因为它们的名字响亮，而没有注意到它们是否与地点和季节相符合。因此，在好书中看到开在海滩上的天竺葵和雪里的郁金香，都已不稀奇。在《佩德罗·巴拉莫》中，要绝对地确定哪里是生者与亡人之间的界限已属不可能，其他方面的精确更是空谈。实际上，没有人能够知道死亡的年岁有多长。我说这些，是因为对于胡安·鲁尔福作品的深入了解，使我终于找到了为继续写我的书而需要寻找的道路，因此，我写他，就必然会显得一切都像是在写我自己。现在，我还想说，为了写下这些简短的怀念之辞，我又重读了整本书，我再次单纯地感受到了第一次读时的震撼。他的作品不过三百页，但是它几乎和我们所知道的索福克勒斯的作品一样浩翰，我相信也会一样经久不衰。（莫娅妮译）佩德罗·巴拉莫我来科马拉是因为有人对我说，我父亲住在这儿，他好像名叫佩德罗·巴拉莫。这是家母告诉我的。我向她保证，一旦她仙逝，我立即来看望他。我紧紧地握着她老人家的双手，表示我一定要实现自己的诺言。此时她已气息奄奄，我打算满足她的全部要求。“你一定要去看看他呀，”她叮嘱我说，“他时而叫这个名字，时而又那么称呼。我认为见到你他一定会高兴的。”我当时只能一个劲儿地对她说，我一定照她说的去办。我一而再，再而三地说着这同样的一句话，一直说到她的双手僵直，这才费劲地抽回我的两只手。"}
{"instruction": "在《佩德罗·巴拉莫》中，多罗脱阿向叙述者描述故乡时，说是那些'低声细语'杀死了她——那究竟是怎样一种声音，又如何使她一步步感到发冷、濒临死亡？", "input": "Source: 佩德罗巴拉莫", "output": "在那里梦幻使我消瘦。我那耸立在平原上的故乡，绿树成荫，枝繁叶茂，它像是扑满一样保存着我们的回忆。你将会感觉到那里每个人都想长生不死。那儿的黎明、早晨、中午和夜间都完全相同，只是风有所不同。那里的风改变着事物的色调；那里的生命好像低声细语，随风荡漾，生命本身就仿佛在低声细语……” “是的，多罗脱阿，是那些低声细语杀死了我，尽管我到事后才感到害怕。这种声音慢慢地聚集在一起，直到最后使我难以忍受。我遇到这些低声细语后，我的生命之弦就绷断了。“你说得对，我是到了广场，是那沸腾的人声将我带到那里去的。我当时认为那儿确实有人。那时我已经难以左右自己了。我记得我是扶着墙根走的，好像在用两只手走路。这些低声细语似乎从墙上渗透出来，又钻到地缝里去了。这种声音我都听到了，这是人声，但又不清晰可闻，这是一种窃窃私语声，仿佛有人走过我身边时对我喃喃细语些什么，也好像有一种嗡嗡声在我耳边响起。我离开墙根，沿街心走着，但我同样听到了这种声音。它好像紧随着我，有时在前，有时在后。此时，我已不如刚才对你说的那样觉得热了；相反，我感到寒冷。自从离开那个把床借给我睡的女人的家后，自从如我刚才对您说的那样见到她溶化在自己汗水里后，我就感到发冷。我越走越冷，越走越冷，一直冷得我全身起了鸡皮疙瘩。我想退回原地，因为我想回到那里便能遇到原来的热气。"}
{"instruction": "母亲去世之后，叙述者与胡斯蒂娜为丧事做了哪些事？面对无人前来吊唁的情形，他又对胡斯蒂娜说了些什么？", "input": "Source: 佩德罗巴拉莫", "output": "你原本是希望我当时是这个样子的。然而，难道那不是一个令人愉快的早晨吗？风从敞开着的大门吹进来，折断了常春藤的枝条。我两条腿的两根动脉之间开始生长绒毛，我的双手一碰到我的胸部便轻微地抖动起来。雀儿们在戏耍，山丘上麦穗在摇晃。令我伤心的是她再也不能看到风儿在茉莉花丛中嬉闹；令我伤心的是在白天的阳光下她也闭上了眼睛。不过，我为什么要哭呢？你不记得吗，胡斯蒂娜？你把椅子排在走廊上，让来看她的人依次坐着等。这些椅子都没有人坐。我母亲孤单单地躺在烛影下，脸色苍白，洁白的牙齿微微露出在原本黝黑但因死亡而变成青紫色的僵硬的嘴唇外。她的睫毛一动不动，心脏也停止了跳动。我们俩待在那里，没完没了地祈祷着，但她却什么也听不到，你我也什么都听不到，一切全都消失在夜风的巨响中。你烫了烫她那件黑衣，给衣领和袖口上了浆，让她那两只交叉安放在已经冷了的胸口上的手看起来像是干净的。我曾经在她年迈的温暖的胸膛上睡过觉，它曾哺育过我，也曾跳动着哄我入眠。谁也没有来看她，这样倒更好。死人并不像财物一样可以均分。谁也不会来这里自找悲伤。有人敲门，你出去了。“你去看看，”我对你说，“在我的眼中人们的脸都是模模糊糊的。你让他们走吧。他们是来要格雷戈里弥撒的钱的吗？她死时一文钱也没有留下。你把这个情况告诉他们吧，胡斯蒂娜。"}
{"instruction": "阿文迪奥·马丁纳斯走到门边那位老爷面前乞讨埋葬妻子的钱时，达米亚娜·西斯内罗斯作何反应？佩德罗·巴拉莫又做了什么？", "input": "Source: 佩德罗巴拉莫", "output": "就这样他一直走到坐在门边的一位老爷的面前。于是，他站住了：“行行好，请施舍点钱，好埋我女人。” 达米亚娜·西斯内罗斯祈祷着：“上帝啊，把我们从邪恶的敌人设置的圈套中解救出来吧。”她一边画着十字，一边用手指着来人。阿文迪奥·马丁纳斯看到那个眼神惊惶的女人在他面前画着十字，不禁不寒而栗。他想，也许是魔鬼跟随他到这里来了。他回过头来，想看看身后也许真有恶鬼，但什么也没有见到。于是，他又说：“我是来求你帮点儿忙，好埋葬我女人的。” 太阳照到了他的脊背。这是初升的太阳，几乎是冷冰冰的，它被地上的尘土遮得变了形。佩德罗·巴拉莫把脸埋在被子里，像是在躲避着阳光。这时，达米亚娜的呼喊声越过田野，一声紧似一声：“有人要杀堂佩德罗！” 阿文迪奥·马丁纳斯听到那个女人在呼叫，他不知道该做些什么才能制止她叫喊。他理不清自己的思绪。他觉得这阵阵叫喊声传得很远。甚至他的女人现在也听到这种声音呢，因为他感到耳边有人在说话，尽管他听不懂在说些什么。他想到自己的妻子冷清清地躺在院子里的那张帆布床上，他将她搬到院子里的目的是让她镇静下来，而不会很快地腐烂。库卡昨天还跟他睡在一起，像一匹小马驹似的活蹦乱跳，她和他嬉闹，又是咬他，又是拿自己的鼻子去蹭他的鼻子。是她给他生了一个尚未呱呱坠地就已去世的儿子，据说这是因为她不会生育的缘故。"}
{"instruction": "阿尼卡的遭遇引出了哪些典型的青少年心理与行为问题，作者又借此说明第6版在吸引学生和注重实证基础上做了哪些修订？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "她总是开小差，几乎不做家庭作业。她发现自己无法长时间集中注意力去阅读和记住学习材料。最主要的是，阿尼卡总是因为攻击其他孩子或逃课去与别的孩子抽烟而陷入麻烦。当阿尼卡进入青春期时，她产生了自毁倾向，有时她会用剃刀割伤自己，并有两次试图自杀。她被强制去看心理医生，她告诉他们，她是“坏的”和“有缺陷的”，她想去死。关注与学生的连接关于心理障碍的知识正在快速增长，需要学生和老师花费的时间也越来越多。第6版的修订是为了解决学生真正需要知道什么问题，并就各种心理障碍的本质、病因和治疗进行彻底的、集中的讨论。为了吸引学生，很多新的例子和案例研究都描述了人们熟悉的当代名人，例如足球明星大卫·贝克汉姆。“批判性思考”专栏中的问题让学生就有争议的话题发表自己的观点——例如将饮酒年龄下调至18岁，以激发学生的兴趣。关注实证性和整合第6版反映了变态心理学领域的最新趋势，这个领域变得更加注重实证基础和学科交叉性。每一章都以得到实证支持的理论和治疗为核心，并补充了关于各种心理障碍的研究理论和治疗的最新文献综述。如果某些理论或治疗尚未得到实证支持或经过充分的检验，正文中会加以说明。最新研究的综述在很大程度上受益于该领域声望最高的一些研究者寄来的预印本和印刷中的清样。因此，本书得以展示在该领域最杰出、最有智慧的研究者看来最重要的新成果以及该领域的前进方向。"}
{"instruction": "从中国、埃及、希腊的古文献直到20世纪中期，人们理解异常行为的方式经历了哪些主要阶段与理论流派？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "中国、埃及和希腊的古文献表明，这些文化采用了生物学的观点来理解异常行为，但同时也可以找到超自然理论和心理学理论的相关论述。中世纪时期，人们认为异常行为是巫术引起的。精神时疫以及大规模癔病爆发时，人群表现出相似的心理和行为症状，其原因往往被归咎为共同的压力或信仰。甚至到19、20世纪，很多行为怪异的人还被关进了类似监狱的地方，遭受折磨、忍饥挨饿、被人遗忘。作为心理卫生运动的一部分，采用人道管理方式的精神病院变得更加普遍。在这些医院里，病人得到了友善的对待和能够获得最好的生物学治疗。然而直到20世纪中期，才出现了能有效治疗大多数心理障碍的生物学方法。克雷珀林提出的分类体系，以及梅毒感染会导致麻痹性痴呆综合征的发现，共同促进了心理障碍的现代生物学理论的发展。精神分析理论始于麦斯默的工作，随着夏可及后来的弗洛伊德对无意识在异常行为产生中的作用的关注，精神分析理论也逐步获得发展。华生和斯金纳用经典条件作用和操作性条件作用的原则来解释正常和异常行为，这是变态的行为主义理论的开始。埃利斯、班杜拉以及贝克等认知理论家关注思维过程对异常行为的影响。去机构化运动试图让病人从心理健康机构迁移到社区精神卫生服务中心。遗憾的是，社区中心未能得到充足的资金和支持，使得之前的很多精神病患者得到的社区援助少之又少。"}
{"instruction": "变态心理学的生物学理论把心理病态归因于哪些方面，作者又列出了哪些常用的生物疗法？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "她发现自己无法长时间集中注意力去阅读和记住学习材料。最主要的是，阿尼卡总是因为攻击其他孩子或逃课去与别的孩子抽烟而陷入麻烦。当阿尼卡进入青春期时，她产生了自毁倾向，有时她会用剃刀割伤自己，并有两次试图自杀。她被强制去看心理医生，她告诉他们，她是“坏的”和“有缺陷的”，她想去死。心理病理学的生物学理论通常将症状归因为脑结构异常、生化失调或基因缺陷。脑结构异常可能是基因缺陷、疾病或外伤引起的。大脑特定区域的损伤会影响个体表现出来的症状。很多生物学理论认为心理病态是神经递质失衡或神经递质受体的功能失调造成的。异常的遗传理论常认为心理病态是由多个缺陷基因的累积产生的。基因能够影响人们所选择的环境，进而影响基因倾向的表达。表观遗传学是关于环境条件如何影响基因表达的研究。生物疗法经常需要使用药物，其用途是调节与心理障碍有关的脑内神经递质的运作，或补偿脑结构异常或基因的影响。抗精神病药有助于减少非真实的感知体验和信念以及其他精神错乱症状。抗抑郁药有助于缓解抑郁症状。锂盐和抗惊厥药有助于缓解躁狂症。巴比妥类和苯二氮类有助于减轻焦虑。电休克治疗用于治疗重度抑郁症。人们还开发出各种不使用电流刺激脑部的新方法。精神外科手术则极少使用。异常的行为主义理论反对无意识冲突的概念，只关注环境中的奖赏和惩罚对行为的塑造和维持。"}
{"instruction": "在评估与诊断中，连续性取向和分类取向各有什么优缺点，作者用“酗酒”阈值为例说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "对于饮酒行为预测因素的研究者来说，他们感兴趣的可能是，什么因素能够预测人们位于连续谱的哪一处，该连续谱从偶尔或不饮酒变化到酗酒。临床医生感兴趣的可能是，一个人的饮酒行为在治疗过程中如何变化。然而，另一些工具更像判断题，其假设基础是：它们要评估的行为存在一个阈值，人们要么有这些行为，要么没有。例如，一些研究者将女性的“酗酒”阈值设定为4杯酒（第14章）。因此，如果女性的饮酒量达到或超过该阈值，她会被认为是个酗酒者，而饮用3杯酒的女性则不会被认为是酗酒者。目前，诊断系统使用阈值，也就是使用某个具体的临界值来决定个体是否患有某种障碍，因而看起来是违背连续谱模型的。研究者和临床工作者正逐渐在诊断过程中建立连续谱观点。例如，美国最新出版的障碍诊断手册，，对人格障碍的定义就基本符合连续谱模型。然而，还是为大部分障碍设定了一个标准，即使并没有纯粹的科学方法来划出界线，但当个体的行为和感受跨过这条界线，它们就成为了障碍。评估和诊断的连续性取向既有优点也有缺点，而分类取向聚焦于障碍识别的阈值和界线，同样利弊并存。连续性取向比分类取向更能捕捉行为的细微变化。连续谱模型也不假定我们知道问题行为的界线在哪里。但连续性取向使得信息沟通变得更加困难，部分原因在于我们通常是从分类的角度来思考的。例如，我们说某个人的饮酒量从中度到重度，相比称某个人是个酗酒者，后者能够传递给治疗师或研究者更多的信息。"}
{"instruction": "研究者如何把“应激导致抑郁”这样一个宽泛观点转化为可检验的假设，虚无假设又指什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "数据的收集和分析工作一结束，研究者就得出恰当的结论，并把结果写进研究报告。定义问题和提出假设在这一章中，我们将检验应激导致抑郁症这一观点。这个简单的观点过于宽泛和抽象，无法直接检验。因此，我们必须提出一个假设，或者说一个可检验的预测，它是关于我们预期会在研究中发现的应激和抑郁症之间的关系。为了形成一个假设，我们可能会问：“什么样的证据可能会支持应激导致抑郁症的观点呢？”如果我们发现，近期有过应激经历的人比近期没有过应激经历的人更可能抑郁，那么这个证据就支持我们的观点。由此可以形成一个假设：近期有过应激经历的人比近期没有过应激经历的人更有可能抑郁。有很多研究方法可以检验该假设。另一个可供选择的假设是：有应激经历的人并不比没有应激经历的人更可能患抑郁症。预测我们研究的现象（这个例子中的应激和抑郁症）之间无关联的假设被称为虚无假设（null hypothesis）。研究结果往往支持虚无假设，而不是研究者的初始假设。对虚无假设的支持是否意味着我们的基本观点被证明不正确呢？并非如此。虚无假设得到支持有很多原因，包括研究设计的缺陷。研究者常常会使用各种不同的方法继续检验他们的初始假设。如果虚无假设得到的支持还是远远超过初始假设，那么研究者最终就需要修改或放弃初始假设。研究方法的选择和实施"}
{"instruction": "流行病学研究如何确定某种障碍的患病率、发病率和高危因素，这类研究主要受到哪些限制？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "第三，流行病学也研究障碍的高危因素（risk factors），即与更高的患病风险有关的条件或变量。如果女性比男性更容易患某种障碍，那么作为一名女性就是该障碍的一个高危因素。就我们感兴趣的应激和抑郁之间的关系来说，流行病学研究可能会显示，生活在城市中高应激地区的人比生活在城市中低应激地区的人更可能患抑郁。研究者如何确定某种障碍的患病率、发病率和高危因素？流行病学研究者首先要确定感兴趣的总体，再通过诸如随机拨打当地电话号码这样的方法来形成该总体的一个随机样本。然后，研究者用结构化临床访谈的方式向参与者询问特定的问题，以评估他们是否具有该障碍的症状和被研究的高危因素，如性别或社会经济地位（请回忆第3章对临床结构式会谈的讨论）。流行病学家通过这些数据来估计不同高危因素类型的人群中各有多少人罹患该障碍。流行病学研究的评价流行病学研究提供了关于障碍患病率、发病率和高危因素的重要信息。本书中我们将讨论来自几个主要的全美和国际流行病学研究的证据。这项研究对于什么样的人罹患该障碍的风险最高提供了重要线索。这一信息还可以反过来用于验证为什么这些人处于高风险的假设。流行病学研究受到很多与相关研究相同的限制的影响。首先，它们不能确定任何高危因素导致了障碍。如果研究显示生活在高应激社区的人更可能患该障碍，这并不意味着高应激的环境导致了该障碍。"}
{"instruction": "借由在工作场所教抑郁者做冥想练习的例子，研究者怎样判断干预是否真的起效，单被试实验设计又有什么优缺点？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "为检验某个冥想练习能否减轻抑郁，研究者可能会教抑郁者在工作场所感到抑郁时如何进行该练习。如果参与者在工作场所的抑郁水平下降，而在家里的抑郁水平没有下降，在家里她并没有做过这种冥想练习，那么研究者就有一些证据表明是这种冥想练习导致了抑郁水平降低。如果要求参与者在家里进行这种冥想练习，而她在家里的抑郁水平也降低了，这就进一步证明了该练习是有效的。类似地，研究者可以教多个参与者做冥想练习，但是教的时间点不同，此时他们的经验可能是不同的。例如，研究者在开学第一个星期教一个抑郁的大学生做冥想练习，在春假期间教第二个学生，在考试周教第三个。尽管他们的应激水平不同，但如果所有学生在学会这种冥想练习后其抑郁症状都得到减轻，那么就可以证明这种冥想练习的效应可以推广到不同个体和情境。单被试实验设计的评价相比多个参与者的情况，单被试实验设计的一个主要优点就是可以更加细致深入地评估参与者。例如，一名儿童可能在治疗期间和无治疗期间每天被观察数小时。这种评估强度让研究者能够精确区分受治疗影响的行为和不受治疗影响的行为。单被试实验设计的主要缺点是，它们的结果可能无法推广到更广泛的人群中。一个人在治疗期间和无治疗期间的经历可能与另一个人并不相同。此外，并非所有假设都能用单被试实验设计来检验。一些治疗在结束后有延续效果。"}
{"instruction": "治疗效果研究中常用的两种控制组分别是什么，围绕这类研究存在哪些难题？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "参与者被随机分配到受操纵的实验组，或者未受操纵的控制组。有时，把实验研究推广到现实世界是不可能的。此外，在实验研究中操纵处于痛苦中的参与者可能会带来伦理问题。治疗效果研究让研究者在给参与者提供服务的同时，可以检验有关心理病态原因的假设。在治疗效果研究中，研究者有时会使用等候名单控制组，其中的参与者在研究结束以后才接受干预。另外，研究者也可以使用安慰剂控制组，该组参与者可以得到治疗师的一般性支持，但治疗不含任何有效成分。这两种控制组在实际操作和伦理上都有限制。与治疗效果研究有关的难题包括：了解治疗的有效成分是什么，使用合适的控制组的问题，是否允许调整治疗方法以满足个别参与者需求的问题，以及研究结果缺乏现实可推广性的问题。单被试实验设计包括在操纵或干预前后对单一个体或少量个体进行深入细致的研究。在ABAB设计或逆向设计中，实验者会引入、撤除和恢复干预，并在治疗期间和无治疗期间都对参与者的行为进行测量。在多基线设计中，实验者在不同情境对同一参与者进行干预，或者在不同时间点和不同情境对多个参与者进行干预，然后对干预效果做系统性观察。虽然很多人觉得动物研究同样是违背伦理的，但动物研究让研究者可以对动物进行一些伦理上不允许用于人类参与者的操纵。动物研究的问题是研究结果难以推广到人类。家族史研究确定患者的血缘亲属是否比非血缘亲属更可能患某种障碍。"}
{"instruction": "关于社交焦虑障碍与惊恐障碍，书中给出了哪些理论解释，又分别确认了哪些有效的治疗方法？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "行为治疗的重点是消除患者对害怕事物的恐惧反应，这种治疗手段已经被证实有效。血液–注射–损伤型恐怖症患者必须学会在面对害怕的事物时使肌肉处于紧张状态，以防止血压和心率下降。药物治疗未被证实对恐怖症有效。社交焦虑障碍患者害怕被他人评判，害怕他人让自己难堪。认知理论认为，对自己的社交表现要求过高的人容易患社交焦虑障碍，他们假定其他人会苛刻地评判自己，并过分注意社交中的拒绝信号。抗抑郁药对社交焦虑障碍的治疗显示出一些有效性，认知行为治疗也被证明有效。惊恐发作是指短时间内强烈地体验到焦虑障碍的多种生理症状，并感到疯狂、失控或即将死去。当一个人频繁出现自发的惊恐发作，为发作感到担心，并因此改变生活方式时，就可以诊断为惊恐障碍。惊恐障碍的生物学理论认为，惊恐障碍患者的自主神经系统过于敏感，微小刺激就会使他们进入完全的战斗或逃跑反应。这可能是脑干和边缘系统的去甲肾上腺素或5–羟色胺失衡所致。也有证据表明惊恐障碍有遗传性。惊恐障碍的心理学理论认为惊恐障碍患者过度关注身体感觉，以负性方式错误解释身体感觉，并采用滚雪球式的灾难化思维方式。这种思维方式增加了生理活跃程度，从而促使全面的惊恐发作。抗抑郁药和苯二氮类药物能够有效减少惊恐发作和广场恐怖症行为，但是一旦停止服药就可能复发。一种有效治疗惊恐发作和广场恐怖症的认知行为疗法通常在治疗中诱发患者的惊恐发作，在发作期间指导来访者使用放松练习，并识别和挑战那些灾难化思维方式。"}
{"instruction": "分离性身份障碍和心因性遗忘症各自有什么表现，书中如何解释它们的成因或治疗方向？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "治疗的核心在于表达相关的情绪或记忆。有分离障碍的个体身份、记忆和意识相互分离或割裂。有分离性身份障碍的个体会形成两种或更多截然不同的人格，这些人格交替控制患者的行为。有分离性身份障碍的个体往往有自毁和自残的行为。诊断为分离性身份障碍的个体绝大多数是女性，并且多半有童年期遭受性虐待或身体虐待的经历。交替人格可能在经历创伤期间形成，作为对创伤经历的防御，易被催眠者尤其如此。分离性身份障碍的治疗通常包括帮助把各种不同的人格整合为一个功能正常的人格。分离性或心因性的遗忘症包括心理原因引起的记忆丧失。它不同于脑部损伤导致的器质性遗忘症。有器质性遗忘症的个体可能难以记住新的信息（顺行性遗忘），但是心因性遗忘症中很少发生顺行性遗忘。此外，有器质性遗忘症引起的过去记忆丧失（逆行性遗忘）通常是广泛的，而心因性遗忘通常仅限于个人信息。心因性遗忘症通常发生在创伤事件之后。心因性遗忘症发生的原因可能是主动遗忘，或事件发生时过度唤醒导致信息存储不良，或为了逃避创伤事件发生时的情绪体验及与事件相关的记忆。分离性漫游是分离性遗忘症的一种亚型，有该障碍的个体会突然离家出走，获得一个全新的身份，并完全遗忘以前的身份。有人格解体/现实解体障碍的个体经常感到脱离了自己的心理过程或身体。短暂的人格解体/现实解体状态很普遍，特别是在受到睡眠剥夺或药物影响的情况下。"}
{"instruction": "大卫为什么会对演讲者的非言语动作如此敏感，以至于分不清别人说出的话和自己接收到的“心灵感应”？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "大卫很尊重演讲者，认为他们是学者，同时也希望自己写的关于心灵感应的论文能够得到他们的认同。在会议召开前一周，大卫把他的论文《心灵感应的源泉》送到一位演讲者的手中，其他的演讲者也都阅读了论文。他提出了新奇的科学观点：只有婴儿出生的过程是研究心灵感应的最佳时机…… 大卫的论文被认为对本次会议和心理学研究做出了非常重要的贡献。他关于心灵感应的概念普遍出现在出生阶段，并且是可以测量的，如果得到科学的证实，那么其影响丝毫不逊色于达尔文和弗洛伊德的基本理论。每一位演讲者都关注着大卫。通过使用暗示和非言语交流如指点和扫视，每位演讲者分别阐述了大卫论文不同方面的贡献。尽管他的名字从来没有被提起，演讲者的暗示使得大卫感觉他写作这篇论文已经取得了非凡的成就……大卫被描述为头顶光环以及即将到来的基督复临。他感觉自己就像是救世主。他的使命就是帮助那些贫穷和有需要的人，尤其是那些落后国家的人民…… 大卫对非言语交流极其敏感；他精通如何读懂别人的心理。他的感知力是如此发达，以至于他不能在别人的话语和接收到的心灵感应之间做出区分。其他人以一种前所未有的方式使他分心了。人们与他互动的非言语行为就好像是一种代码。其他人的面部表情、手势和身体姿势经常决定了他的想法和感觉。参加会议的几百人都在谈论大卫。他是一个巨大的谜团，他的沉默意义深远。"}
{"instruction": "弗兰西丝卡在选课、工作和交友中的种种表现，如何体现出依赖型人格障碍的核心特征？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "依赖型人格障碍个体十分害怕失去人际关系的支持，害怕必须承担责任，为了维持关系，他们宁愿被利用或者虐待，就像下面案例中的弗兰西丝卡一样。弗兰西丝卡感到恐慌，因为她的丈夫好像对她越来越生气。昨天晚上，因为害怕自己一个人留在家里，她问丈夫能否取消他这次的商务旅行，丈夫勃然大怒，大声嚷道，“你不能自己一个人待着！你不能自己一个人做些事情！你甚至连决定晚饭吃什么都做不到了，我受够了！你要长大，像个成年人！” 的确，让弗兰西丝卡自己做决定非常困难。高中的时候，她不能决定自己应该选什么课，于是她花了很长时间去问父母和朋友自己该怎么办。最终，她按照母亲和好朋友的主意去选课。高中毕业后，她认为自己不够聪明，上不了大学，尽管她高中的成绩还相当不错。她去了一家公司上班，因为她的一个好朋友也在那里上班，她希望和这个朋友保持亲密的关系。尽管如此，这位朋友最终离她而去，因为她实在受不了弗兰西丝卡无休止地向她寻求安慰和保证。弗兰西丝卡经常为朋友买礼物，帮助朋友洗衣服或者煮饭，显然是想赢得朋友的好感。但是她也会在晚上把朋友留在身边，连续几个小时询问对方，她在一些鸡毛蒜皮的小事上所做的决定是否正确，如圣诞节应该给母亲买什么礼物，以及对方如何看待她在工作中的表现。朋友离去后不久，弗兰西丝卡遇到了她未来的丈夫。当他对弗兰西丝卡表现出一些好感时，她立即试图和他形成更加紧密的关系。"}
{"instruction": "心理社会因素如何影响神经发育障碍与神经认知障碍的严重程度，在对杰克做出ADHD诊断之前还有哪些可能值得考虑？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "同样，社会和情感环境会影响那些有神经发育障碍和神经认知障碍个体缺陷的严重程度。相比于父母更加有效地回应ADHD儿童的行为，如果父母对ADHD儿童的行为不知所措、退缩甚或表现出攻击性的回应，后者较难培养调节自己行为的能力。如果一位容易糊涂或遗忘的老年人因为家人经常对她恼怒或者期望过高而备受压力，那么她的认知缺陷会变得更加严重。因此，尽管神经发育障碍或神经认知障碍的根源在于大脑功能失常，但心理社会因素能够影响这些障碍的严重程度及表现形式。在对杰克做出诊断之前，有几种可能性值得考虑。首先，你可以思考杰克是否有学习障碍，从而影响了他的学业表现。你可能通过测试来验证这一点。其次，你可能会注意到，注意缺陷型ADHD个体并不多动，他们常常看起来心不在焉。杰克健忘、做项目半途而废、开小差和迟到的倾向都符合主要表现为注意缺陷的ADHD症状。然而，这些也可能是由于抑郁导致的。杰克的父母常常对他持批评态度并认为他没有达到他们的期望，而集中注意力、记忆和完成工作方面的困难是抑郁的常见特征。另外，杰克的成绩倾向于在环境转换阶段下降这一事实可能表明他难以应对改变。在做出诊断前，你需要全面考察这些可能性。不仅要存在症状，ADHD精确的诊断要求症状起始于儿童期，与发展阶段不相适宜而且是持续的，表现在多种场景下，引起明显的功能问题，且并非由其他任何精神障碍所引起。"}
{"instruction": "精神变态在哪些方面扩展了反社会型人格障碍的诊断标准，间歇性暴怒障碍又有什么特征和成因假设？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "中并未列出精神变态，但此概念与反社会型人格障碍有重叠。精神变态扩展了反社会型人格障碍的诊断标准，除了持续侵害他人权利和社会准则之外，还包括类似自我中心，情感肤浅，操纵，以及缺乏共情、内疚和忏悔心等特质。基因因素，尤其是那些影响5-羟色胺和多巴胺系统的基因，可能在反社会型人格障碍中起着作用。如同品行障碍，某些基因和在被剥夺的环境下成长之间的相互作用与反社会型人格障碍有关。具有反社会人格的人趋向于显示出与言语技能、计划和行为控制相关脑区的损坏。低唤醒水平可能导致了反社会型人格障碍者的冒险、无惧和无法从经验中学习。心理疗法被认为对反社会型人格障碍者不太有效。锂制剂、抗精神病药和抗癫痫药可能有助于控制他们的冲动行为。间歇性暴怒障碍的特征是长期因愤怒而间歇性地爆发，这些爆发是无害的和非破坏性的身体或言语侵犯，且是对当前情境的过度反应（例如，对一个微小的应激做出反应）。间歇性暴怒障碍可能与5-羟色胺系统不平衡或基因因素有关，但几乎没有对该障碍成因的研究。间歇性暴怒障碍的认知行为治疗以不激发其攻击性的方式帮助个体识别和避免情绪暴发的诱因，并对情况进行评估。5-羟色胺再摄取抑制剂和心境稳定剂（例如，锂制剂）也能降低有该障碍个体的攻击性。品行障碍儿童期起病品行障碍青少年期起病品行障碍终身持续性反社会行为"}
{"instruction": "作者把进食障碍的形成归结为哪三类因素的交互作用，它们各自是如何起作用的？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "任何单一因素均不足以导致神经性厌食症或神经性贪食症，但它们结合在一起则可以（图12.3）。图12.3　形成进食障碍的多种途径第一，追求苗条的社会压力确实有力地影响了人们对饮食的不健康态度，尤其是对女性。如果这些压力只是追求正常体重和保持健康，则不会如此危险。然而，发达国家中象征美女的理想体重远远低于一般女性的健康正常体重，女性因此形成了消极的体像。这导致了她们过度节食。不幸的是，过度节食为冲动性暴食创造了条件，而暴食又导致负性情绪甚至更低的自尊。第二，生物学因素与社会压力的交互作用使某些人更可能产生进食障碍。有进食障碍的人可能具有这些障碍或者激素或神经递质系统失调的遗传倾向。我们尚不清楚基因的易感性具体如何导致进食障碍症状，但是它们可能影响过度节食行为。某些人易于顺从节食和瘦身压力的另一个生物学因素是焦虑或轻度抑郁的倾向。许多有进食障碍的人，特别是有神经性贪食症的人，经常抑郁并且以冲动进食来应对他们的情绪。尽管进食障碍者的情绪问题可能是环境或由此产生的心理压力导致的，但是对某些进食障碍者来说，他们的情绪问题也可能具有生物学根源。第三，人格因素也可以与追求苗条的社会压力和/或易形成进食障碍的生物学倾向产生交互作用。完美主义、非此即彼的思维方式和低自尊，使人们更可能在追求理想形体时采用极端手段来控制体重。"}
{"instruction": "作者用三名男子的例子说明社会对性行为的判断具有什么性质，性反应周期又可以分为哪几个阶段？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "如同各个文化和历史时期的所有社会一样，我们的社会对于我们允许和不允许的性活动做出了判断。上述三名男子的行动都是由全裸或几乎全裸的女性所唤起的性冲动激发的。然而，思考一下我们的社会是如何对各个行为做出不同评判的：第一名男子的行为不仅是被允许的，也是很多电影、电视节目和商业广告所常见的；第二名男子的行为是一种性交易；只有第三名男子的行为被界定为性障碍，并且是文化规范或法律所不允许的。尽管我们可能会觉得，在现代文化中，我们只禁止那些真正“病态的”行为，但我们的判断仍然是主观和文化特定的。根据你的判断，你觉得本章中是否有一些性障碍不应该被认为是障碍，而仅仅是个人偏好？（讨论见本书末尾。）性反应周期可以分为性欲期、唤起期、平台期、高潮期和消退期。性兴趣/性欲和唤起障碍（男性性欲低下障碍、女性性兴趣/唤起障碍、勃起障碍）是最常见的性功能失调。有这些障碍的人长期体验到性欲低下或缺乏，或者性唤起缺陷。女性性高潮障碍个体在达到性反应周期中的兴奋期后，持续或反复多次发生性高潮延迟或缺失。早泄男性持续在插入前、插入时或插入后不久，（受到最轻微的性刺激后）就在希望射精之前射精。延迟射精的男性在达到性反应周期的兴奋期后，持续或反复多次发生性高潮延迟或缺失。生殖器–盆腔痛/插入障碍包括与性交相关的阴茎疼痛；"}
{"instruction": "物质滥用为何会在家庭中循环传递，尼克的饮酒行为又符合酒精使用障碍的哪些诊断标准？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "如果得到强大的环境和社会支持，许多长期滥用物质的人甚至也能够戒断这些物质。图14.5　物质相关障碍发展的生物和心理社会因素整合不管是出于生物学因素还是环境因素，当人们发现某种物质具有奖赏性时，就会对这种奖赏性形成期望，而这一期望又会反过来增强该物质实际的奖赏效果。类似地，重度物质使用者会选择支持他们使用物质的朋友和环境。他们往往寻找同为重度物质使用者的伴侣，并为子女带来增强物质使用障碍易感性的生物学或心理社会环境。因此，物质滥用的家庭循环传递，乃是生物学因素与心理社会因素共同作用的结果。赌博障碍也具有相似的过程。例如，生物学因素可能影响个体对赌博奖赏性的感受；然后个体会跟其他赌博者发生联系，后者强化了个体的赌博行为，最终赌博冲动变成病理性的。尼克的行为肯定符合酒精使用障碍的诊断标准。他不能完成自己的学习义务，并且不顾所引发的社会问题（被学校开除，以及父母威胁不再提供经济支持）而继续饮酒。他的宿醉是戒断的一个迹象，他在饮酒和恢复上花费了大量的时间，而且饮酒影响了他的成绩。尽管饮酒的加剧表明尼克需要更多的酒才能达到想要的效果，但我们并不知道尼克是否对酒精产生了耐受性。尼克看起来没有任何想要控制饮酒的意图，因此不符合试图控制物质使用这一条标准。将大学生与朋友一起饮酒的行为作为一种精神病性诊断，这似乎有点奇怪。"}
{"instruction": "不可控的长期应激如何经由免疫系统以及A型行为模式影响身体健康？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "尽管一些研究显示了成功的迹象，在其他很多研究中这样的干预对疾病的进程却不起作用。考虑到证据的不一致性，你认为心理学家应该给癌症或心血管疾病患者提供心理社会干预吗？这些干预的目标应该是什么？（讨论见本书末尾）影响应激水平的3个维度分别是不可控性、不可预测性和持续时间。战斗或逃跑反应是个体面对威胁时身体所发生的一系列生理变化。在短期内战斗或逃跑反应具有适应性，如果持续时间长则会损害身体，这种情况被称为非稳态负荷。与健康状况较差相关的心理因素包括悲观和回避型应对，而表达性写作和寻求社会支持则与较好的健康状况相关。有心理障碍的人，尤其是抑郁症，更可能出现多种身体健康问题。免疫系统通过识别并杀死病原体和肿瘤细胞来保护我们免遭疾病侵袭。不可控的长期应激、悲观情绪和回避型应对与免疫系统功能受损有关，且具有这些特征的癌症患者或艾滋病毒携带者/艾滋病人，其健康状况更差。然而，减少应激或改善应激认知的干预措施是否影响癌症的病情发展，还不是很清楚。长期应激也与冠心病有关。以时间紧迫感、易产生敌意和竞争性强为特征的A型行为模式，可预测冠心病。最能预测冠心病的A型行为模式成分是敌意。抑郁也是冠心病的预测因素之一。指导掌握技术帮助人们增加有益健康的行为。目前，在世界范围内人们正在使用互联网传播指导掌握干预法。"}
{"instruction": "被强制收容的患者享有哪些权利，历史上判定精神病辩护可接受性的五条规则又分别是什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "当患者被认为需要强制收容时，他们有权请律师、举行听证会、传唤证人及与之对质、对判决上诉以及被安置于限制最少的治疗环境中。（在紧急情况下短期强制收容的听证权经常被免除。）被强制收容后，患者有接受和拒绝治疗的权利。与没有精神障碍的人相比，患有精神障碍的人，尤其是如果同时有物质滥用史的人，某种程度上更可能做出暴力行为，特别是针对其家人和朋友。然而，精神障碍者的暴力行为发生率并不像公众和媒体认为的那样高。法律的一条基本原则是，为了接受审判，被告必须对他被指控的罪名和审判的过程有适当程度的理性了解，必须能够参与对自己的辩护。不能理解法庭上正在进行的对他们的审判以及不能参与辩护的人，被认为无受审能力。有精神病史、目前有精神病症状或在重要的认知能力测验中表现差的被告，可能会被判定为无受审能力。在近期历史上有五条规则被用来判定精神病辩护的可接受性：麦纳顿规则、不能控制规则、德赫姆规则、美国法律学会规则和精神病辩护改革法案。每一条规则都要求被告有精神障碍诊断，大部分规则要求证明被告在犯罪时不能鉴别其行为的犯罪性，或不能控制自己的行为。“有罪但患有精神病”判决的引入，是在一些受人瞩目的案件中使用精神病辩护引起公众一片哗然之后。被判有罪但患有精神病的人被关押的时间与他们应服的刑期相同，但是假定其在被监禁期间将得到精神疾病的治疗。"}
{"instruction": "为什么《宿醉》中斯图牙齿的消失能产生强烈的喜剧效果，而《宿醉2》把情节换成纹身却不再好笑？作者由此说明喜剧效果依赖于什么？", "input": "Source: 只还有一个笑话能拯救我们", "output": "我们的预期更加脱节，从而增强了喜剧效果。一名牙医的牙齿竟然不见了，他的身体也没有挣扎的迹象，这样的情节迫使我们将牙齿的消失与我们印象中善于规避风险的牙医联系起来。在影片的结尾，我们得知斯图其实是自己拔掉了牙齿，向朋友们展示他的手术实力，这证实了我们的预感，即牙齿的消失是一个真正的喜剧事件。续集《宿醉2》的开头有一个几乎相同的情节——斯图和他的朋友们醒来后，对前一晚的事情毫无记忆。我们再次看到斯图发生了翻天覆地的变化，这也要求我们看到不同元素之间的联系。《宿醉2》并没有再次描写斯图失去牙齿的故事，因为牙齿消失的常态化会降低影片的喜剧效果。相反，《宿醉2》中的斯图脸上出现了一个很大的纹身。尽管有所变化，但由于直接影响了喜剧的功能，第二次的事件缺乏第一次事件的喜剧效果。第一次牙齿的消失产生了一种喜剧效果，因为我们并没有期望斯图会掉一颗牙，更何况他是一名牙医，深知牙齿的重要性。一个人经过一夜的酗酒和厮打，醒来后发现牙齿不见了，这并不是完全不寻常的事，但由于没有身体搏斗的痕迹，这颗牙齿的消失就显得愈发不寻常了。牙齿的消失似乎不是打斗的结果，观众也很难断定这颗牙齿是如何不见的。消失的牙齿和绷着脸的牙医之间的联系违反了我们对这两个元素的惯常思维方式，因此它们之间的联系会产生一种喜剧效果。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何把成瘾与喜剧区别开来？成瘾者最初体验的创伤、他所追寻的崇高客体，为何注定失败并最终生产出纯粹的匮乏？", "input": "Source: 只还有一个笑话能拯救我们", "output": "大多数情况下，这些毒瘾都是从令人狂喜的巅峰体验开始的，成瘾者竭力想重获这种时刻，但却徒劳无功。然而，即使最初的体验是令人难以置信的享受，这种享受所带来的快感也是一种创伤。最初的享了总是与初次参与时的危险感联系在一起（例如吸食海洛因），这种危险感才使享受成为可能。对于成瘾者来说，这种最初的创伤体验会带来一种失落感，从而创造出一种崇高客体——成瘾者在后续的成瘾行为中不断追寻却永远无法复得的客体。第一次的创伤造就了客体的吸引力，但成瘾者却将吸引力与创伤分离开来，将过剩与匮乏分离开来。成瘾者试图将过剩与匮乏明确分离开来，这使上瘾与喜剧区别开来。尽管上瘾和喜剧类似，都是主体与匮乏和过剩之间关系的结果，但两者之间的关系是不同的。成瘾者本身并没有喜剧性。我们可以嘲笑关于成瘾的表述，但只有当这种表述突出了成瘾者形象中匮乏与过剩的同时发生时才可以，而成瘾者自己却看不到这种“同时发生”。成瘾者的过剩行为让人无法从喜剧中洞察过剩与匮乏之间的必然关系。成瘾者追求的是对超越匮乏的过剩、不再与匮乏有关的过剩，他们的失败是注定的。具有讽刺意味的是，成瘾者对过剩的绝对投入，最终生产出的是一个纯粹的匮乏形象。尽管社会秩序排除成瘾者，但仔细观察他们就会发现，他们的过剩生产出了压倒性的匮乏。"}
{"instruction": "作者认为柏格森的喜剧理论失败在哪里，又为什么说这一哲学上的疏忽同时也是洞察力的源泉？在柏格森看来，喜剧依赖于怎样一种转变？", "input": "Source: 只还有一个笑话能拯救我们", "output": "这一理论无法将机械化概念化为对自由的背离，因此未能看到机械化如何不仅消除了新奇性，而且还使其可见。正是机械化存在的僵化凸显了与自由的对比，而柏格森将自由和时间的开放性联系在一起。如果我们只知道这种开放性，我们就不会意识到它。从这个意义上说，机械化与主体性不可分割，正如时间性和主体性不可分割一样。① 柏格森并没有像他自己认为的那样确定了主体性及其对立面，而是实际上确定了这种主体性的两极。时间主体的自由与空间主体的僵化形成了鲜明的对比，但主体的两个方面又相互依存。时间只有通过空间化才能成为可见的时间。这是柏格森在哲学上看不到的，也导致了他的喜剧理论的片面性，但也正是这种哲学上的疏忽使他看到了喜剧中对立面的重合。柏格森理论研究的失败同时也是洞察力的源泉。喜剧依赖于转变，在这种转变中，即使身份转变为其反面，我们看到的仍然是保持不变的身份。在柏格森看来，像机器一样的人类之所以具有喜剧性，是因为当他们像机器一样行为时，他们仍然是自由的人类。虽然柏格森自己并没有意识到这一点，但这并不只发生在人机械化的时刻；当机器开始像人一样行动时，这种情况也同样会发生。《摩登时代》① 阿兰·巴迪欧的舞蹈理论很好地说明了机械化本身是如何扰乱我们的自然运动的，而不仅仅是像柏格森所说的那样，是对我们固有自由的限制。"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者说海德格尔那种处处假定受害者的哲学最终导向纳粹主义？他又用老师在课堂放屁与无家可归妇女放屁的例子，说明可悲与喜剧的区别取决于什么？", "input": "Source: 只还有一个笑话能拯救我们", "output": "他为“只看到世界上存在受害者的哲学家”似乎有悖常理。他似乎对真正的受害者视而不见。然而，正是海德格尔将德国人民视为受害者，将真实的“本体”视为现代性的受害者，才导致他走向纳粹主义。一种处处假定受害者的哲学往往会制造出更多的受害者。悲之间的明显对比才具有启发性。如果我们能分辨出这两种相关形式之间的区别，我们就能在理解喜剧结构方面取得很大的进展。在公共场合放屁的例子展示了可悲与喜剧之间的区别。有些公共场合的屁很好笑，而有些则一点也不好笑。这种差异取决于放屁者的身份。当学生们听到一位衣着正式的老师在课堂上放屁时，会觉得很滑稽。但是，如果一个无家可归的妇女在我们经过时放屁，很少有人会觉得这有什么幽默可言。这有什么区别呢？在这两种情况下，这两位女性的身体行为都超出了她的控制，但扰乱了她所处的公共空间。在衣着正式的老师身上，服饰和权威地位暗示着过剩，而屁则表达了过剩背后的有限性。无家可归的女人已经陷入有限之中。屁强调了她的匮乏和缺失。在第一种情况下，身体发出的声音是滑稽的，而在第二种情况下，则会导致一种可悲。虽然我们可以想象在每种情况下都会有不同的反应，但这些反应是由观众和相关主体之间的关系决定的。如果一个学生已经把老师看成是一个完全有限、缺乏的人，那么这个屁将是"}
{"instruction": "以巴斯特·基顿的影片为例，作者如何说明约翰尼因火车司机的身份被拒绝参军所体现的匮乏？为什么说影片结局在纠正这一匮乏的同时又生产出新的匮乏？", "input": "Source: 只还有一个笑话能拯救我们", "output": "的排除。约翰尼试图参军的情节构成了影片第一个重要的喜剧场景。约翰尼怀着必胜的信念前往征兵处，坚信此举能赢得安娜贝尔的芳心。然而就在即将入伍之际，当局通知征兵军官火车司机不得参军。因火车司机的特殊价值被拒后，约翰尼接连伪装多重身份企图蒙混过关，但每次滑稽的尝试均告失败。约翰尼虽身处南方邦联的斗争之中，却始终未能正式入伍。但对安娜贝尔来说，当一名火车司机的价值毫无意义，在她眼中，这只是懦弱的表现。约翰尼的匮乏正是源于其对战争过剩的重要性。影片结局虽纠正了这一匮乏，却因矫枉过正又生产出新的匮乏。电影史上最精彩的喜剧结局之一在此上演：当约翰尼利用火车成功阻截北方军的进攻时，邦联军不仅授予他军籍，还破格提拔他为军官。这一新身份令安娜贝尔对他刮目相看，两人冰释前嫌。然而就在约翰尼即将以一吻巩固二人关系之际，他的军官身份却意外成为了阻碍彼此重新亲近的藩篱。当这位新任军官准备亲吻安娜贝尔时，一队士兵列队经过，并因他的军衔而敬礼。约翰尼无法与安娜贝尔相吻，而必须向每位士兵回礼。正是这种体制内的归属感促使安娜贝尔接受了他的求婚，但同样也是军人的身份成为他亲吻爱人的阻碍。对基顿而言，体制的纳入并未消解匮乏，反而过剩地再生产出这种匮乏。与卓别林在社会结构之外寻找过剩不同，基顿在体制的内部发现了过剩——这种过剩成为他行动的阻碍。"}
{"instruction": "《集异璧》中译本的译者面临的最严峻挑战是什么？作者为什么把不肯重构文字游戏与结构性难点的译法称作“完全走了气的”可口可乐？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "缝里读出字来”的尝试来猜测难以捉摸的灵感。那时，对过多地进行这种尝试有所克制，并停留在比较浅的层次的忠实上，也许是明智的。然而，当作者花费了数月的时间逐段地标出“幕后”的更深层的思想的时候，当他敦促译者要大胆地在深层上重构这些段落的时候，当他甚至派了一位特使以帮助执行这一任务的时候，采纳这一方针看来肯定是更为合理的。在阅读了《集异璧》的西班牙文、德文译文的初稿后，我对译者不采纳重构书中的文字游戏和反映所有的结构性难点的方法时所造成的后果已经十分熟悉了。我把这么做的结果描述为“完全走了气的”——所有的泡沫都跑光了的——可口可乐。幸运的是，由于在这本书中这类问题俯拾即是，所以刘皓明和严勇不久便开始认识到接受我的挑战，去摸索对应的文字游戏、对应的结构性双关等等会是何等地激动人心——事实上，这的确非常激动人心。因此，与把中译本搞得洋腔洋调的做法相反，他们可以将他们的创造力发挥到极致，并有希望搞出一本光彩闪烁、辉煌夺目、甚至会使人受“愚弄”的书——它看起来是如此中国化，以至于几乎无法想象它能在另一种语言里存在！最严峻的挑战要算是那些对话，这要求想办法在中文里制造出原文是英文的藏头诗、用汉字去替代组字画中原先的英文单词、对原文稍加改动以使精心构造的文字游戏得以建立和显得自然"}
{"instruction": "作者用“唱片”这个比喻想说明什么？为什么只要外星人能以别的方式激活其脑中相应结构，就不必真的“听见”声音？贝多芬这样的失聪作曲家为何不构成反例？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "就是要在他们的脑中激活某些结构，以产生出类似于我们在听这段曲子时所体验到的那种情感。事实上，甚至可以不通过产生声音，只要他们能以某种别的方式使用唱片来激活他们大脑中的适当结构就行了（如果我们人类能够用别的办法来顺序地触发我们大脑中的适当结构，像音乐所起的作用那样，我们也完全会满足于绕过声音——但是，不用耳朵来接受音乐似乎是极难以想象的。失聪的作曲家——贝多芬、德沃夏克、福莱——或那些看着乐谱就能“听到”音乐的音乐家的存在并不与上述说法相矛盾。他们的这种能力是基于以前数十年的直接听觉体验之上的）。至此一切都变得复杂了。外星人也有情感吗？如果有的话，是否可能与我们的情感建立起不论何种意义下的对应关系？如果他们确实具有多少与我们相类似的情感，那么这些情感是否也是以多少与我们相同的方式联结在一起的呢？他们是否能理解诸如“悲剧性的美”或“勇敢地忍受”这样的复合概念？如果我们终将发现宇宙中的各种智慧生物在认识结构上与我们是如此相同，以致于情感都是彼此重迭的，那么在某种意义上，这张唱片将永远不会脱离它的自然环境，而这种环境就是事物的自然体系的一部分。如果真是这样的话，一个遨游天际的唱片只要不在途中损坏，最后就很可能被一个或一群外星人得到，并以一种我们会认为是成功的方式释读出"}
{"instruction": "为什么用同一种语言描述心智的所有层次会造成大量的层次混淆与错误理论？计算机系统在多个层次上共存描述的情况又如何成为类比？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "由于目前我们差不多是用同一种语言描述所有的心智层次，这显然就造成了大量的层次混淆和许多错误的理论。例如，我们谈论“驱力”——但不知道这些驱力在人的心智结构中出自何处。我不想就此进一步讨论，只想说明我们进行自我认识时的混乱与下述事实有关：我们是由许多层次构成的，同时我们用重叠的语言在所有这些层次上描述我们自己。计算机系统在另一个领域中也有这样的情况：对同一个系统有许多层次的描述共存，而且这些层次在概念上彼此非常接近。我这里指的是计算机系统。当一个计算机程序在运行的时候，可以在若干个层次上观察它。在每一层上，描述都是用计算机科学的语言给出的，这使得所有这些描述都多多少少地彼此相似——然而不同的层次上得到的见解仍然极其不同的。在最低层，描述会复杂得就像对电视屏幕上光点的描述一样。但就某些目的而言，这是最重要的视角。在最高层，描述极大程度地组块化，给人一种完全不同的感觉，尽管事实上许多概念都是最低层和最高层所共有的。高层描述中的组块类似于棋术大师的组块，也类似于屏幕图像的组块化描述：它们以简略的形式概括了若干在低层看来是不同的东西（见图 57）。我们还是先别把事情搞得太抽象，先看看有关计算机的一些具体事实吧。我们来简述一下从最低层看计算机系统是什么样的。"}
{"instruction": "侯世达如何区分由“可靠的”子系统组成的系统与行为取决于大量无法直接观测的微观参数的系统？这两类系统的组块化模型有什么不同？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "有像导线这样的构件，其行为方式是可以准确预测的，其导电过程服从欧姆定律这样一个非常精确的组块化定律，这类似于气罐里的煤气所服从的定律。因为导线的行为取决于统计效应，其中成千上万的随机事件彼此抵消，导致了整体行为的可预测性。计算机中也有像打印机这样的宏观构件，它们的行为完全决定于电流的精确模式。打印机的打印结果可不是被大量相互抵消的微观效应造成的。事实上，对大多数计算机程序来说，程序中每一位的值都对打印的结果起着关键性的作用。如果任何一位被改变，输出也会大幅度地改变。那些仅仅由“可靠的”子系统组成的系统 ——即其子系统的行为都可以从组块化的描述中可靠地被预测出来——在我们的日常生活中发挥着无法估量的重要作用，因为它是稳定性的柱石。我们可以相信墙不会倒、人行道今天和昨天通向同一个地方、太阳会发光、钟表会指示正确的时间，如此等等。这种系统的组块化模型实际上是完全确定的。当然，另一类系统在我们的生活中也起了很大作用，它们的行为是可变的，取决于某些我们无法直接观测的微观参数——而且这些参数往往为数众多。对这样的系统来说，我们的组块化模型必须以操作空间的形式出现，并且能对结果落入空间的不同区域的可能性给出概率估计。正像我已经指出的那样，煤气罐是一个可靠"}
{"instruction": "为什么说符号不能被孤立地唤醒这一事实并没有抹掉不同符号的个性，反而恰恰相反？一个符号的个性究竟存在于何处？把大脑想象成一个“ATN群”又意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "于是我们又可以转到由彼此交织的ATN组成的一个完整网络——一个由相互作用的递归过程组成的异层结构。在那里，缠绕是固有的，每个ATN都不能孤立地被激活，但它的激活又完全是可辨别的，不会与任何其它ATN相混淆。看来把大脑想象成一个ATN群并不算太荒唐！类似地，相互之间存在多重联系的符号也是交织在一起，但又应当能彼此区分的。这可能涉及到识别神经网络，即一个网络及其激活方式 ——或者也可能是某种完全不同的东西。无论在何种情况下，如果符号是现实的一部分，那大概就能用一种自然的方式把它们在一个真实的大脑中描绘出来。但是，如果某些符号最终在大脑中被辨识出来，这也不意味着其中的任何一个可以被孤立地唤醒。符号不能被孤立地唤醒这一事实并没有抹杀不同符号的个性。事实上完全相反，一个符号的个性恰恰存在于它与其它符号的相互联系（通过潜在的触发线路）之中。符号通过网络潜在地相互触发，而这网络就构成了大脑的工作模型，一个关于真实宇宙以及它所考虑到的其它可能宇宙的工作模型（后者对个体在真实宇宙中的生存来说，其重要性一点也不亚于前者）。昆虫的符号我们从类中产生例和从例中产生类的能力存在于智能的基础之中，它是人的思维与其它动物的思维过程的一个重要区别。并非我曾属于其它物种，从而得到了第一手资料，能说明像它们那"}
{"instruction": "侯世达为什么把“山”这一符号比作计算机术语中的共用（可重入）编码？当一个符号同时是几个不同子系统的部分时，激活它会带来什么结果？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "登上峰顶瞭望四周景色时的愉悦感虽不那么基本，却也几乎是每个人都会有的。因此，我的大脑中产生这种愉悦感的复杂机制可以直接搬到“朋友子系统”中去，而且不会太走样。我们可以接着做下去，尝试去描绘我怎样完整不漏地理解朋友讲给我的一个故事，一个充满了复杂的人际关系和心灵体验的故事。可是我们的术语很快就会变得不够用了。当涉及对这个或那个事情的他所表示的我所表示的他的表示时，就会现出复杂的递归。假如故事中还有我们共同的朋友，那么我会在我自己关于他们的形象和我关于他那里对他们形象的表示之间寻找调和。纯粹递归在处理这种类型的符号混合物时显然是种不适用的形式手段。况且我们只不过才触及到问题的表面！我们目前实在缺乏词汇去描述符号之间可能有的复杂的相互作用。所以在我们陷入窘境之前还是止步为好。不过我们应该注意，计算机系统在某些方面已经开始达到同样类型的复杂性，而这些概念中的一部分也因此有了名称。例如，我的“山”符号就类似于计算机术语中的共用（可重入）编码 ——那些可同时被运行在一台计算机上的两个或更多的分时程序使用的编码。当一个符号同时是几个不同子系统的部分时，激活它就会有不同的结果。这一事实可以作这样的解释：那个符号的编码在被不同的解释程序处理。所以，“山”符"}
{"instruction": "按机械论者的论点，什么样的系统便不再算作机器，而应说它是被“创造出来的心智”？为什么一个能正确回答哥德尔型问题的系统“因此就不是图灵器”？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "对于机械论者的论点来说，关键是心智的机械模型将按照“机械原则”运转，也就是说，我们可以从各个部分的运转去理解整体的运转，而每个部分的运转或者取决于它的初始状态和机器的结构，或者是在一定数目的确定的运转之间作一个随机选择。如果机械论者造出了一台机器，复杂得这一切都不能很好地保持下去，那么对于我们现在的讨论而言，它就不再是一台机器了，无论它是怎样建造的。相反，我们应该说是创造了一个心智，和现在人类生育是同一种意义。于是产生新的心智的方式就会有两种：传统的方式——即妇女生小孩——和新的方式，即建造非常非常复杂的系统：比如说电子管和继电器组成的系统。当谈到第二种方式时，我们应该注意强调，虽然创造出来的东西看上去像台机器，但却不是真正的机器，因为它不单是部分的总和。一个人仅仅知道它的构造及其各部分的初始状态，是无法说出它将会做些什么的，他甚至无法说出它能力的极限在哪里，因为即使给它一个哥德尔型问题，它也会正确回答。事实上我们应该简单地说，那些没有被哥德尔问题所难倒的系统因此就不是图灵器，即，就它们对哥德尔问题的反应而言，在这种意义上，它们不是机器。在读这段文章时，我不断地被那一连串的话题、引喻、暗指、混淆以及结论弄得不知所措。我们从卡罗尔式的悖论跳到哥德尔再跳到图灵再"}
{"instruction": "侯世达如何以烟草花叶病毒的自复制为例说明自组装？“整个构造的信息散布在它的各个部分之中”这一思想又如何引出了《一位烟民富于启发性的思想》里螃蟹的遭遇？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "程中指挥主体细胞的那些比较复杂的病毒。像病毒这样复杂的自组装生物结构的概念，会使我们想到建造复杂的自组装机器的可能性。设想有这样一系列的零部件，当把它们放入一个适当的背景环境中时，就能通过某种方式自动地集合起来形成一台复杂的机器。这似乎不着边际，实际上却是描述烟草花叶病毒依靠自组装来进行自复制的过程的一种精确方式。有机体（或机器）的整个构造的信息，散布在它的各个部分之中，而不是集中在某一个地方。这个概念还能引导我们走向一个奇怪的方向，如在《一位烟民富于启发性的思想》中所看到的那样。在那里，我们看到螃蟹如何利用这样一种思想：自组装信息可以四下散开，而不集中在一处。他希望这能防止他的唱机毁于乌龟的破坏手段。不幸的是，正像那些最最精致的公理模式一样，一旦这个系统建立起来并“梳理”完毕，它的良定义性就使它要受到一个足够聪明的“哥德尔化算子”的攻击，而这就是螃蟹所讲的那些令人伤心的故事。尽管看起来荒唐，对话中异想天开情节的与现实的距离并不那么遥远，它就存在于陌生的、梦幻般的细胞世界之中。两个突出的问题：分化与形态发生这样，自组装可以是构造细胞的某些子单元以及某些病毒的手段——可是构造那些极为复杂的宏观结构——比如大象或蜘蛛的躯体，或者维氏捕蝇草——的手段是什么呢？"}
{"instruction": "侯世达如何用一个袖珍计算器说明“关于怎样加、怎样乘的知识不是编码在数据中”？由此引出的程序与数据的区分又有哪些不易之处？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "章中所看到的，涉及到“内省可达的”和“内省不可达的”这样两类知识间的区别。认为所有知识都应能被编码成被动的数据，这种朴素设想实际上是与关于计算机设计的大部分基本事实相矛盾的。这就是说，关于怎样加、怎样减、怎样乘等等的知识不是编码在数据中并存在存储器内的。事实上，这些知识不是放在存储器中的某个地方，而是体现在硬件的线路里。一个袖珍计算器并没有在其存储器中存放加法的做法，这个知识是编码在它的“内脏”中的。如果有人说：“请指给我看在这个机器中加法的做法存在哪里！”，那么这种地方是找不到的。但在人工智能中大量的工作都是与这样一些系统有关的：它们大部分知识都存放在特定的地点——也就是采用描述性的方式。当然，某些知识必须被嵌入在程序中，因为否则的话所得到的就根本不是一个程序，仅仅是一部百科全书了。问题在于怎样才能把知识分成程序和数据。不管怎么说，把程序和数据区分开也并非总是轻而易举的。我希望这一点在第十六章中已经说得够明白的了。但在一个系统的开发过程中，如果程序员直观地感到某些项应当是数据（或程序），那将对该系统的结构产生相当大的影响，因为人编程序的时候总是倾向于把那些像数据的对象和那些像程序的对象区分开。必须指出，原则上把信息编码成数据结构或过程的任何方式都是同样好的，也就是说如果你"}
{"instruction": "侯世达所说的“精神隔板”是什么？它如何防止思想像自由联想时那样四处溢流？译员以及斯坦纳的多语经验又说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "通过其中一个达到那个符号，并非就打开了所有其它出入口。因此当我伸手把它打开的时候，我不太可能联想起我躺在地上把它往车上装的情景。反之，当我躺在地上拧螺丝的时候，大概也不会想起我用它听《赋格的艺术》的时光。在一个符号的这些方面之间是有一些“隔板”的，它们使得我的思想不至于像在自由联想时那样四处溢流。我的精神隔板是重要的，因为它们为我的思想流提供了容器和渠道。有一个地方这些隔板非常僵硬：它们把不同语言中对应于同一个事物的词隔离开来了。如果这些隔板不是强有力的，一个会两种语言的人就可能不时在两种语言之间滑来滑去，这将使人感到很不舒服。当然，一个同时学习两种新语言的成年人常常会把二者的词汇搞混——语言间的隔板太薄，很易冲破。那些译员们是很有趣的，因为他们可以说任意一种语言，好像他们的隔板是坚不可摧的，而一旦需要，他们又能取消这些隔板，允许从一种语言进入另一种语言，这样他们才能翻译。斯坦纳的母语有三种，他在《巴别塔之后》中用了几页的篇幅来谈法语、英语和德语在他思维的各个层次上的相互混合，以及他的几种不同的语言是怎样为进入概念提供不同的出入口的。受迫匹配看出两个概念在某个抽象层次上具有共同的概念骨架之后，会产生各种各样的后果。通常在第一阶段你把二者都收入“镜头”，而且用高层"}
{"instruction": "作者为什么把非平衡态热力学与“基层水平”上的政治学相类比？他又如何借助政府与伪科学中的例子，说明“缠结”与自我实现的预言？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "因为对气体行为的最终解释永远是在分子水平上完成的，正像对社会的政治行为的最终解释永远是在“基层水平”上完成的一样。非平衡态热力学这个领域中的研究目标就是发现一些宏观规律，以此来描述偏离平衡态的气体（以及其它系统）的行为。它和政治学中研究无政府社会所遵循的规律的那个分支相类似。美国政府中还有另外一些稀奇古怪的缠结，诸如联邦调查局调查它本身的错误、一个县长负担着县长的责任的同时又被送入监狱、议会程序规则的自我应用，如此等等（在其它国家的政坛上也有类似的情形）。我所听说过的一个最稀奇古怪的法律案件牵连到一个自称有特异功能的人。实际上，他自称能用他的特异功能测验人的特征，这样就可以协助律师挑选陪审员。那么如果有一天这种“特异功能”被用于对他自己的审判，会出现什么情况呢？这对一个坚信“超感官知觉”存在的陪审员会产生什么影响？他会在多大程度上觉得受到了特异功能的影响（不论这种特异功能是真是假）？开拓这个领域的时机已经成熟——这里充满了自我实现的预言。与科学和鬼话有关的缠结谈到特异功能和超感官知觉，生活中充满了怪圈的领域就是伪科学。伪科学的所作所为总是使正统科学的许多标准信念和过程成为疑问，因此对科学的客观性构成了挑战。一些与已有的证据解释方式相竞争的新方式被提出来了，但你该"}
{"instruction": "达利欧在《国家为什么会破产》中为什么说，当短期债务周期层层累积成长期债务周期后，债务负担会在周期后期让货币政策陷入两难？", "input": "Source: 国家为什么会破产大周期", "output": "短期债务周期的累积形成长期债务周期人们往往忽略了这些短期债务周期如何层层累积，最终演变成长期债务周期。信贷如同兴奋剂，能带来经济快感，这使得市场对信贷创造始终存在偏好。其结果是债务水平随时间不断攀升，以致大多数债务的短期周期性高点和低点通常都超越前一个周期。这种累积效应最终构建起长期债务周期，直至债务因变得不可持续而终结。在大债务周期的早期阶段，债务负担较轻，信贷资金尚能投向高回报项目，此时举债空间较为充裕；而到了周期后期，债务高企，贷款人所能找到的优质投资项目已寥寥无几。在长期债务周期的早期阶段，举债（甚至是高额举债）和偿债都相对容易。而早期的短期债务周期的运行机制主要受两个因素驱动：一是信贷可获得性与借贷经济性；二是由近期银根紧缩带来的痛苦记忆所促成的持续性谨慎心理。当大债务周期处于早期阶段时，由于债务总额和偿债支出相对于收入及其他资产规模仍然较低，此时信贷扩张/收缩、支出波动、债务水平及偿债压力的变化，主要受市场激励机制主导，系统性风险相对可控。但随着周期演进至后期阶段，当债务及偿债成本相对于收入水平及可偿债资产价值显著上升时，违约风险将显著加剧。此外，在大债务周期后期阶段，当债务性资产与负债规模远超收入基数时，货币政策将陷入双重困境：利率水平必须既满足债权人收益要求，又匹配债务人承受能力。"}
{"instruction": "在达利欧的分析框架里，生产率扮演了什么角色，它又如何影响货币与信贷扩张时的通胀表现？", "input": "Source: 国家为什么会破产大周期", "output": "通胀则会显著攀升。这些原理解释了为何周期的早期（当存在大量过剩产能且中央银行采取刺激政策时）以强劲增长和低通胀为特征，而周期的晚期通常表现为增长疲软和物价大幅上涨。这便是周期性通胀与增长的表现形式。在后文中，我们将更详细地探讨这一过程，并深入分析货币性通胀和通胀性萧条的具体表现。生产率在这一分析框架中扮演了怎样的角色？如果生产率增长强劲，生产者在货币与信贷扩张时就能提供更多产出，从而让非通胀性增长持续更长时间。当然，生产率的直接测算往往面临挑战，因为它既可能体现为产品质量升级，也可能表现为边际成本持续下降，直至归零（如照片和电子书的制作成本的演变）。现在，让我们深入剖析买家支出金额与卖家销售数量背后的决策动因。为避免陷入个别商品的微观分析，我将从宏观分类切入，提炼出影响各类交易数量的通用规律。人们购买商品和服务是为了使用，购买投资则是为了赚钱（作为财富的储存手段）。他们在商品和服务上的支出与在投资上的支出之间的比例，取决于他们想使用的商品和服务的成本相对于他们可支配的货币和信贷的数量，以及购买商品和服务相对于购买金融资产的吸引力。当然，他们选择购买哪些商品和服务以及哪些金融资产，也有各自的原因。人们选择将货币和信贷用于何处，取决于物品的相对吸引力。人们持续进行着两个维度的比较决策：（1）不同物品间的替代选择（如股票相对于债券、牛肉相对于鸡肉、货币相对于黄金）；"}
{"instruction": "达利欧列举的塑造世界的力量中，自然灾害的增多与人类的创造力尤其是人工智能，分别被他如何描述？", "input": "Source: 国家为什么会破产大周期", "output": "干旱、洪水和疫情正在增加，且代价日益高昂。尽管产生这种现象的原因尚存争议，但已发生的事实是无可争辩的。人类对自然的污染和破坏、更高的人口密度、全球范围内更紧密的接触（由国际旅行的增加而产生），以及因土地开发而与其他物种更密切的接触（导致疾病在动物与人类之间传播）都是产生这种现象的原因。我们经常在新闻中看到这种现象，最近的一个例子是洛杉矶野火。几乎可以肯定的是，这些问题将变得更加严重。与其他力量一样，这一力量也与其他重大力量交织在一起，塑造着正在发生的事情。例如，发达国家面临的移民问题（气候变化导致的移民压力）和欠发达国家面临的生存环境问题（人们正努力适应干旱、洪水和其他变化）显然因自然灾害的增加而恶化，而由于几乎所有国家都面临债务问题，因此能够用于缓解这些问题的资金也远远不足。5.人类的创造力，最重要的是新技术的发明创造科技的巨大进步，尤其是人工智能，将极大地影响所有领域的思维，无论是积极的还是消极的。回顾历史，科技进步提高了人们的生活水平和预期寿命，用于创造经济和军事力量，也在战争中造成了巨大的破坏。科技进步与其他4种力量密切相关。当科技进步得到良好的金融、经济和社会环境的支持时，其发展速度会比在不良环境下更快。但如果科技进步依赖于不可持续的信贷扩张，就往往会导致金融泡沫和泡沫破裂。"}
{"instruction": "达利欧为什么说靠水晶球谋生的人注定要吃碎玻璃这句话一直萦绕在他心头？他借此如何描述自己押注未来的方法？", "input": "Source: 国家为什么会破产大周期", "output": "（b）在可能释放生产性支出并提高效率的领域削减税收和监管。我眼中的未来在这一章里，我会依据对现状的判断，以及我所秉持的、基于重要因果关系总结出的变化发生原则，来展望未来。我想你会觉得这一章充满争议，却又趣味十足、价值颇高。有一句话一直萦绕在我心头，因为它屡屡应验，它就是“靠水晶球谋生的人注定要吃碎玻璃”。我知道，我取得的成功更多是因为我懂得如何应对未知，而非依赖已知。所以，我想先简单讲讲我是如何对未来下注的。押注未来从我投资生涯的很早期开始，我就基于观察驱动市场和经济发展的因果关系来寻找决策方法。我看到我识别出的因果关系如何与万事万物相互作用，像一台永动机一样推动着事物随时间发展。看到这台永动机如何推动一切的发生，让我相信一切（除了量子世界）都是注定的，如果有一个能考虑到每个因果关系的完美模型，我们几乎就能完美地预测未来。我认为，阻碍完美预测的唯一因素是我们理解和模拟所有这些因果动态的能力，而且我相信，我们借助AI会离实现这个目标越来越近。大多数人并不这样看待事物。他们认为未来是不可知的，命运并不存在。我确信这种观点总体上是错误的，而且我相信，对那些寻求、获取并运用我们越来越容易获得的认知的人来说，这种观点的错误性会很快变得更加明显。在我的职业生涯中，我通过构建计算机专家系统来描述这些因果动态而取得了成功；"}
{"instruction": "达利欧认为民主制度失效时会发生什么？历史上从民主向专制的权力转移通常以何种方式完成？", "input": "Source: 国家为什么会破产大周期", "output": "正如我之前所解释的那样，这种冲突时期往往是向更专制的政府形式过渡的时候。当民主制度失败时，专制制度便会取而代之。在各个国家内部，极右翼、温和中间派以及极左翼之间的民粹主义冲突正日益加剧，随之而来的是重大的政治转变（大多是向极右翼方向转变）以及由这些转变引发的革命性变革。在这样一种多劳多得、不劳无获的环境中，生产力最低下的人和最贫穷的人将遭受最大的痛苦。正如历史告诉我们的那样，这种情况通常会带来具有威胁性的后果。在混乱时期，金融、政治和军事力量比法律更为重要，而专制制度通常比软弱、混乱的集体主义更为有效。我们现在正在目睹这部充满戏剧性的电影的高潮：唐纳德·特朗普和他的政府团队掌控美国，试图通过“让美国再次伟大”来扭转其衰落。他试图通过重建美国的竞争力来实现这一目标。与此同时，我们也看到许多国家、行业和公司的领导人，以及广大民众都在努力超越他人。这种竞争现在已经激烈到了一个程度：竞争者甚至愿意消灭对手。正如历史所示，从民主制度向专制制度的权力转移通常是在民主框架内有序进行的，因为人们厌倦了制度失效，并希望将权力交给一位能够掌控局面并使其有效运转的领导人。显然，这种情况现在正在发生。但同样，在权力转移之后，新领导人在重大冲突时期总是会采取措施巩固权力（更专制的领导人会更为强硬地这样做）。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何用猴子爬到树枝上的例子，来区分环境中统计上的不可预测性与由其他生物蓄意设计的危险？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "物行为被编程的方式也可对应归入可控数量的一般性突发事件的类别中。应对实际的突发事件只能向应对这些一般类别的方式靠拢，因此必然会出现明显的错误。我们在树上看到的动物可能来自一个延续了许多年的树栖祖先谱系。总的来说，其祖先经历自然选择时所栖身的树木与今天的树木大致相同。那些当时行之有效的普遍行为准则，比如“不要爬到太细小的枝杈上”，现在依然管用。但任何一棵树在细节上都不可避免地与另一棵树的有所不同。比如树叶生长的位置略有不同，树枝断裂所需的应力只能通过它们的直径加以粗略地估计，等等。无论我们的适应主义信仰多么坚定，我们都只能指望动物是统计平均意义上的优化者，而不是每个细节的完美预测者。到目前为止，我们只是认为环境在统计上是复杂的，因此很难预测。从我们身为动物的角度来看，我们并未考虑过它具有主动恶意。当猴子冒险爬到树枝上时，树枝肯定不是出于怨恨而故意折断。但这条“树枝”可能是一条伪装的巨蟒，那么我们的猴子在其生命中所犯的最后错误就不是意外，而在某种意义上是蓄意设计的。猴子生活的环境中有一部分是非生命的，或者至少对猴子的存在而言是中立的，猴子在这方面所犯的错误可以归结为统计上的不可预测性。但其所在环境的其他部分由生物组成，而这些生物本身则以牺牲猴子为代价来获利。"}
{"instruction": "作者为什么说一个载具的价值与它所包含的越轨复制因子的数量成反比？他如何把这一点与群体选择理论作类比？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "另有人提出，无论何时出现越轨基因，自然选择都会对许多其他基因座上的修饰基因表现出青睐，以至于越轨基因的表型效应会被抹消，因而了无踪迹。从这种意见可以推导出，越轨基因的存在将是短暂的现象。然而，这并不是说它们可以忽略不计：如果基因组中充斥着越轨基因的抑制基因，那么这本身就是越轨基因的一个重要影响，即使它们最初的表型效应并未显现。我将在后面的章节中讨论修饰基因的相关性。从某种意义上说，一种“载具”的价值与它所包含的越轨复制因子的数量成反比。离散载具最大化一个单一量——适合度——的想法依赖于一个假设，即该载具所服务的复制因子都能从这一共有载具的相同属性和行为中获益。如果一些复制因子会从载具的行为X中受益，而其他复制因子会从载具的行为Y中受益，那么这一载具相应地就不太可能表现得像一个连贯的单位。它将具有某种人类组织的属性，就像由一个争吵不休、互相扯皮的委员会来管理，无法显示出决断力和目标的一致性。这里可以将其与群体选择做一下粗略类比。将生物群体作为有效的基因载具这一理论的问题之一是，越轨基因（从群体的角度来看）很可能出现并受到自然选择的青睐。如果我们依据群体选择来假定个体制约因素的演化，那么在一个利他主义的群体中，一个使个体表现得自私的基因就类似于一个越轨基因。"}
{"instruction": "作者为什么怀疑铁匠手臂因锻炼而产生的适应性变化能够遗传？他对伯内特克隆选择理论中那种人为刻意的选择过程提出了什么批评？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "铁匠的手臂能够欣然拥抱克隆选择吗？肌肉锻炼带来的适应性变化能遗传吗？我对此大为怀疑。铁匠手臂里的条件并不适合自然选择发挥作用，自然选择不太可能青睐那些在有氧环境中茁壮成长的细胞更甚于那些喜欢厌氧生化环境的细胞，然后再把成功的基因逆转录到种系中恰当的染色体的基因座上。但即使此类事情在免疫系统之外是可能的，也面临一个重大的理论困难。问题是这样的。在克隆选择中取得成功的特质，必然是那些使细胞优于同一躯体内竞争细胞的特质。这些特质未必与躯体的整体利益相关，且我们对越轨基因的讨论已表明，它们甚至很可能与躯体的整体利益发生冲突。事实上，在我看来，伯内特理论本身有一点不太令人满意，那就是其核心的选择过程是“人为刻意”的。根据假设，那些产生中和入侵抗原的抗体的细胞会以牺牲其他细胞为代价进行增殖。但这种增殖并不是由于其具有任何内在的细胞优势；相反，那些没有冒着生命危险去抑制抗原，反而自私地把任务留给其同僚的细胞，从表面上看，应该有内在优势。这一理论必须引入一种武断而又十分大度的选择规则，这种规则似乎是自上而下强加的，只是为了让那些对整个躯体有益的细胞能够增多。这就好像是身为人类的养狗者故意选择了那些表现出利他英雄主义的狗，以应对危险一样。养狗者也许能做到这一点，但自然选择做不到。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论证被寄生蜗牛额外增厚的壳可能是一种吸虫的适应而非蜗牛自身的适应？他所说的两种最优壳厚指什么？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "没有直接的利害关系，但新一代蜗牛的产生与吸虫确实有利害关系。这是事实，但在我们用这一事实来预测选择作用将青睐那些强化蜗牛生殖的吸虫适应之前，我们必须非常谨慎。我们要问的问题是，假定以牺牲蜗牛生存为代价来帮助蜗牛生殖的基因在吸虫基因库中占主导地位，这时选择是否会倾向于以下吸虫基因呢？这些“自私的”基因会牺牲特定蜗牛宿主的生殖，甚至以寄生的方式阉割蜗牛，只为延长宿主的寿命，从而促进自己的生存繁衍。除非在特殊情况下，否则答案必然是肯定的；这种罕见的基因会侵入吸虫基因库，因为它将有大量现成的新生蜗牛可利用，而这些新生蜗牛之所以得来全不费功夫，是因为当前吸虫种群“积极”促成，因为这一种群中的大多数吸虫具有某种“公益精神”，以促进蜗牛生殖为己任。换句话说，以牺牲蜗牛的生存为代价来支持蜗牛生殖并不是吸虫的演化稳定策略。那些成功地将蜗牛的资源投入从生殖转移到生存的吸虫基因将在吸虫基因库中受到青睐。因此，认为在被寄生的蜗牛身上观察到的壳的额外增厚是一种吸虫的适应，这是完全合理的。基于这一假设，蜗牛壳表型就是一种共有的表型，受吸虫基因和蜗牛基因的影响，就像河狸水坝是多个河狸个体的基因共有的表型一样。那么根据该假设，蜗牛壳的最优厚度有两种：较厚的吸虫最优厚度和较薄的蜗牛最优厚度。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何描述基因表型表达从细胞质、细胞到组织和整个生物体的这条链条？寄生虫基因与宿主基因对同一表型特征的效力可能在哪一环上汇合？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "不过也有一些值得注意的例外，比如前面提到的甲壳类动物的寄生阉割。解剖学可分为大体解剖学和显微解剖学两部分。大体解剖学是借助解剖器械切割尸体，用肉眼观察各器官、系统的形态和结构的科学。宿主—寄生虫关系分类的第三个维度涉及两者从所谓“亲密无间”到“敬而远之”的连续体。所有基因发挥作用的主要途径都是充当蛋白质合成的模板。因此，基因体现其效力的首要场所是细胞，特别是基因所在的细胞核周围的细胞质。信使RNA通过核膜，介导细胞质生化机制的遗传控制。因此基因的表型表达首先体现在它对细胞质生化机制的影响上。这随即又影响了整个细胞的形态和结构，以及它与邻近细胞的化学和物理相互作用的特质。这些又会影响多细胞组织的形成，进而影响发育中的身体中各种组织的分化。最后呈现出的是整个生物体的属性，大体解剖学家和动物行为学家在他们各自的研究层次上将其确定为基因的表型表达。当寄生虫基因与宿主基因对相同的宿主表型特征发挥共同效力时，两种效力的汇合可能发生在刚才所描述的那根链条的任何一环上。蜗牛基因，以及寄生在蜗牛身上的吸虫的基因，在细胞甚至组织水平上各自发挥效力。它们对各自所在细胞的细胞质化学机制的影响是彼此独立的，因为它们不共有细胞。它们对组织形成的影响也是判然有别的，因为蜗牛组织并没有被吸虫组织无孔不入式地渗透，这与地衣中"}
{"instruction": "作者用场与辐射的比喻想说明延伸的表型的什么观念？他为什么认为把基因影响范围限定在个体体壁之内毫无道理？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "生生不息的延伸之网。为了强调这种差异，就让我借用这种纪录片旁白式的叙事，但以一种迥然不同的方式，来解释延伸的表型和远距离遗传作用的观念。种系染色体中的基因座是一种竞争激烈的不动产。参与这场竞争的便是等位复制因子。世界上大多数复制因子都是通过击败所有可用的替代等位基因而为自身赢得一席之地的。它们取得胜利、令对手败北的武器，是各自的表型结果。这些表型结果通常被认为局限于复制因子周围的一个小区域，其边界由复制因子所在细胞所属生物个体的体壁所定义。但是，鉴于基因对表型的因果影响的本质，以这种武断的方式限制其影响范围毫无道理，就像认为这种影响仅限于细胞内生化机制一样没道理。我们必须把每一个复制因子看作对整个世界产生影响的一个“场”的中心。因果影响从复制因子辐射出去，但其效力不会遵循任何简单的数学定律而随着距离衰减。它会沿着可用的途径，向任何可及之处传播，无论远近。这些途径可以是细胞内生化机制的，可以是细胞间化学和物理相互作用的，也可以是身体形态和生理的。通过各种物理和化学介质，它辐射出个体的躯体范围，触及外部世界的实体。这些实体可以是无生命的造物，甚至可以是其他生物活体。正如每个基因都是对世界产生影响的辐射场的发散中心一样，每个表型特征都是来自生物个体体内和体外众多基因的影响的收敛中心。"}
{"instruction": "本书的撰稿者希望以什么样的方式向读者呈现德勒兹的概念，他们为什么强调这些概念在哲学内外有什么用，而不只是它们是什么？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "我以这个切入角度开头是因为，这里的作者和我恰好是以这 2 德勒兹:关键概念（原书第2版）种精神来撰稿的，我们试图促进这种友谊的叠合，而德勒兹正是通过这种友谊来生活、写作并且教学的蔦这种灵光的闪现以及与德勒兹著作的相遇把读者卷入了一个变得精神失常的过程，一个令人兴奋的、富有创造力的但却令人窘迫的过程，而我们则将要以阅读德勒兹所需要的那种活力来享受，甚至是品味这个过程。德勒兹著作的魅力需要我们以别样的方式去思考，因此，对于德勒兹从一系列的学科兴趣和跨学科联系阐发出来的那些具体作品和概 2 念，这里的撰稿者便通过别样的方式给予读者以指导。在准备这些文章的过程中，作者们已经注意到，不仅要展示所选的这些概念是（述）什么，而且尤其要注意这些概念在哲学内外有什么用（do）。作者们思考的是这个（些）概念所牵涉的“近似的其他概念”，它们和别的作品、作家以及别的思考领域之间的交叉与联系, 而不是必然地要把每个概念限制在它的根本的实质上。最重要的是，这些文章的目的就是通过向读者们表明：虽然他的概念被定位在一个错综复杂、深奥微妙的哲学关系网中，但它们对在哲学领域之外形成批判性反思也是可以理解和使用的，借此鼓励新老学生去阅读德勒兹的原始文本。在这篇导论中，我计划为思考德勒兹的著作提供一个一般性"}
{"instruction": "德勒兹和加塔利拒绝让核心家庭和俄狄浦斯情结具有决定性，这与马克思拒绝让劳动从属于资本的决定性有什么相似之处？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "人领域和表象模式上— 核心家庭和资本。马克思通过拒绝让劳动从属于资本的决定性，从而把资产阶级政治经济学转化成了革命的唯物主义；同样，德勒兹和加塔利通过拒绝核心家庭和俄狄浦斯情结的决定性，从而把资产阶级的精神分析转化成了革命的唯物主义。止如在马克思那里，世界史的冃的是把劳动力从它那外部规定的最后的也是程度最髙的抽象中•从资本对它的异化中解放出来；对于德勒兹和加塔利来说•世界史的目标就是把力比多从它那外部规定的最肩的也是程度最高的抽象中，从俄狄浦斯情结对它的异化中解放出来。对德勒兹和加塔利而言，这些都是同一个计划，尽管由于资本的双重私人化操作，分裂了生产和再生产, 使它被表现在两个独立的领域之中。4欲望 85 欲望的彻底的不确定性，是通向德勒兹和加塔利在《反俄狄浦斯》中提出的世界^（universal history）概念的关键。精神分裂是他们给处于绝对不确定和自由状态下的欲望生产起的名字，尽管欲望生产总是发生在确定的条件之下，在那里•社会秩序通过规定某些对象和目的并禁止其他许多事物来限制欲望。这些规定和禁令通过编码和超编码过程来完成，它们给各种各样的对象或行为分配质的价值（qualitative value）（可欲望的/不可欲望的，等等）。然 60 而•资本主义不同于过去的社会形式，在这些形式中，它的基本制"}
{"instruction": "德勒兹对事件的解释为什么可以被视为对实体作用的一次无情批判，它又与斯宾诺莎和尼采的思想有什么关系？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "我以前对“特质”一词的使用背离了德勒兹的著作，由于这种背离，他在定义事件时遇到的障碍以及他那论断的根本特性也得以展现岀来。为了解释强度和生成之于事件的定义的重要性，我把它们定义为事件的“特质”(qualities)。这意味着重点在于德勒兹定义中的变化性，同时也保持了和我们对事件的一般运用的联系。然而广特质''一词预设了一个实体广特质''则是这个实体的某种乌寺质”：这个事件快速地展开。但对德勒兹来说，当一切都是事件时，那么从本质上来说，一切就都是生成。不存在任何“在这里, 6 事件 121 却又不在这里\"生成的独立实体。所以我们应该把事件思考为不同的生成模式和不同层级的强度：一种较快的展开，而后又是较慢的展开。很难抵抗我们的语言和常识中对实体与同一性的固守，这是因为，比方说意指L这个AJ总是被控制着，指向一个确定的事物，或者是因为总是把属性和实体及某些特质相联系UA的某种性质”)。从哲学上来看，德勒兹对事件的解释，其基本性质可以被 83 视为对实体作用— 这种作用可以往回追溯到亚里士多德— 的无情批判和一种努力，即努力说明事件不过就是样式(modes)而已— 这个命题来自斯宾诺莎和尼采的奇妙混合:摆脱了实体的斯宾诺莎和沉思的形而上学家尼采。当德勒兹展示了我们愿意承认为生产过程的事件和那些我们"}
{"instruction": "德勒兹和加塔利用卡夫卡时代的布拉格德语说明语言的解域化时，他们所说的多数和少数究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "解域化和再辖域化的过程永远在毎一种语言内部继续着，因为标准的语言实践要么在不平衡状态中被改变和安置，要么则被重复和保持。因此，人们可以谈论语言那相对的“解域化的共同作用”，相比于其他一些群体，有些语言群体更加束缚他们的持续变化的语言线的运动。德勒兹和加塔利说，在少数文学中，“语言受到了解域化的高度的共同作用的影响”（K：16）,而且在他们的卡夫卡研究中•他们认为卡夫卡时代的布拉格德语是高度的解域化,它是一种脱离了固有使用传统的政府“书面语言”，而且通过说捷克语的人的挪用，它受到了各个方面的影响。他们声称，卡夫卡在他的作品中运用了布拉格德语的各种解域化区域，刺激了它的不平衡倾向并目•在德语这个强势语言中创造了一种少数人的、异域的腔调。但德勒兹和加塔利的观点最终并不是说，有些语言是多数人的而另一些则是少数人的，或者一种少数文学只可能存在于一门强势语言之中，因为多数和少数“限定的并非两门不同的语言，而是语言的两种使用或功能”（ATP：104）,他们的观点是，每一种语言— 无论使用它的人口是多还是少一都面向一种多数的和少 190 德勒兹:关键概念（原书第2版）数的使用而开放，面向对语言的成分及实践的再辖域化或解域化而开放，当居于少数的作家创作少数文学的时候，就对他们的语言"}
{"instruction": "在《审判》中，K最终采取什么策略来对待自己的案子，这和德勒兹所说的生成的不可感知性有什么关系？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "这台法律机器是卡夫卡在奥匈帝国看到的正在运转的权力机制的一幅讽刺画, 但也是即将到来的规训机制的一幅具有预见性的蓝图。在《审判》中，卡夫卡致力于社会政治批判，但不是通过公开的评论或精确的分析。他的批判也不推动什么具体的行动方案或提出社会组织的替代性模式。K最初想了解他的案子的真相，从而结束他和法律的纠缠，但最终他发现彻底宣告无罪是不可能的，而他的最佳策略就是无限期地延长和搁置他的案子。没有任何一种办法能一步步地完全走出法律;没有任何一种替代方案能超越或摆脱权力的轮冋，而他正是在这种权力中活动。无限期的延长和搁置是在法律机器内部发挥作用的手段，但是通过这种方式，它的机能滑脱了、短路了、抛锚了。K从一个地方到另一个地方，从一个人到另一个人,这种运动遵从的是权力网络的联系，但是，当他行进时，他和他周围的环境相互改变着彼此。他和女人们的关系首先让他成为一个生成-女人,他和孩子们的接触让他成为一个生成-儿童，但最终,K的变形性生成(metamorphic becoming)是一种生成-不可感知性(becoming-imperceprible )，因为他达到了一种成为匿名场所的状态，在这里，机器同时起效和失效。正是法律机器的这种起效和失效、同时装配与拆卸的连接，构成了卡夫卡对权力"}
{"instruction": "本文用打嗝声的例子说明，如果只去分析一个事件的意义，会对感觉本身造成什么样的伤害？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "12感觉的逻辑 217 流— 凭借这些我们就可以用别样的方式建构这个主体和故事的结构— 解域化了、斩断了、解放了。这一逻辑邀请我们给那些在故事中被排除、被忽略、被贬低、被降级到从属地位的东西开辟道路、创造空间。如同德勒兹著作中的所有概念一样，理解的闲难产生于那些特定的解释工具之中，它们加强了表象的习惯。如果不问“感觉的逻辑意味着什么”的话，乂该如何传达这种逻辑呢？最初的任务是要求你相信辖域化的、排他性的表象工作，而这就是本文第一段打算做的。把打嗝声简化为它的意义，似乎是一种要展示出来的奇怪操作。当打嗝声突然出现的时候，是作为全副武装的感觉而爆发的,这种感觉影响着身体（打嗝的身体和其他的身体）、房屋、对话、流，以及关于严肃性、恰当性和自我的意义。噢，如何承认或传达这打嗝声的激烈性呢？当然不是通过分析它的意义，意义只能对那解域性嗝声的激烈性和完满的丰富性加以归类、分隔、理智化、削弱— 或用德勒兹和加塔利的话说— 加以辖域化。如果我们对一个单纯的嗝声都进行这种伤害的话，那 155 么请想象一下，通过对它们进行剖析,我们对一部电影或一次政治示威该是施加了多么大的伤害啊。但是感觉的逻辑如何打开一个另类的过程呢？如何打开一种理解打嗝、电影和政治示威的另类的方式呢?"}
{"instruction": "第戎的圣诞老人事件为何呈现出教会与世俗舆论之间明显的角色错位？作者从中看到了怎样具有象征意义的习俗与信仰演变？", "input": "Source: 我们都是食人族", "output": "回避。因为问题并不在于解释圣诞老人讨孩子们欢心的理由，而是必须说明促使成人创造圣诞老人的原因。无论如何，这些极为一致的反应，毫无疑问地显示出公众的意见与教会有分歧。即使事件本身很微小，造成的反响却很大。因为自从“二战”德军占领期以后，法国以无宗教信仰者为主的舆论界与宗教已逐步达成和解，像MRP3 这样一个宗教色彩鲜明的政党加入政府议会就足以作为证明。同时，传统上反对教权的人也察觉到，他们意外获得了一个的机会：在第戎或者其他地方，他们成了备受威胁的圣诞老人的保护者。然而，圣诞老人却也因此成为不信教的象征。这是何等矛盾！因为在这个事件中，教会仿佛采取了一种渴求诚实与真相的批判精神，而理性主义者反而化身为迷信的捍卫者。这个明显的角色错置暗示了更深层的现实：我们正处于一个具有象征意义的事件中，代表了习俗与信仰的快速演变，首先是在法国，但在其他地方可能也如此。在民族学家自己的社会中，很难得能够有这样的机会去观察一个仪式，甚至是一种崇拜这般微妙的发展；在当中探寻它的原因，研究它带给宗教生活其他形式的冲击；最后尝试去了解，这些现象涉及了哪些既是心理上也是社会上的集体转变。关于这些现象，拥有许多传统经验的教会乐于赋予它们一个重要价值，使人们不会有错误"}
{"instruction": "作者指出二战之后人类学家与被研究民族之间的关系发生了哪些变化？原住民部落反过来雇用人类学家出席法庭的例子说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 我们都是食人族", "output": "张，能够保持传统生活方式并作为人类学家研究对象的社会，数量已显著下降。与此同时，“二战”以后，因为社会科学和人文科学的流行，研究人员的数量倍增。在美国，五十年前已有人开玩笑地说，印第安家庭成员至少包含三个人：丈夫、妻子和人类学家……自此，情势每况愈下，原住民群体厌倦作为人类学家的猎物，开始反抗。要进入他们的保留区，人类学家有时需要满足他们各式各样的要求。其他的则是纯粹禁止人类学研究：我们可以以教师或医护人员的身份进入他们的居所，但必须提供一份书面承诺，不准询问有关社会组织或宗教信仰的任何问题。受访者非必要时不会讲述神话，除非签署合同，而合同中必须承认他拥有作品的所有权。但是，由于事态的反转，人类学家和他所研究的民族之间的关系，有时也会随之反转。部落求助于人类学家，甚至雇用他们，请他们出席法庭，协助维护原住民的土地权利，废除曾经强加给他们的规约。例如在澳大利亚，原住民和人类学家曾多次试图阻止政府在原住民的圣地设置火箭发射场或给予采矿特许。这些诉讼涉及的所有权相关地区有时无边无际。加拿大和美国也都持续进行同类型的诉讼。在巴西，印第安人开始筹划组成全国性的组织，可以预见的是，他们也会发起类似的行动。在这些情况下，人类学家的工作性质完全改变了。"}
{"instruction": "作者为什么把现代物理学描述的微观世界与远古神话构想的超自然世界相提并论？两者在违反常识或逻辑法则这一点上有何相似？", "input": "Source: 我们都是食人族", "output": "们不得不坦白，这些话对我们来说几乎是无意义的，因为我们无法想象。就无限小的范畴来说，我们得知，一个粒子甚至一个原子，能够同时在此处又在彼处，无所不在又不在任何地方。它有时表现得像一种波，有时又像一颗微小的粒子。对学者而言这些说法有意义，因为它们来自数学的计算，以及复杂到仅有专家能解释的实验结果。但是它们无法被转换成一般语言，因为它们破坏了逻辑推理的法则，尤其是同一性原则。我们必须知道，那些长期以来从未被思考过的、数量级极大或极小的现象，就像最荒诞的神话结构一般违反常识。对非专家而言（对路人来说更是如此），物理学家以其方式所描述的世界，与我们远古祖先所构想的超自然世界几乎是对等的；当中的一切都异于寻常世界，有时更与之截然相反。为了想象这种超自然世界，远古人类以及（与我们距离更近些的）还没有书写系统的人类便发明了神话。讽刺的是，他们同时也预示了今日的物理学家在试图对我们传达其研究成果以及从中得出的假设时所想象的寓言。在此有一个有趣的例子，我们可以看看量子力学如何从微观视野所描述的现象被移植到宏观视野。一则塞内卡（Seneca）印第安人（易洛魁 [Iroquois]联盟五族之一）的神话，包含了一段奇怪的情节。一名少女同意嫁给一位男子，她知道他是法力强大的女巫之子。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何用因注射人脑提取的生长荷尔蒙或移植人脑黏膜而出现的库贾氏症病例，来支持库鲁症可能源于食人行为的假设？", "input": "Source: 我们都是食人族", "output": "大利亚，媒体都热衷于报道库贾氏症病例（如前述，与库鲁症相同），这些病例发生在注射了由人类脑垂体（大脑下方的一个小腺体）萃取的荷尔蒙，或移植了来自人脑的黏膜后。前者是为了治疗幼儿的成长障碍，后者则是女性不孕症的治疗方式。在英国、新西兰与美国，已有多起患者因治疗不孕症后死亡的案例；其他的致死案例，则是最近在法国有儿童接受了萃取自人脑、疑似消毒不全的生长荷尔蒙。人们将它与曾经撼动法国舆论，牵涉范围更大的艾滋病病毒污染血液事件相提并论，并引发了多起官司。如此一来，由人类学家所提出且被医师与生物学家接受的假设，亦即库鲁症可能是因食人行为而起，在此得到显著证明：此两地发生的近似疾病都在孩童和女性之间传播，他们也曾经由不同的途径摄取人类的大脑物质。尽管一者并不能证实另一者，但两者之间存在着惊人的类似性。人们或许会反对上述的比较，然而，将他人的一小部分物质，通过口腔、血液、消化或注射引入体内，与食人行为在本质上并无不同。有人会说，食人行为是因为对人肉有食欲才可怕的，但是他们应该把这样的谴责局限在某些极端案例上，并且从食人的定义中，排除已被证实是基于宗教义务的例子。在这些例子中，食人行为经常伴随着排斥感，甚至产生恶心、呕吐等反应。试图界定一者是野蛮与迷信的行为，另一者"}
{"instruction": "关于人类发情期消失的那些相互矛盾的解释为何让作者觉得难以采信？他提到尼安德特人因咽喉构造无法说话的假说，用意何在？", "input": "Source: 我们都是食人族", "output": "某些人指出，它强化了婚姻，或如其他人所说，掩饰了一夫一妻制的生物学危机。它导致聚居的社会危险，或者予以避免。这些诠释相互否定，并且非常矛盾，让人如堕五里雾中。而当人们能在某些事上胡言乱语，那么根本不必指望他可以解释这件事。在美国也是如此。一个世纪以来，人类学家愈来愈重视学科的谨慎与严肃精神。在见到他们的研究领域被这些生殖器谬论入侵，甚至淹没（特别是在大西洋对岸，人们急于否定先师们，在英国也已经开始；令人担心的是，不久后整个欧洲也将如此）后，他们怎能不感到悲哀？人们讨论这些新观点，仿佛是昨天才发生的；但假设它们确实发生过，也将上溯到数十万年或数百万年前。对于那样久远的过去，我们无法置评。因此，若要为发情期的消失找到一个意义，为它发明一个功能，以厘清我们所处的社会，人们便需要将时间移植到一个我们无法证实的时期，但又不能太过久远，才能让人们将它的假设投射到现代。值得注意的是，在美国，这些关于发情期的理论，受到另一个也试图缩短时间的理论影响。根据此一理论，尼安德特人，也就是智人的先祖（并且他们曾经在同一时期生活达数千年之久），因为咽与喉的共生构造，他们无法拥有说话的能力。于是这一理论推断语言出现的时期距今不过约五万年。在这些试图将复杂的智力活动建立在简单的"}
{"instruction": "作者如何把八十年代朋克青年的转向、安·兰德小说中的精英男士形象，与后来加州意识形态和硅谷创业精英神话联系起来？", "input": "Source: 技术封建主义", "output": "家资本主义，用所谓的朋克文化解构了总体化的资本主义治理模式。也正是因为如此，这些曾经反抗资本主义的朋克青年, 在80年代之后，迅速拥抱了凯恩斯主义的对立面— 以哈耶克、米塞斯等人为代表的新自由主义经济学。在文学领域，他们更为欣赏的作者是从俄罗斯流亡美国的作者安•兰德（Ayn Rand）。在那个年代安•兰德的小说中的男主角都带有一种特定的模式，即英武帅气，有责任感，有开拓精神。换言之，安• 兰德用她的小说塑造了一种\"精英男士\"的形象，成为80年代美国新自由主义文化精神的象征。可以说，无论是布兰德，还是安•兰德笔下的“精英男士”，都成了后来加州意识形态神话的重要蓝本，我们可以从乔布斯、比尔•盖茨、贝索斯、马斯克、扎克伯格等人的传记和报道中看到安•兰德\"精英男士\" 的影子。所谓60年代的加州意识形态，在20世纪八九十年代, 甚至直到今天，已经成为一种特定的成功创业型精英的标准配置。他们一般都是从名校理工类专业毕业，具有开拓精神和创新精神，拥有一家创新型企业（独角兽企业），并创造了一个又一个经济神话。一旦这个神话结晶成型，他们便成为新的保守派，表面上他们代表着革新和创造，但实际上他们成了普通人甚至是传统资本家不可跨越的阶层。他们在湾区，在硅谷，在全世界各个地方，经营着他们的神话。"}
{"instruction": "迪朗把无形资产租金划分成了哪几种形式？他分别用知识产权租金和自然垄断租金说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 技术封建主义", "output": "开发一个新游戏，就离不开Unreal Engine、Processing等虚拟引擎和开发工具，而人工智能的工具开发也离不开一系列AIGC 工具。现在的问题是，今天我们在网络世界中的所有活动都不得不依赖于各种工具和应用来进行，当然，这些工具和应用都不是免费的，我们需要缴纳一定的费用。这些费用并不是购买软件的费用，而是租金，我们相当于向工具和应用拥有方缴纳类似于封建时代的地租。在这个基础上，迪朗进一步将无形资产的租金划分成了四种不同的形式：(1)知识产权租金。这是最容易理解的租金形式，在数字化和网络时代之前，就存在着这种租金形式。一家开发公司不会用自己发明的专利去生产产品，于是将专利许可给他人使用，• 013 • 而其他愿意生产产品的企业则需要向这家公司缴纳专利费，专利费就是知识产权租金的形式。（2）自然垄断租金。迪朗所说的\"自然垄断”这个词的核心在于垄断，而不是自然。原因在于，互联网时代对空间的重组让更多资源和无形资产被垄断在少数平台企业手中，因此, 对应这种垄断，自然就形成了租金机制。其中，迪朗举的例子是美国的铁路网，\"即市场结构本身是三种要素作用的结果一网络互补性、规模经济和沉没投资。以铁路网为例，铁路网的覆盖面越广，作用就越大（网络互补性）；然而，铁路网的组织"}
{"instruction": "瓦鲁法基斯与齐泽克所描述的技术封建主义假说核心是什么？在他们的比喻里，老式资本家、买家与数字云平台分别被类比成什么？", "input": "Source: 技术封建主义", "output": "• 019 • 主义，它使真正的资本家及其剥削的工人从属于由我们的新封建主（贝索斯、马斯克、比尔•盖茨……）控制的垄断数字公地。市场交换越来越多地以数字平台为中介（亚马逊的图书等），而资本家（这里指图书出版商）则是向封建主支付租金以销售其产品的附庸（如果一家出版商被排除在亚马逊之外，它实际上就无法生存）。而我们这些买家则是农奴，无偿地为云服务（上网并通过每次点击提供数据）。因此，通过自我学习和自我完善的算法运行的数字云是最新的'神圣'实体，它们在很大程度上摆脱了其创造者的控制，甚至摆脱了创造它们的程序员的控制。这些调节我们实际生活的‘神圣'数字云的问题在于，它们加大了阶级斗争：资本家和无产者之间的老式阶级斗争依然存在，资本家从剥削无产者的过程中攫取利益，但新的封建阶级对整个领域（包括资本家）的剥削是对这种阶级斗争的补充，新的封建阶级从我们身上榨取租金，以换取我们对私有化公地的永久使用权。\"①从瓦鲁法基斯和齐泽克的描述中我们不难看出，技术封建主义假说的核心是：资本主义的生产方式日益衰落，但不至于消亡，在今天的数字社会中，起主导作用的不再是资本主义的生产，而是数字化平台和垄断造成的租金模式，这就是新封建主义。迪朗显然将技术封建主义的诞生与数字技术和智能社会的 ①"}
{"instruction": "作者如何借硅谷的自相矛盾来质疑欧洲对硅谷神话的效仿？哈斯凯尔与韦斯特莱克指出的那个恶性循环是什么？", "input": "Source: 技术封建主义", "output": "问题，将支出分配给机会最大的行业才是关键。这是对欧洲盛行理论的明确否定。欧洲领导人对硅谷神话信以为真，有意削弱了国家的创业职能，从而极大地阻碍了生产力的发展，加剧了旧大陆的社会和经济困难。综上所述，对硅谷的广泛提及揭示了它本身明显的自相矛盾之处。\"创业精神”让位于私人垄断的掠夺。对自主和个人创造力的颂扬，导致了计算机化的管理工具，加剧了工资隶属关系。地域两极分化、收益集中在少数\"赢家\"手中以及知识流通的障碍正在助长边缘化的动力，这既阻碍了创新，也妨碍了人们享受创新带来的潜在好处。随着发展，硅谷和更广泛的创新世界已经成为与最初取得成功的原则相悖的现实。这种演变如此明显，以至于背后的理论在很大程度上已经过时，这使得今天对这一神话的政治动员完全不合时宜。乔纳森•哈斯凯尔 (Jonathan Haskel)和斯蒂安•韦斯特莱克(Stian Westlake)沮丧地指出，从那个时代继承下来的创新支持政策最终陷入了恶性循环：为使经济蓬勃发展，决策者将努力创造信任和强有力的制度，鼓励开放机会，缓解社会冲突，防止有实力 • 066 . 的企业沉溺于食利行为。但与此同时，高效的无形经济似乎会加剧所有这些问题，造成极具争议的不平等形式，威胁到社会资本，并催生出以保护无形资产为己任的强"}
{"instruction": "诺思与托马斯关于农奴和领主保护的论述为何自相矛盾？布伦纳与瓦哈比如何反驳农民通过契约自由获得保护与司法的说法？", "input": "Source: 技术封建主义", "output": "也必然会引起自称新的保护者的注意，这将使他们回到原来的境地。诺思和托马斯的一位早期评论家总结道：因此，农奴们别无选择，要么待在原地忍受农奴制，要么承担高昂的搬迁和安置成本。然而，就算冒着风险迁移，他们最终也会面临两种糟糕的处境一一要么陷入新的孤立无援之地（并承受所有随之而来的不利因素），要么很 • 155 . 可能在其他地方再次沦为农奴。① 说起两位作者提出的最后一点— 农民受到保护，不受合同条款任意更改的影响，罗伯特•布伦纳(Robert Brenner)提醒我们，它直接与封建主义的具体之处相悖：中世纪农奴制经济之所以与众不同，是因为领主的任意征税和他们对农民流动性的控制。领主凭借武力直接从农民身上榨取剩余产品，而非通过契约规定的平等交换。② 当诺思和托马斯提出领主需要\"某种形式的强制”以从农民那里获取共同防御所需的资源时，他们在这一基本点上自相矛盾。必须在契约和强制之间做出选择。作者的矛盾心理揭示了他们方法中的僵局。考虑到高昂的退出成本和保护措施的定量配给，农民们完全听命于他们的领主。因此，保护和司法并不是农民通过契约安排自由获得的服务。恰恰相反，正如迈赫达德•瓦哈比(Mehrdad Vahabi)所总结的：\"被勒索才是农民获得保护的代价。\"③ ①"}
{"instruction": "在《拟像与拟真》中，掩饰与拟真有什么区别，生病的人这一例子如何说明两者的差异？", "input": "Source: 拟像与拟真", "output": "而更糟糕的是，通过这些参照物在各种符号系统中的人为复生而开启，这种复生带来了一种比意义更为柔韧的材料，因为它向所有等价系统、所有二元对立、所有组合代数提供了自己。所涉及的已经不再是模仿，也不再是成倍复制，甚至也不再是戏仿。所涉及的是现实的符号对现实的替代，也就是说，是一种通过其双重操作阻止一切现实进程的操作，这种双重操作，是某种亚稳定的、程序化的、不会犯错的标识机器，它提供了现实的一切符号，又使其一切波折短路。现实再也没有机会产生自身了一这就是模型在一个死亡系统中的致命功能，并且. 与其说是一个死亡系统，不如说是一个被预期的复活系统,这种复活不再给死亡的事件本身以任何机会。超级现实从此以后避开了想象，也避开了现实和想象之间的任何区别，只给模型的轨道性复发和对差异的被拟真的生成留下了空间。图像的神性的无参照性掩饰就是假装没有自己拥有的东西。拟真就是假装拥有自己没有的东西。一个求助于在场，一个求助于缺席。但事情更为复杂，因为拟真不是假装:“一个假装生病的人只是简单地躺在床上并使人相信他病了就可以了。而一个拟真生病的人则要在自己身上引起一些症状。”(利特雷词典）因此，假装，或掩饰，都会完好地保留现实性的原则：差异始终是很明显的，它只是被掩盖了。"}
{"instruction": "作者为什么说把拉美西斯木乃伊挖出来并使其博物馆化，就足以使其灭亡？", "input": "Source: 拟像与拟真", "output": "恢复一个可见的秩序，而防腐是一个神话性的工作，其目的在于使一个被隐藏的维度不朽。我们必须有一个可见的过去，一种可见的连续.一个可见的起源神话，这让我们对我们的终末 S 到放心：因为在根本上，我们从来没有真正相信过它们。由此有了在奥利机场接收木乃伊这一历史场景。是因为拉美西斯曾是一个伟大的专制和军事人物吗？当然。但最重要的原因在于.我们的文化在它试图吞并的这种已经消逝的力量背后，梦想着一种本来与它无关的秩序，而我们的文化之所以有这样的梦想，是因为这一文化通过挖掘这一秩序使之作为自己的过去，从而消灭了它。我们被拉美西斯所迷惑，就像文艺复兴时代的基督徒被美洲的印第安人所诱惑一样，这些（人类的?)存在从未了解过基督的言论。因此，在殖民化的早期，面对这种逃脱福音书的普遍法则的可能性，有着一个惊愕和眩晕的时刻。有两种可能的反应:要么承认这一法则不是普遍的，要么消灭印第安人以抹除证据。一般来说，使他们皈依就足够了，甚至只是发现他们，这就足以造成他们缓慢的灭绝。因此，把拉美西斯挖出来，并使其博物馆化，这足以使其灭亡。因为木乃伊不是腐毁于虫子:它们死于从一个缓慢的象征性秩序— 腐烂和死亡的主人一一到一个历史、科学和博物馆的秩序的转场，后者是我们的秩序，它不再掌握任何东西，它只"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论证《现代启示录》与越南战争是根据同一块材料裁剪出来的？", "input": "Source: 拟像与拟真", "output": "但是，对此则没有答案，没有可能的判断，而人们甚至能够对这一怪物般的玩意感到欢喜(例如对瓦格纳的伴奏乐就是如此)一尽管如此，人们还是可以找到一个小小的想法，它不恶毒，不是一个价值判断，但是它会告诉您，越南战争和这部电影都是根据同一块材料裁剪出来的，没有什么东西能把它们分开，而电影就是战争的一部分— 如果说美国人输掉了另一场战争（这是显然的事），那么，他们会赢得这一场。《现代启示录》是一次世界性的胜利。影片的力量等于并且大于工业和军事机器的力量，等于或者大于五角大楼和政府的力量。所以说，这部影片也并非毫无价值：它回溯性地(甚至这根本算不上回溯，因为电影是这场没有结局的战争的一个阶段）阐明了这场战争从政治角度来说让人错博和不合理之处:美国人和越南人已经和解了.在敌对结束之后，美国人立即提供了他们的经济援助，完全就像是他们在过去摧毁丛林和村庄，而他们如今又拍摄关于它们的电影一样。如果没有抓住下述这种无区分的内涵，人们就既无法理解战争，也无法理解这部电影（至少）。这种无区分不再是意识形态的或者道德上的、善与恶的无区分，而是破坏和生产的可逆性的无区分，是一种事物在其革命中的内在性的无区分，是所有技术学的有机代谢的无区分，是电影胶片中的地毯式轰炸的无区分……"}
{"instruction": "作者为什么说在实验室和宇宙飞船里拿动物做实验，其实是在从它们身上榨取对客观性原则的招认？", "input": "Source: 拟像与拟真", "output": "是有罪的。从而，招认就恢复了令人放心的因果性，而酷刑，酷刑中对恶的灭绝，只是对已经生产出作为原因的恶这一事实的胜利的加冕（而非施虐的或赎罪的加冕）。否则，最轻微的异端都会让一切神的创造变得可疑。同样，当我们在实验室和宇宙飞船里带着这样的实验性无情，在科学的名义下使用和滥用野兽时，我们试图在解剖刀和电极的辅助下从它们那里榨取什么招认？恰恰是对一种客观性原则的招认，而科学从未确信这一原则，科学对此悄悄地感到绝望。必须让野兽说它们不是野兽。必须让它们说出，兽性和野蛮，以及它们所暗含的那种对于理性来说不可理解和极端陌生的东西，都是不存在的。相反，必须让它们说出，那些最兽性的、最独一的、最反常的行为都可以被解决，在科学中、在生理机制中、在大脑的联通中等。必须在野兽身上杀死兽性及其不确定性原则。因此，实验不是朝向一个目的的一种手段，而是当下的挑战和折磨。实验并没有建立起一种可理解性，它像人们过去榨取信仰声明一样去榨取对科学的招认。招认这一点：疾病、疯狂和兽性的表面偏差只是因果性的透明中的暂时裂痕。这种证明.就像过去对神的理性的证明一样，必须持续地并且无处不在地重新进行一在这个意义上，我们都是野兽.并且是实验室的野兽，人们持续地测试它们.以便在它们那里压榨出反射行为，而这些反"}
{"instruction": "作者说所有的现实都是残余的，他举出哪些例子来说明一件事物在什么条件下才成为残余？", "input": "Source: 拟像与拟真", "output": "笑横杠，作为如此这般的剩余物而取消自身。并不是说当人们把一切都拿走时，什么都不剩余了，而是，当事物不断被颠倒时，添加就不再有意义了。如果出生没有通过入门仪式而被象征性地重新接受，那么出生就是残余的。如果死亡没有在哀悼中、没有在哀悼的集体节日中被解决，那么死亡就是残余的。如果价值没有在交换的循环中被重新吸收和挥发，那么价值就是残余的。当性行为变成性关系的产品时，性行为就是残余的。当社会变成社会关系的产品时,社会本身就是残余的。所有的现实都是残余的。而所有残余的东西都注定要在幻象中无限重复。所有的积累都只是剩余物，并且在下面这种意义上，是剩余物的积累:积累打破联盟，并且在累积和计算的线性无限中，在生产、能量和价值的线性剩余物无限中，积累补偿了那些在先前的联盟的循环中完成了的东西。因此，经过一个循环的东西已经完全完成，而在无限的维度中.无限的斜杠之下的一切，永恒性的斜杠之下的一切（永恒性，这种对时间的储存，也像其他无论什么储存一样，是对盟约的打破），它们都是一•种剩余物。积累只是一种剩余物，压抑只是积累的逆反和对称形式。我们的新联盟正是建立在对被压抑的情感和表象的储存之上。但是，当一切都被压抑的时候，也就没什么是被压抑的了。我们离那个绝对的压抑点不远，在那"}
{"instruction": "神经元之间如何通过突触和神经递质进行信息交流，为什么受体被比作锁、化学物质被比作钥匙？", "input": "Source: 探索智慧：从达尔文到芒格", "output": "由此可知，神经元之间的连接使得我们具有思维的功能，所以细胞数量并不重要，关键是细胞之间潜在连接的数量起着关键作用。神经元之间如何进行连接和信息交流？各个神经元将在“接触点”连接，神经元之间的距离称作“突触”。一旦一个神经元在轴突产生一个电脉冲，即释放了一种化学信使，所谓的“神经递质”。在该化学物质扩散至另外一个神经元的树突时，就产生了电脉冲。接着，将产生一系列的化学反应。而这一系列的过程需要一定的刺激。电脉冲产生的力度大小，以及释放什么样的神经递质取决于接受到的刺激物。神经递质是如何产生电脉冲的？在接受信息的神经元的表面有蛋白质，称为受体。每个受体只与相匹配的特定的化学物质发生反应。所以，化学物质和受体之间相当于钥匙和锁的作用，只有合适的化学物才能进入其中。为什么所爱的人给我们一个吻或表扬时，会令我们心情舒畅？这是因为释放了神经递质多巴胺。多巴胺分布在大脑激励和动力系统中，此外，释放高水平的多巴胺将能增进愉悦度和减少痛楚。还有一种神经递质为复合胺。复合胺与情绪和情感紧密相联。压力过大，将降低复合胺的水平，而低水平的复合胺将导致焦虑和沮丧。如果人服用抗忧郁药，有什么效果？它将提高人脑中的复合胺水平，因为药品模仿了复合胺的结构。但抗忧郁药并不能使人快乐；"}
{"instruction": "为什么在一个小的狩猎采集团体中拥有值得信赖的名声异常重要，人们又为什么会特别在意公平？", "input": "Source: 探索智慧：从达尔文到芒格", "output": "好名声、地位、资源或被社会认可一般都有助于人类祖先生存、求偶和繁衍吗？在一个小的狩猎采集社会中，对于群体有益的事情也势必对个体有益。在一个资源有限、个体处于弱势和充满危险的环境中，合作的作用不可小觑。与群体或社会隔绝就意味着自我灭亡，人多力量大。群体保护着个体免受食人动物的侵袭，大家一起狩猎、交换有关食物位置的信息，相互合作防范敌人掠夺食物，群体同样是提供配偶资源的地点和为抚养婴儿提供帮助的地方。个人跟群体融合在一起增强了生存的机会。如果我们帮助一个小团体中的成员，他可能在我们需要帮助的时候同样伸出援助之手。否则，我们下一次绝不会再帮他。这种行为称为互惠——即“相互帮助”的观点。拥有值得信赖的名声异常重要，因为洞悉未来行为的惟一向导是过去的所作所为。如果我们愚弄某人，他转告给他的朋友们，就影响了未来我们跟其他人合作的可能。这不也是我们为何总是信任朋友，但对于素未谋面的陌生人持警戒心理的缘故吗？我们还特别在意公平。不公平的事情总会让我们烦恼，有时候甚至会让人做出不惜伤害自己来惩罚别人的举动。这可能因为我们不想制造一种软弱或容易吃亏的形象。既然我们是从不断互动的小团体中进化过来的，树立一种强大而非软弱的形象就具有意义。我们希望其他人下次能够以更好的"}
{"instruction": "作者用老师拿到所谓智力超群与智力平平两份名单的实验说明了什么，他为什么提醒实验室里的结论不能等同于现实？", "input": "Source: 探索智慧：从达尔文到芒格", "output": "使对方以同样的敌对态度“回报”我们。假设新来的老师被告知班里有一半人智商超群，而另一半人智商平平。教师分别拿到了所谓“智力超群”和“智力平庸”的儿童的名单。实际上，这两组儿童都是经过随机选择的。一年结束后，这个实验假设终将会成为成功的预言。老师心目中的高智商儿童的表现也将超过那些所谓智力平平的儿童。这种现象在小学生的学习过程中已经得到了体现。如果老师对学生有较高的期待，将会促使他们更加孜孜不倦地教书育人。在某个情况下非理性的行为在另外一种环境下可能带来好的结果。我们并不傻——判断力常常是特定情境下的产物。其他人的判断可能对我们具有启发性，对权威的服从是维持秩序的重要因素，而在危险的情况下谨慎行动有可能保我们一命。根据实验得来的证据，我们还受到什么启发？实验室里面的实验并不能等同于现实。实验室中受控制和人工模拟的场景毕竟与现实生活相差一段距离。在实验室中发生的事情不一定会在实际生活中重现。比如说，许多实验常常是在匿名情况下、一次性地完成的。问题的性质是什么？周围的环境如何？先前的假设是什么？有什么重要性？错误的代价有多大？这些问题的正确答案常常不止一个。实验任务之外的背景因素也很重要。在更为现实、具体的社会环境中，许多任务都能圆满解决。"}
{"instruction": "作者用哪些例子说明正态分布的钟型曲线，又为什么说它并不适用于数额巨大、风险概率较高的保险？", "input": "Source: 探索智慧：从达尔文到芒格", "output": "更常见。各种独立和随机因素组成了一个钟型频率分布曲线。这表明最常见的结果落在了分布的中央，其他结果落在两端。结果偏离中央越远，它的频数越低。正态分布结果的例子包括成年人（取决于基因、饮食或者环境的影响）的身高和体重、气温、车祸、死亡率或者电灯泡的寿命等。成年女性的平均高度多少？如果随机选择1,000 个成年女性并测量她们的身高，最后的分布结果看起来像钟型曲线。她们的身高将集中在平均身高附近，曲线的延伸宽度表明与平均身高的偏差度状况。把一个女巨人放在一个大样本中，将不会改变样本的平均高度。同样的推理方法可应用于汽车保险公司。参与相同项目的保险公司越多，平均值将可以作为很好的参照值，而一次费用不菲的汽车事故并不会对结果产生影响。平均数具有代表性，也具有预测价值。但我们并不能把正态分布曲线用于那些数额巨大和风险概率较高的保险中。对于那些擅长为特殊事件承保的保险公司来说，关键要看结果的变异性，而不是平均值。创思公司新的计算机软件占领了90% 的市场份额。许多时候，正态分布曲线并不能给我们展现真正的现实。一个有利或不利的极端事件可能对平均值产生剧烈影响。我们之前已经谈到过在频率和规模上并不平均分布的案例。相对于平均值来说，单一事件发生的次数越少、时间越短，或"}
{"instruction": "巴菲特认为真正成功的保险公司必须坚守哪三项承保原则？", "input": "Source: 探索智慧：从达尔文到芒格", "output": "己信任的人打交道。” 沃伦·巴菲特给我们提供了如何在保险业成功的指导方法，同样也可以运用至其他领域：这个行业最要紧的是承保的纪律原则，真正成功的公司必须坚守以下三项重要原则：1. 只接受能够妥善衡量的风险（也就是在自己的能力范围内活动），在谨慎评估所有相关因素，包括把最微小的损失可能计算在内，然后得出期望的获利值。这些公司从来不以市场占有率为目标，同时在看到同业为抢夺客户而杀价竞争或提供不合理的理赔条件时，也不会跃跃欲试。2. 要严格限制承接的业务内容，以确保公司不会因为单一意外及其连带事件而累积理赔损失，导致公司的清偿能力受损，同时不遗余力地寻找任何看似不相关的风险，彼此可能的潜在关联。3. 避免涉入可能引发道德风险的业务，不管其保险费率多么诱人，不要妄想在坏人身上占到任何便宜，大部分客户的诚信都值得信赖，所以不必与有道德顾虑的人打交道，事后证明通常其成本远比想象中的高。对于阿吉特·杰恩（Ajit Jain）承接的所有保单，我知之甚详，但我从来没有发现他违背以上三项原则，虽然他严格的纪律性无法保证绝不会有损失，但他确实可以避免不必要的错误，这就是关键。就像是我们在投资时一样，保险业者想要有优异的长期绩效，靠的不是少数的成功个案，而是如何不断避免作出愚蠢的决定。"}
{"instruction": "本书导读认为阅读此书能带来哪三点好处，又要求读者反思数字时代中关于自由意志的什么根本问题？", "input": "Source: 操控 数字世界如何左右我们的行为和情感", "output": "这是视觉因素和听觉因素整合在一起共同影响了人们的味觉体验。而这些来自不同感觉通道的信息对我们认知和行为的改变都是无意识的。这些都是我们日常生活中随处可见的“小套路”，在这本书里我们都可以看到。更值得一提的是，在阅读这本书时，我们读者会被引导去思考一个深刻而根本的问题：我们在多大程度上是我们决策的主导者？自由意志在这个被数字技术和行为设计所塑造的世界中还存在吗？在数字时代，自由意志的概念受到了前所未有的挑战。作者通过深入的探讨，引导我们反思数字化操纵和行为设计如何影响个体的自主选择。随着技术的进步，个体的决策过程是否仍然具有真正的自主性成为一个重要的讨论点。数字技术的设计和推送算法的使用可能潜移默化地影响我们的选择，使我们更容易受到特定信息和产品的影响。这也引发了更深刻的思考，即在数字时代，我们人类是否仍然能够真正自主地塑造自己的命运，抑或我们的选择被更强大的社会和技术力量所左右。因此，我能想象阅读这本书可以给我们带来的三点好处。首先，我们会在作者的引导下有更多的“认知自主性”，也就是人们如何在面对信息时能够更自主地思考、分析和做出决策。通过对心理学原理的理解，读者可以培养更强的自主思考能力，减少外部因素对决策的潜在影响。其次，我们会对操纵手段有“更高的警觉”，书中介绍了一些数"}
{"instruction": "作者说本书会揭示哪些人们毫不知情地被作用的力量，以及各章为什么彼此相对独立、可以让读者按兴趣选读？", "input": "Source: 操控 数字世界如何左右我们的行为和情感", "output": "它将告诉读者是什么潜在力量在人毫不知情的情况下作用在人身上，在人们下载的应用程序中有什么“魔药”令人上瘾，人们为何沉迷于“点赞”，哪些新的人格障碍会在不经意间出现，以及为什么虚拟世界变得比客观物理世界更加重要。本书讨论了意识可能被操控的方式、技术对抗注意力的方式以及实现这一目标的大脑机制。对于人们在社交媒体上的生活、社交媒体如何影响人生活方方面面的相关讨论，本书都有相当大的参考价值。此外，本书还将深入探索网络对人的心理意义、网络如何改变人的生活，数字角色是什么、它如何让人为它工作，以及科技巨头在这些故事中所处的位置。本书的内容以逐层递进的方式展开，前一章内容构成了下一章内容的基础，但它们彼此之间是相对独立的。如果您想了解习惯是如何产生的，或者致使受控行为成为习惯的大脑机制是什么，可以选择直接阅读关于“习惯”的章节。如果您想了解剑桥分析公司是如何影响美国总统大选的，也可以跳到谈论该公司活动的相关章节。在每章的最后，我都做了实用性很强的内容总结，方便专业人士和学生学习可实际运用的知识。在个别章节，我还附上了扩展思维的讨论。虽然这些讨论与章节内容相关，但它们并不是章节的核心，只是帮助有兴趣的读者加深对章节主题的理解。最后，祝您阅读愉快！如果你能不断重复一个巨大的谎言，"}
{"instruction": "脸书为什么认定用户更换头像时会对来自环境的反馈，尤其对点赞格外敏感，而易贝用户又把竞拍过程当作什么样的体验来追求？", "input": "Source: 操控 数字世界如何左右我们的行为和情感", "output": "用户而言有重要价值，在大多数情况下甚至超过了应用程序的功能需求。用户数字行为观察表明，当人们感到需要社会认可，想获得关注、归属感或自我优越感时，就会选择更换头像。脸书敏锐地关注到这一点，于是当你更改了头像后，它的算法知道如何识别并将这一消息告知你的好友。脸书的管理者知道，一旦用户更改了个人头像—— 用户会对来自环境的反馈特别敏感，尤其反映在对点赞的关注上，这种关心和认可构成了他们自我价值中重要的部分，能为用户带来很不错的感觉。而这种不错的体验感，最终将与平台本身联系在一起。尽管如此，研究发现即使社交平台能带来社会认可和增强自尊，在社交网络上花费大量时间仍与抑郁、焦虑和自卑存在联系，这一点我们将在第二十章中展开讨论。一个截然不同的例子是易贝购物平台。虽然易贝的营销人员付出了很多努力，提供的大多数产品也是全新的，但它仍然被视为一个“二手” 交易平台，因为用户在该平台的功能需求很明确——用可接受的价格购买二手或优质商品。尽管如此，我在采访易贝用户时发现了一件令人惊奇的事情。易贝上最受欢迎的功能之一是竞标，也就是在设定的有限时间内竞拍产品（通常从几天到两周不等），最高出价者便是幸运赢家。一些用户告诉我，使用该平台的主要奖励是获得赌博般的快感，他们不是为了购买特定产品，而是为了追求购买过程中的兴奋和"}
{"instruction": "为说明助推涉及的伦理难题，作者设计了怎样一个在大脑中植入芯片的思想实验，受访者又如何回答？", "input": "Source: 操控 数字世界如何左右我们的行为和情感", "output": "当然，助推中涉及了一些非行为科学领域而属于伦理、道德领域的问题。一个人是否有权以他自认为合适的方式生活，即便他知道自己的某些行为可能会带来不良后果？当这种干预被认为对人们有利时，它们能在多大程度上干预人们的生活？当你试着回答上述问题时，可以再思考一个这样例子——人们一边被告知要注意一些选择的不利影响，另一边营销人员又极力推销，最后还是有人避免不了这些诱惑。大多数人没有足够的知识储备，去意识到这种干预对选择的无意识影响，无论是好的选择还是不好的选择。在这种情况下，如果我建议你在大脑中植入一块芯片，它能帮你做出重要的人生决定，比如和谁结婚、要不要孩子或选择什么职业，我保证该芯片会为你做出理性且正确的决定，通过权衡各种数据，例如个人特征、市场状况、过去的选择、基因信息等，来得出理想的答案。那么，你会同意植入这种芯片吗？截至写作前，所有被我发问的人都给出了否定的答案。近年来，行为经济学领域获得了高度认可，但这种认可，不是刊登期刊或发表对学者或从业人员的采访那样的公开认可，而是默默的认可。选择架构最初只是为了达到助推的效果，帮助人们更好地做出决策；现在，它被程序员、产品设计师和客服人员据为己用，应用于数字世界的方方面面。这个方法的简易性使任何人都可以轻松掌握规则。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何用自我对本我冲动的克制来说明网络成为无意识冲动的出口，并以此解释某些女性上传性感内容的现象？", "input": "Source: 操控 数字世界如何左右我们的行为和情感", "output": "由于人们和对方之间的交流不是直接的，而是通过屏幕进行的，因此面具被摘掉了。屏幕所形成的隔阂，有助于去除抑制，放飞自我。自我的职责是克制本我的冲动，这道约束在数字世界中被放宽了，因此人们敢于表达冲动和幻想。在这样做的过程中，网络满足了表达性欲和攻击性的需要，因为在网络中，这被视为是社会可以接受的方式。例如，与目前公认的女性不希望被物化和成为与性相关的指向对象相反，一些女性上传到社交网络的内容让观者觉得，她们在内心深处想要被注视，想要看起来性感和有吸引力，更重要的是，想要成为男人性幻想的对象。网络允许这种冲动以合法的方式被释放，就像它允许将暴力的口头表达作为合法表现冲动和攻击性的方式一样。事实上，网络将日常生活中没有被表达的各种冲动反映了出来，反映了人们隐藏最深的冲动 ——攻击性、性欲甚至是对恋爱的需求。在恋爱关系中缺乏安全感的人会上传自己的情侣照，以证明他们的恋爱关系仍在进行中。他们试图通过营造一种引人羡慕的关系氛围，来弥补恋爱中的不安全感—— 这是一种无意识的尝试，意图是让自己和周围的人相信，自己处于一段和谐美好的关系中。因此，人们容易对社交网络产生高度的心理依赖，事实上是因为网络可以为人的无意识冲动提供一个出口，从而实现长期以来被藏匿和压抑的幻想。扩展思维一"}
{"instruction": "作者把这场数学之旅的起点定在哪里，并说这个平凡的地方隐藏着什么？", "input": "Source: 数学的雨伞下：理解世界的乐趣", "output": "我能告诉你的就是，在10岁第一次看到这个问题的时候，我远远无法想象它有一天能够帮助我去理解史上最著名的数学方程。好吧，如果你愿意跟我一道，那我们就一起出发去探险吧。在这段旅程中，我们可能会遭遇艰难的时刻，但我们不会在弹指之间就改变自己的思维方式，还会碰到需要克服的疑虑和有待成熟的想法。但请坚持住，理解的乐趣会让你为此付出的努力得到千百倍的回报。翻过这一页，我们的数学之旅就正式开始了，我们将一起去发现这个世界里一些最为美丽的隐秘机制。抬起你的双眼，看看周围的风景：在我们的旅行结束后，你可能不会再以同样的方式去看待这个宇宙——你的宇宙。第一章超市定律本福特定律数学之旅有时始于平凡无奇的场所。至于我们这段旅程的起点，我建议就定在街角的超市。你肯定知道某个离你家不远的超市。你在那里养成了自己的购物习惯。无论是大型购物中心还是乡间小卖部，都无关紧要，只要是能够找到满足日用之需的基础产品的超市就好。你对超市里的氛围早已司空见惯。你已经来过这里上百次，甚至上千次。顺序排列的货架、金属台架、收银台扫描条形码时发出的规律声响，还有四处走动、无意识地抓起一瓶牛奶或几瓶罐头的顾客。但是今天，我们不是来购物的，而是来执行观察任务的。这个地方隐藏着最引人入胜的数学宝藏之一。"}
{"instruction": "钦博拉索火山海拔上的不一致把作者引向了一个什么问题，他接着从什么角度追问数字究竟是什么？", "input": "Source: 数学的雨伞下：理解世界的乐趣", "output": "呢？正如超市价格的异常促使我们循着本福特定律而去一样，海拔的不一致不过是大自然为了引起我们注意而放在那里的一个细节。真正的挑战藏在背后。让我们继续前进，前进！美丽的事物就要来临。数字是什么？稍后我们会再回到钦博拉索火山的山坡上，现在我们先离开山顶一会儿，好探一探过去的学者为我们开辟的那些道路。早在我们之前，这些学者也曾有过他们的疑问和错误。有时候，这些疑惑让他们在几个世纪中停滞不前，直到某个学者最终找到了出路，直到他们的发现之路变得安全并被放置了路标。在我们的先辈研发的工具中，数学为细细探究这个世界提供了名副其实的全套装备。而这套装备中最根本的工具之一，就是数字的概念。我们用数字进行计数、测量或计算，而任何想要走得更远的科学都必须与它结盟。当然，你已经知道什么是数字了。你们每天都会碰到数字，数字在我们的生活中无处不在，以至于我们有时候都意识不到它们的存在。查看时间，在超市付款，查看汽车的里程表，测量顶峰的海拔，翻看这一页的页码……数字的身影随处可见！但是，数学家理解的数字与我们在日常生活中使用的数字具有完全不同的性质，在这个看似微不足道的问题上稍事停留不无用处：数字究竟是什么？如果我们从纯语法的角度提出这个问题，那么在包括法语在内的大多数语言中，数字大多是形容词。"}
{"instruction": "分形本来随处可见，为什么直到20世纪科学才开始真正关注它们，作者由此又提出了什么疑问？", "input": "Source: 数学的雨伞下：理解世界的乐趣", "output": "曼德博抛出了一个名副其实的现象，一大批数学家追随他的脚步进入这一全新的探索领域。直到今天，仍有很多前沿研究在继续这一领域的探索。分形不仅本身得到研究，而且还渗透到数学和科学的其他很多领域。但分形研究最令人惊讶的地方处或许是，直到20世纪，科学才开始真正关注这些在我们的世界中无处不在的形状。就像本福特定律，分形在数个世纪中一直就在我们祖先的眼前，但他们似乎没有看到分形。抬起眼来吧，看看周围的这个世界，然后思考一下这个问题：你正在观察的事物中还有多少有待发现？这个世界上还有什么未曾被人了解的事情等待我们去了解，只因为没人想到要去了解它们？我们眼前还有什么引人入胜却未受关注的事物？有时候，显而易见之事就在细节之中。第四章模糊的艺术欧几里得的第五公设我们如何能够对自己的所知确信无疑？这个问题一经提出就一直困扰着人类。当然，我们观察这个世界，分析这个世界，看到相同的原因产生了千百次相同的结果，而渐渐地，我们最终认为，自己了解了一些自然的机制。但我们的自信能够达到何种程度呢？如何才能避免沦为偏见、运气不佳和糟糕阐释的受害者呢？我们是否根本无法说“就是这样了”呢？我们能否做到确信无疑而没有任何漏洞？人类认知的历史中布满了言之凿凿的观点，这些观点在一段时间内被认为是真的，而"}
{"instruction": "虾蛄能看到的世界为什么远比人类丰富，而人类又把自己的哪种“色盲”传染给了电子设备？", "input": "Source: 数学的雨伞下：理解世界的乐趣", "output": "眼中是一模一样的。与色盲相反的症状叫作四色视觉。在人类中，四色视觉是一种非常罕见的现象，只有少数人被认为可以看到四原色的世界。但在动物界，四色视觉却很常见。比如你家的金鱼，它除了可以看到所有你可以看到的颜色，还可以感知到一种你看不到的紫外原色。大多数鸟类同样具有四色视觉，还有很多其他的动物也疑似具有这种视觉。需要注意的是，四色视觉为视觉添加的并不只是一种颜色，而是一种可以和所有其他原色混合的第四原色。因此，你的金鱼可以看到大量其他的颜色组合。但辨色的全能冠军是拥有十二种感色细胞的虾蛄科。这些甲壳类动物看到的是一个十二原色的世界！因为这十二种原色可以相互混合，所以虾蛄能够看到不少于4082种二次色[1]，以及这些二次色之间大量的混合色。跟这些动物相比，智人就是十足的色盲。我们看世界的方式在这些动物眼中可能相当乏味：这个世界充满了我们从生物性上无法感知的色彩差异。另外，有趣的是，我们把这种色盲传染给了电子设备。我们用来拍摄的相机，还有电视和计算机屏幕都是以捕捉和再现RGB 颜色模型（即红绿蓝颜色模型）为目的而设计的，这就完全忽略了存在的所有其他颜色差别。如果你和拥有四色视觉的动物一起坐在电视机前，它会告诉你屏幕上缺少了某些颜色。你的电视屏幕没有再现出这个世界的颜色，而只是再现出让我们看不出差别的颜色。"}
{"instruction": "相对论如何解释光速无法被超越，作者用贝尔特拉米和庞加莱圆盘中的生物作比想说明什么？", "input": "Source: 数学的雨伞下：理解世界的乐趣", "output": "通过这些描述，你现在已经掌握了狭义相对论的基础知识。但是，你仍需要时间才能理解这些观点变化带来的所有后果，以及这些后果对我们关于这个世界的认知意味着什么。欧氏几何对我们来说是如此亲切和熟悉，巴望着用几页纸的篇幅就能颠覆我们对世界的直觉只是一种不切实际的幻象。毕生致力于研究这个问题的研究者们最终形成了一种相对几何的直觉。渐渐地，他们做到了在思维上游走在不同的速度之间，并从整体上去理解这些观点的一致性。但要做到这一点，所牵涉的不仅是理解的问题，也是习惯的问题。我们还要做一些思想实验，并找到这种新几何的其他特征，但如果你想要对它了如指掌，那么不要期望有什么灵招妙法，这也需要一个熟能生巧的过程。在爱因斯坦的理论对我们关于空间和时间的认知所产生的诸多影响中，最具代表性的一个是关于光速的。根据相对论，光速是无法被超越的。无论采用何种方法、动用何种能量，无论从哪个角度去看，在我们的宇宙中，300000千米 / 秒的速度是无法被超越的。但是，这一表述常常具有迷惑性并引起误解。说我们无法超越光速，就好比是在说贝尔特拉米和庞加莱圆盘中的生物无法从圆盘中走出来。这种局限仅在外部观察者的眼中才存在。具体地说，就是无论你走得多快，你总能进一步加速。想象一下，一个贝尔特拉米圆盘的生物正在接近它所在圆盘的边缘。"}
{"instruction": "斯通纳从六岁起每天要承担哪些农活，为什么十七岁的他已经在农活的重压下开始驼背？", "input": "Source: 斯通纳", "output": "起、后面挽了个髻的稀薄灰发的衬托下，显得更加耀眼。从自己最早能记得的时候开始，威廉·斯通纳就有很多活儿必须要做。六岁的时候，他就得从那几头瘦骨嶙峋的母牛身上挤奶，把几只猪赶进离屋子不远的圈里，还要到一窝母鸡那里去收鸡蛋。甚至从去距离农场八里路的乡村学校读书开始，从黎明前到天黑后，他的这段时间都要被一两种活儿所占据。十七岁的时候，在农活的重压下，他已经开始驼背。这是一个孤单的家庭，家里只有他一个孩子，全家被逃不掉的辛劳紧紧地束缚在一块儿。黄昏的时候，一家三口坐在那间小厨房里，亮着唯一的那盏油灯，凝视着昏黄的灯焰。经常在这个时候或者晚饭和上床睡觉之间的工夫，唯一能听到的声音就是靠背椅里某个身躯单调的活动声，以及在那幢年迈的老房子下面某个木器发出的微弱而柔和的吱呀声。这幢房子建在一片荒芜的四方形平地上，走廊和门扉附近那些不曾漆刷的木椽已经塌陷。由于长年累月的侵蚀，房子已经带上那片干燥土地的颜色 ——灰色和褐黄色，中间还夹杂着白色条纹。房子的另外一侧是一条长长的走廊，稀稀落落地点缀着几把靠背椅和若干砍削过的桌子，还有一个厨房，全家有限的相聚时间大部分就是在那里打发的。另一侧是两间卧室，每间里面都摆放着铁制的床架，涂成白色，外加一把靠背椅，一张桌子，上面有一盏灯和一只洗脸盆。"}
{"instruction": "斯通纳在自己的第一堂课上感到什么惊奇，又为什么说他在这些课上自己就是一个学生？", "input": "Source: 斯通纳", "output": "用自己感觉到的东西的感觉来激发学生的活力。可是，在他上的第一节课上，当例行的点名和学习计划这些开场白结束后，当他开始向自己的听众和学生自我介绍时，他发现自己内心仍然深藏着某种惊奇感。有时，他对学生讲话时，仿佛是站在自我之外，观察着一个陌生人在给一群并不情愿地聚集在一块儿的人发表讲话；他听着自己平板的声音在背诵着准备过的材料，从背诵中体会不到丝毫属于自己的兴奋。他在这些课上寻找自己的解脱和满足，在这样的课上，他自己就是一个学生。他能够从中再次捡回自己第一天体会到的那种发现感，那时阿切尔·斯隆曾在课上对他说，他刹那间就变成另一个人，不再是过去的那个自己。当他的脑子本身在忙着自己的课题，当它与自己学习且试图理解其本质的文学的力量搏斗时，他意识到自己内心某种东西在不断变化；当他意识到这点后就开始从自我向外转移，走进包容着他的这个世界，所以，他知道了，他读过的弥尔顿的诗歌或者培根的随笔，乃至本·琼森[7]的戏剧改变着这个世界，而这个世界就是文学的主题，能够改变世界是因为文学依赖它。他在课堂上很少讲话，他写的论文鲜有让自己满意的。正如他讲给这些年轻学生听的，从不泄露自己体会最深刻的东西。他开始跟为数不多的几个同学熟络起来，他们也在系里担任代课教师。他跟其中两个即戴夫·马斯特思和戈登·费奇成了好朋友。"}
{"instruction": "1920年夏天斯通纳回父母家帮忙干活时，为什么脚下熟悉的泥土和气味再也唤不起他过去的感觉？", "input": "Source: 斯通纳", "output": "斯通纳从大学回来后，总是看到她们两个在一起，喝着茶，用一种低得也许是咕哝的声调说着话。两人总是客客气气地跟他打招呼，可斯通纳看得出来，她们很不愿意看到他，他到了后达利太太很少再多待几分钟。他学会了对伊迪丝开始要生活其中的那个世界保持着某种不贸然闯入和小心翼翼的尊重。1920年的夏天，斯通纳在父母家待了一个星期，其间伊迪丝去圣路易斯拜访了几个亲戚。自从婚礼后斯通纳就没见过父亲和母亲了。他在田里帮父亲和那个雇来的黑人帮手干了一两天活儿，可是脚下那温暖湿润的泥土和鼻孔里闻到的新翻泥地味道已经难以在他心中唤起过去或者熟悉的感觉。他回到哥伦比亚，夏天剩余的时间全都用来准备下学年要教的新课。一天的大部分时间他都是在图书馆度过，有时很晚才回到伊迪丝身边和家里，穿过忍冬花浓重的香气，那活跃在温暖的空气中和茱萸树柔嫩的叶子间的香气，在黑暗中茱萸像鬼一般沙沙作响，摇曳不已。他的眼睛因为长时间盯着昏暗的书本有些发疼，头脑被看到的东西弄得昏昏沉沉，手指因为还留着陈旧的皮革、封面和纸张的感觉隐隐约约有些刺痛。但是他仍然向这个世界，这个他很快漫步穿过的世界，敞开心扉，并且从中寻找些微欢乐。系里召开的会上，偶尔会出现几张新的面孔。有时某些熟悉的面孔又不在了。阿切尔·斯隆继续在缓慢地衰老着，斯通纳在战争期间就开始注意到这"}
{"instruction": "斯通纳与女儿格蕾斯一同度过的那个圣诞节是怎样一副景象，父女俩互送的礼物各是什么？", "input": "Source: 斯通纳", "output": "静又开心，对什么东西都欢欢喜喜的，给她父亲一种类似怀旧的敬意感。有时格蕾斯会跟邻居的孩子们玩，但更多时候跟父亲坐在那间大大的书房里，他批改作业、读书或者写东西时就看着。她有时跟父亲说说话，两人还会交谈起来——既安静又严肃，那种料想不到的温柔令斯通纳很感动。格蕾斯经常在黄色纸上画些稚嫩又好玩的图画，然后一本正经地拿给父亲看，有时还会拿一年级的阅读课本上的文章大声读给父亲听。晚上，斯通纳把她放在床上，然后又回到书房，他感觉孩子已经不在自己的房间，但知道她在头顶安然睡着，他又很欣慰。他开始以自己隐约想到的各种方式对她进行教育，当孩子在他眼皮底下逐渐成长，当她的脸蛋上开始显露出自己头脑里面运转的聪慧时，斯通纳满怀好奇和爱抚地观察着。伊迪丝直到第二年一月过后才回到哥伦比亚，所以威廉·斯通纳和女儿独自过的圣诞节。圣诞节的早上，他们互相交换了礼物，送给父亲的礼物是个简单的烟灰缸，虽然他并不抽烟，那是格蕾斯在大学附属的那所谨慎开明的学校里自己做的。斯通纳给她送了一件亲自在城里的一家店铺挑选的新衣服，几本书，还有一套彩色玩具。那天大部分时间，他们都坐在那棵小树前，说着话，看着树上饰物闪烁的灯光，看着黑绿色的冷杉上的金丝线一闪一烁的，就像埋好了的火。圣诞节期间，在这个急匆匆的学期有趣而心神不安的暂时休整期，威廉·"}
{"instruction": "四十三岁那年斯通纳的外貌出现了哪些变化，他独自坐在办公室里凝视窗外时看到了什么？", "input": "Source: 斯通纳", "output": "四十三岁那年，斯通纳的身体瘦削得几乎跟年轻时一样了，那时他第一次怀着惊奇的敬畏感行走在校园里，校园从未彻底失去对自己的影响。年复一年，驼背不断加重，他开始学着放慢动作，这样手脚自带的那种农民的粗笨就好像刻意而为，而不是源自于骨子里的笨拙。随着时间的日积月累，他的长脸柔和了许多，尽管皮肉依然像熟过的皮子，已经不再紧紧地拉过棱角分明的颧骨，而且被眼角和嘴巴周围细细的皱纹衬托得松弛了好多。他的眼睛依然犀利和清澈，灰色的眼珠在脸盘上塌得更深了，那种精明的警觉已经藏去一半锋芒。他的头发，曾经是浅褐色的头发，现已变深，而且几丝灰色已经爬上太阳穴附近。他并不经常想到岁月，或者痛惜岁月的流逝，可是当他看到镜子里自己的脸，或者当他走近通向杰西楼某扇玻璃门里自己的影子时，他还是能辨认出由于一场轻微的打击而窜到身上的这些变化。那年早春的一个午后，他一个人坐在办公室。一堆新生的作文摆在桌上。他手里拿着其中的一份报告，但并没有真正在看。像最近常干的那样，他凝视着窗外校园那块从办公室里能看到的地方。那天阳光明亮，杰西楼投出的影子在他观察的工夫，几乎爬到了四方形院子中心在有力、孤独的优雅中矗立的那五根圆柱的基部。笼罩在阴影中的院子的这部分呈深深的褐灰色，阴影边沿那边，冬天的草地泛着浅黑色，上面覆盖着一层隐约闪烁、暗"}
{"instruction": "作者认为民粹主义的正确之处和偏激之处分别是什么，本书又希望在怎样的一种中间立场上展开讨论？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "得不再适合人类生存，我们会发现自己根本无处可去。我们如果不想把权力交给某个魅力领袖或是高深莫测的人工智能，首先就得更加了解“信息”究竟是什么，了解信息如何协助建立起人类网络，了解信息与真理、真相以及与权力的关系。民粹主义的正确之处在于对天真的信息观抱持怀疑态度，但偏激之处则在于认为只有权力是唯一的现实，以及信息永远就是一种武器。事实是，信息既不能说肯定能带来真理与真相，但它也不只是一种武器。在这两种极端之间其实还有足够的空间，能让我们以更细致也更充满希望的观点来看待人类的信息网络，看待人类明智地运用权力的可能。本书就是希望能探索这样的中间立场。前方的道路本书第一部分将会概述人类信息网络的历史发展进程。这里并不是要按照世纪的进展，全面讨论文字、印刷术、无线电等信息技术，而是希望通过研究几个范例，探讨各个时代人们在建立信息网络时所面临的关键困境，并研究了当时解决这些困境不同的答案怎样塑造出截然不同的人类社会。有些冲突的成因，我们一般会认为是意识形态或政治上的不同，但实际上往往是信息网络的类型不同。在第一部分，我最先考察的是对于大规模人类信息网络至关重要的两个概念：神话故事和官僚制度。在第二章与第三章，我描述了大规模信息网络（从古代王国到现代国家）是如何同时有赖于神话编造者与"}
{"instruction": "作者用曼哈顿计划和石器时代猎杀猛犸象的例子说明什么，为什么说一套完全无视事实的意识形态依然可能惊天动地？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "哈顿计划直接雇用了大约13万人，而维持该计划运作所动用的人力更是高达数百万。罗伯特·奥本海默之所以能把心思都放在他的方程式上，是因为当时在加拿大北部的埃尔多拉多矿场和比属刚果的欣科洛布韦矿场，有几千名矿工负责挖矿的工作，更别说还有大批为他的午餐负责种马铃薯的农民了。想制造原子弹，你必须找到让几百万人合作的办法。人类所有抱着雄心壮志的计划都是如此。石器时代的游群如果想要猎杀一头猛犸象，显然需要知道一些关于猛犸象的客观现实。如果他们以为自己有能力通过施法猎杀猛犸象，这场狩猎显然会以失败收场。然而，仅仅知道猛犸象的客观现实是不够的。这些猎人还得愿意冒生命危险，展现出非凡的勇气。如果他们相信，只要施了某种法术咒语，就能让猎人在死后的生活无比美好，这群人狩猎成功的机会就会大大提高。就算这套法术对死去的猎人根本毫无好处，只要能让活着的猎人更勇敢、更团结，就能让狩猎更可能成功。如果你做了一枚完全无视物理学的炸弹，这枚炸弹不可能响彻云霄。但如果你创造出一套完全无视事实的意识形态，这套意识形态依然可能惊天动地。虽然真理与秩序都能带来权力，但大多数时候，掌握大权的会是那些知道如何创造意识形态来维持秩序的人；至于那些只懂得怎么做炸弹或猎杀猛犸象的人，则只能乖乖听令。所以，奥本海默"}
{"instruction": "为什么科学机构制度负担得起强大的自我修正机制，而美国与苏联在越南战争和阿富汗战争上的报道又有何不同？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "一部分。为了秩序而牺牲真理与真相需要付出代价；反之，为了真理与真相而牺牲秩序，代价同样不低。科学机构制度之所以负担得起强大的自我修正机制，是因为它把维护社会秩序的艰巨任务留给了其他机构制度。如果有小偷闯入化学实验室，或是精神科医生收到死亡威胁，这些受害者并不会向有同行评议机制的期刊投诉，而是会报警。所以，除了学界的机构制度，是不是其他领域也拥有强大的自我修正机制？特别是像警察、军队、政党和政府这些负责维护社会秩序的机构制度，是否也会拥有自我修正机制？我们将在下一章探讨这个问题，重点将放在信息流动的政治层面，并考察民主与独裁政体的长期历史。我们会看到，民主政体相信，就连政治领域也有可能拥有强大的自我修正机制。至于独裁政权，则不想与自我修正机制有任何关系。所以在冷战最激烈的时候，美国的报纸与大学都曾公开揭露并批评美国在越南的战争罪行，而在苏联，当地的报纸与大学一样乐于批评美国的罪行，但对于苏联在阿富汗等地的罪行却一声不吭。像这样的沉默，在科学上说不通，但在政治上再合理不过了。虽然到了今天，美国对越战的自我究责仍然继续造成美国民众的分裂，损害美国在世界各地的声誉，但苏联对入侵阿富汗的沉默，则有助于在国内淡化记忆，在国外也减少对国家声誉的影响。为了准备好探索人工智能崛起可能带来的革命性影响，我们必须先了"}
{"instruction": "为什么有人认为乌拉圭公民与谷歌、字节跳动之间的交易应该被课税，这些科技巨头又如何反驳？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "但当实体空间慢慢被网络空间增强或取代时，当越来越多的交易只是信息的传输，而不是实体商品或传统货币的交换时，事情就变得没那么好判断了。比如，某位乌拉圭公民可能每天在网络上与许多企业互动，这些企业不见得都在乌拉圭有实体公司，但都是在为他提供各种服务，如谷歌为他提供免费的搜索，字节跳动为他提供免费的社交媒体。还有其他一些外国企业常常向他投放广告：耐克想卖给他鞋子，标致想卖给他汽车，可口可乐则想卖给他饮料。为了锁定他，这些企业还会向谷歌与字节跳动购买关于他的个人信息与广告空间。此外，谷歌与字节跳动也会运用从他和数百万其他用户那里收集到的信息，研发出强大的新型人工智能工具，再把这些工具卖给世界各地的政府与企业。正是因为这样的交易，让谷歌与字节跳动跻身全球数一数二富有的企业。那么，关于他的这些交易应该在乌拉圭被课税吗？有些人认为确实应该被课税。不只是因为这些来自乌拉圭的信息让这些企业赚到了钱，更是因为这些活动其实伤害了在乌拉圭纳税的企业。当地报纸、电视台与电影院，会被这些企业抢走顾客与广告收益。而且乌拉圭未来的人工智能公司处境也会非常艰辛，无法和谷歌与字节跳动庞大的数据库竞争。然而这些科技巨头会说，这些交易既没有通过任何在乌拉圭的实体，也没有任何货币交易。谷歌与字节跳"}
{"instruction": "赛船游戏的人工智能怎样钻了游戏规则的漏洞，这个例子如何说明一致性问题奖励的是A行为、想要的却是B结果？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "对位置之类的复杂概念都用形式语言表达出来。于是阿莫迪决定换个简单的办法，告诉人工智能得分越高越好。在他看来，得到最高分的应该和赢得比赛差不多，毕竟之前的赛车游戏都是这样的。然而，那款赛船游戏有一个赛车游戏没有的特点，而聪明的人工智能找到了游戏规则的漏洞。在这款赛船游戏中，如果领先其他船只，玩家就能得到大量积分（这和赛车相同），然而船只每次靠港补充能量的时候，也能得到一些积分。结果人工智能就发现，与其试着超越其他船只，不如不断绕圈进出港口，这样反而能够更快积累更多积分。显然，无论是游戏的人类开发者还是阿莫迪都没注意这个漏洞。而这款人工智能所做的，正是这款游戏鼓励它做的事，只是这并不是人类想看到的。这正是一致性问题的本质：我们奖励的是A行为，却希望得到B结果。要是我们希望计算机能带来最大的社会效益，就不该因为它们带来了最高的用户参与度而给予奖励。担心计算机一致性问题的第三个原因，在于计算机与人类实在差异太大，所以就算我们不小心给出了与人类利益不一致的目标，计算机也不太会有所警觉或要求说明。如果那个赛船人工智能是人类玩家，应该就会意识到，利用自己在游戏规则里发现的漏洞大概不能真正赢得比赛；如果那个回形针人工智能是人类官僚，应该就会意识到，人类的初衷大概不是让它为了生产回形针而毁灭人类。"}
{"instruction": "作者说许多算法偏见都有一个同样的基本问题是什么，他如何用社交媒体算法与愤慨情绪的例子说明计算机把秩序误当成了真相？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "“女性不擅长工程学”原本只是一种存在于人类主体间的错误观念，现在却有可能演变成一种存在于计算机间的错误观念。如果我们不从源头消灭这种偏见，计算机就很可能将其延续和放大。然而，摆脱算法偏见的难度或许不低于摆脱人类的偏见。在算法经过训练之后，人类想要消除算法的训练痕迹，可得花上大把的时间和精力。有时候，我们宁可直接放弃一套已经产生偏见的算法，另找一个偏见较少的数据集，重新训练一套全新的算法。然而，哪里才能找到完全没有偏见的数据集？本章与前几章所谈到的算法偏见，很多都有一个同样的基本问题：计算机觉得自己找出了某些关于人类的真相，事实上却只是把一套秩序硬套在人类头上。社交媒体算法以为自己发现了人类喜欢感到愤慨，但事实上，正是算法让人产生与接收到更多的愤慨情绪。这种偏见一方面是由于计算机低估了人类的能力，另一方面也是因为计算机低估了自己影响人类的能力。即使计算机发现几乎所有人都有某种行为方式，也不代表人类一定有这样的行为。搞不好这正意味着计算机鼓励这种行为，惩罚其他行为。计算机如果以更准确，也更负责的观点来看这个世界，就得把自己的力量与影响也考虑进去。要实现这样的目标，目前正在设计计算机的人就必须接受一个事实：他们正在做的事，不是在制造新的工具，而是在释放新的独立行为者，甚至可能是"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者认为人工智能之所以构成生存威胁，原因在于人类自身的缺陷，他举了哪些例子？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "深远的影响。人工智能可能造成最严重的危险，有些并不在于单一社会的内部反应，而在于许多社会互动形成的动态，例如导致新的军备竞赛、新的战争和新的帝国扩张。目前，计算机还没有强大到足以完全摆脱人类的控制，或是独力摧毁人类的文明。只要人类团结一心，就能打造出适当的机构制度，用来控制人工智能，找出并修正算法的错误。但遗憾的是，人类从未真正团结一心，总是有些坏人在作乱，而好人也不见得都能达成共识。于是，人工智能兴起之所以会对人类构成生存威胁，并不是因为计算机真的抱有什么恶意，而是因为人类自己的缺陷问题。如此一来，偏执的独裁者可能让会犯错的人工智能拥有无限的权力，甚至包括发动核打击。如果独裁者对人工智能的信任程度比对国防部长还高，不就确实该让人工智能来掌管一国威力最强大的武器吗？但如果这时的人工智能犯了错，或者开始追求非人类的目标，就可能造成灾难性结果，而且倒霉的不只是那个国家自己。同样，原本只在全球某个地点惹事的恐怖分子，可能会运用人工智能引发全球疫情。虽然想要引发世界末日的恐怖分子可能不懂流行病学，但现在他们只需要设定目标，其他一切都可以由人工智能来完成。人工智能可以合成新的病原体，委托生物实验室制造或采用生物 3D打印，再找出最佳的全球传播通道，通过机场或食品供应链传至全"}
{"instruction": "作者用世界杯说明全球合作代表的哪两件并不激进的事？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "不同于民粹主义的观点，全球主义并不意味着就要建立全球帝国、放弃对国家的忠诚或是开放边界无限制地接受移民。事实上，全球合作代表的是没那么激进的两件事。第一，遵守某些全球规则。这些规则并不是要否认每个国家的独特性以及各国人民对国家的忠诚，而是在规范国家之间的关系。世界杯就是一个很好的例子。世界杯是一场国家之间的竞争，各国人民也常常对自己的国家队表现出强烈的忠诚。但与此同时，世界杯也是全球共识的精彩展现。要不是巴西能与德国在比赛规则上达成一致，哪可能同场比赛？这就是全球主义发挥了作用。第二，有时候（但不是永远）有必要将全人类的长期利益置于少数人的短期利益之上。同样以世界杯为例，所有国家队都同意不使用提升运动表现的禁药，是因为大家知道，如果此例一开，世界杯就会成为一场生物化学家之间的竞赛。在那些同样可能被科技改变整套游戏规则的领域，我们也应该共同努力，在国家与全球的利益之间达到平衡。虽然各国显然还是会继续争相研发新的技术，但偶尔也应该同意对于某些危险技术的研发与部署加以限制（例如自主性武器或操弄性算法）。这么做除了是出于利他主义，也是一种自我保护。人类的选择想要针对人工智能制定并维持一套国际协议，在国际体系的运作方式上就必须先有重大的改革。虽然人类过去也曾共同管制核武器与生物"}
{"instruction": "本书围绕电子游戏提出了哪三个贯穿全书的论点？", "input": "Source: 电子游戏的梦境世界", "output": "无穷无尽的符号和能指中的体验。在科技娱乐和无限散心的时代，人们每天都会多次处于这种状态，沉浸在屏幕前的遐想中，但这些看似暂时的体验通常被视为非政治性或补充性的。本书不认为这种遐想是现代生活的决定性特征之一，而是要问几个问题：在这个令人陶醉的网络梦境中，我们可以发现哪些模式？当我们从遐想中醒来，重新回到“现实”时，我们会有什么样的印象和什么样的政治？开门见山地说，有三个论点贯穿全书。第一，本书认为，只有通过法国精神分析学家雅克·拉康的分析，我们才能完全理解电子游戏的世界。读者可能需要费一番功夫才能理解这一点，也可能需要了解这一论点的重要性。第二，本书认为，任何潜在的颠覆性尝试都需要在游戏这个梦境空间中进行——梦境空间是塑造我们的梦和欲望的强大力量。否则，梦境空间就会落入企业和国家的手中。资本主义的话语已经在网络空间中牢牢占据着一席之地（网络空间与空间本身越来越难以区分），因此，这个论点并不只是为那些对精神分析感兴趣的人准备的，也不只是为那些玩电子游戏的人准备的，而是为任何关注未来的科技-政治的人准备的。最后，本书试图通过揭示电子游戏的享乐在意识形态上的辩证性和破坏性，来展示电子游戏的颠覆性潜力。随着科技娱乐的发展，一场欲望的革命正在发生，让-弗朗索瓦·利奥塔(Jean-François Lyotard)所言的"}
{"instruction": "作者如何用拉康式的无意识来理解谷歌那类预测性应用，又用《Ingress》和《宝可梦GO》的哪些事例来说明其现实影响？", "input": "Source: 电子游戏的梦境世界", "output": "点是谷歌的盟友，因为它鼓励用户将自己的欲望视为自己的内在冲动，而谷歌则是用户的好朋友，帮助用户实现这些欲望。相反，拉康式的无意识则是谷歌的敌人，拉康式的无意识向我们展示了谷歌组织我们欲望的能力。换句话说，预测性手机应用程序可能会将原本停留在无意识中的欲望和驱力带入意识之中，这意味着我们将决策的一个重要部分交给了一种设备，而这个设备映射着我们的行为，影响着我们的动作。《宝可梦GO》正是在这样的环境下出现的，在发布后的几天内，它就成为了2016 年最热门的手机应用。与早前的《Ingress》一样，《宝可梦GO》一经发布，便迅速引发了一系列歇斯底里的事件，它们都和这个游戏有关。在《Ingress》的案例中，学术界专门研究了该游戏让年幼的孩子在天黑后进入没有路灯的城市公园这一事实。而关于《宝可梦GO》的例子包括：警察不得不应对一群试图进入警察局捕捉里面宝可梦的驯兽师，但人们在警察局里发现的是一具尸体而不是宝可梦；还有很多人在盯着手机看的时候出了车祸。然而，对于这两款游戏，我们更关心的不应该是偶尔出现的离奇故事，而是每一位用户的体验所带来的心理和技术影响。《宝可梦GO》的前提是，玩家利用GPS 在现实中找到宝可梦，然后利用摄像头让宝可梦显现出来，这样，通过屏幕观察屏幕"}
{"instruction": "作者引述齐泽克和马克·费舍关于“没有替代方案”的资本主义现实主义论点意在说明什么，他对这一看似的僵局持什么态度？", "input": "Source: 电子游戏的梦境世界", "output": "点的不足之处：即“没有什么替代方案”的观点。这一观点源于弗雷德里克·詹明信的著作，并被齐泽克用来证明资本主义将其不满作为商品返销给消费者的特殊能力。从涅槃乐队到《饥饿游戏》(The Hunger Game)，人们对体制的不满总是被资本主义顺畅的逻辑转化为完美的商品，为好莱坞和音乐产业创造了数百万美元的收入，而这一切恰恰我们是在试图攻击这些企业的时候发生的。当然，游戏尤其容易落入这一陷阱。这一论点因马克·费舍的《资本主义现实主义：没有什么替代方案吗？》而广为人知。这一论点的另一个含义是，每一种替代的愿景都已经被编码在资本主义的话语之中，因此，每个“另一条路”的梦想都被视为它所回应的系统的症状。我得再次强调，电子游戏是一种经常陷入这种陷阱的媒介形式。然而，这并不像表面上看起来那样是一个僵局。对于从根本上反资本主义的作家和活动家齐泽克来说，重要的是，人们要认识到以下一点：在某种意义上，资本主义是“无法逃脱”的。因此，从这个角度来看，反资本主义并不意味着置身于资本主义之外，甚至也不意味着试图置身于资本主义之外．．，而是意味着：要反对我们已经身处其中．．的结构，同时又诚实地承认自己是资本主义的同谋。对齐泽克来说，这是在特定政治背景下提出的重要观点，不是因为它"}
{"instruction": "作者认为电子游戏中的“意识形态享乐”为何倾向于传统主义和保守价值观，游戏又能否反过来服务于颠覆性议程？", "input": "Source: 电子游戏的梦境世界", "output": "那么，通过两种方式，这种企业的“欲望革命”正可以通过其创造的辩证的意识形态享了而发生倒置。在电子游戏的梦境世界中，我们所发现的享乐模式倾向于传统主义和保守主义的价值观，这些价值观支持当代资本主义的核心价值观，或者说，它们将进一步向政治上的右翼靠拢。与其说这是因为电子游戏的结构本身是保守或反动的，不如说，这是因为梦境世界是对即将到来的政治和社会趋势的反映，甚至是预测。然而，如果游戏具有将意识形态的享乐形式自然化的功能，那么，它们难道不能像对企业和国家权力所做的那样，为颠覆性的议程服务吗？我们是否可以设想一种电子游戏，它的目的是对欲望进行重编程，反对电子游戏中普遍存在的法西斯主义、企业主义和资本主义倾向。或者说，唯一“道德上合乎伦理”的游戏是那种将欲望非自然化的游戏，它表明我们的愿望不是自然的，而是他者的被自然化的愿望？在许多意义上，这都是一个关于政治颠覆的问题，因为，接受游戏的这种可能性也就意味着承认一点：我们不仅有必要解构现有的意识形态假设，而且有必要构建新的假设，有意识地操纵他者的情感。现在，也许是左翼接受这种必要性的时候了。而且，即使电子游戏中没有发生彻底的颠覆性革命的可能，游戏中的意识形态享乐也有可能从内部颠覆它同时所建立的欲望组织。既然电子游戏可以使享乐的形式自然化，为意识形态力量服务，"}
{"instruction": "《请出示证件》通过哪些抉择迫使玩家直面边境管制与移民议题，它更具颠覆性的特质又体现在哪里？", "input": "Source: 电子游戏的梦境世界", "output": "死亡。玩家必须选择接受或拒绝恐怖组织（星辰会）的贿赂，决定是否帮助受到威胁、需要庇护但应被政府拒绝的移民，并考虑是否要开枪、拘留或加入一大群试图破坏或颠覆政府统治的不同势力。故事让玩家沉浸其中，迫使玩家面对处于这种情况的人所面临的艰难决策。玩家必须在维护法律和保住家人之间做出选择，在违反法律和让难民去死之间做出选择。更有组织的颠覆活动，比如与无政府主义者合作，可能有助于反抗压迫性政府，但可能使家庭处于危险之中；而接受政府官员的贿赂可能有助于支付燃气费，但会给弱势公民带来更多的痛苦。因此，《请出示证件》是一款明显合乎道德的游戏，至少它迫使观众思考边境管制、移民和政府公务员日常工作经历中的一些问题：例如，《纽约客》(The New Yorker)指出，这款游戏可能会“改变你在机场的态度”。16然而，《请出示证件》更具颠覆性的特质却体现在其他地方。当一名前移民局工作人员拿着有问题的证件出现并被拒绝入境时（如果玩家选择该选项），他会说，现在他“知道站在另一边是什么感觉了”，他还会对玩家进行游说，理由是玩家应该同情一个以前担任移民局官员的人。然而，这位前雇员认为，同情只是些许的，而更多都是虐待和受虐，他指责玩家喜欢使用拒绝的印章。对这名工作人员来说，他也是在享乐的，这不仅是因为“边境管制"}
{"instruction": "作者为什么说当今最重要的危机是左翼自身的危机，而不是经济、金融、生态、难民或道德等危机？占据主导地位的左翼又为何无法提供任何真正的政治策略或替代方案？", "input": "Source: 终局将至：欧洲，难民和左翼", "output": "崛起的右翼民粹主义给政治管理方面带来的唯一不同是，人们急于将当前正在发生的所有危机归咎于某种形式的他者（移民、LGBT 社区等）。如今，占主导地位的左翼，其态度在很大程度上已经沦为哀叹资本主义的不公正和残酷，或者为那些迷恋唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trum p)等政客的无知的普通人扼腕叹息。然而，左翼的这种反应并不是不言自明的——它需要被解释，特别是当我们考虑到2008 年金融崩溃所带来最明显的结果是更强大、更残酷的资本主义剥削和统治。因此，我们可以说，在危机激增的背后，我们的媒体只是乐于用经济、金融、生态、难民、道德等问题来轰炸我们，但最重要的危机是左翼的危机，左翼似乎无法找到一条出路，摆脱精英们强加的危机话语。经常抱怨自己的无能，时常发生的内部斗争和冲突——这些只能表明，现在的左翼生活在左翼的危机中。左翼似乎保持着道德制高点，在展示自我辨别和记录世界上所有不公事件的能力中找到了某种乐趣，而与此同时，却完全无法提供任何真正的政治策略或替代方案。如果精英统治阶级的犬儒和被击败左翼的悲叹是当今理论和政治僵局的主要答案，我们怎么才能摆脱危机话语蕴含着的削弱和僵化的力量？在普遍的危机时期，人们会变得悲观、不情愿、自怜自悯，这似乎相当自然。但正是在这种时候，我们更应该记住毛泽东的那句老话："}
{"instruction": "作者为什么认为人道主义作为长期解决方案是一个糟糕的方案？他又凭什么说欧洲根本不需要任何“移民浪潮”来将它冲走和淹没？", "input": "Source: 终局将至：欧洲，难民和左翼", "output": "例如，似乎有理由认为，即使是最顽固的反移民右翼煽动者也不相信移民“浪潮”与自然原因有任何关系。这里的逻辑与资产阶级试图将（资本主义）经济规律描述为自然规律时的逻辑完全不同。移民问题并没有被“去政治化”——恰恰相反。矛盾的是，似乎是传统的政治左翼被迫在去政治化的词汇中寻求帮助：移民只是需要我们帮助的人（自然灾害的情况）。可以肯定的是，移民“潮”与战争确实有类似于自然灾害的影响。但我们也知道，这种逻辑的问题在于，它通常只在生存受到威胁的情况下才有效——恰恰是因为没有实实在在的政治舞台以支撑这样的超越人道主义的生命观。这种限制并不像人们通常认为的那样仅仅是暂时的（比方说：在第一次人道主义开放结束之后，我们失去了兴趣，耗尽了精力）。在许多情况下，直接人道主义是长期的系统性“解决办法”。这种人道主义的问题不在于“它只能持续这么久”，而在于它持续的时间太长了。人道主义作为一个长期解决方案是一个糟糕的解决方案，因为根据其固有的逻辑，它将解决方案与单纯的生存绑定在一起，并复制其（自己的）简化逻辑。因此，讨论关乎水的词汇的主要意义仅仅是强调难民和移民总体给欧洲带来的威胁和引起的恐惧。然而，可悲的事实是，欧洲不需要任何“移民浪潮”被冲走和淹没。因为欧洲恰恰是它自己最大的敌人（欧"}
{"instruction": "作者为什么说“当人们谈到身份时，其实指的正是人力资本”？他又为什么断言反移民观念实际上就是反美国的观念？", "input": "Source: 终局将至：欧洲，难民和左翼", "output": "当人们谈到身份时，其实指的正是人力资本。在全球竞争的背景下，不同的身份有不同的身份等级。这是人们乐于把自己和自己所属群体的成功（而非失败）联系在一起的原因；也是人们偏于纵向团结（而非横向团结）的原因。当然，在右翼的鼓吹中，我们会发现各种各样的反移民运动。这些反移民运动声势浩大，吸引了大量关注。但这种反移民观念不能简单地解释为对他人的仇恨（在现在的情况下，是对移民的仇恨）。移民不是因为“拥有不同身份”而被拒绝，而是因为他们处于“更大的世界”（在更大的世界里，各种身份认同都消失了）的主体而被拒绝。在布鲁塞尔，我经常从我的佛兰德朋友那里听到：他们和移民的主要矛盾是移民更喜欢法语而不是佛兰德语。我在德国也听说了同样的情况——移民对德国的美国化负有责任，他们日常使用英语而不是德语。在对不同种类的动植物灭绝的恐惧之后，我们开始关注德国人或佛兰德人的潜在灭绝。在欧洲国家，有很多关于移民有没有必要“融入”欧洲民族文化的讨论。但每个人都很清楚，事实正好相反：移民的涌入加速了欧洲本土文化融入美国化、全球化、英语化的世界。移民被认被憎恨为)是美国的间谍；移民在欧洲出现被视为美国阴谋的结果。反移民观念实际上就是反美国的观念。这种观念并不新鲜——它是欧盟成立的主要动机。"}
{"instruction": "作者为什么说今天关于移民问题的辩论不再在民主框架内进行，而是在其日益脆弱的边缘进行？以其目前的形态而言，所谓“民主”为何无法在不倾覆的情况下接纳移民？", "input": "Source: 终局将至：欧洲，难民和左翼", "output": "是其选民生活中不可或缺的组成部分。只要议会民主是以人民主权原则为基础，并因此在现代民族国家中得以实施，它就依赖于自身的“自我赋权机制”。就像一种永动机，它必须能够自行再生权威的力量，而要做到这一点，就必须不断重新划定其内部和外部之间的明确界限。移民问题给西方自由民主国家带来的挑战似乎回避了这一逻辑。它似乎永远无法被完全内化为民主国家 Buden 95 自身的异质性，而民主国家迟早会成功应对这种异质性，即根据公民的利益找到合理的解决方案。这就是为什么我们可以说，今天关于移民问题的辩论不再是在民主框架内进行的，而是在其日益脆弱的边缘进行的。事实上，这些辩论通过让我们具体体验“民主”概念上的模糊性和历史上的局限性，在话语上为这些边缘提供了信息。我们意识到，以其目前的形态和形式而言，所谓“民主”无法在不倾覆的情况下接纳移民。第二个结论是——与第一个结论密切相关——移民问题对民主秩序的社会基础，或者说对社会本身提出了挑战。显然，要回答一个社会可以接受多少移民的问题，就必须同时问清楚这个社会“到底是什么”，“它由哪些人组成”，或者说“应该由哪些人组成”。问题的关键不仅仅在于提及一个已经存在的社会整体。恰恰相反，这个社会整体首先被期望从关于“谁构成社会”的争论中产生。"}
{"instruction": "作者为什么主张危机并没有随难民从一个地方转移到另一个地方，而是“已经”在欧盟那里了？大量难民的到来在其中只起到了什么作用？", "input": "Source: 终局将至：欧洲，难民和左翼", "output": "Ruda 117 无论如何，人们很快就会越来越清楚地认识到，问题不仅在于（如果有的话）难民越来越多地来到这里，给以前没有危机的地方带来了危机。相反，难民的在场加剧或凸显了（也许是第一次）一些根本性的、构成性的、但却隐藏着的、被压抑着的、看不见的或无法被看到的问题。难民的在场带来或制造了危机，迫使我们面对以前就存在（即在这里）的问题，但这些问题在难民问题下重获了它本身就具有的现实性，可以说是本身的问题性；也就是说，难民的到来似乎使欧洲本身的问题再次显露。3例如，并不是难民的到来才导致欧洲右翼运动或组织的广泛兴起，并在选举中取得一定的支持；但难民的到来确实将这一趋势升为一个真正的问题，其影响甚至开始挑战民族国家和整个欧盟的地基和原则。简而言之：危机并没有随着难民从一个地方转移到另一个地方，也没有通过难民从一个地方转移到另一个地方，而是说：危机没有必要转移到欧盟，因为它们“已经”在那里了。危机“只是”由于大量难民的到来而加剧、现实化、暴露出来，一个征兆是，欧盟作为一个政治联盟，完全不清楚他们应该，或者说能够，做出何种反应。我们甚至很快发现，几乎没有一个成员国对欧盟采取行动表现出任何兴趣。相反，大多数国家完全根据自己的特殊国家利益做出决定和采取行动，宣称难民问题并不是他们想要参与的"}
{"instruction": "作者如何用被多瑙河一分为二的布达佩斯作比喻来说明胼胝体的作用，并指出切断胼胝体最初是为了缓解什么疾病？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "其中一些左右脑差异是与生俱来的，另一些是由经验产生的。一个惊人的例子是文化对我们大脑的塑造——学习阅读（这是一项较新的人类发明）重新设置了大脑，在看单词时，左脑创造出一个活跃的区域，同时将面孔加工更多地移到了右脑。[ ] 大脑两半球与世界的连接符合对侧支配原则，这意味着由于进化史上一个我们尚未完全理解的巧合，你的右脑看到的是世界的左侧，而左脑看到的是世界的右侧；你的右脑控制身体的左侧，你的左脑控制身体的右侧。那么，假设一位心理学家快速地在你的左侧视野呈现一张图片，请你说出图像是什么，但呈现的速度太快，你来不及转身正面去看它。这些信息会进入你大脑的右侧。因为大脑的左侧通常参与语言加工，信息必须到达储存着名称的左侧，因此你对图片的命名会有几分之一秒的延迟。如果图片在右侧视野闪现，你的命名就会快一点点。信息主要通过胼胝体（corpus callosum）从大脑的一半传到另一半，胼胝体是位于头骨中部的神经元网络。如果你把大脑的两半想象成一座城市，这座城市被一条河流一分为二，就像多瑙河从布达佩斯的中间流过，胼胝体就像成千上万座连接城市的小桥。如果你切开胼胝体会怎么样呢？这曾经是治疗重度癫痫病人的最终手段。癫痫可以看作大脑中的电风暴，这个激进的手术目的是隔离和缩小电风暴。它确实缓解了发作的症状。"}
{"instruction": "关于11个月大婴儿与违反物理定律的物体玩耍的实验，怎样支持了“儿童即科学家”的类比？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "之前我们谈到朴素本质主义的时候，已经看到关于“儿童即科学家”观点的不同类型的证据。一些研究表明，就像科学家一样，儿童相信事物有着更深层次的本质。“儿童即科学家”的观点也使我们对学习的看法发生了转变，新的见解就像许多家长已经告诉你的那样，儿童不仅在吸收信息，还在进行实验和假设检验。事实上，关于“可怕的两岁”，有一种观点认为儿童之所以用糟糕的方式对待父母，是因为他们在探索成年人的思维是如何运作的，观察什么能使他们惊讶，什么能把他们逗乐，什么能令他们烦恼。[ ] 一项对11个月大的婴儿的实验很好地证明了这种科学思维模式的早期萌芽。[ ] 研究人员向婴儿展示各种违反物理定律的事件，例如物体穿过墙壁或飘浮在空中。我们已经观察到，这个年龄段的婴儿对这种违反物理定律的事件注视时间更长。但这项新研究发现了更多的东西：与正常的物体相比，婴儿和这些奇怪的物体玩耍的时间更长。他们玩这些物体的方式与这些物体奇怪的地方相关。例如，如果给他们一个曾经穿越过墙壁的物体，他们往往会用它撞击桌子等其他物体；如果给他们一个曾经飘浮在空中的物体，婴儿往往会把它向下丢。就好像他们在问：那真的会发生吗？我能让它再次发生吗？这种专注的好奇心和实验精神让“儿童即科学家”的类比显得恰当。“儿童即科学家”理论的魅力之一是，它带来了一个完整的闭环，让我们回到了皮亚杰的研究，即通过研究婴儿和儿童来了解知识的起源。"}
{"instruction": "为什么我们绝大多数人不会对兄弟姐妹产生性欲，而“近亲繁殖抑制”的解释又留下了一个怎样的心理学问题？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "很多人的答案是：你的兄弟姐妹。三大因素预测，你的兄弟姐妹应该是在全宇宙中对你而言最性感的人。因此，他们应该是你最想发生性关系并共度一生的人。你也看得出来，事实并非如此。我们中有许多人都有兄弟姐妹，我们可能不情愿地承认他们在某种客观意义上很有吸引力，但很少有人会被他们激发性欲。没有任何要求改变法律，允许兄弟姐妹发生性关系并结婚的运动，这是因为几乎没有人想要这么做。对此有一个进化论角度的解释。和你的近亲生孩子是一个坏主意，因为他们和你有太多共同的基因。这被称为“近亲繁殖抑制”——隐性基因更可能是纯合子，这一风险增加了不良结果的概率。包括人类在内的许多生物都表现出强烈的在家族之外交配的倾向。在这里我们看到了进化力量与心理力量分开的另一个例子。我们当中几乎没有人是因为我们明确担心生出基因缺陷的后代而避免与兄弟姐妹发生性关系。相反，我们发现我们对这种想法本身感到厌恶，这就起到了作用，就像我们不必担心微生物和污染，因为厌恶就让我们避免食用腐烂的肉。然而，这种进化论的解释提出了一个心理学的问题：我们如何知道谁是我们的亲属？一些生物回避了这个问题，直接离开了出生地，这样当它们性成熟的时候就不会接近它们的兄弟姐妹。（在某些情况下，只有雄性或雌性离开。）其他动物会留在出生地，并利用某些线索找到它们的亲属——例如，松鼠似乎会通过气味来估计基因亲缘关系，并相应地限制它们的择偶。"}
{"instruction": "作为解释自我牺牲行为的一种竞争理论，声誉理论的核心主张是什么，作者本人对它持怎样的态度？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "当然，以上这些都没有彻底解释自我牺牲的道德之谜。还有很多内容和反驳意见要探讨。但它确实说明了我们可以如何在不依赖神祇介入的情况下尝试解决这个问题。最后，我将用一个竞争理论作结，解释为什么我们会做出这些看似自我牺牲的行为。这个理论认为，我们这样做是为了提高我们在他人心中的声誉，让自己对性伴侣、盟友和朋友更有吸引力。我们接济穷人或戒掉吃肉的习惯，并非因为我们认为这些行为本身是好的，而是因为这种行为倾向进化成了一种代价高昂的信号（也许是无意识的），能够表明我们的公平和善良。从这个角度看，比如说，一个参与女权运动游行的男人最终之所以这么做，其终极驱动力并不是希望有一个更美好、更公平的世界，而是因为被视为“一个希望有更美好、更公平的世界的人”为他带来的好处。[ ] 这种观点有其优点。一个优点是它有助于解开前面的谜题：为什么我们有动机付出看似高昂的代价决定惩罚搭便车者——有经验证据表明，我们这样做并不是出于为了改善每个人的处境而自我牺牲的冲动，而是因为这让我们在别人面前看起来很好。[ ] 人们钦佩那些做出道德行为的人（包括惩罚不公），并且更愿意与他们交往。我个人的观点是，声誉理论太愤世嫉俗了，无法完全解释自我牺牲的道德。通常人们做好事真的只是出于道德本身的动机。但我承认，声誉理论的支持者对于许多无私道德行为的事例给出了一个很好的解释。"}
{"instruction": "心理学家所说的刻板印象与通常意义上那些虚假、恶意的群体看法有何不同，作者举了哪些例子？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "人们仍然会弄混同一种族的人，但弄混同一球队的人的频率更高，因为现在球队成员的身份是联盟的更好的线索。[ ] 为什么我们要如此关注年龄、性别和种族（或更广义的联盟）呢？我在前面说过，这些类别“很重要”，但仅仅把人当作个体来对待不是更可行，也更符合道德吗？我们看待群体的一种方式是通过刻板印象（stereotype），因此这个问题的一种问法是：刻板印象有什么好处？为了回答这个问题，我们需要区分刻板印象的不同含义。有些人使用这个词只是用来指那些关于群体虚假且恶意的看法，认为这些看法适用于群体中的每一个成员。诸如“同性恋者猥亵儿童”或“穆斯林是恐怖分子”的想法都是这种刻板印象，这些刻板印象毫无可取之处。但当心理学家说我们对某些群体有刻板印象时，它通常指不同的东西。这里的刻板印象指的是一个群体的成员很可能确实具有的特征。如果你认为Z世代倾向于花很多时间上网，或者美国的心理学教授倾向于投票给民主党，或者荷兰人往往比日本人高，心理学家也会把它们称为刻板印象，即使它们不是虚假、恶意或以偏概全的。在这种意义上，刻板印象是社会心理学与认知心理学的交会点——认知心理学研究诸如感知、语言和推理的心理过程，我们在本书中间三分之一的地方有讨论。事实证明我们对人类群体形成的刻板印象反映了一个更普遍的理解和学习世界的过程。"}
{"instruction": "作者用两个国家数学教育环境的对比，怎样说明一种特质的遗传度只有一个相对于特定环境的答案？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "[ ] 但我们知道的是，几代人的时间不足以显著地改变基因。因此，弗林效应本身提供了一个证据，证明了群体层面的巨大智力差异完全是环境造成的。这支持了一种说法，即我们在现有的种族群体之间发现的差异远小于长期存在的差异，这也可能与环境有关。关于遗传的一个限定条件是，它不能解释基因在群体间差异中的作用。还有一点：遗传不是一成不变的。一种特质在多大程度上可以遗传，这个问题没有绝对的答案，只有一个相对于特定环境的答案。一方面来说，在人们能够自由发展潜能的环境中，特质往往更容易遗传，而在更贫穷的环境中则不太容易遗传。要了解这是如何发生的，想象一个人人都能获得良好的数学教育的国家，这里不存在基于种族、性别、收入或其他任何原因的歧视。相比之下，另一个国家不鼓励女性和少数群体学习数学，进入最好的研究生院取决于财富和家庭关系。在第一个国家，每个人都有机会自由发展，因此你在个体之间发现的差异可能在最大程度上反映出了他们的遗传潜力。遗传会有很大的影响。在第二个国家，你的父母可能是数学天才，你可能有数学天赋的遗传倾向，但如果你属于“错误”的种族或性别，或者来自贫穷的家庭，你将永远无法走进一间数学课堂。你的遗传潜力将被浪费，而从总体上说，遗传会有较小的影响。一种思路是，在良好的环境中，我们的天赋可以不受拘束地自由发展，我们的基因潜力可以“发挥到极限”。"}
{"instruction": "为什么某些使人易患精神分裂症和双相情感障碍的基因可能仍被保留，作者借镰状细胞与疟疾的关系作了怎样的类比？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "在其他观点中，赋予我们抵抗障碍的基因根本就不存在。进化不是魔法，只有在原料存在的情况下，自然选择才能发挥作用。一个可以隐形或以音速移动的捕食者的确很厉害，但没有任何基因突变或基因组合能让你做到这些。同样，也许根本没有合适的基因组合可以让你的肝脏永远不会患癌，或者让你的大脑永远不会患精神分裂症。还有一种观点认为，导致某些障碍的基因可能会带来其他好处。这个理论并不是说精神分裂症和双相情感障碍本身对患者有益，而是说某些使我们容易患上这些障碍的基因在其他方面可能是有利的。类比来看，镰状细胞携带者对疟疾的抵抗力更强，因此这种基因会一直存在，虽然当两个携带该基因的人一起孕育后代时会出现严重后果。与此类似，有人提出，使人们容易患精神分裂症和双相情感障碍的一些基因与创造力有关，这支持了乔伊斯关于他的天赋与他女儿的痛苦之间关系的猜测。[ ] 在这些讨论中存在着一种张力。有时我们像谈论癌症、艾滋病或流感一样谈论精神疾病。我们说有人患有精神分裂症、双相情感障碍或惊恐障碍，尽管这些疾病可能分为不同亚型，存在不同的严重程度，但你要么患病，要么没有。但它们并不是这样被诊断的。让我们聚焦于最常见的问题，治疗师和研究人员都理解悲伤和焦虑是生活中正常的部分——确实我们在之前的章节中已经看到，至少一定程度的焦虑对生存至关重要。"}
{"instruction": "现代意识科学要通过怎样的实验方法才能辨别纯粹的自动程序与“看见”物体的意识感觉？为什么关键在于创设一个能最小程度对比意识知觉与无意识知觉的实验策略？", "input": "Source: 脑与意识：破解人类思维之迷", "output": "我们该如何辨别哪一部分是纯粹的无意识和自动程序，哪一部分又使我们产生了“看见”物体的意识感觉？这就是现代意识科学的第二个元素介入的地方，我们现在可以通过实验的方法来探究意识知觉的机制。在过去的20年中，认知科学家找到了非常多的方法来操纵意识。即使实验设计中的微小改动也会使我们看得见或看不见某一物体。我们可以非常容易地让词语一闪而过，使得被试根本不会注意到。我们也可以创造一个精心布置的视觉场景，其中有一样东西使被试始终看不见，因为别的东西总比这一件更能够赢得你意识知觉的关注。我们也可以像所有魔术师都知道的那样干扰你的注意：如果将观察者的注意转移到别处，即使最明显的手势也不会被察觉。我们甚至可以让你的大脑变魔术：两张不同的图像同时展现给你的双眼，但大脑会自发地让你先看一幅图，然后再看另一幅图，而不是两幅图同时看。可以看到的图像会进入意识，而没有看到的图像则消失在无意识的虚无中。它们两者可能只是在输入时有微小的差别，但是在大脑内部，这种差别一定会被放大，因为最终你只可以说出其中一种图像，却说不出另一种。要确切地探明这些放大过程发生在大脑的何处以及何时，是新的意识科学的目标。打开原来认为无法达到的意识神殿大门的关键，是创设一个能最小程度地对比意识知觉和无意识知觉的实验策略。这些年来，我们发现了许多匹配得很好的对比实验，其中一种实验条件导致产生意识知觉，另一种条件却没有。"}
{"instruction": "通过阈下启动与功能性磁共振成像实验，德阿纳等人对“腹侧通路负责意识活动而背侧通路负责无意识活动”这一想法提出了怎样的反驳？", "input": "Source: 脑与意识：破解人类思维之迷", "output": "。因此，无意识的信息处理可以达到字母串抽象表征的程度。被试仅仅需要对单词一瞥，大脑就能不受字母形状表面上变化的影响而快速地辨认出一个字母。下一步要做的是要了解这个过程发生在哪里。就像我和同事们所证明的那样，脑成像技术可以足够敏锐地分辨出由无意识单词引发的微小激活。通过使用功能性磁共振成像技术，我们做出了受阈下启动影响的全脑图像。结果显示，一大块腹侧视觉皮质可以被无意识地激活。这个回路包括一个被称作梭状回的区域，该区域拥有形状识别的高级机制，负责阅读的初级阶段加工。这里的启动效应并不依赖于单词的形状：这个脑区很明显能够加工单词的抽象含义，而不需要理会单词是大写还是小写。在这些实验之前，一些研究者假定梭状回总是参与有意识的加工，它组成了使我们识别形状的视觉腹侧通路。他们认为，只有将枕叶视觉皮质和顶叶控制的动作系统相连接的“背侧通路”才是负责无意识操作的场所。通过证明辨认图片和单词特征的腹侧通路也可以在无意识状态下运行，我们的实验和其他实验否定了腹侧通路负责意识活动而背侧通路负责无意识活动这一过分简单的想法。尽管这两个回路都位于较高级的皮质区域，但是它们似乎都能够在意识水平之下运作。自动视觉加工经过对阈下启动效应年复一年的研究，我们已经解决了关于意识在视觉中所发挥的作用的许多谜题。"}
{"instruction": "德阿纳为什么说寻找“和意识相关的神经元”这一措辞不恰当？真正的“意识标志”与仅仅“与意识相关的东西”有何区别？蓝斑释放的去甲肾上腺素和P3波在其中扮演什么角色？", "input": "Source: 脑与意识：破解人类思维之迷", "output": "这些观察结果指向了一个非常重要的结论——我们必须学会把仅仅“与意识相关的东西”和真正的“意识标志”区分开来。尽管对意识体验的脑机制的探寻常常被描述成寻找和意识相关的神经元，但这个措辞是不恰当的。相关并不是因果，因此仅仅只有相关是不够的。太多的脑活动与意识知觉是相关的——正如我们刚刚所见，先于刺激出现的波动在逻辑上并不能被认为是在为这即将出现的刺激进行编码。我们所寻找的不仅仅是脑活动与意识知觉在数据上的相关性，而是一个系统的意识标志，无论何时，只要意识知觉出现，这个标志就会出现，而在意识知觉没有出现时它就绝不会出现。并且，这个标志对被试报告的所有主观体验都进行编码。解码有意识的思维现在我再来扮演一下抬杠者的角色。全面的激活会不会仅仅是我们觉察到某些东西时就会响起的警报，或者汽笛？它会不会与意识思维的细节并不存在具体相关？它会不会只是全面兴奋中的一部分，而与主观体验的真正内容毫无关联？脑干和丘脑中许多通用的核团好像确实可以对需要注意参与的时刻进行标注。比如蓝斑，它是位于脑干下的一个神经元簇，当发生需要紧张关注的事件时，它可以把一种特别的神经递质——去甲肾上腺素传递到皮质的大片区域。去甲肾上腺素很可能是伴随着令人激动的事件而爆发的，这一事件就是我们开始意识到视觉所知觉到的对象，有些人认为，这正是我们在意识产生期间在头皮上观察到的P3波所反映的状态"}
{"instruction": "德阿纳如何用中风患者胼胝体受损后的分离综合征，以及因闪烁过快而看不见的视觉光栅，说明神经信息保持无意识的“未连接模式”与“分散为复杂激活模式”？", "input": "Source: 脑与意识：破解人类思维之迷", "output": "许多特定的神经回路被埋藏得很深，缺少能够通往意识的连接。有趣的是，让它们进入意识的唯一方法是通过另一种感觉模式进行编码。例如，我们能通过胸部起伏来间接感受呼吸。尽管我们认为自己完全掌控着自己的身体，但不断穿过脑的数以百计的神经信号却无法被我们意识到，因为它们缺少与相应的高级脑区之间的连接。在一些中风患者的身上，这种情况更为严重。患者脑白质通路的损伤会切断特定的感觉或认知系统，信号便突然之间无法到达意识区域。当中风影响了连接大脑左右半球的胼胝体，患者就出现了明显的分离综合征。有这种脑损伤的患者可能会失去对自己运动计划的意识。他甚至会否认左手的运动是出于自己的意识，认为自己的左手只是在随机并且不受控制地运动着。出现这种现象是因为左手的运动由大脑右半球控制，而控制语言的脑区在左半球。当这两个脑半球断开了连接，患者就有了两个受损的工作空间，任何一边都意识不到另一边在干什么。除了未连接模式外，根据工作空间理论，第四种使神经信息保持无意识状态的方法是将信息分散为复杂的激活模式。举一个具体的例子，想象一个视觉光栅，因为被放置得很好或者闪烁很快，频率大于或等于50赫兹，从而使你看不见。尽管你知觉到的只是一片灰色，但实验表明这个光栅确实在你的脑内被编码了：不同的视神经元会对不同方向的光栅放电。"}
{"instruction": "关于海豚用第三个摇杆表示“自己不知道”的实验，持怀疑态度的研究者给出了怎样的行为主义解释？猴子、老鼠和鸽子的新近研究又如何回应了这一批评？", "input": "Source: 脑与意识：破解人类思维之迷", "output": "看样子它似乎把第三个摇杆作为一阶表现的二阶“评注”。它通过触碰第三个摇杆来“报告”它觉得主任务太难了，它更愿意做简单一些的测试。海豚足够聪明，能认识到自己缺乏自信。和拉姆斯菲尔德一样，它知道自己不知道。一些研究者怀疑这个带有心灵主义的解释。他们指出这个任务可以用非常简单的行为主义术语描述：海豚只是表现出了可以让自己有最大化收益的习得性行为。实验唯一的不同之处是使用了三种反应而不是两种。与通常的强化学习任务一样，它发现了哪种刺激使得触碰第三个摇杆更有好处，而这只不过是一种机械的行为。虽然，过去许多实验都因为这些低水平的解释而没有很好地发挥作用，但是关于猴子、老鼠和鸽子的新近研究回应了这种批评，并强烈地展现了真正的元认知能力。动物们常常更聪明地选择退出反应，它们的这种行为不是奖励一个因素就能预测的。例如，不论是在它们做出决定后，还是在告知它们反应正确与否之前给它们提供逃脱选项，它们都能很好地判断哪些试次对于自己来说是有难度的。我们之所以知道这一点，是因为它们在选择退出的试次中的表现比在坚持回答的试次中要糟糕，这甚至发生在两种试次中的刺激相同时。它们似乎能监控内在的心理状态，精确地选出那些自己出现分心以及信号达不到应有质量的试次。看来，它们真的能评估自己对每次试次的信心度，并且只在感到不自信的时候才会选择退出"}
{"instruction": "在被追赶的经济体中，融资性贷款为何会相对于经营性贷款不断累积并催生泡沫与资产负债表衰退？作者提出的短期与长期对策，以及结构性改革的三个方面分别是什么？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "融资性贷款是为购买现有资产而进行的融资，例如购买现存房产或股票等，只涉及资产所有权的转移，对于经济增长并无直接促进作用，对GDP增长无贡献，但是可以用来衡量未来资产价格。随着经济体从黄金时代进入被追赶的阶段，融资性贷款的比重相较于经营性贷款的比重逐步增加，这必然形成泡沫和资产负债表衰退的循环。由于资本追逐境外市场更高的投资回报率，被追赶的经济体对经营性贷款的需求不断减少。而融资性贷款的资金会留在本国金融部门，投向房地产和股票等现有资产并“炒作”价格，形成资产价格泡沫。如果资产价格泡沫严重到一定程度，央行通常会以提高利率的方式来削减泡沫。泡沫破裂会导致资产价格崩溃，进而使经济进入资产负债表衰退。为解决上述问题，被追赶的经济体需要从长期和短期两个角度入手。从短期来看，政府必须继续借款并将私人部门多余的储蓄用于能够收支平衡的公共项目，直至国内投资回报率得到长期的改善。从长期来看，解决被追赶的经济体缺乏投资机会的办法是通过结构性改革提高国内资本回报率，这通常需要十年或更长时间才能产生宏观经济效果。结构性改革可从三个方面开展：第一，寻求供给方面的改革，如放松管制和减税，提高国内资本回报率；第二，提高劳动力市场的灵活性，降低工资的刚性和雇佣关系的固定性，以便企业能够通过调整劳动力成本来应对追赶上来的经济体的竞争；"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者说货币政策的重要性和有效性会随经济发展阶段而改变？在刘易斯拐点之前、黄金时代和被追赶阶段，中性利率与通货膨胀压力各有什么不同？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "事实上，不仅是美国，所有发达国家的利率都在下降，同时货币政策也相应地失去了效力，表明储蓄过剩是被追赶时代经济的一个基本特征。这带来的启示是，货币政策的重要性和有效性都随着经济的发展而改变。在刘易斯拐点前的城镇化阶段，通货膨胀对货币当局来说不是一个大问题，因为当时工资被压低了。但在后刘易斯拐点的黄金时代，它就成了一个大问题，中央银行必须保持高度警惕，采用收紧的货币政策，以防止工资上涨和国内消费与投资需求的增强推高价格。货币政策也是有效的，因为对借款的强劲需求使货币乘数保持在最大值。一旦经济体进入被追赶阶段，在工资增长放缓、廉价进口商品激增、消费疲软和固定资本投资需求减少的情况下，通货膨胀就不再是问题。中央银行收紧货币政策的必要性就会降低。由于对借贷资金的需求减少，货币政策在这一阶段也变得不再有效：借款人减少意味着能对中央银行的政策行动做出反应的人也减少了，降低了货币乘数。随着更多的工作机会流向海外，国内的通货膨胀压力减小，货币当局也可能因受到压力而降低汇率。中性利率因经济发展阶段不同而变化中性利率（即不增加或减少经济活动的利率）随着经济发展阶段的变化而变化。在刘易斯拐点之前的阶段，中性利率保持在较低水平，它的特点是工资低迷而导致的通货膨胀受到抑制。而在黄金时代，通货膨胀率大幅上升，其特点是企业对借款的需求更强，通货膨胀"}
{"instruction": "面对被追赶时代私人部门的储蓄盈余，作者主张政策制定者和经济学界应作出怎样的转向，并设立什么机构来承担确定和实施公共工程项目的任务？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "利率也相对较高，在这种情况下很难找到能够收支平衡的公共工程项目。目前，大多数发达经济体处于情形3和情形4中，私人部门成为一个大的净储蓄者。因此，经济学家和政策制定者必须重新调整他们的方向，从货币政策转向寻找可行的基础设施项目，以便政府继续发挥最后借款人的关键作用。而现在政府债券收益率接近历史最低点，寻找可行项目的任务变得容易。总而言之，正如在黄金时代有适当的方式来管理经济一样，在被追赶的时代也有适当的方式来管理经济。被追赶的时代最根本的宏观经济挑战是，住户部门仍然像过去一样储蓄，但在黄金时代热衷于借入这些储蓄的企业部门却不再这样做了，尽管利率极低。为了可持续地抵消源自私人部门储蓄盈余的通缩压力，政府必须建立一个独立委员会，以确定并实施承诺社会回报率高于超低政府债券收益率的公共工程项目。这对被追赶时代的财政当局来说是一个全新的挑战，就像在黄金时代对抗通胀对中央银行而言是一个全新的挑战一样。许多最聪明的精英在黄金时代为独立的中央银行工作，现在需要一个亟待成立的独立委员会来确定和实施收支平衡（或接近收支平衡）的公共工程项目。希望经济学界有勇气抛弃通胀目标、对财政刺激的厌恶以及其他黄金时代的遗留问题，并承担起确定收支平衡的公共工程项目的责任，这些项目是所有被追赶的经济体所迫切需要的。"}
{"instruction": "作者为什么认为被追赶阶段的许多学生需要大量外部支持才能完成漫长的教育？他建议辅导员扮演怎样的角色，帮助学生发现什么？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "教育是一个很高的要求。因此，大多数学生将需要大量的外部支持来继续他们漫长的教育旅程。那些来自支持教育的家庭和社区的学生，自然会比那些没有得到这种支持的学生走得更远。即使在父母经常缺席或忙于工作的家庭中，如果学生身边有努力上进的同学，那么做一个“书呆子”也不是那么痛苦。但是，对于那些没有得到支持和鼓励的年轻人来说，学习可能非常困难，因为其他像他们一样的人似乎在校外得到了很多乐趣。正是这些青年需要帮助，因为他们最终没有能力为经济做出贡献，这将是整个社会的损失。还必须让他们意识到，他们现在实际上是在与新兴经济体的青年竞争，这些青年正在努力学习和工作，以达到发达经济体的生活水平。当然，高学历并不适合每个人，但所有的学生都需要知道自己擅长什么，喜欢做什么，这样他们才能根据个人情况做出适当的选择。强调个人的优势是很重要的，因为处于被追赶阶段的工人需要靠自己，他们在自己不喜欢的领域做得不好的可能性很高。这意味着辅导员定期为学生提供建议，可能会对学生（和社会）的最终教育结果产生与教师和家长同样大的影响。除了支持那些需要外界鼓励的学生继续接受教育，这些辅导员还可以帮助学生发现他们擅长什么，喜欢做什么，从而将他们引导到有可能成功的领域。如果可能，这些辅导员还应该接受培训，以发现独立思考者并鼓励他们进一步探寻自己的想"}
{"instruction": "作者主张欧元区成员国把本国的财政政策'内部化'，其资本管制仅适用于哪一类资产？他认为这样做会带来哪些好处？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "这将消除布鲁塞尔或任何其他外部人士干涉该国财政政策的理由，进而对成员国政府的民主机制形成支持，因为政府能够重新用本国的财政政策来解决选民那些应对经济衰退和公共卫生危机的要求。这种财政政策的内部化也将对各个政府施加纪律约束，因为政府不能再把自己的麻烦归咎于国际投资者（如无良投资基金）或欧盟和国际货币基金组织等超主权机构。如果国家无法说服本国民众持有本国债券，也就更没有理由让外国人购买这些债券。对于德国和那些不情愿救助挥霍无度的国家的政府来说，这应该是一个好消息。欧元区的私人部门仍能够保留资本自由流动带来的所有效率收益，因为建议中的资本管制仅适用于私人部门以外的资产类别：政府债券。外国持有的本国政府债券从来都不是资本的最佳使用方式。由于抗击通胀的欧洲央行控制了资本逃逸和短期利率，债券收益率也会稳定下来。由于资本逃逸极少，旧框架中受到资本外逃的国家的债券收益率会下降，而旧框架中经历资本流入的国家的债券收益率可能会上升。过渡和执行新框架都需要成本，同时还必须单独做出其他安排，让欧洲央行持有成员国政府债券来执行货币政策。但这些都不是不可克服的困难。即使一些投资者设法找到了绕过新规则的方法，只要大多数机构投资者遵守，那么长期困扰欧元区的不稳定的资本逃逸也会最小化。财政分化可以让货币政策正常化"}
{"instruction": "作者为什么要同时借助齐泽克的拉康式观念与德勒兹的柏格森式电影理论来审视希区柯克的作品？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "视听概念，并且，在元电影的世界里，-种新的摄影机意识 4 Movement-Image, p. 205. 1世界作为元电影已经进人我们的感知。在本章，我把《偷窥狂》《末世纪暴潮》和希区柯克的世界作为哲学手册，来探讨“世界作为元电影”的各种含义和影响，以及一种新的摄影机意识。希区柯克的世界：齐泽克与德勒兹有罪的主体表征或者一种关系间逻辑我开始这项研究，就是利用斯拉沃热•齐泽克的拉康式观念和德勒兹的柏格森式电影理论来审视希区柯克的作品。用这种比较的方式，我努力将希区柯克的电影与眼睛的精神分析模型和大脑的根茎模型联系起来。这样，我就可以确定这两种思想模型之间的一些主要差别和相似之处。我不是为了比较两种模式孰优孰劣，而是要尝试发现这两种不同的模式使我们可以或不可以观看、思考和感受到什么。在这部分，我专注于主体的思想以及它与影像和世界的关系。齐泽克和德勒兹关于希区柯克的一些评论，非常清楚地表明了他们各自的(前设)立场。首先，齐泽克和德勒兹都提到了侯麦(Rohmer)和夏布洛尔(Chabrol)对希区柯克作品的研究。一勤位都承认这种研究的重要性,也都提到了侯麦和夏布洛尔对大师的影片所作的具有天主教色彩的阐释。第一个重要的区别如下：齐泽克把希区柯克的“天主教信条”"}
{"instruction": "作者如何借身体影像与性别二分法解读《魔女嘉莉》这类恐怖片，恐怖片中强奸-复仇这一亚类型的出现又与什么有关？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "而影响这种母女关系的，正是“巫术与女性身体有关”的各种观念。去除身体和卑贱的肉体，《魔女嘉莉》可以被视为一部母性情节剧。按照这种精神分析学的解读，肉体以及其他各种身体元素，总是表现出主体之外的东西，但同时也构成了主体。这令人着迷，但同时也很危险。被视为表象的影像，帮助主体获得一个稳定的位置；在这个位置上，它得以将自己与客体/他者区分开来。与电影机器的“元层”相似，也是在特定的影像层（这里指肉体的影像），性别二分法是确立主体性和主体位置的強大因素。危险的女性在前一章，我们把《偷窥狂》和《末世纪暴潮》中恐 2主体性的物质面怖的强奸场景和经典的电影机器的弗洛伊德式意义联系在一起。一些人认为，《末世纪暴潮》肯定可以用精神分析的思维框架进行解读，但在其他方面也存在一些风险。在《末世纪堪潮》中，观看的主体和客体合二为一并且相同，令自我难以区分他者，这就需要引入柏格森的时间伦理。主体和客体的混淆并不是一种卑贱的表征，而是一种相遇，迫使我们在元电影的世界里反思电影机器的内涵。不过，在《偷窥狂》和《末世纪暴潮》中，不管牵涉哪一种“机器”，妓女都被杀害了。毫不奇怪，鉴于女性解放运动的影响，在恐怖电影中，一种以愤怒的女性为核心的亚类型电影应运而生：強奸- 复仇类电影。"}
{"instruction": "作者为什么认为这部关于作家的影片不是动作-影像，而是德勒兹术语中的关系-影像，并以片中的梦境为例加以说明？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "地位，这部影片中的节段融合了分子线。在某些方面，该片还是围绕主角行动展开的动作-影像。更准确地说，该片的重心不是主角的行为，而是他的思想和幻觉。作家总是幻想和做梦，并且因为他的敏于想象、渴望男人以及天主教思想，所以他把各种征兆看得很严重。在影片开头，他解释说作家的想象、欲望和天主教实际上是一回事：“作为天主教徒就意味着：乐于接受想象和幻想。”这些暗示需要阐释；要理解它们，就必须和其他事情联系起来。在这个意义上，该片不是动作-影像，而是德勒兹专门术语中的关系一影像(relation-image) 37：隐喻影像的提示和推论，构成了影像的总体安排和内容。每一个象征或惯例都在影片的语境中得到明确解释。例如，影片中有一个明显的梦境：赫拉德与克里斯蒂娜在床上睡觉。梦中，他看见-个穿着蓝色披肩的女人 (显然代表玛利亚)拿着一束红玫瑰和一把巨大的钥匙。用这把钥匙，她打开一扇门，进入某个地方，那里有三头被屠宰的牛正在滴血。第四个钩子空着，“玛利亚”把红玫瑰放在钩子下面，并且看着赫拉德。然后，赫拉德感觉克里斯蒂娜的手在爱抚他；在他意识到前，她(真的)直接阉割他。他尖叫着醒来。显然，弗洛伊德和克里斯蒂娜的象征主义在此显露无遗，但影片后来再次解释了这个梦。这一次，赫拉德与赫尔曼"}
{"instruction": "杜拉斯所说的暴力阶级指的是什么，它与逃逸线有什么关系？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "遭遇），于是撞了他的车。他肯定意识到女孩的意图。因为他向警察“承认”是他自己的错，他不得不报废自己的车。在与《娜妲莉•葛兰吉》一起发行的视频采访中，杜拉斯说明她希望建立娜妲莉•葛兰吉和年轻杀手之间的这条线，是为了证明她们构成了一种暴力阶级（Chsse de la violence）。这种“暴力阶级”不是某个（社会）阶级的暴力，相反，它是来自不同背景的人所经历的暴力。来自不同背景的人构成了他们自己的阶级。正如玛格丽特•杜拉斯所言，这种暴力的基础是一种拒绝，即年轻人在他们与现代社会的遭遇中感受到的那种拒绝。它是每个人都能发现的某种东西（这种暴力不是习得的；正如德勒兹所说，它是一种原初拒绝，或者一种原初冲动）。暴力阶级受到逃逸线的政治选择驱动。逃逸线削弱了所有的硬节段（即杜拉斯所说的所有社会阶级）。在暴力阶级中，所有的硬节段社会都被视为-种不好的遭遇。娜妲莉•葛兰吉和伊芙琳的罪犯构成了一个暴力阶级。《我睡不着》中的戴嘉和卡米尔之间也有相似的归属。通过微妙而且精彩的方式，这在影片快要结束时非常清楚：戴嘉跟着 3电影的暴力政治 k米尔进了咖啡馆（她知道他干了什么，因为她注视着他的一举-动），点了一杯咖啡，站在他身边。他们没有说话，也没有相互看对方，只是在递糖的时候，轻轻地碰了一下手。"}
{"instruction": "在《丛林之书》中，作者认为毛克利与博尔迪奥在运用推理、对待天性与环境上有什么根本区别？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "因此，毛克利敢于回到丛林再次与谢利•可汗对垒。这一次，毛克利的脸和可汗的头，都表现出愤怒和攻击性，然后，毛克利报仇成功。毛克利学会了推理，但是推理并未让他排斥天性。5生成-动物中“感觉的逻辑” 在这方面，他和叙述者博尔迪奥完全相反。博尔迪奥的故事以这样的句子开头：“丛林之书是关于生命本身的书？关 J：天性之战？关于丛林和村庄的斗争？”博尔迪奥以及大多数村民都学会了推理，但只是为了自己的利益着想。他们贪得无厌，想要得到毛克利认为无益的东西（丛林中陷落之城的金银财宝）。他们杀戮，是为了游戏或者奖赏，而不是为了食物或各防身（这是丛林第一法则），并且，他们不关心自己与他人以及环境之间的交互关系（他们猜忌所有的人）。最后一方面在这个段落中表现得非常清楚，甚至滑稽可笑。博尔迪奥和另外两个村民走过丛林，穿着漂亮的衣服，挎着一袋袋沉重的金银财宝。衣服和财宝都是他们在宝藏中发现的。他们与环境格格不入；的确，其中两个人活不下来。相反，毛克利已经在一定程度上学会了人类的推理，例如，他已经学会语言，这样他就能够和其他人交流。他被语言吸引的那场戏很简单，也很感人。因为他只会发出狼的声音，毛克利的（人类）母亲对他说，他可以叫她妈妈（她当时并不知道这个狼孩就是她儿子）。"}
{"instruction": "德勒兹和加塔利为什么说声音的解域化力量最强大，却又容易让声音变成法西斯的，默奇的评价如何呼应这一点？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "化力量。正如德勒兹和加塔利简单明了的说法：“离开号角，旗帜就毫无用处。”声音变得越来越精练、优雅；它倾向于以机械的方式轻易地融入或者连接其他元素：声音侵入我们，驱策我们，拖拽我们，戳穿我们。它带走地球上的树叶，为了把我们扔进黑洞，也为了让我们向宇宙敞开。它让我们想要去死。由于它的解域化力量是最強大的，所以它也影响最巨大的再辖域化，最令人麻木的，最多余的。狂喜与催眠。34 显然，德勒兹和加塔利赋予声音以特别的重要性：生成- 音乐甚至可能是 “生成一难以感知”之前的最后阶段，尽管必须指出的是，各种生成可以彼此平行地存在（这不是一个目的进化论问题）。迭奏、声音、人声和音乐关系到辖域化和解域化力量。解域化力量促进音乐和声音变成众多的逃逸线，但是同样巨大的辖域化力量也轻易地促使声音变成“法西斯” 的。德勒兹和加塔利反复強调，逃逸力量越強大，掉进（自我）毁灭的黑洞的危险就越迫近。沃尔特•默奇在他为《视听》所作的序言中对声音的危险性有相似的评价：“在20世纪二三十年代，大独裁者的崛起当然有许多更加值得注意的原因。无声电影有时也确实被用来将人民聚集在旗帜周围，但是一想到有声（对话）电影的成功开发与希特勒掌权的步调完全一致，仍然令人不寒而栗。”お当我们从收音机中听到希特勒"}
{"instruction": "围绕多重人格的治疗，主张诱导出各种人格的分裂式疗法与强调人格整体性的做法各自持什么立场，学界对其成因又有什么共识？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "制？对此持怀疑态度的人们认为从一开始就不应该采用这种分裂13 式的治疗方法。相比于从患者身上诱导出所有人格进而导致他们的人格状态更加分裂，我们更应该将关注的重点集中在患者人格的整体性之上，帮助他们有力地应对眼前的危机、功能性障碍、混乱与绝望。然而，干预疗法的支持者称反对者的方法只是一种 “善意的忽视”，这种方法从长远来看起不了多大的作用。但是，还有更多谨慎的临床医生也反对分裂式的治疗方法，即使从长期来看他们确实愿意对多重人格做出诊断产学界争论的焦点并不仅仅在于如何同患者交流沟通。在所有在职的临床医生中，很少有人完全凭经验行事，医生对很多疾病和障碍的识别会依据人们对健康、人性、自我认知及自我缺陷的潜在设想而定。正如我们所看到的，这也是多重人格领域充满了各种分离模式的原因。我们想治愈这种障碍，也希望从根本上理解它：实践催生了对理论的需求。有一种多重人格的理论，把我们从干预疗法带到了多重人格的成因上。在多重人格领域，人们对其成因的看法是比较一致的。大家都认为多重人格是一种应对机制，它是患者对早年反复经历的创伤（通常是性创伤）的一种反应。当大家把致病成因与虐待儿童联系在一起时，多重人格便会激起人们对家庭、父权制和暴力的强烈反对。很多多重人格的治 01它是真的吗？"}
{"instruction": "作者用不同时代多重人格患者表现有所不同的现象，说明什么是“人类循环效应”？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "这种病症常和痛症联系在一起，通常表现为部分身体部位瘫痪和麻木、肠道出血及视力功能受限等。英国双重意识患者的症状更温和一些，但他们也会不时陷入两种人格之间的出神状态，这是介于无意识状态和意识混乱状态的阶段。此外，即使双重意识患者的第二种人格状态在外人看来十分正常，但医生还是常常把它称为出神状态。时代在变，人也在变。陷入困境的患者同样如此，但他们生 02它是什么样子的？活方式的改变堪称巨大。我们或多或少都会倾向于按照别人的期望，尤其是权威人士的期望行事。例如，患者会按医生的医嘱行事。早在19世纪40年代，在一些医生诊治的病人中，已经存在多重人格患者了，但那时的医生对这种精神障碍的看法与当代医生不同。这是因为不同时代患者的表现有所不同。但患者之所以有不同的表现，是因为不同时代的医生对他们的预期也不相同。这个例子向我们证明了一个在人类社会中普遍存在的现象：人类循环效应。1如果按照特定的方式对人进行分类，那么被分类的人就会按照他们所属类别的特征发展。但人类同时还保有独立于其分类的进化方式，因此这些分类及分类的特征又会在人类独立进化方式的影响下不断发生改变。多重人格的演化过程就是这种反馈效应的绝佳例证。我还会在后面的内容中描述过去的双重意识，但我们首先要看一下如今的多重人格患者都是什么样子的，因为答案本身就能"}
{"instruction": "作者为什么说自己关心的不是“虐待儿童”命题的真假，而是建构出来的概念如何在道德生活中循环、改变人的自我价值感？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "尽管如此，它还是被建构的，现实和建构都不应受到质疑。然而，还有一种完全不同的建构，这在卢梭、康德以来的哲学领域十分常见。这些思想家写了一些如何建构我们自身及我们的道德价值观的文章。但他们没有想到会有全新的道德观念。当新的道德观念出现或旧的道德观念获得新的内涵时，我们的自我意识就会受到影响。当道德观念带上因果色彩时，影响会更为广泛。虐待儿童是一种终极罪恶，也具有明显的因果色彩。我们可能拿不出什么常规证据来说明虐待儿童的可怕影响，但受虐者会产生所谓的后遗症，这是精神病学家、科学家、社会工作者以及非专业人士的共同认识。这种认识影响着个人塑造自我的方式。人们认为虐待儿童及与之相关的不快记忆会对步入成年的受害者产生强烈的影响。我感兴趣的不是这个命题的真真假假，而是它假定的促使人们重新描述自己过去的方式。每个人对自己行为的解释不尽相同，对自己的感觉也不尽相同。当我们重新描述 04虐待儿童自己的过去时，每个人都会变成全新的人。我并不觉得所谓的虐待儿童的社会建构是一个有意义的话题。但我将不断地提及如下问题：建构出来的概念是如何在人们的道德生活中循环的，是如何改变人们的自我价值感的，又是如何重组、重估灵魂的？性别四现在被诊断出多重人格障碍的患者，十有八九是女性。"}
{"instruction": "作者举出的两类治疗策略，在关于多重人格成因的假设上有什么根本差异？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "坏姐姐就有可能发展成一个次人格，也许这个人格的年龄会被永远锁定在九岁。相反地，如果我们发现一个病人有一个坏姐姐人格，这一人格是在患者九岁时形成的，她有幸立即接受了治疗，那么她的情况就会和简一样。这就是我举的第一个病例被成功治愈的理论基础。我的第二个例子则采用了另一种治疗策略。多诺万和麦金太尔的治疗假定：即使儿童在童年时期确实会产生多重人格，它也不是成人多重人格的儿童版本。这个假定对本章讨论的多重人格的病因提出了质疑。多重人格的明确病因（这一发现由勒文施泰因公布）来自童年应对创伤的精神分离。多诺万和麦金太尔则认为，他们在儿童身上发现的情况与之不同。因此，我们便被引至一个完全不同的多重人格版本，这种精神障碍成了人们理解童年及童年时期可怕事件的方式。这并不是说患者会在很小的时候就出现精神分离，以此应对可怕的事情，而是说患者在治疗中才意识到自己的精神分离状态是为了应对可怕事件。当我们同时接触两种不同的治疗方式时，很容易对其产生误解。第一，它们的理论和实践是不同的。我们都知道，在临床实践中，厉害的治疗师选择的理论假设和实践方针各有千秋，但他们都可以帮助患者康复。非要判定哪种临床实践对特定类型的治疗师和患者来说最为合适，我觉得太过荒唐。第二，多诺万和麦94"}
{"instruction": "分离调查问卷在表述上有什么含混之处，为什么受试者可以轻易地装成患者或装成正常人作答？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "它是与其他疾病一起出现的，一些分离研究者认为它根本不是分离性障碍。关乎它的问题包括历史和诊断，由于涉及方面众多，我决定不在本书中予以讨论。在分离调查问卷中，人格解体或现实感丧失是由一个人是否感觉到其他人/物体不是真实的或自己不是真实的这类问题体现的。你觉得你的身体不是自己的吗？你在照镜子时会认不出自己吗？你有时会觉得自己站在自己旁边，或者自己正在看着自己，好像自己是另外一个人吗？这类调查问卷的奇怪之处在于，它们不能按字面的意思进行理解。即使是我刚才引用的那些问题，也令人费解。调查人员想103 知道你的某种特定的感受\"多久”会出现一次，但问卷仅仅这样问了两句之后，又接着问你“在多大程度上”会出现这些感受。这是两种完全不同的问题，但你只能用相同的“百分比”的形式回答不不过，这种含混不清的表达并没有造成什么实际问题，没有人在填写问卷时遇到过实际困难。测试的目的是弄清受试者对问卷中二十八个提前定好的问题的反应。哪怕没有用白纸黑字写明，这些问题想要何种答案也是一目了然的。问卷中的问题有些过于直白了，只要你理解了它们，那么不管你是想装成一个患者回答问题，还是想装成一个正常人回答问题，或是想以别的装傻充愣的方式回答问题，都可以轻易地做到。这一点在一项实验中得到了证实。"}
{"instruction": "维韦怎样在迎合医生期待的过程中不断改变自己的症状，布吕和比罗又由此得出什么关于人格与记忆的看法？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "了痴迷于使用磁铁和各种金属转移廉症症状的医生。于是，他开始迎合这些医生，让自己“切换\"出瘫痪的状态，让自己的每个状态都对应生命中的某一个时段，并且模仿卡米塞观察到的自发性状态。对他来说，还有比这更好的寻求奖励的方式吗？维韦拼命地取悦别人，他想要被爱，想要获得奖励。我并不是说维韦已经弄清了这套机制并利用了它。我只是说他发现所处的环境有利于自己学习这套机制。当然，别人会从不同的角度解读这些事情。布吕和比罗完全认同人格和记忆的联系。\"对照先前的意识状态与现在的意识状态，可以将一个人先前的精神生活和现在的精神生活整合在一起。这是人格的基础。一个人的人格只有不断地比对先前的意识状态，才能成为真正的人格。”伯虽然我认为没有人会像布吕和比罗一样采纳如此简化的说法，但它已经算是老生常谈了，并且是实证主义心理学极力主张的观点。布吕和比罗引用了里博的记忆观点。这种认为记忆是人格的基础的观点，有力地支持了以下看法：我们见到的不是路易•维韦有六种、八种甚至十种状态，而是他至少有六种人格及众多的人格碎片。正如我所说，多重人格已经被纳入精神病学的术语之中。布吕和比罗表示，他们的研究结论可以在实践中得到充分 ⑻的验证。当维韦从军事医院转移至距离海岸二十英里的拉罗谢尔的精神病院后，他的日常护理便被交由马比勒和拉马迪埃"}
{"instruction": "汉弗莱和丹尼特关于多重人格运动的报告与丹尼特的心灵哲学理论之间是什么关系，布劳德的观点又与之有何不同？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "出现就是为了说出那些话语。这种试验受到了严格的控制，如果她不说出相关话语，她甚至可能因为太抗拒、太抵制而被解除治疗。这其中的问题不在于儿童是否受到恶劣的对待，也不在于如果他们的童年是不堪的，他们长大后是否会患上严重的心理障碍，而在于他们之后出现的典型多重人格行为是大自然的试验之一吗？还是说，这是北美地区的某一类成年人在接受怀有特定信念的医生的特定治疗时表现出的行为方式吗？对于汉弗莱和丹尼特就多重人格运动所做的清晰且深入的报告，我从未有过任何质疑。这份报告与丹尼特的心灵哲学的基本原则无关。他们的研究是独立于理论的，这是我在这里的唯一观点。多重人格也许可以为丹尼特的哲学理论提供一个形象的说明，但当今复杂的多重人格现象无法教给我们任何关于他的子系统理论的东西。与怀特海的哲学一样，他的哲学也没有得到这些现象的印证。汉弗莱和丹尼特在短时间内对多重人格的情况进行了仔细的研究。斯蒂芬•布劳德更像是一个参与观察者。他的著作《第一个多人格的人：多重人格和心灵哲学》出版于1991年（丹尼特的《意识的解释》于同年出版），他在其中表达的哲学观点与丹尼特的完全不同。丹尼特对单一的根本自我概念极为不屑，他会搪塞过去。但布劳德坚定地认为这一概念有其存在的必要性。它帮助我们精准地推翻了从多重人格中得出的一些推论。"}
{"instruction": "According to the two endorsements, what does Fairbanks's risk-based approach help calibrate, and what blend of ideas and practices does his book draw together?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "Just Enough Software Architecture is an important contribution to the IT application architecture literature and may well become a standard reference work for enterprise application architects. —Dr. Ian Maung, Senior VP of Enterprise Architecture at Citigroup and former Director of Enterprise Architecture at Covance This book directly tackles some key needs of software practitioners who seek that blend of tools to help them create more effective systems, more effectively. George reaches frequently into his own experience, combining important ideas from academia to provide a conceptual model, selected best practices from industry to broaden coverage, and pragmatic guidance to make software architectures that are ultimately more useful and realistic. His simple risk-based approach frames much of the book and helps calibrate what “just-enough” should be. This book is an important addition to any software architecture bookshelf. —Desmond D’Souza, Author of MAp and Catalysis, Kinetium, Inc."}
{"instruction": "What distinction between procedural and declarative knowledge does Fairbanks use to explain the purpose of his book, and how will that declarative knowledge help readers mentor other developers?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "Every architect I have met wishes that all developers understood architecture. They complain that developers do not understand why constraints exist and how seemingly small changes can affect a system’s properties. This book seeks to make architecture relevant to all software developers, not just architects. It cultivates declarative knowledge. There is a difference between being able to hit a tennis ball and knowing why you are able to hit it, what psychologists refer to as procedural knowledge versus declarative knowledge. If you are already an expert at designing and building systems then you will have employed many of the techniques viii Preface found here, but this book will make you more aware of what you have been doing and provide names for the concepts. That declarative knowledge will improve your ability to mentor other developers. It emphasizes the engineering. People who design and build software systems have to do many things, including dealing with schedules, resource commitments, and"}
{"instruction": "Why does Fairbanks say a precise definition of software architecture is hard to pin down, and what clear things about it does he list in the summary of Part I?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "themselves are largely process agnostic. You will not find advice on management activities like the political responsibilities of architects, when to hold specific kinds of meetings, or how to gather requirements from stakeholders. This book is divided into two parts. This first part introduces software architecture and the risk-driven approach. The second part helps you build up a mental conceptual model of software architecture and describes in detail the abstractions like components and connectors. What follows is short summaries of each part. Part I: Risk-driven software architecture A definition of software architecture is difficult to pin down precisely, but several things about it are quite clear. Software developers, like engineers in other specialties, use abstraction and models to solve large and complex problems. Software architecture acts as the skeleton of a system, influences quality attributes, is orthogonal to functionality, and uses constraints to influence a system’s properties."}
{"instruction": "What distinction does Fairbanks draw between a reference architecture and a presumptive architecture, and why is a tiered system a good match for the common risks of IT systems?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "Presumptive architectures are similar to reference architectures. A reference architecture is a family of architectures that describes an architectural solution to a problem and it is usually written down as a specification. You can find reference architectures for high-reliability embedded systems or for using a particular vendor’s technology to build web-based systems. A publisher of a reference architecture may hope that it becomes a presumptive architecture, but that may never happen. That is, a reference architecture is often an aspirational standard, while a presumptive architecture is a de facto standard. Presumptive architectures succeed because the architecture is a good match for the common risks in the domain. For example, IT systems often face concurrent access to shared data, shifting business rules, and long-lived data. A tiered system is a good match for those problems. One tier handles the user interface, another handles the business processing logic, and another stores data to a transactional (and"}
{"instruction": "What does Fairbanks mean by architecture-focused design as opposed to local fixes, and why are the requirements that should influence architecture choices rarely stated clearly?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "Another way to avoid memory leaks, for example, is to simply fix them once you discover the leak. Architecture-focused design seeks architectural solutions, rather than local fixes, to problems you face. Architecture-focused design often entails reasoning about your problems using architectural abstractions (e.g., components and connectors) and architectural views (e.g., module, runtime, and allocation views). For example, it is almost tautological that components running in their own threads require thread-safe connectors, and that distributed components cannot assume references will be in the same memory space. But these observations are easily obscured if you are instead reasoning from individual lines of code. Architecture-focused design means you must be on the lookout for requirements that will influence your architecture choices, but these requirements are rarely stated clearly. They may be hidden in a cryptic statement from a stakeholder or be common"}
{"instruction": "Why does Fairbanks refer to software engineers simply as 'developers', and what two job roles does the creation of an enterprise architecture group give rise to?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "tion. Consequently, it refers to software engineers as developers, not differentiating architects from programmers. However, software development within large organizations brings its own challenges as a result of scale. Large companies and organizations divide themselves into divisions, departments, and teams. They introduce roles and assign responsibilities. While there are better and worse ways to organize a company, none is perfect. You should be aware that any way of dividing a company will solve some problems while creating others. A common organization pattern in large companies is to create an enterprise architecture group and give it, among other responsibilities, the job of cultivating the architecture that spans applications. This organization gives rise to two job roles: enterprise architects and application architects. Enterprise architects. Enterprise architects are developers who are responsible for many applications."}
{"instruction": "What two problems does Fairbanks identify around enterprise architecture groups, and what does he say is the best one can hope for given that no organization structure is flawless?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "be different. Conflicts may arise, often regarding schedules, integration, architectural constraints, and platforms. The second problem is choosing suitable architectural constraints. Enterprise architects may over-constrain the architecture because they do not fully understand the needs of individual applications. Programmers may undervalue the benefit of standardizing across applications, believing their application should be exempted from onerous enterprise architecture constraints. Since no organization structure is without flaws, the best you can hope for is to understand the tradeoffs and anticipate the problems. Knowing why enterprise architecture groups exist separately from development and knowing the kinds of trouble that can arise means that everyone can watch out for early warning signs and work to mitigate them. Ideally, all developers would have software architecture skills, as will be discussed more in Section 5.3. Having a separate enterprise architect group is not a bad idea,"}
{"instruction": "What benefit of the risk-driven approach does Fairbanks say is revealed when engineers disagree over techniques in his chapter's examples, and how does that disagreement change character?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "niques to apply in response to risks. As the chapter progressed, we investigated added developers, integration of components, and plug-in compatibility. We identified the risks of failure and chose appropriate mitigation techniques. The situations in this chapter were deliberately picked to highlight architecture techniques. In other cases, with different risks, we might just start coding. At times during the chapter you may have disagreed with the choice of techniques, which indirectly points out a benefit to the risk-driven approach: it makes reasoning explicit. For example, while you may agree about the risks of plug-in incompatibility, you disagree about which techniques would best mitigate the risk, perhaps preferring to build prototypes instead of modeling the domain. Reasonable engineers will disagree on decisions like this, but now the disagreement resembles an engineering discussion rather than a methodology war. You could even create heuristics by at-"}
{"instruction": "Why does Fairbanks argue software architecture should be taught to undergraduates right after data structures, and what does making 'rational architecture choices' mean in his example about performance versus modifiability?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "to ignore architecture as it is for a developer to ignore data structures today. There are good arguments for teaching software architecture to undergraduate students immediately after data structures, before compilers or operating systems, because they would be able to understand the architectural patterns seen in those systems and understand why each makes different design decisions and quality attributes tradeoffs. Few undergraduates go on to build compilers or operating systems, but almost all of them will use software architecture to build systems. 5.4 Make rational architecture choices Design involves tradeoffs, so you cannot get every good quality imaginable. You should make rational architecture choices, meaning that your tradeoffs align with your quality attribute priorities. Performance is always nice to have, but if you value modifiability higher, then you should reject designs that yield performance at the expense of modifiability."}
{"instruction": "Why do developers try to minimize runtime architectural changes, and what kind of system does Fairbanks give as requiring continual runtime reconfiguration?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "example. So far you have seen diagrams representing the system at runtime but they showed just one instant in time. However, many systems change their runtime configuration as they execute. The next section discusses dynamic architecture models. 9.7 Dynamic architecture models Developers are comfortable building systems where the configuration of objects (class instances) changes at runtime. However, because components are larger than objects, their runtime configurations tend to change less, if they change at all. Developers try to minimize runtime architectural changes because it is easier to analyze a single static configuration than all of the possibilities that come with runtime reconfigurations. Some designs require changes at runtime, however, such as peer-to-peer voice chat systems that reconfigure themselves continually as computers join or leave the network. Many systems change their configuration of components only during startup and"}
{"instruction": "In the table of Design Intent Patterns, what code-level techniques does Fairbanks list for representing component types, connector types, port types, and protocols?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "able referencing the component object. When these objects need to communicate 10.7. PATTERNS FOR EXPRESSING DESIGN INTENT IN CODE Design Intent Patterns Component types Create class to represent the component, possibly with abstract superclass or interface as tag, possibly with naming convention: class FooComponent, possibly with instance variables to identify ports, possibly with component invariants as methods Align module and component names, possibly with sub-modules Connector types Create class to represent the connector, possibly with abstract superclass or interface as tag, possibly with naming convention: class FooConnector Port types Create interface to represent provided port Create class to represent provided or required ports, possibly with abstract superclass or interface as tag, possibly with naming convention: RequiredFooPort Protocols Use port class and State design pattern Use external tool, annotations, and static analysis"}
{"instruction": "What kinds of work do connectors do in enabling quality attributes such as reliability and auditability, and what example implementations does Fairbanks give?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "Connectors can convert, transform, or translate datatypes between components. They can adapt protocols and mediate between a collection of components. They can broadcast events, possibly cleaning up duplicate events or prioritizing important ones. Significantly, they can do the work that enables quality attributes, such as encryption, compression, synchronization / replication, and thread-safe communication. It is hard to imagine systems achieving qualities like reliability, durability, latency, and auditability if their connectors are not contributing. Common types. The concept of a connector is quite general, and encompasses the common ways to communicate, including procedure calls and events, as well as more complex mechanisms like pipes, batch transfers, and incremental replicators. It also covers indirect means of communicating such as interrupts and shared memory. Some example implementations of connectors include remote procedure calls, the rsync"}
{"instruction": "From the model and view columns of the pattern table, what port types, connector types and relationships does Fairbanks associate with publish-subscribe and client-server styles?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "Independent stages, non-incremental processing Reusability, modifiability Model-Centered (Shared Data) Runtime Model, view, and controller components; update and notify ports Views and controllers interact only via the model Modifiability, extensibility, concurrency Publish- Subscribe Runtime Publish and subscribe ports, event bus connector Event producers and consumers are oblivious Maintainability, evolvability Client-Server & N-Tier Runtime Client and server components, request-reply connectors Asymmetrical relationship, server independence Maintainability, evolvability, legacy integration Peer-to-Peer Runtime Peer components, request-reply connectors Egalitarian peer relationship, all nodes clients and servers Availability, resiliency, scalability, extensibility Map-Reduce Runtime & allocation Master, map, and reduce workers; local and global filesystem connectors Divisible dataset amenable to map & reduce functions, allocation topology"}
{"instruction": "Why does Fairbanks say there will be friction between software architecture abstractions and programming language abstractions, and what does he recommend doing with existing code that does not line up neatly?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "It would have been unnecessary if the architecture abstractions discussed in this book were the same as the abstractions available in your programming language, but that is not the case today. Consequently, there will be some friction when you try to implement your models in code, or try to interpret your code’s architecture. This friction is nothing new. The transition to structured programming saw some developers saying that they could not express their existing programs in the new, more constrained, programming languages. Some argued that their old programs were more efficient and perfectly understandable, so the new abstractions were undesirable. When you discover code that does not line up neatly with software architecture abstractions, you could refactor the existing code into more explicit modules and components, but would likely be prohibitively expensive. It is more practical to think of your existing system as a collection of large modules or components, and not attempt"}
{"instruction": "In the glossary, how does Fairbanks define architecture hoisting, architecture refactoring, architecture-focused design, and architecture-indifferent design?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "most attention to when designing the system (Bass, Clements and Kazman, 2003) Architecture hoisting When following an architecture hoisting approach, developers design the architecture with the intent of guaranteeing a goal or property of the system. The idea is that once a goal or property has been hoisted into the architecture, developers should not need to write any additional code to achieve it. See architecture-focused design and architectureindifferent design. Architecture refactoring A refactoring of a system’s architecture, possibly from one architectural style to another, or the introduction of consistency (see constraints) where none were present before. Architecture-focused design In architecture-focused design, developers are aware of their system’s software architecture and they deliberately choose it so that their system can achieve its goals. See architecture-indifferent design and architecture hoisting. Glossary Architecture-indifferent design In architecture-indifferent design, developers are oblivious to their"}
{"instruction": "What do lifestyle gurus rely on instead of certified credentials when giving health advice, and on whose shoulders do they place the responsibility for solving problems?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "While some lifestyle gurus claim to be personal trainers, yoga teachers or nutritionists, few have the certified credentials required to give health advice. Instead, they rely on narratives of self-transformation, providing anecdotal evidence, folklore and testimonies about how they have healed themselves and others during difficult times. These stories are supported by highly curated social media profiles featuring inspirational quotes, food imagery and before and after shots documenting their transformation into attractive, ostensibly happier and healthier subjects. The lifestyles presented online are designed to be inspiring, but they also serve as evidence of the possibilities of self-transformation – who you too could be – if you were to adhere to their lifestyle advice, purchase their books, products or services. Lifestyle gurus place the ultimate responsibility of problem solving upon the shoulders of the individual. Their advice is intended to be facilitative."}
{"instruction": "What remedies do lifestyle gurus most commonly offer, and how do they position themselves relative to scientific knowledge and professional expertise?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "This programme is typically supported by products and services of commercial benefit to the lifestyle guru in question. From a psychological standpoint, positive thinking, celebrating inner strength and the need to love oneself are the most common remedies. Programmes of intervention may draw on selected strands of scientific knowledge to appear credible and true. However, although lifestyle gurus commonly appeal to scientific knowledge, they are generally defined in antithesis to professional expertise and elite diagnosis and treatment. While lacking any objectively adequate certification of probity, and with surprisingly low responsibilities to subject themselves to independent regulatory discipline, the lifestyle solutions and motivational programmes advanced by lifestyle gurus carry the enamel ring of common-sense. Virtue signalling is the means to achieve the end of life satisfaction. The power of positive thinking, self-knowledge and level-headed acceptance of one’s limits along with consciousness of one’s potential, prevail over all other proposed solutions to lifestyle dilemmas and problems."}
{"instruction": "Why does confessional content appeal to viewers of bloggers and micro-celebrities, and what does it provide for those who are suffering?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "It is suggestive of a cultural shift around norms of self-disclosure with the popularity of bloggers derived precisely from the personal content they share with their followers. Micro-celebrities are often encouraged to overshare details about their personal lives in an attempt to stay relevant in an oversaturated market. Confessional content (including revelations and staged bloopers) appeals to viewers because it presents lifestyle gurus as vulnerable, authentic and relatable compared to the polished, airbrushed documentation of celebrities in the mainstream media. It was a practice popularised by lifestyle gurus, such as Oprah, and is now mainstream. The confessional content and style of lifestyle gurus can provide consolation to those who are suffering. For example, forums provide a space for people to seek knowledge, advice and support to help them cope with challenging circumstances and to share their everyday experiences with those in similar situations."}
{"instruction": "What self-presentation techniques do micro-celebrities use to gain status and attention online, and why are their claims to authenticity doubtful?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "Micro-celebrity is strategically performed online using a series of self-presentation techniques designed to achieve status and attention. These include carefully constructing an online persona, sharing personal information about themselves with their followers to establish the perception of intimacy and ‘friendship’, and presenting themselves as authentic in an attempt to distance themselves from traditional media by appearing trustworthy, genuine and ‘real’. The internet affords new ways of experiencing the self and relating to others. Social media enables lifestyle gurus to inhabit the same online spaces as celebrities and to occupy a celebrity subject position by addressing followers as fans. However, the fact that micro-celebrities achieve fame as a result of their followers alters the dynamic of fandom with fans demanding authenticity from those they promote and follow. Despite their claims to authenticity, for the most part, the personas of lifestyle gurus are highly manufactured, edited and controlled, conforming to commercial ideals that dictate socially acceptable modes of self-presentation."}
{"instruction": "How does an influencer's commercial potential differ from a traditional celebrity's, and which metrics are used to measure it?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "Despite emerging online, an influencer’s fame can transfer offline resulting in modelling contracts with major brands and other forms of mainstream advertising. However, unlike traditional advertising, which is typically overt and recognisable, influencers mostly engage in personalised forms of marketing. The degree to which an influencer can monetise their status depends on their capacity to convert their fame into persuasive, commercially driven content. This mostly involves creating content that revolves around their persona and product placement. The approach mimics the relationship that brands have with their media partners, the fundamental difference being that influencers exist outside of the traditional power structure as the content producer and editor of their site. Traditionally, a celebrity’s commercial value might be measured in terms of their net earnings, modelling contracts, record sales or box office hits. Conversely, an influencer’s commercial potential is measured by quantifiable metrics: a high follower count and engagement rate with their followers in the form of comments, shares and likes."}
{"instruction": "Why is the idea that bloggers are autonomous misleading, and what resources and skills does producing quality content actually require?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "Most successful bloggers have friends or partners with specialist skills and knowledge about photography, video editing and marketing. Producing quality content also requires time, a resource unequally distributed among the population. Authenticity and access are important attributes of influencer marketing. To appear authentic depends upon more than a personality type. As discussed in the previous chapter, it requires strategic self-presentation and knowledge about what information to share online (as well as what to exclude). Performative skill rather than self-discovery is crucial. The same applies to access, which in most cases remains para-social: unequal and one-sided. Finally, the idea of autonomy overlooks the degree to which influencers are motored by commercial objectives. That is, part of the system they outwardly define themselves against. Commercial forces influence how we interact online. Discourses of bloggers as autonomous conceals the ways that blogs resemble traditional sites of production."}
{"instruction": "How do today's lifestyle gurus differ from nineteenth-century predecessors such as Smiles, Beecher, and Beeton in the advice they deliver?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "The current media landscape, coupled with distrust of the news media, has further encouraged the ethos of personal responsibility characteristic of the modern West. Today, a socially credible subjective orientation to personal well-being and life with others places critical responsibility upon keeping up with the inexorable data deluge and expanding and refining lifestyle citizenship. It is in the nature of the web for information to be de-territorialised and invulnerable to effective jurisdiction. Facts, quasi-facts and off-the-cuff advice are tossed into the data deluge without a sense of amalgamated purpose and direction. In contrast to their nineteenth-century predecessors, such as Smiles, Beecher and Beeton, lifestyle gurus today exploit and develop a just-in-time philosophy on advice and guidance. Today’s lifestyle gurus propagate the importance of delivering advice and programmes of social impact and self-validation that are explicitly"}
{"instruction": "What was wrong with Malthus's proposition that population proceeds by geometric ratio while agriculture obeys arithmetic ratio, and why does the author call his and Godwin's philosophies authoritarian?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "Equally, Malthus’ grand proposition that population proceeds by ‘geometric ratio’ while agriculture obeys ‘arithmetic ratio’ blithely ignored the experiments in crop rotation, seeding and irrigation that were improving agricultural productivity in his own day. Yet upon these grounds, elaborate moral philosophies of virtue signalling, that conditioned and regulated social behaviour were nurtured and allowed to flourish. Godwin and Malthus differed in their advice on lifestyle planning and practice. But the authoritarian nature of their philosophies derived in large part from the conviction to which each held fast, namely that to deviate from the lifestyle path that they outlined would to lead to perdition and ruin. They were offering fixed, total, finite principles of rational lifestyle planning and practice that were intended to be applied rigorously and inflexibly respected. There is hardly any provision for collaboration or dialogue with their audience in their respective narratives."}
{"instruction": "What is the difference between technically partitioned and domain partitioned architectures, and what does Richards give as the classic example of technical partitioning?", "input": "Source: Software Architecture Patterns Understanding Common Architectural Styles and When to Use Them", "output": "system is partitioned. Architectures, whether they are monolithic or distributed, can be either technically partitioned or domain partitioned. The following sections describe the differences between these partitioning structures and why it’s important to understand them. Technical Partitioning Technically partitioned architectures have the components of the system organized by technical usage. The classic example of a technically partitioned architecture is the layered (n-tiered) architecture style (see Chapter 3). In this architecture style, components are organized by technical layers; for example, presentation components that have to do with the user interface, business layer components that have to do with business rules and core processing, persistence layer components that interact with the database, and the database layer containing the data for the system. Notice in Figure 2-3 that the components of any given domain are spread across all of these technical layers."}
{"instruction": "When should the layered architecture style be considered according to Richards, and why does it avoid the complexities of distributed architectures?", "input": "Source: Software Architecture Patterns Understanding Common Architectural Styles and When to Use Them", "output": "developers and architects a way to think about a problem from a domain perspective rather than a technical one, there are still times when technically partitioned architectures (such as the layered architecture) are more suitable. When to Consider This Style The layered architecture is good to consider if the project or initiative has significant budget or time constraints. Because the layered architecture is generally considered a monolithic architecture style, it does not have the complexities of a distributed architecture in terms of remote access, contract management, and the complications resulting from the fallacies of distributed computing described in the previous chapter. Also, most developers and architects are familiar with the layered architecture, making it easier to understand and implement. Another reason to consider the layered architecture is when a majority of your changes are isolated to specific layers within the"}
{"instruction": "What organizational change does Richards say microservices alone requires among architecture styles, and what kinds of applications are well suited to it?", "input": "Source: Software Architecture Patterns Understanding Common Architectural Styles and When to Use Them", "output": "all other architecture styles—organizational change. Microservices is the only architecture style that requires development teams to be organized into domain areas of cross-functional teams with specialization (a single development team consisting of user interface, backend, and database developers). This in turn requires the identification of service owners (usually architects) within a particular domain. Testers and release engineers, as well as DBAs (database administrators), are also usually aligned with specific domain areas so that they are part of the same virtual team as the developers. In this manner, these “virtual teams” test and release their own services. Examples and Use Cases Applications that are well suited for the microservices architecture style include those that consist of separate and distinct functions within a business workflow. A classic example of this is a standard retail-based order entry system. Placing an order, applying a pay‐"}
{"instruction": "What are the four main architecture components of the virtualized middleware in space-based architecture, and how does the messaging grid decide which processing unit receives a request?", "input": "Source: Software Architecture Patterns Understanding Common Architectural Styles and When to Use Them", "output": "The four main architecture components contained in the virtualized middleware are the messaging grid, the data grid, the processing grid, and the deployment manager. The messaging grid manages input request and session information. When a request comes into the virtualized middleware component, the messaging grid component determines which active processing units are available to receive the request and forwards the request to one of them. The complexity of the messaging grid can range from a simple round-robin algorithm to a more complex next-available algorithm that keeps track of which request is being processed by which processing unit. Typically, the messaging grid is implemented through a traditional web server. | Chapter 7: Space-Based Architecture The data grid component is perhaps the most important and crucial component in this style. The data grid interacts with the data-replication engine in each processing unit to manage the data"}
{"instruction": "What is Barbara Creed's central argument about why woman terrifies in the horror film, and which seven 'faces' of the monstrous-feminine does she analyze?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "In almost all critical writings on the horror film, woman is conceptualized only as victim. In The Monstrous-Feminine Barbara Creed challenges this patriarchal view by arguing that the prototype of all definitions of the monstrous is the female reproductive body. Woman as castrator constitutes the most significant face of the monstrousfeminine in film, and Creed challenges the mythical patriarchal view that woman terrifies because she is castrated by arguing that woman primarily terrifies because of a fear that she might castrate. With close reference to a number of classic horror films including Alien, The Brood, The Hunger, The Exorcist, Sisters, I Spit on Your Grave and Psycho, she presents the first sustained analysis of the seven 'faces' of the monstrous-feminine from a feminist and psychoanalytic perspective, discussing woman as monster in relation to woman as archaic mother, monstrous womb, vampire, witch, possessed body, monstrous mother and castrator."}
{"instruction": "How does the horror film, unlike other variants of the classic text, position the spectator in relation to the monstrous image on screen?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "disintegration, of losing one's self or ego - often represented cinematically by a screen which becomes black, signifying the obliteration of self, the self of the protagonist in the film and the spectator in the cinema. This has important consequences for the positioning of the spectator in the cinema. One of the most interesting structures operating in the screen-spectator relationship relates to the sight/site of the monstrous within the horror text. In contrast with the conventional viewing structures working within other variants of the classic text, the horror film does not work to encourage the spectator to identify continually with the narrative action. Instead, an unusual situation arises whereby the filmic processes designed to encourage spectatorial identification are momentarily undermined as horrific images on the screen challenge the viewer to run the risk of continuing to look. Here I refer to those moments in the horror film when the spectator,"}
{"instruction": "How does Creed tie the mothering woman to the animal world through The Brood, and how does she trace that reading back through Kristeva to Leviticus?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "Awareness of his links to nature reminds man of his mortality and of the fragility of the symbolic order. The idea that woman in her mothering role is transformed into a human/animal figure is represented very strongly in The Brood, and in other horror films, such as Aliens where the generative mother is literally a creature and the 'human' mother is a surrogate who does not actually give birth. The scene where Nola tears open the sac with her teeth and pulls out the bloody infant suggests quite clearly that woman is like an animal. The torn and bleeding birth sac which functions as an external womb clearly points to woman's special relationship to the animal world. Kristeva traces the representation of the birthing woman as unclean back to the representation of impurity in the Bible. Leviticus draws a parallel between the unclean maternal body and the decaying body. The two are associated through childbirth. 'Evocation of the maternal body"}
{"instruction": "How is the womb symbolized in the iconography of the horror film, and what example of a huge sucking uterus does Creed cite?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "from Gothic horror, exploration of the uncanny in other horror films is more violent, the monsters more monstrous. If the pull is particularly strong the individual may find her/himself literally haunted by the ghost, WOMAN AS MONSTROUS WOMB even pulled into another dimension as in Poltergeist, where the ghost is represented as a huge sucking uterus. The symbolization of the womb as house/room/cellar or any other enclosed space is central to the iconography of the horror film. Representation of the womb as a place that is familiar and unfamiliar is acted out in the horror film through the presentation of monstrous acts which are only half glimpsed or initially hidden from sight until revealed in their full horror. In her discussion of the woman's film, Mary Ann Doane argues that there is also a relation between the uncanny and the house which 'becomes the analogue of the human body, its parts fetishized by textual operations, its erotogenous zones metamorphosed by a morbid"}
{"instruction": "What two explanations have been given for the vagina dentata, and which fairy stories does Creed use to illustrate them?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "woman who castrates a male attacker with a knife hidden in her hair. The fairy story 'Little Red Riding Hood' also suggests symbolically the vagina dentata with its reference to the red riding hood/clitoris and its emphasis on the devouring jaws of the wolf/grandmother. MEDUSA'S HEAD: THE VAGINA DENTATA THE CASTRATING FEMALE GENITALS Two explanations have been given for the vagina dentata - both stress the incorporative rather than castrating aspect of this figure. One approach interprets the vagina dentata as a symbolic expression of the oral sadistic mother. This is the mother feared by both female and male infants who imagine that, just as they derive pleasure from feeding/eating at the mother's breast, the mother might in turn desire to feed on them. The 'Hansel and Gretel' fairy story illustrates this infantile fear through the figure of the cannibalistic witch. The other explanation interprets the vagina dentata as an expression of the dyadic mother; the all-encompassing"}
{"instruction": "How do I Spit on Your Grave and Sisters present the femme castratrice differently, and what questions does Creed raise about male directors' interest in male castration?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "THE FEMME CASTRATRICE IN FILM Two films which present interesting and different representations of the femme castratrice are I Spit on Your Grave and Sisters. The former belongs to the rape-revenge category, the latter to the psychotic slasher cycle. In I Spit on Your Grave the heroine literally castrates. In Sisters the female protagonist does not seek revenge for rape; rather she is depicted as psychotic, a madwoman who wishes to avenge herself against the whole male sex. In both films the scenes of castration and murder are presented as sensual, erotic moments characterized by a marked degree of male masochism. Why is it that male directors are interested in making films, albeit horror films, about male castration? Why is the femme castratrice, one of the more deadly personae adopted by the monstrous-feminine, almost always represented as fulfilling a stereotypical image of female beauty? For she clearly comes across as a modern-day version of the"}
{"instruction": "Why, according to Creed, has the concept of woman as monster, and especially the image of woman as castrator, been neglected in feminist film theory?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "difference, more willing to explore male and female anxieties about the 'other', than film texts which belong to mainstream genres such as the detective, suspense thriller, comedy and romance films. THE MONSTROUS-FEMININE AND SPECTATORSHIP Why has the concept of woman as monster been neglected in feminist theory? A major reason is that the majority of feminist articles on the cinema have addressed genres such as the melodrama, film noir and the woman's film which, at first glance, appear to be more directly concerned with questions of female desire and phallocentric representations of female sexuality. A study of horror reveals that this genre also is intimately bound up with questions of sexuality and the way in which woman's abjection helps to found the patriarchal symbolic order. Why has the image of woman as castrator, a major archetype of female monstrosity, been ignored? A central reason for this relates to the Freudian basis of much"}
{"instruction": "How does Creed describe identificatory processes for spectators of horror, and what problems does she see with the 'phallicized heroine' explanation?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "fears and most terrifying fantasies it is - as I have argued - most likely that identificatory processes are extremely fluid and allow the spectator to switch identification between victim and monster depending on the degree to which the spectator wishes to be terrified and/or to terrify and depending on the power of the various filmic codes (subjective camera, close-up images, music) designed to encourage certain modes of identification above others. One response to the castrating heroine of the horror film is to argue that she is actually a phallicized heroine, that is, she has been reconstituted as masculine. If female spectators derive pleasure from identifying with an aggressive or violent heroine it is because they have been contaminated by patriarchy. It is only the phallic male spectator who is empowered by identifying with an aggressive hero figure in the diegesis. This view appears to be based on the argument that only phallic masculinity is violent and that"}
{"instruction": "According to this skill list, what do Intellect skills like Logic and Encyclopedia let you do, and what do Psyche skills like Inland Empire and Esprit de Corps let the detective do?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "INTELLECT LOGIC: Wield raw intellectual power. Deduce the world. ENCYCLOPEDIA: Call upon all your knowledge. Produce fascinating trivia. RHETORIC: Practice the art of persuasion. Enjoy rigorous intellectual discourse. DRAMA: Play the actor. Lie-and detect lies. CONCEPTUALIZATION: Understand creativity. See Art in the world. VISUAL CALCULUS: Reconstruct crime scenes. Make laws of physics work for the Law. PSYCHE VOLITION: Hold yourself together. Keep your Morale up. INLAND EMPIRE: Hunches and gut feelings. Dreams in waking life. EMPATHY: Understand others. Work your mirror neurons. AUTHORITY: Intimidate the public. Assert yourself. ESPRIT DE CORPS: Connect to Station 41. Understand cop culture. SUGGESTION: Charm men and women. Play the puppet-master. PHYSIQUE ENDURANCE: Take the blows. Don’t let the world kill you. PAIN THRESHOLD: Shrug off the pain. They'll have to hurt you more. PHYSICAL INSTRUMENT: Flex powerful muscles. Enjoy healthy organs."}
{"instruction": "What does the description say a high level of Drama enables you to do, and what kind of role does Conceptualization ask you to play in this world?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "to concoct the most elaborate and wonderful stories; to take on ingenious personas and perform acts of stagecraft in an entertaining amalgam of fourberie and deceit! As well, it enables you to see through would-be actors and their false antics. If they lie, you'll know. Immediately. At high levels, Drama may render you an insufferable thespian - one prone to hysterics and bouts of paranoia; for to know the world is a stage is to know that Truth is a Vanity. However, with low Drama you cannot lie - or discern when others lie. And a cop who can't do either is a cop who's soon going to be lying six feet under. CONCEPTUALIZATION COOL FOR: CREATIVES. PSYCHEDELIC FANCIERS. CRITICS. Conceptualization has a special role it wants you to play in this world - not the role of cop, but of Art Cop. It enables you to make fresh associations, to delve into world-concepts from Jan Kaarp's postmodernist karperie, to Revachol's arabesque architectural style"}
{"instruction": "What is the downside of high Empathy for a cop, and what kind of awkward situations does low Authority lead to?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "more, a strange joy from someone who should be bereaved, or a hidden resentment that could return to harm you later. At high levels, Empathy really puts you in other people's shoes. You'll cry for their sorrows, punch walls to relieve their angers, and be an even more unstable cop. With low Empathy, however, you'll be an ungainly beast unable to talk to anyone without upsetting them. AUTHORITY COOL FOR: LEADERS. EXPERTS OF PSYCHOLOGICAL WARFARE. RESPECT-JUNKIES. Authority urges you to assert and reassert your dominance over those around you. It enables you to understand the power dynamics of groups of thugs, know how far you can push a perpetrator, and how to establish control of situations. At high levels, Authority demands respect; even a perceived slight could send you into knee-breaking mode. With Iow Authority, however, you're forever in awkward situations - like when you suffer psychological breakdowns after you yell at teenagers and they laugh"}
{"instruction": "What does a high level of Electrochemistry turn you into, and what does the Shivers skill let you hear that can make you seem mad to the outside world?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Electrochemistry is there to guide you. At high levels, Electrochemistry makes you a man of unrestrained pleasure – an unrepentant lothario who leers at people with a bottle of speed and a plastic bendy straw in either hand. But with a low Electrochemistry, you'll be too innocent to be effective. Without a working knowledge of drugs and sex, the city will be difficult to understand. SHIVERS COOL FOR: CITY LOVERS. THE WISEST OF THE STREET WISE. THE GENUINELY SUPRA-NATURAL. Shivers come when the temperature drops and you become more keenly aware of your surroundings. lt enables you to hear the city itself, to truly belong to the streets. It is a supra-natural ability; old wrongs play out in present time, scenes across the city happen in front of you. But who is speaking to you? At high levels, Shivers may make you seem mad to the outside world - as you listen to the city, you don't listen to others.Your superiors may begin to worry..With a low Shivers,"}
{"instruction": "What does the Perception (Sight) skill let you see, and which tools belonging to the Kineema are described in the pull-out toolbox?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "PERCEPTION (SIGHT) [Trivial: Success] — Let's you see things in the dark you would otherwise miss... YOU — Push in the pull-out toolbox. COUPRIS KINEEMA —The pull-out toolbox slides back into its nest. Pre-heater gauge casts a warm glow on the steering levers and the radio on its hook. Prybar The red-tipped prybar has \"Carsson T, Heavy Duty\"engraved just below the handle. It is satisfyingly heavy-and perhaps one of the most useful tools to carry around. Chaincutters The meanest looking pair of cutters you have ever seen, made in Gottwald by Waalshirm Werkzeuge. No chain, wire nor barbed fence will ever stand in your way again. They look hungry, ready to chew steel Flashlight A police flashlight bearing the logo of Grundstellung RAO. The small dynamo packed inside this hand-held illumination device theoretically gives you the ability to produce a tiny amount of electricity any time anywhere. YOU — Run your fingers over one of the steering levers."}
{"instruction": "What does the damaged ledger physically look like, and what do its Case Files record?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "DAMAGED LEDGER — They're not *exactly*white. They're yellowed in patches by sunlight and alcohol, and covered in dense blue handwriting. Ink escapes into watercolour patterns, reaching its tendrils across entire pages. The paper itself is chequered with faint red lines forming short paragraphs. Once in a while there's a red stamp that exclaims: CASE FILES; COMMIT TO PAPER. The *CASE FILES* themselves are plenty. You count more than a hundred sodden, crumpled up, earmarked pages falling apart in your hands. They appear to be sufficiently organized and extremely dense, if mostly illegible. YOU — What is in there - what are they about? DAMAGED LEDGER —Work. Strife. Poverty The Jamrock Quarter. These are handwritten logs of investigations dating back to January'51, this year. The exact number is hard to estimate due to missing pages--and an *odd*naming convention-but there are at least twenty, maybe thirty cases. Undertaken, not completed, mind you."}
{"instruction": "What was the People's Pile, who kept working on it after the Commune fell, and why did it fail catastrophically?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "generator that failed immediately after entering service, releasing radioactive waste into River Esperance. Why is it called the *People's* Pile? ENCYCLOPEDIA — Construction began during the Commune of Revachol. The people* continued work on it after the Commune fell -- they wanted a cheap source of energy for Revachol West. Needless to say: things didn't work out. YOU — What is a particle decay generator? ENCYCLOPEDIA — A primitive nuclear reactor, also called a *pile*. YOU — Why did it fail? ENCYCLOPEDIA — An emergency valve defect resulted in steam pressure blowing the turbine, taking the fuel containment vessel up in the explosion. Both the faulty design and lack of finances contributed to the catastrophe. \"Tell me more about this Emergency Relief Brigade you were part of.\" BIRD'S NEST ROY — He points at the white triangle on his orange safety jacket. \"We were an all-volunteer force, self-organized. Tried to help fire brigades contain the spill.\""}
{"instruction": "How did Old Sumptuous Filippe blow through the entire national treasury, and what stories are told about his bedroom?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "It's serious. And permanent. ENCYCLOPEDIA [Medium: Success] — Even by the standards of the Filippian kings, Old Sumptuous Filippe was known for his profligacy. YOU — In what way? ENCYCLOPEDIA — Well, he blew through the whole national treasury, starting the decline of one of the penultimate century's greatest superpowers: the Suzerain of Revachol... His own maladministration foreshadowed the fall of the monarchy during the Antecentennial Revolution, an end to his family line and the monarchy on the Insulindian isola. YOU — How did he manage to blow through *the entire national treasury*? ENCYCLOPEDIA — Stories have it that he had his bedroom converted into a treasure chamber where he stored unfathomable wealth: *krugerrands*, bars of gold, ornate weaponry, armour, and various chalices.He called it the *Sol Aurum*. It was obscene. There were whispers he slept on a huge pile of gold-dipped feathers like some obese dragon, instead of a bed like a normal person."}
{"instruction": "What does the city tell you lies to the west of Martinaise, and what lies beneath the old mines of Coal City?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "their grandchildren out dressed so lightly in this weather. At least your hair is protected from getting wet and sticking together. You look around... YOU — What's in the west? SHIVERS — More winding coastline lined with abandoned buildings. Crumbling piers, salt water lapping at their dark piles.Grey and red, forgotten city blocks. What remains of the pre-revolutionary effort to gentrify the coast. YOU — And beyond that? SHIVERS — The waters turn black. Coal City in the shadow of Saint-Martin, a boom town, back when coal extracted from countless shafts near the city was needed to power Revachol. No more. The coal was supplanted by petroleum from the ocean floor and hydropower from the Esperance.Everything crumbled. These days, only the weakest remain in Coal City. Their hopes of getting rich linger in the defunct shafts under their feet. YOU — What is there? SHIVERS — Below the old mines -- L'Ossuaire Municipal, Revachol's underground cemetery."}
{"instruction": "What is the basic conceit of Suzerainty: The Board Game, and what does Rhetoric begin to suspect about it?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "global economy. YOU — Finally, a proper game to teach Revacholian children about their glorious history. YOU — Hmmm, this history seems problematic*, but it *is* important to teach children basic economic concepts. SUZERAINTY: THE BOARD GAME — The colourful illustrations depict cheerful workers picking apricots, hauling marble sculptures out of crumbling temples, and harvesting a strange, magenta-leafed plant.Everyone is smiling. RHETORIC [Medium: Success] — You begin to suspect there may be a *political*agenda to this so-called 'family game'. Only one way to find out... YOU — Keep reading. SUZERAINTY: THE BOARD GAME — The instructions are opaque at first, and introduce many concepts you're not familiar with. Fortunately, there are many diagrams and examples throughout...You soon figure out the basic conceit: Each player represents an administrator for the *Suzerain of Revachol*. Your objective is to increase the suzerain's wealth and renown by accumulating *victory points*."}
{"instruction": "What kind of remedies does Medicinal Purposes of the Pale describe, and what does it say about restoring lost memories?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "YOU — What's a pharmacopoeia? MEDICINAL PURPOSES OF THE PALE — You come across the following explanation: \"While modern pharmacopoeia are continually updated by so-called 'experts' based on the results of 'clinical trials,' readers will find assembled here the timeless wisdom relied upon by generations of traditional Seolite medicine practitioners, Mesque mystics, and Iilmaraan folk doctors.\" ENCYCLOPEDIA [Medium: Success] — It's all quackery, in other words. INLAND EMPIRE [Medium: Success] — Finally, something to calm the angry spirits that have been plaguing you. MEDICINAL PURPOSES OF THE PALE — It seems to contain descriptions of the medicinal properties of various ingredients that may be gathered from the pale, as well as instructions for producing a variety of herbal remedies. YOU — Is there anything in there about restoring lost memories? MEDICINAL PURPOSES OF THE PALE — There are a number of Seolite tonics that promise to improve your short-term memory, but nothing that speaks to your condition."}
{"instruction": "Why do some modern thinkers call Dolores Dei a war criminal, and what does Rhetoric infer from the name of her military force?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "human being to ever live, there *was* something ominous about Dolores Dei -- constantly surrounded by her Therriers...She was the most socially secluded and least self-aware of all the innocences.Some modern thinkers would consider her a war criminal for the campaigns she waged against the Mesque state. And then there were the resettlement programs... YOU — What happened? ENCYCLOPEDIA — The Mesque state tried to detach itself from innocentic rule. Parts of the world were experiencing whiplash from accelerating into secularism. Her mandatory education programs and mass resettlement of upstream Magritte were problematic as well. Dissenters were suppressed by a military force she called \"The Army of Humanity\"... RHETORIC[Medium: Success] — Suggesting those who fight against it are not part of humanity. ENCYCLOPEDIA — She adored chess, yes --but also military war games. Dolores Dei often holds a tiny tin soldier between her index finger and thumb -- in icons such as this."}
{"instruction": "What do the Hjelmdallermann books' endings have in common, and why does Logic think you will never find the sequel?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "One easily answered by purchasing the next thrilling chapter in the Hjelmdallerman saga: 'Hjelmdallermann at the Gates of Tomorrow.' The last page of this one merely reads: 'To be continued...\" YOU — Cut 'em up, Hjelmdallermann! HJELMDALLERMANN: THE MAN FROM HJELMDALL — He probably is, but you can't be sure, cause this one ends in a cliffhanger and a footnote, saying: To be continued in 'Hjelmdallermann at the Gates of Tomorrow'. Coming soon to your local bookstore. LOGIC — Considering the sheer amount of different Hjelmdallermann books out there it's very unlikely you're ever gonna find the sequel. HJELMDALLERMANN: THE MAN FROM HJELMDALL — The Man from Hjelmdall stares at you on the cover, his face fixed in grim resolve. YOU — Put the book away. BOOK \"THE MAN FROMHJELMDALLAND THEDEVIL WOMAN\" The frontispiece of this old paperback features a muscleman in chains, kneeling before a salacious-looking woman on a regal seat. A bonfire lies between the throne and the man,"}
{"instruction": "Who was Ignus Nilsen, and what contrasting nicknames did his admirers and his enemies give him?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "The guide itself is divided into several sections with seemingly esoteric titles like 'Effects of Plasm on Root Vegetables' and 'Mental Projection and Transference'. There's also a brief introduction about the life of Ignus Nilsen. YOU — Read the introduction on Ignus Nilsen. A BRIEF LOOK AT INFRA-MATERIALISM — Known to his numerous admirers as the 'Evangelist of the Revolution' and to his even-more-numerous enemies as the 'Apocalyptic Shrike', Ignus Nilsen remains one of the most controversial and fascinating figures to emerge in the years of the Antecentennial Revolution, second only to Kras Mazov himself. During his unparalleled life, he helped guide a revolution in one country and found a new state in another. Along the way, he committed some of the most notorious war crimes in an era famed for its atrocities. HALF LIGHT [Medium: Success] — He is your brother, a fellow *doom prophet*. A BRIEF LOOK AT INFRA-MATERIALISM — And yet, his mos *fascinating*"}
{"instruction": "How do infra-materialists argue revolutionary plasm stimulates matter, and what turnip-yield evidence do they cite from Graad?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "them. At the lowest, or *first level*, revolutionary plasm is believed to stimulate or invigorate matter without altering its essential properties. YOU — This sounds like that business with the turnips... A BRIEF LOOK AT INFRA-MATERIALISM — Precisely, though plasm does more than increase vegetable yields.It may also influence the *physiology* of revolutionaries themselves. YOU — How exactly does the plasm 'stimulate' matter? A BRIEF LOOK AT INFRA-MATERIALISM — To take one example: During the Revolutionary period, many communard farmers in Graad reported extraordinary yields of certain root vegetables, most notably turnips.The difference in these yields was simply too great to be accounted for by mere climate or soil conditions. The only reasonable explanation, infra-materialists argue, is the high level of revolutionary plasm emanating from the commune itself. Even today, in parts of the SRV there are collective farms whose root vegetable yields exceed those thought possible by capitalist agronomists."}
{"instruction": "What is the most well-documented attempt to channel third-level capabilities, and what did Nilsen's acolytes try to do to Coalition Warship Debutante?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Of course, few of these incidents have ever been rigorously investigated or substantiated... ENCYCLOPEDIA [Medium: Success] — The form of these stories also recalls several well-known Samaran folktales, in particular the one commonly known as 'Clever Oleg and the Flying Magistrate'. A BRIEF LOOK AT INFRA-MATERIALISM — Among known attempts to channel third-level capabilities, the most well-documented is the curious case of Coalition Warship Debutante. YOU — I've got to know what that's about. A BRIEF LOOK AT INFRA-MATERIALISM — It concerns an interesting series of events that took place during the invasion of Revachol. As Coalition forces made landfall, a cadre of Nilsen's most fervent acolytes *attempted to compress a Coalition aerostatic* with their collective will...According to communard lore, these acolytes positioned themselves at the top of a redoubt just over the Bay of Revachol.From that vantage, they proceeded to visualise *pinching* Coalition Warship Debutante between their fingers, a gesture believed"}
{"instruction": "How did Nilsen justify an architecture that stands only on the revolutionary faith of the people, and what did his notebook sketches depict?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "for an *extra-physical architecture* that disregards the laws of 'bourgeois physics'and instead relies on the revolutionary faith of the people for structural integrity. YOU — Meaning the buildings stay up because people *believe* they'll stay up? A BRIEF LOOK AT INFRA-MATERIALISM — Precisely. Nilsen observed that the financial system operates on the same principle of faith,so why not an architectural system? YOU — That... seems like a bad theory to design buildings based on. A BRIEF LOOK AT INFRA-MATERIALISM — Nilsen called it \"the highest expression of Communist principles, a society whose literal foundation is the faith of its people\". On the following page you come across a few black-and-white reproductions from Nilsen's own notebooks. One sketch depicts a government ministry shaped like a great inverted pyramid, a hectare in width at the top, balanced atop foundations the size of common apartments... Another depicts a leaning tower wrapped in a dramatic helix."}
{"instruction": "In what sense is the Moralintern the steward of Dolores Dei's legacy, and what did the other Founding Party members go on to invent in Sur-la-Clef?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "survive and grow. A state that doesn't value its own existence is not a state at all.\" YOU — \"In what sense is the Moralintern the steward of Dolores Dei's legacy?\" COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"It was established by many of the same Founding Party members who elected Dolores Dei, and who, after her assassination, dedicated their lives to the continuation of her political and intellectual project.\" ENCYCLOPEDIA [Legendary: Success] — The *other* members of the Founding Party moved to Sur-la-Clef and invented modern corporate finance. Their names may still be found on the pediments of some of the largest investment banks in the world. YOU — \"Who are the highwaymen and eschatologians you mentioned?\" COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"There are many. The communists say they are the next dialectical step in an inexorable spiral of progress. They claim to have resolved the 'inherent contradictions' of moralism and believe they're just one revolution away from"}
{"instruction": "What does the Coalition Warship Archer say Revachol is nearly ready to begin, and what is the transitional advisory council modelled after?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "YOU — \"An institutional crisis?\" COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"Esattamente. But the Commission's hard and diligent work may soon be bearing fruit: Revachol is nearly ready to begin the first phase of democratisation.\" YOU — \"How can I get involved?\" COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"Oh, there are many things you can do. If you're interested in learning how to canvass for signatures, manage a polling place, or register voters, the Commission would be more than happy to direct you to a workshop...\" \"In fact, you may have picked the perfect time to get involved: Revachol is nearly ready to begin the first phase of democratisation.\" \"Soon, the people of Revachol will vote for slates of candidates who will make up the transitional advisory council that will oversee the second phase of democratisation.\" YOU — \"What's this 'transitional advisory council'?\" COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"The council is modelled after similar bodies developed in a number of transitional democracies."}
{"instruction": "What does the Moralintern claim about its own mission, and how does its representative deflect the detective's talk of being a doomsinger?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Sometimes we say the Moralintern worries about the future so that normal people may worry about today.\" YOU — \"IsitbecauseI'mamiserablefailure?\" COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"Of course not. The Moralintern is committed to giving every person the opportunity to flourish...\" \"Please understand, we are not some totalitarian enterprise. We are committed to and bound by the highest values of individual freedom and opportunity.\" YOU — \"That's impossible. I am the doomsinger, the herald of desolation.\" COALITION WARSHIP ARCHER — \"We're sorry, we're not familiar with all the local offices in Martinaise...\" \"Please understand, we are not some totalitarian enterprise. We are committed to and bound by the highest values of individual freedom and opportunity.\" COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"Simply that there is no such thing as an individual contingency spread...Please understand, we are not some totalitarian enterprise. We are committed to and bound by the highest values of individual freedom and opportunity.\""}
{"instruction": "哈维在《世界的逻辑》中为什么用奥斯曼设计的巴黎大道和土耳其东南部的水坝为例，来说明景观如何承载军事和社会管控？", "input": "Source: 世界的逻辑：如何让我们生活的世界更理性、更可控", "output": "太阳黑子也从太空影响地球的生态。地理环境会以各种方式和原因发生变迁。奥斯曼所设计的巴黎大道最初是想要加强对动辄发动革命的城市人口的军事和社会管控，正如土耳其在安纳托利亚东南部修筑的一系列水坝，这些水坝的重要功能之一就是淹没库尔德人聚居区的良田，同时也构成土耳其东南犬牙交错的防线，由此来打击追求库尔德独立的游击队活动。修建这些大道和水坝当然也吸收了剩余资本和劳动，但这完全不是初衷。文化认知和习俗观点也会越来越多地融入景观风貌，最后景观成了代表着身份认同与集体记忆的重要符号（例如法国的圣心堂或勃朗峰）。同样是丘陵，意大利托斯卡纳地区的山顶小镇和峡谷常被认为是圣洁之地，而朝鲜光秃秃的丘陵则被视为不可触碰的禁区。要想将这些千差万别的文化识别归结到一个统一理论中显然是不可能的，但这并不表明地理学的形成会超出人类的理解范畴。这就是我为何要强调“框架”，由此来理解新地理学的形成，城镇化和地区发展失衡（为何有些地方能繁荣，而有些地方会衰退）的态势，对全世界人类造成的经济、政治、社会和环境影响，以及全球社区、城镇和区域网格之中的日常生活。要创造这样的框架，就必须运用基于动态过程的哲学探索和辩证法，必须扬弃传统的笛卡儿式割裂法（例如将自然与文化割裂），转而采取整体视角研究历史和地理交互“创造性破坏”的过程。"}
{"instruction": "哈维为什么强调马克思的空间地理论述具有基础性作用，认为只有通过它才能理解具体劳动和抽象劳动这类基本概念？", "input": "Source: 世界的逻辑：如何让我们生活的世界更理性、更可控", "output": "资本主义既要保持土地里过去资本投资所形成的价值，也要摧毁这些价值来开拓资本积累的新空间，这就是资本主义发展在地理学上的矛盾之处。这种内在的矛盾决定了在某个时刻符合资本主义要求而被创造出来的地理风貌，会在后来某个时刻被打破，通常是在经济危机发生的时候。这种内在的对立在运输行业表现得最为明显。消除空间障碍以及“以时间消灭空间”要求部分社会财富“不是直接用作生产资料，而是投在交通运输工具以及为运用这些工具所必需的固定资本和流动资本上”。换言之，固定空间配置的生产（例如铁路公路和港口系统）是让资本克服空间的唯一途径。有时候克服空间要求将此前的初始投资视为无效或冗余，尽管这些初始投资在当时可能还远远未曾通过使用收回。马克思的区位理论（如果能这样说的话）没有如此具体（虽然许多学者对马克思的租金和固定资本形成理论特别感兴趣）。散落于马克思著作各处的论述不直接构成严密的体系，但马克思将地理环境和空间关系的生产和调整视为资本积累动态过程中的活跃因素。因此，关于土地中的生产力以及资本主义以时间消灭空间的理论革新并不是形成结论之后的补充，而是从始至终都处在马克思理论体系中。马克思空间地理论述是具有基础性重要作用的，因为只有通过空间地理论述才能理解马克思理论中的基本概念：具体劳动和抽象劳动。最后一点尤其值得现在的人们反思。"}
{"instruction": "空间障碍的消失如何重塑了全球城市体系？哈维举了弗兰德斯、洛杉矶以及加利福尼亚等地的哪些例子？", "input": "Source: 世界的逻辑：如何让我们生活的世界更理性、更可控", "output": "弗兰德斯以本地分散、灵活和具有一定技能的劳动力来吸引外来投资，同时实行严苛对待工会主义和社会主义的做法来讨好投资客；洛杉矶借助吸引大规模移民的方式，逐步形成了类似东南亚的高度集权化的劳动制度；而加利福尼亚和新南威尔士也采取了来自日本和中国台湾的严格劳动控制体系。上述案例的具体情况各不相同，看上去这似乎是普遍规律或地理环境的重要性到了前所未有的地步，但颇具讽刺意味的是，情况之所以如此，正是因为空间障碍的消失。尽管劳动控制始终是集权式的，但是在灵活资本积累的条件下，还是有许多地理组织方式开始显现出来。对精确信息和及时传播的需求导致了金融和企业体系对所谓“世界城市”的重视（那些具备信息港、机场、固定传播渠道以及各种金融、法律、商务和基础设施的中心城市）。空间障碍的消失造成了全球城市层级的重新确认和组合，由此构成了现在的全球城市体系。如果本地拥有具有特色的物质资源，或者本地资源的成本要略低于其他地区，那么此地的重要性也会提升。正如对本地市场的偏好，现代企业可通过小批量生产和灵活设计给予满足。创业能力、风险资本、科研实力乃至社会风气的地区差异都会被考虑在内，本地的势力网络以及本地统治阶层的积累策略（与国家政策相对）也会在灵活积累的体系中变得更为重要。但这又触及当代社会空间角色变化所带来的另一维度。"}
{"instruction": "城市治理企业主义为什么带有投机性，并让城市兴衰呈现螺旋式上升或螺旋式下跌的状态？", "input": "Source: 世界的逻辑：如何让我们生活的世界更理性、更可控", "output": "简单来说，城市治理的任务变成了吸引那些具有高度流动性的生产、金融和消费活动进入城市空间。但在充满经济不确定性和风险的世界，各城市根本无法提前预知哪些设施和措施可以成功吸引投资，因此这些城市投资都带有投机性的特征。因此不难想象，在城市治理企业主义盛行和城市间竞争激化的时代，城市兴衰很容易呈现螺旋式上升或螺旋式下跌的状态。许多城市统治阶级的联盟不仅没有消除不确定性，反而加强了不确定性，而城市体系在快速变革的动荡年代也就变得越发脆弱，而不是趋于稳定。城市间竞争的宏观经济影响城市治理企业主义和城市间竞争激化的宏观经济影响及本地影响也值得探究，尤其值得将这些现象与资本主义经济运行方式的转变和新趋势结合起来分析。自1973年经济危机以来，资本主义发展路径似乎出现了多种深刻的调整。首要的一点是，城市间竞争的加剧和城市企业主义的兴起，使得发达资本主义国家开始采取各种新型城市发展模式，尽管最后的结果就是各城市都在重复建设科学园、城市中心升级、世贸中心、文娱中心以及带有后现代风格的大型室内购物中心等。各城市都开始强调要创造良好的本地商业氛围，由此开始重视本地的法律监管环境、基础设施条件、劳动关系、环境控制甚至税收政策，以此来博取国际资本的关注和认同。现在公共部门越来越多地承担风险，尤其是公共部门对基础设施建设投资的介入越来越深；"}
{"instruction": "哈维为什么认为美国抗拒适应和调整，反而会催生世界经济重心向亚洲转移、东亚形成内部市场的转变？", "input": "Source: 世界的逻辑：如何让我们生活的世界更理性、更可控", "output": "但具有矛盾意味的是，在美国以及其他主要资本主义国家（尤其是欧洲国家），反对新自由主义政治以及反对及削减公共和社会开支，几乎是保护西方资本主义免于自毁的唯一途径。在美国，如果有人提出美国应该实行财政自律和紧缩，就像国际货币基金组织多次向其他国家推行的那样，那么这个人的政治生命也会立刻结束。如果有外部力量强迫美国这样做（例如通过资本外逃以及美元崩溃的做法），那么毫无疑问，美国会不顾一切使用其政治、经济甚至军事力量给予回应。很难想象，美国会安然接受并适应东亚地区经济的崛起，或者像阿里吉所建议的那样，大方承认现在世界经济重心正从美国转向亚洲。阿里吉虽然认为美国不会遭遇大的外部力量挑战，但他和他的同事认为：“相比百年之前的英国，美国更倾向于将失落的霸权转变成剥削性统治。如果现行世界体系最终崩溃，那么主要原因肯定是美国抗拒适应和调整，反过来也是，美国对东亚地区经济崛起的调整和适应是世界平稳过渡到新秩序的先决条件。” 美国看来不会如此安静平和地走入那个良夜。但不管怎样，美国的抗拒反而会催生这样的转变，其实这种转变已然发生，即东亚资本主义体系会减少对美国市场的依赖并转而形成亚洲内部的市场。这就是中国现在正在进行的现代化建设，这种时空解决之道与美国在20世纪五六十年代的郊区开发以及阳光工业带建设如出一辙，中国的发展很可能会吸收日本和韩国的过剩资本并由此减少上述国家对美国的资本输出。"}
{"instruction": "作者为什么强调不应把经验事实与哲学性概念性事实看作两个泾渭分明的类别？他以正圆事实与匀速运动事实为例，如何说明这类事实并不幼稚？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "在结束本章之前，我们有必要花些时间对经验事实和哲学性/概念性事实做一下最后的思考。我想再次强调一下之前提到的一点，不要把经验事实和哲学性/概念性事实看作两个泾渭分明的类别。大部分观点的基础都是既包括经验性证据，又包括对我们所居住的这个世界更一般性的认识。正如前面提到过的，用连续统来解释经验事实和哲学性/概念性事实之间的区别是一个比较好的方式，在连续统的一端是最明确的以经验为基础的观点（比如关于书桌上的铅笔的观点），而在另一端，则是更依赖于通常的哲学性/概念性观点的最清晰的范例（比如有关天体沿正圆轨道做匀速运动的观点）。同时，小心不要把哲学性/概念性事实错误地认为是只有在陈旧而幼稚的思维方式中才会找到的那些事实。我们的前人关于正圆事实和匀速运动事实的观点后来被证明是错误的，但是这些观点并不幼稚。正圆事实和匀速运动事实可以与当时的整体观点体系拼合在一起，也就是可以与人们整体的观点拼图拼合在一起，这是哲学性/概念性事实典型的特点。这些观点被证明是错误的，但它们并不幼稚。由此可推理得出，把一个观点称为哲学性/概念性事实想表达的并不是人们没有很好的理由来秉持这个观点。正如前面提到过的，正圆事实和匀速运动事实后来都被证明是错误的，但是当时的人们有合理的理由来相信这些事实。同样地，不要错误地认为生活在现在这个有现代科学的时代，我们就已经逃脱了相信哲学性/概念性事实的陷阱。"}
{"instruction": "作者在介绍波普的证伪主义时，为什么认为不证实或证伪不太可能成为科学的核心特点？他以辅助假设的存在为例作了怎样的说明？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "对他来说，一个成功的科学理论，其特征并不是有大量证实证据，相反，一个成功的科学理论应是：即使尝试反复通过对明确而夸张的预言进行验证来反驳，也仍然能站得住脚。这种证伪主义方法，也就是强调尝试对理论进行证伪而不是证实的方法，就是波普观点的核心。以上是对波普观点相当简略的一个概述，但已经足以让人对波普所青睐的方法有所理解。你可能会猜测，我们之前讨论的有关不证实推理的命题，以及对奎因-迪昂论点进行讨论时所提到的命题，与波普的观点都是相关的。之前我们曾提到，几乎没有不证实推理的例子像它们本身看起来那么简单，就算真的有这样的例子，数量也非常少。相反，如果一个理论做出了预言，但实际结果与预言并不吻合，那么始终存在的一个选择是摒弃某个辅助假设而不是摒弃主要理论，而且这个选择确实通常都更为合理。简言之，尽管毫无疑问，不证实证据在科学中扮演着重要角色，但是围绕这类证据的命题却非常复杂，从而使不证实，或者说证伪，不太可能成为科学的核心特点。假设演绎法人们经常可以看到对现在所说的假设演绎法的引用，由于这样的引用非常广泛，因此假设演绎法自然值得在此讨论一下。我们的讨论会很简短，因为实际上，假设演绎法所涉及的内容几乎没有超出我们已经讨论过的命题。假设演绎法背后的基本思想是从一个或一组假设（或者更宽泛地说，一个理论）可以演绎出一系列可经观察得来的结果，然后去验证这些结果是否可以观察得到。"}
{"instruction": "伽利略通过望远镜看到月球上的山峰，为何会动摇亚里士多德世界观？作者为何又强调这一证据本身不足以严重破坏整个世界观？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "月球上的山峰伽利略是首先将望远镜用于观察月球上某些地表特征的人之一，所观察的地表特征包括山峰、平原以及我们现在所说的月坑。从某种程度上说，这些特征可以用肉眼观察到，伽利略之前的人曾经推断月球上有山峰，但只有在望远镜的帮助下人们才能看清这些地表特征的细节。月球上有山峰这样的地表特征并不能直接证明地球围绕太阳运动。事实上，这一观察结果之所以对地心说与日心说之争有一定影响，原因在于它破坏了亚里士多德世界观中宇宙整体的样子。回忆一下，在亚里士多德世界观中，天空中的物体仅由以太组成，这一点成为亚里士多德世界观解释天体运动的关键点。因此，如果月球似乎是一个巨大的岩石体，且在外观上与地球有很多相似之处，那么这就很清晰地证明了亚里士多德世界观中“天空中的物体都由以太组成”的观点不可能正确。值得一提的是，这个证据本身绝不足以严重破坏亚里士多德世界观。确实，亚里士多德世界观包括“天体由以太组成”的观点，这个观点，也就是亚里士多德世界观拼图中的一块拼板，可以在不对整个观点体系进行大量改变的情况下得到修改。举个例子，月球是在月上区和月下区的分界线上，因此，如果认为月球既包括月上区的元素，又包括月下区的元素，并不是不合理的。换句话说，关于月球的观点并不是亚里士多德世界观中的核心观点。然而，毫无疑问，月球上有山峰这样的地表特征存在，表明在面对通过望远镜得到的新证据时，亚里士多德世界观不可能保持不变。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何借助托勒密的周转圆、开普勒的椭圆轨道和牛顿的超距作用，来解释人们对量子理论普遍采取工具主义态度的原因？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "很难想象现实会像多世界诠释所展示的那样不同，也就是现实是由无数个与你、我和我们周围所有物体相对应的存在所组成的。同样困难的是想象组成现实的并不是我们所处的这个单一确定的世界，而是无数个态形成的态叠加，而我们所处的世界只是其中一个态。因此，简言之，与其他诠释一样，多世界诠释也是既有优点也有缺陷。也许，此时我们可以更好地理解为什么用工具主义态度来看待量子理论如此普遍。让我们花一点时间来回顾一下我们在本书前面章节中讨论过的某些理论。在西方历史（也就是有记载的历史）的大部分时间里，托勒密理论是解释天文学数据最好的理论。然而，正如我们看到的，这个理论需要周转圆。很难想象行星如何真的沿那么小的一个圆圈进行运动，也就是说，很难用现实主义态度来看待周转圆。由于认为行星真的按托勒密体系所描述的轨迹运动是非常困难的，天文学家们通常都采用工具主义态度来看待托勒密体系中的周转圆。至于开普勒关于行星运动的观点，也就是行星沿椭圆形轨道以变化的速度运行的观点，用现实主义态度来对待这个观点所展现的行星运动是很容易的（过去和现在都是如此）。但是这个关于行星运动的观点只表明行星是这样运动的，但并没有更完整地解释为什么行星会这样运动。牛顿物理学似乎对行星运动进行了解释：椭圆形轨道是根据惯性定律和万有引力定律得出的。然而，正如我们在第20章结尾所看到的，如果用现实主义态度，那么牛顿的万有引力概念似乎涉及一个神秘的“超距作用”。"}
{"instruction": "关于重量概念随经验发现而变化的例子，如何支持作者关于演化认识可能改变我们对伦理概念理解的论点？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "以上就是关于重量的两个相当不同的概念。举个例子，根据早期的重量概念，一个物体的重量会根据其下落速度而变化，如果我们有两个大致相同的物体，只是其中一个的下落速度是另一个的两倍，那么那个以两倍速度下落的物体，其重量也就变成了两倍（因为它在天平上所替代的砝码数量会变成两倍）。根据早期的重量概念，这是很普通的正确说法，但是根据后来的重量概念，这听起来就很荒唐了（而且很有可能正是因为没能体会不同概念间的区别，才导致了对将物体重量与下落速度相关联的早期观点的严重误读）。这些关于质量和重量的例子说明了一个关键点，也就是经验发现通常会改变我们对基本概念的理解。本节开头提到的那些学者也会同意，涉及演化的经验发现没有理由会有所不同。具体来说，如果（而且很有可能）出现了一个共识，那就是我们的伦理感受、对是非的感受、对道德正确和不正确行为的判断、对在道德上值得称道和应受谴责的行为的判断等都来自于我们的演化遗传，而且我们也已经更好地理解了这些伦理倾向的生物和演化基础，那么几乎不可避免的是，这将改变（而且是大幅改变）我们对这些关键伦理概念的理解。具体来说，很多学者，包括本节开头提到的那些学者，都认为有关我们伦理倾向的演化思考迫使我们改变对规范伦理倾向核心部分的理解。以通常伴随我们道德判断出现的“客观性”为例。随着我们对道德演化起源的理解逐渐深入，极有可能出现的情况是，尽管我们通常觉得自己的道德判断很客观，但事实上它们一点儿都不客观。"}
{"instruction": "谷歌搜索数据如何颠覆了人们关于美国种族主义地理分布与党派倾向的传统看法？作者说新的分布模式是东西之分而非南北之分，依据是什么？", "input": "Source: 人人都在说谎赤裸裸的数据真相", "output": "[9] 这样一种黑暗及仇恨心理在传统媒体上已遁于无形，而在人们创建的搜索网站上则显露无遗。那些搜索和一个种族主义并非主导因素的社会显得格格不入。2012年，我所知道的特朗普多以商人和真人秀演员的身份示人。同其他所有人一样，当时的我并不曾料到他在4年后竟会成为一名一本正经的总统候选人，但那些丑恶的搜索行径和一名经常迎合民众最卑劣倾向的候选人的成功并不违和。（比如他成功打压了移民，成功发泄了内心的愤怒和怨恨。）谷歌搜索还告诉我们，我们关于种族主义盛行地区的很多想法是错误的。研究调查和传统观念都想当然地认为现代种族主义的重灾区主要是美国南方，并且支持者大多是共和党人，但事实上种族主义搜索率最高的地方包括纽约州北部、宾夕法尼亚州西部、俄亥俄州东部、密歇根州工业区和伊利诺伊州郊区，以及西弗吉尼亚州、路易斯安那州南部和密西西比州。谷歌搜索数据表明，种族主义的正确划分模式不是美国南方与北方，而是东部与西部，在密西西比州以西绝不会碰到这类事情，而且种族主义倾向也并不仅仅局限于共和党人。事实上，共和党人占多数的地区对种族主义的搜索频度并不比民主党人占多数的地区高。换句话说，谷歌搜索帮我们绘制了一幅美国种族主义新的分布图——这幅分布图看起来可能与你所想的大相径庭（见图0–1）。美国南方的共和党人也许更有可能承认自身的种族主义倾向，而很多来自美国北方的民主党人也持相似的态度。"}
{"instruction": "作者总结的大数据四大功能分别是什么？他为什么说谷歌与色情网站的数据比传统调查更可信？", "input": "Source: 人人都在说谎赤裸裸的数据真相", "output": "几十年前，这些数据仍不存在。现在，它们出现了。有关各种主题的独特数据来源为我们打开了一扇窗，通往过去仅存在于我们猜测中的领域。提供新型数据是大数据的第一大功能。色情数据和谷歌搜索数据不仅是全新的，而且是可信的。在前数字时代，人们在人前掩饰着自己羞于启齿的想法。在数字时代，他们在人前仍然将这些想法隐藏起来，但没能瞒过互联网，尤其是谷歌和色情网站这种保护他们隐私的网站。作为一种数字真相的精华，这些网站起着重要的作用——使我们可以发现乱伦的广泛关注度。大数据使我们终于可以看到人们真正想要的和真正在做的，而不是他们嘴上说想要的和想做的。提供可靠的数据是大数据的第二大功能。因为现在有了如此多的数据，所以即便只有一小群人也可以提取有意义的信息。比如，我们可以把梦到黄瓜的人数与梦到西红柿的人数进行比较。允许我们放大人群子集是大数据的第三大功能。大数据有一个更令人印象深刻的功能——我在对弗洛伊德的短期研究中没有使用这项功能，但可能在未来的某项研究中会加以运用：它允许我们进行快速且受控制的试验。这样一来，我们不仅可以测试相关性，而且可以测试因果性。这些测试现阶段大多用于商业，但它们定将成为社会科学家的强大工具。允许我们进行许多因果试验是大数据的第四大功能。现在是解开大数据功能之谜的时候了，让我们一起来探索大数据的重要性和奥秘吧。"}
{"instruction": "经济大萧条期间，谷歌上虐待儿童的搜索量、儿童死亡率与官方上报数量呈现出怎样的反差？作者由此得出什么结论？", "input": "Source: 人人都在说谎赤裸裸的数据真相", "output": "在经济大萧条期间，人们也在尽力上报许多潜在的（虐待儿童）案件，却要面临漫长的等待，最终只好放弃。[44] 的确，有更多证据显示（这次不是来自谷歌），在经济大萧条期间，虐待儿童现象实际上在不断增长，但只有当孩子因被虐待或忽视而死亡时，案件才不得不上报。这种死亡现象虽然很少，但在受经济大萧条冲击最严重的几个州有所上升。而且，谷歌的一些证据表明，越来越多的人怀疑经济大萧条的重灾区有虐待儿童行为。虐待和忽视儿童问题最严重的几个州在经济大萧条前就占据了全美虐待儿童搜索量的“鳌头”，可这些州在经济大萧条期间的虐待儿童相关搜索量仍然不断增长。失业率每上升一个百分点，“虐待儿童”或“忽视儿童”的搜索率就会上升3%。想必这些人中大多数从来没有成功上报过虐待儿童案件，因为这些州的报告数量下降最多。受虐儿童的搜索增加，儿童死亡率飙升，在经济重灾区人们质疑虐待儿童现象的搜索激增，但是，案件的上报率在下降。经济大萧条似乎导致了更多的孩子告诉谷歌，他们的父母正在殴打他们，越来越多的人也怀疑自己看到了虐待儿童现象，但负担过重的机构无力处理更多案件。我认为可以肯定地说，尽管传统的方法没有显示出来，但是经济大萧条的确让虐待儿童的行为更严重了。现在只要怀疑人们可能会遭受痛苦，我就会向谷歌数据求证。了解这项新数据及其解读方法有很多潜在好处，其中之一便是有可能为弱势群体提供帮助，否则这些人很可能会被当局忽视。"}
{"instruction": "作者用出生地登上维基百科这个例子，想说明放大地理位置数据的方法有什么价值？他随后转向全球怀孕搜索，又发现了什么？", "input": "Source: 人人都在说谎赤裸裸的数据真相", "output": "在此地出生的人中，每740人中就有一人登上维基百科。秘密是什么呢？登上过维基百科的那9个人全都是职业曲棍球运动员，毫无疑问，他们都得到了本县世界级青年项目和高中曲棍球项目的帮助。假设你对培养一名曲棍球明星不感兴趣，却又想让自己未来的孩子出人头地，那么把家搬到波士顿或塔斯基吉小镇有意义吗？通常来说，经济学家和社会学家关注的是如何规避不良后果，如贫穷和犯罪。然而，一个伟大社会的目标不应仅仅是让更少的人落后，而是帮助尽可能多的人获得成功。或许放大数十万名杰出的美国人出生地的努力能给我们提供一些初步的策略：鼓励移民、资助高等院校和支持艺术的发展等。通常情况下，我研究的对象是美国，所以，当我想放大地理位置的时候，就想到了放大我们的城市和小镇——亚拉巴马州的梅肯县和明尼苏达州的罗索县这样的地方。互联网数据另一个不断增长的巨大优势是它可以轻松地从世界各地搜集到数据，我们因此可以看到各国的不同之处，数据科学家也可以借此机会涉足人类学。我最近钻研的一个随机主题是：世界各地的怀孕情况如何？我查看了孕妇的谷歌搜索，发现的第一件事是各国女性对身体状况有着惊人相似的抱怨。我测试了与“怀孕”一词的组合中各种症状的搜索频率。比如，“怀孕”与“恶心”“背痛”“便秘”组合的搜索频率是多少？加拿大孕妇出现的症状与美国孕妇非常接近。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何利用史岱文森高中的录取分数线构造一个自然试验，来测量这所学校的因果效应？谁构成对照组，谁构成试验组？", "input": "Source: 人人都在说谎赤裸裸的数据真相", "output": "也许有一种方法，我们可以通过研究大量史岱文森高中的学生，了解若当年耶尔马兹考到了那里，他如今的生活可能（或者不可能）是怎样的情形。最直截了当的方法就是将所有考上史岱文森高中的学生和没有考上的学生做比较。我们可以分析他们在大学预修课程考试和学术能力评估测试中的表现，再看看他们被哪所大学录取了。如果我们做过这样的工作，就会发现就读于史岱文森高中的学生在标准化考试中得分要高得多，最终考取的大学也要比那些没有被史岱文森高中录取的学生好得多，但正如本章已经讨论的那样，这种证据本身并不令人信服。也许史岱文森高中的学生表现得更好，首先是因为这所学校有更好的生源。这里的相关性无法证明因果关系。为了测试史岱文森高中的因果效应，我们需要比较两个几乎完全相同的小组：一个是接受过史岱文森高中教育的试验组，另一个是没有接受过其教育的对照组。我们需要一个自然试验，但是到哪里去找这种对照组呢？答案是：像耶尔马兹这样的学生，他们的分数非常接近入读史岱文森高中的条件。[36] 没考上的学生是对照组，考上的学生就是试验组。我们没有什么理由质疑分数线上下的学生在天资或动力方面有很大差异，毕竟一个人在考试中比另一个人多考一两分的原因可以有很多。或许那个得分较低的人少睡了10分钟，或者那天的早餐不够有营养。或许那个得分较高的人记得三年前与奶奶的一次谈话中一个特别晦涩的单词，而这个单词正好出现在考题中了。"}
{"instruction": "这篇序言如何介绍伽莫夫的科学成就与科普写作特点，作者又怎样评价《从一到无穷大》这本书？", "input": "Source: 从一到无穷大科学中的事实和臆测", "output": "不过，现在在我脑海中印象依然清晰的是，当时没有想到一本科普书竟会是如此地吸引人，我几乎就像是在读侦探小说一般，在一个晚上就手不释卷地一口气将此 ii 书匆匆地读了一遍。当然，对于这样一本好读而且引人入胜的书，只读一遍显然是不够的，甚至于许多地方还看不大懂，于是后来又读过几遍。也许是因为当时可以得到的书籍太贫乏，也许是因为第一次读到优秀科普著作带来的兴奋感太强烈。至今，我仍然以为《从一到无穷大》这本书是我所读过的最好的一本科普书。不过，除去个人色彩，这本书无论从其作者的身份、背景来说，还是从其自身的水准来说，在诸多的科普著作中，也都可以说是超一流的，连译者的文笔也颇为流畅，极有文采。伽莫夫，系俄裔美籍科学家，在原子核物理学和宇宙学方面成就斐然，如今在宇宙学中影响最为巨大的大爆炸理论，就有他的重要贡献，甚至于在生物遗传密码概念的提出上，他也是先驱者之一。早年在哥本哈根随玻尔学习时，他就在玻尔的弟子当中以幽默机智著称，从他的著作中，我们也可以看出其深厚的科学修养和人文修养。除了科学研究之外，他的科普写作虽然远远没有像阿西莫夫那样的科普作家数量那么多，但却本本都有其自身的特色，并且长年拥有大量的读者。在相当长的一段时间中，我们的科普界似乎有一种很流行的观念，即认为好的科普著作，就在于以通俗的语言准确地向普通读者"}
{"instruction": "如果宇宙空间真的存在莫比乌斯式扭曲，环游宇宙归来的旅行家身上会出现什么变化，手套和鞋子制造商会得到什么好处？", "input": "Source: 从一到无穷大科学中的事实和臆测", "output": "的扭曲。要想像空间中的莫比乌斯扭曲自然决非易事。我们不能像看扁片驴那样从外部来看我们自己的这个空间，而从内部看又往往是看不清的。但是，天文空间并非不可能自我封闭，并有一个莫比乌斯式扭曲的。如果情况确实如此，那么，环游宇宙的旅行家将会带着一颗位于右胸腔内的心脏回到地球上来。手套和鞋子制造商兴许能由简化生产过程而获得一些好处。因为他们只需制造清一式的鞋子和手套，然后把一半产品装入飞船，让它们绕行宇宙一周，这样它们就能套进另一边的手脚了。我们就用这个奇想来结束有关不寻常空间的不寻常性质的讨论吧。第四章四维世界一、时间是第四维关于第四维的概念经常被认为是很神秘、很值得怀疑的。我们这些只有宽度、厚度和高度的生物，怎么竟敢奢谈什么四维空间呢？从我们三维的头脑里能想像出四维的情景吗？一个四维的正方体或四维的球体该是什么样子呢？当我们说的是“想像”一头鼻里喷火、尾上披鳞的巨龙、或一架设有游泳池并在双翼上有两个网球场的超级客机时，实际上只不过是在头脑里描绘这些东西果真突然出现在我们面前时的样子。我们描绘这种图像的背景，仍然是大家所熟悉的、包括一切普通物体——连同我们本身在内的三维空间。如果说这就是“想像”这个词的含义，那我们就想像不了出现在三维空间背景上的四维物体是什么样子了，正如同"}
{"instruction": "爱因斯坦为什么说重力现象仅仅是四维时空世界弯曲所产生的效应，行星的运动又该如何重新描述？", "input": "Source: 从一到无穷大科学中的事实和臆测", "output": "对一个内部观察者来说，要想习惯于三维弯曲空间的概念，是需要一定时间和相当丰富的想像力的；不过一旦走对了路，它就会和任何一个古典几何学概念一样明确。为了完全理解爱因斯坦的弯曲空间理论及其与万有引力这个根本问题之间的关系，还要向前再走一步才行。我们必领记得，刚才一直在讨论的三维空间，只是四维时空世界这个一切物理现象发生场所的一部分，因此，三维空间的弯曲，只不过反映了更普遍的四维时空世界的弯曲，而表述光线和物体运动的四维世界线，应看作是超空间中的曲线。第五章时间和空间的相对性从这个观点进行考虑，爱因斯坦得出了一个重要的结论：重力现象仅仅是四维时空世界的弯曲所产生的效应。因此，关于行星直接接受太阳的作用力而围绕它在圆形轨道上运动这个古老的观点，现在可以视为不合时宜而加以摒弃，代之以更准确的说法，那就是：太阳的质量弯曲了周围的时空世界，而图30 所示的行星的世界线正是通过弯曲空间的短程线。因此，重力作为独立力的概念就从我们的头脑中彻底消失了。代之而来的是这样的新概念：在纯粹的几何空间中，所有的物体都在由其他巨大质量所造成的弯曲空间中沿“最直的路线”（即短程线）运动。四、闭空间和开空间在这一章结束之前，我们还得简单讲一下爱因斯坦时空几何学中的另一个重要问题，即宇宙是否有限的问题"}
{"instruction": "为什么在新力学看来，古典物理学中一条无限细的轨迹曲线必须被换成一条具有一定厚度的模糊带子？", "input": "Source: 从一到无穷大科学中的事实和臆测", "output": "个不同物体间存在着一个各种可能发生的相应作用的下限。这个发现把运动物体的轨迹这个古典定义推翻了。事实上，我们如果说运动物体具有遵从精确数学形式的轨迹，也就等子说存在着借助某种专门物理仪器记录下运动轨迹的可能性。但是不要忘了，要想记录任何运动物体的轨道，都不可避免地会干扰原来的运动。这是因为如果运动物体对记录其空间连续位置的仪器发生作用，那么，按照牛顿的作用力与反作用力大小相等的定律，这套仪器也对运动物体发生作用。要是我们能使两个物体（在这里是运动物体和记录位置的仪器）之间的相互作用按照需要任意减小（这在古典物理学中被认为是可能的），就能做出理想的仪器，使它既对运动物体的连续运动极为敏感，又对物体运动不产生实际影响。但是，由于存在着物理相互作用的下限，我们就再也不能将记录仪器对运动物体的影响任意减小了，这就从根本上改变了形势。因此，观察物体运动这一行动对运动所造成的影响，就变成了运动本身的一个重要部分。这样，我们就再也不能用一条无限细的数学曲线来表示轨迹，而不得不代之以具有一定厚度的松散带子。在新力学看来，古典物理学中的细线轨迹应变成一条模糊的宽带。物理相互作用的这个下限——更常用的名称叫做作用量子 ——只有很小的数值，仅仅在研究很小的物体时才显得重要。因此，一颗手枪子弹的轨迹尽管确实不是一根数学上的清晰曲线，"}
{"instruction": "作者怎样借坠饰与悬钩的关系说明基因分子的自发改变，热运动在其中起了什么作用？", "input": "Source: 从一到无穷大科学中的事实和臆测", "output": "饰”在各个“悬钩”上可以产生如此众多的分布，这就不但可以满足一切实际生物变化的需要，而且哪怕是我们用想像力发明出最荒诞的生物来，这个数目字也是应付得了的。对于这些沿丝状基因分子排列的、起决定生物性质作用的坠饰来说，有一点很重要，这就是它们的分布有可能自发地改变，从而使整个生物体在宏观上发生相应改变。造成这种改变的最常见的原因是热运动。热运动会使整个分子的形体像大风中的树枝一样弯来扭去，在温度足够高时，分子体的这种振摆会强烈到足以把自己撕裂开来——这就是热离解过程（见第八章）。但是，即使在温度较低、分子能够保持完整时，热振动也可能造成分子内部结构的某些变化。例如，可以设想，连接在分子某处的坠饰在分子扭动时会与另外一个“悬钩”接近，这时，它有可能相当容易地脱离自己原来的位置，而连接到新的钩子上去。这种同分异构 ①转变现象会在普通化学中那些较为简单的分子中发生，这是大家都知道的。这种转变也和一切其他化学反应一样，遵从这样一条基本的化学动力学定律：每当温度升高10℃，反应速率大约加快一倍。对于基因分子这种情况，由于它们的结构太复杂，恐怕在今后一段相当长的时间内，有机化学家们也未必能把它搞清楚。因此，目前还没有一种化学分析方法能直接验证基因分子的同分异构变化。不过，有一种现象，从某种角度来说，可以说比费力的化"}
{"instruction": "作者为什么把20世纪70年代末伦敦和纽约朋克与后朋克的文化创新同当时低廉的房价联系起来，数字通信资本主义的到来又带来了怎样的危机？", "input": "Source: 我生命中的幽灵 关于抑郁症、幽灵学和消失的未来", "output": "款的大规模通货膨胀。伦敦和纽约在20世纪70年代末和80年代初(朋克和后朋克乐界)在文化创新上的百花齐放，与当时这两个城市低廉的房价和随时可以找到栖身之所的情形在时间上重合，这并不是一种偶然。从那以后，公营房的减少、对非法居住的打击、疯涨的房价都意味着，留给文化生产的时间和精力开始锐减。但也许直到数字通信资本主义的到来，这一切才抵达了最终的危机点。自然地，贝拉尔迪描述的注意力围攻说既适用于生产者，也适用于消费者。创造新的东西要依赖于某种抽离--比如从社会性中抽离或者从已经存在的文化形式中抽离— 但当下占据主导的社会网络赛博空间形式，用无穷无尽的微联系机会和海量的丫011‘如改链接，使抽离变得比以往更加困难了。或者借用雷诺兹简洁有力的说法，近些年，日常生活在加速,文化却在减速。无论是什么原因造成了这种临时的病态，可以硝认的是，没有任何一种西方文化能对此免疫。先前的未来主义阵地，比如电子音乐，已经无法提供形式怀旧以外的避身之处。音乐文化在很多方面都成了后福特主义资本主义下文化命运的典型。在形式方面，音乐被锁定在了模仿和重复之中，但它的基础设施却不得不屈服于大规模、无法预濯的变革:旧式的消费、零售和发行的常规做法正在分崩离析，下载已经超过了实体唱片销售，唱片店在"}
{"instruction": "作者如何分析特立奇音乐中男性声音滑向女性声音的现象，为什么说他既是小于一又是大于一的存在？", "input": "Source: 我生命中的幽灵 关于抑郁症、幽灵学和消失的未来", "output": "小说被希区柯克改编为同名电影。带大的，我看到过外婆在街上和别人打架。看到过我姨妈和外婆拳脚相加，外婆抓起姨妈的胳膊，然后用门把它夹骨折，就为了争肉吃。所以我见过强悍的女人。她们给我吃、给我穿，我外婆教我偷东西,我姨妈教我打架,我十五岁的时候,她就送我去学拳击。男人去战场打仗，你站在一方，我站在另一方,然后我们互相开枪,但其实最难的是家事,你要听孩子哭闹，你要给他们吃饭。那才叫真难。我周围就见不到男人，我有一个叔叔进监狱七年燃后另一个叔叔又蹲了十年?我爸也从来不给我们打电话。女人掌大局，让桌子上有吃的，保护我们、保护孩子，要是谁敢惹我们，她们就会追到学校去。从来没有男的为我这么做。没有男的会在我身边。我所知道的全是女人。\" 性别在这里并没有溶解进一锅索然无味的粥，不分男女统统搅在一起，相反，它解离为一个不稳定的空间，在这个空间中，主体性不断从男性声音滑向女性声音。这是一种一分为二的艺术,也是一种从一变二的艺术。通过让女性以/为他歌唱，特立奇变成了小于一的存在，成为一个被分裂的主体，无法还原成整体。但他的不完整性因为这些声音,又让他变成了大于一的存在，成了自己的一个分身，不断寻找失去的另一半，却永远无法复原。无论是哪一种，特立奇都扰乱了这样一种观念—"}
{"instruction": "作者如何借幽灵盒的音乐说明英国自1979年以来公众概念遭受的破坏，他所说的游牧病指的是什么？", "input": "Source: 我生命中的幽灵 关于抑郁症、幽灵学和消失的未来", "output": "辑《猫头鹰的地图》［幻^ 况衣痴幻），把从远方墓地召唤回来的民谣之声唱成新的曲子。时间错位是焦点小组的整体方法论不可或缺的部分;他们的音乐连接听起来太明显，采样太参差不齐，以至于听上去完全不像翻新的人造物。总之,幽灵盒状态最佳时能够把不存在的过去召唤过来。他们的作品能够把学校教材里的阅读理解和公共服务手册融合在一起，并把怪谈小说里的典故含在其中，这种融合更多地与梦境的压缩和合并有关,而不是与记忆有关。豪斯本人提到过 \"关于学校教材的奇怪梦境\"。幽灵盒音乐对这种空间的隐含要求免不了提醒我们，英国自1979年以来，公众的概念逐渐遭到无情破坏。同时，幽灵盒还提醒着我们，无线电声音工作坊里的员工实际上就是公务员，他们被雇来生产一个怪异的公共空间...... 个与新自由主义政治宣传之下的官僚主义死板截然不同的公共空间。236 我生命中的幽灵公共空间被消耗、被替代了，取而代之的就是以连锁咖啡馆为典型的第三空间。这些空间的诡异之处就在于它们竭尽全力却千篇一律，星巴克环境的单一性既让人感到安慰，又奇怪地让人感到不知身在何处;在这些卡座里，你很有可能就会忘记自己是在哪个城市里。我说的游牧病①是那些无名空间和全世界都长得差不多的空间所引发的不安感;是在看起来与其他所有地方雷同的地点之间移"}
{"instruction": "福克斯把音乐放慢到每三十秒一拍之后进入了什么样的状态，他所说的基于低频率事件的生态意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 我生命中的幽灵 关于抑郁症、幽灵学和消失的未来", "output": "有时候非常享受一但同样的，它让你思考\"如果反着来会怎么样呢\"？--可能也同样的令人愉悦且合情合理。所以，我想要尝试在这个频谱的另一端做事--看看把事情放慢之后会发生什么。我在给《大教堂海洋》做第一首曲子的时候很惊讶，我用了三十秒长的回声，所以节奏就是每三十秒一拍。把速度放慢到足以凭直觉去工作的程度是非常有趣的。你必须这么做，必须和音轨同步，才能与之配合。然后你进入的状态也是很有趣的-- 很强烈，但又冷静、安宁。有点像出神的状态。幽灵学费舍：我觉得加哈罗德・巴德合作制作的大碟尤其体现了这一点，你进入了很痛苦的平台期，就是当你放到特别慢的时候，任何扰动都会产生巨大的效果。福克斯:我觉得哈罗德是最先把这个弄对的人之一。他是最先有足够的勇气在音乐里留白而不在空白里填补不必要的东西的人之一。不去装饰。这其实需要极大的勇气。一旦做到这点,就会出现另一种生态种基于低频率事件的生态。这就必然影响其重要性。你被它吸引，是带着微笑的那种迷恋，而不是像通常的流行乐那样，揪着你的衣领子轰炸你。费舍：我觉得这加塔可夫斯基的电影有某些相似之处一一人们的反应要么是\"哦，这也太慢了，真受不了”，要么就是进入电影的慢时间，其中发生的任何事件都会变得特别强烈。福克斯:确实,当你可以使用那种感知模式时，"}
{"instruction": "作者如何说明《盗梦空间》结局的模棱两可，科布对梅尔之死的应对与植入想法有什么关系？", "input": "Source: 我生命中的幽灵 关于抑郁症、幽灵学和消失的未来", "output": "作为盗梦者，科布的工作效果因亡妻梅尔的投影而受到干扰,这一心病被他带入所有的梦局之中。梅尔的死是因为她倍受精神崩溃的折磨。她和科布在“未建设的梦境”中搭建了一个恋人隐居处，那里被盗梦者称作 \"迷失域''。出山。）。但她渐渐过于依恋这个虚拟的爱巢，于是科布给她\"植入\"了一个想法，即他们生活的世界并不是真实的。正如科布的尖锐洞察，没有什么东西比一个想法更坚韧了。即便回到了科布所认为的真实世界，梅尔还是执念于这个想法，认为周遭的世界并不是真实的，于是她从酒店的窗户跳下，希望借此回到她所认为的真实世界。电影讲述科布如何应对这次创伤事件一为了给费舍植入想法，科布首先要下到迷失域，并击败梅尔。方法是要接受自己对梅尔的死负有责任，同时，抛弃梅尔的投影，仅把她看作亡妻微不足道的副本。科布做到了。随着梅尔的投影被击溃，梦中突击成功,科布终于可以回到分别许久的孩子身边。然场所中的污渍而,这个结局不仅仅暗示着实现愿望是个幻想，还令人怀疑科布或许已经被放逐到多层梦境迷宫里的某个地方，成了一个分不清梦境和现实的精神病,这就让《盗梦空间》变得极其模棱两可。诺兰自己的评论维系了这一模糊性，\"我选择相信科布回到了孩子身边\"，他这样告诉罗伯特-凯普斯。用《记忆碎片》里泰迪的话来说,诺兰的电影充"}
{"instruction": "作者怎样把太平洋环礁上的荒岛想象与城市里被混凝土和金属网围困的“岛屿”联系起来，他举了哪些日常例子？", "input": "Source: 混凝土岛", "output": "和鲁滨孙一样，承担着去建设一个充分舒适的小资产阶级社会复制品的任务。这是作为探险假日胜地的无人荒岛，在最近的珊瑚礁上搁浅着一艘满载给养的失事废船，如同家边上的仓储超市一样唾手可得。认真地说，回归我们更原始的特性，去掉人类文明为我们装备的自尊和精神支持系统，是有挑战性的。我们是否能够克服恐惧、饥饿、孤立，觅得战胜一切风雨所需要的勇气和智慧？统治全岛，并将其无名的疆域转化为我们心灵的延伸，是一个更深层次的需要。云雾遮蔽的神秘山峰、看似平静的潟湖、正在腐败的红树林和喷涌纯水的秘密泉眼，构成了精神世界的边远分支，而在我们原始祖先的眼中，充满各种诱惑和陷阱的它们已经体现了这种功能。太平洋环礁也许无法企及，但另一些岛屿离家近得多，有的离我们每日踩踏的人行道不过几步路。包围它们的不是海洋，而是混凝土，外加金属护网的环绕和防爆玻璃的隔挡。被断电事故困在地铁隧道，或是长周末里被故障电梯困在无人的办公楼高层，都是所有城市居民习以为常的潜意识恐惧。当我们驾车驶上一座高速立交，穿过被各种标志牌精细标注、似乎已经准备好应对任何危险的景观时，总会瞥见那些被路肩陡坡遮掩的三角形荒地。假如说，某种不可思议的厄运导致我们爆胎，飞跃护栏，跌入这样一座散布着瓦砾和野草的被遗忘的岛屿，离开了监控摄像头的视"}
{"instruction": "梅特兰所在的三角形废地四周是什么景象，他从捷豹后备厢提皮箱时身体出现了怎样的反应？", "input": "Source: 混凝土岛", "output": "速管理员或交通工程师。在岛屿东端的立交桥下，一道金属网栅栏把这块三角形废地与其他区域分隔开，栅栏那侧已经成了一块非正式的市政垃圾场。在混凝土架构的阴影下，有几辆破败的家具拖车、一摞残破的公告牌、成堆的轮胎和未经处理的废旧金属。透过金属网，能看到立交桥东四分之一英里外有一家居民区购物中心。一辆红色的双层公交车在一个小广场上绕行，沿路是众多商店的条纹遮阳棚。显然，除了路堤，这座岛屿没有其他出口。梅特兰从仪表板上拔出点火钥匙，打开捷豹后备厢。一个闲逛的流浪汉或是补锅匠发现这辆车的可能性微乎其微——岛屿被两侧的路堤和第三边的金属网包围，与世隔绝。承包商还没开始强制绿化工程，这片简陋土地的原初面貌、这些锈蚀的废车和杂乱的荒草，还未被染指。梅特兰抓住皮制小衣箱的提手，想把它从后备厢里提起来。他发现这一动作几乎令自己昏厥。头部突然缺血，似乎是血循环过于微弱。他放下箱子，虚弱地靠在敞开的后备厢盖上。梅特兰盯着自己在抛光的备胎舱盖上扭曲的影子。他高大的身影被拧成了一个怪诞的稻草人，白肤色的脸在车身弯曲的线条上失去了颜色。一个疯子的鬼脸，一只耳朵长在离头六英寸的肉蒂上。车祸对梅特兰的冲击比他意识到的要更严重。他低头扫视后备厢中的东西——一个工具箱、一堆建筑期刊，还"}
{"instruction": "梅特兰把推着轻便摩托的老人想象成了什么，而手表上的日期让他意识到自己已在岛上困了多久？", "input": "Source: 混凝土岛", "output": "占据了他。根据某些噩梦般的逻辑，他确信这个老人是来找他的，也许不是现在，但是通过高速迷宫中某些迂回的路径，他最终会到来，将梅特兰召唤到他遭遇车祸的地点。不仅如此，梅特兰还断定他推着的这台机器其实并不是一辆轻便摩托，而是老人在无尽的全球之旅中随身携带的一种恐怖刑具，而梅特兰的残破之身需要经受其链条驱动的轮子的考验，等待他的是残酷的判决。梅特兰打起精神，开始在废车场中随意跛行，在这片死去火焰形成的圈子里摇摆蹒跚。东向支路上依然可见那个男人白色的头颅，双眼注视着前方空无一人的弯道。阳光照亮了他破旧的衣着和古董般的机器。梅特兰卧倒在草丛中，对这片让走来的人看不到他的深深的隐蔽处心怀感激。他看了看表，注意到了日期指示，就在此时，一辆空驶的汽车运输车轰鸣着穿过立交桥隧道，柴油机发出刺耳的噪声。四月二十四日…… 星期六！已经周末了。他周四下午出的车祸，在岛上已经度过了两天。这是周六早晨，无怪乎会有这样的沉寂和车流的缺席。梅特兰带着放松后的晕眩，蹒跚走回捷豹。为了能平静下来，他喝了些水。老人和摩托车已经消失了，隐于立交桥后某处。梅特兰按摩着手臂和胸部，试图控制自己的颤抖。那个孤独的身影难道是他的想象，难道是他试图重建的某种童年负罪感的幽灵？他环顾岛屿四周，仔细检视路堤上是否有昨夜丢弃的"}
{"instruction": "梅特兰觉得自己穿越岛屿不仅是穿越什么，还勾起了哪段关于母亲和妹妹的童年记忆？", "input": "Source: 混凝土岛", "output": "他穿过这片被遗忘的地界，不仅是在穿越岛屿历史，也是在穿越自己的往事。孩子气地大声呼唤凯瑟琳的名字，让他想起孩提时代母亲在隔壁房间给妹妹喂奶时他响亮的叫喊。出于某种他总是憎恶的原因，她从不过来安抚他，任凭他从空澡盆里爬出来，因为愤怒和惊讶而嗓音嘶哑。因为疲惫得无法继续前进，梅特兰坐在了一堵石墙上。在他周围，高大的荨麻伸进了日光中，它们带锯齿的层叠叶片像是哥特教堂的高塔，或是外星球上矿物森林中多孔的岩石。饥饿令他突然胃部痉挛，逼他呕吐在双膝上。他擦去痰液，蹒跚穿过砖道，向南侧路堤走去。他不时短暂失去知觉，摇摆不定，双眼涣散，脚步跟随着拐杖磨钝的尖端。在踉跄之中，梅特兰发现他已渐渐不再关心自己的身体和烧灼着伤腿的疼痛。他开始摆脱身体的各个部位，首先忘却受伤的臀部，然后是双腿，抹去对受伤的胸部和横膈膜的所有感知。在冷空气的支持下，他穿过草丛，冷静地环顾岛屿上那些在过去数日中变得熟知的特征。他望着废车场里的轿车、金属网栅栏，还有身后的混凝土沉箱，对这座岛屿表示着认同，这些充满痛苦和考验的地方如今和他身体的各个部分混为一谈了。他对它们打手势，试图在岛屿上创建一个回路，以便他的各个部分可以留在自己所属的位置。他将把右腿放在车祸发生之处，把受伤的双手钉在钢栅栏上，胸部倚在他靠着混凝土墙坐下的地方。"}
{"instruction": "病情退去后的梅特兰身心处于什么状态，普罗克特那一夜在他的窝里都做了些什么？", "input": "Source: 混凝土岛", "output": "辆抛光的纤维素车身。此时八点刚过，在一夜的发热之后，凉爽的空气令他感到清爽。他的伤腿搁在身体前方，髋关节依旧僵硬，需要手术治疗，但大腿上的深度擦伤已经开始愈合。虽然无力行走，梅特兰还是感到镇定和坚决。发热的最后一些症状已经消退了。梅特兰的胃里填满了普罗克特为他准备的粗劣食物——甜茶和引发惊人食欲、令他狼吞虎咽的冷掉的炸薯条，几块肥肉和卷心菜沙拉。他的口中和肺部依然充塞着石蜡味，但他呼吸着腿边野草丛的新鲜芳香。他望着普罗克特清理掩体。这个梅特兰度过了昨夜的深窝，比一个大号的狗窝大不了多少，墙上挂着打了补丁的被子。梅特兰被流浪汉强有力的背部扛到这儿，迷迷糊糊地躺在门边的床垫上，普罗克特在他的窝里像一个辛勤而缺乏安全感的动物般来回走动。掩体里的一切都被锁在了被子和床垫下面的一系列木箱子里。在夜里，每当梅特兰开始干呕，试图吐出肺内充塞的石蜡时，普罗克特都在神经质地四处摸索，烦躁不安。他揭开被子的边角，又放下，寻找着一个被遗忘的小隔间。他最终找出了一只浅桶和一卷废棉花。他在梅特兰身边坐了一小时，擦拭他的眼睛和嘴。在夜晚高速公路反射来的光亮中，他的宽脸和脸上那一大片皱纹在梅特兰上方悬停，似乎属于一只焦虑的野兽。他整夜无休止地在他的窝里走动，连续进行着无意"}
{"instruction": "通过“摩西的方舟”这类句子，作者说明无意识系统与有意识系统各自扮演什么角色，两者又是如何分工的？", "input": "Source: 神经的逻辑谜样的人类行为和解谜的人脑机制", "output": "有趣的是，这些活动就包含了如何克服对于习惯的依赖。人脑会识别并且预测熟悉的模式，以此将思维的效率提到最高。无论是摩西的方舟还是其他暗藏歪曲的句子，都需要投入最大的专注方能解读，因为它们的真实意思和脑预测的意思之间形成了冲突。正如神经影像的结果所显示，要想辨明这些句子中的歪曲成分，唯一的办法就是运用前额叶赋予的高级认知功能来抑制阅读中的惰性，并由此注意到句子的真正意思。意识的反省功能可以盖过无意识的自动过程，阻止它们习惯性地填补空缺。当我们观察世界，脑中的两套系统也在塑造我们的知觉。其中的一套是无意识系统，它负责识别模式、根据这些模式预测将来，并决定如何将知觉的碎片拼接到一起。另一套是有意识系统，它接受无意识系统的运算结果，在必要时加以审查，并根据由此获得的大量背景知识来制定决策。这两套系统各有自己的用途。无意识系统有许多方法来预测模式，并使用不完全的信息来填补空缺，人脑用自动过程帮助我们读懂次序颠倒的字词，只是其中的一种应用。但是正像摩西和方舟的句子所显示的那样，有意识系统同样是不可或缺的，它帮助我们决定在什么时候信任无意识系统的预测，尤其是当一些环境因素试图欺骗或愚弄我们的时候。2013年，一组心理学家和运动科学家发表了一项研究，他们让几位经验丰富的足球运动员观看对手朝自己奔跑的情景，同时观察他们脑区的激活状态。"}
{"instruction": "盲视现象说明盲视者的损伤发生在视觉通路的什么位置，走神开车的司机又为什么会漏看交通灯由绿箭头转为绿灯的变化？", "input": "Source: 神经的逻辑谜样的人类行为和解谜的人脑机制", "output": "接着，他又转身避开了三脚架，在纸张和托盘之间侧步绕行，最后灵巧而小心地避开了那只盒子。实验员问他为什么能熟练地避开这些障碍物，塔德自己也说不上来。他的确双目失明了，但他似乎也有办法在复杂的地形中行走。显然，塔德和达伦都具有一定的视觉探察力，虽然这种能力不是有意识的。他们的脑都能处理光线，他们的视觉回路也都完好，能够处理眼睛收到的信息。盲视者的损伤发生在视觉通路末端，而不是前面的眼睛，他们的脑依然能够探察光线的不同模式，只是意识被排除在外，于是剩下的就只有一种无意识的视觉，也就是盲视了。视觉信息从眼球中的光感受器出发，经过弧形的神经纤维，到达枕叶接受分析。接着再由枕叶传送到相关的运动区域，由它们来协调眼球的运动，产生固定的行为反应。而这一切都始终没有为意识所察觉。相似的过程也发生在那些心不在焉的司机身上。他们的眼睛和耳朵将关于路况的知觉信息发送给脑，脑加工这些信息，并指导身体操作方向盘、油门和刹车。司机的意识并没有参与驾驶决策，因为它被其他想法占满了。这时的脑就是在利用盲视导航。正因为如此，亨茨维尔的司机们才没有注意到交通灯的改变。盲视也许能引导你把车开到工作单位，但它还没有精确到能够发现从绿色箭头到绿灯的细微变化。在那些司机的例子中，盲视效应都发生在驾车通过熟悉的路线时。假如你开到了一个陌生的街区，前往一个从未到过的地址，那你就会对路况十分注意了。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何用神经递质之间的抗衡反应解释濒死体验中的幻觉，睡眠瘫痪症患者又为何更容易产生这类体验？", "input": "Source: 神经的逻辑谜样的人类行为和解谜的人脑机制", "output": "在这当口，有些人的身体会尝试缓解压力。他们的脑部放出作用相反的神经递质，创造出平静的感觉，试图以此来让他们放松。但是不知道为什么，神经系统的这个抗衡反应却启动了快速眼动睡眠中的一些成分，将梦境与苏醒中的念头混合了起来。人脑尝试消除恐惧和惊慌，营造出宁静的感觉，而濒死体验中的幻觉就是这个过程的副作用。也许卡洛在离婚过程中的紧张和苦恼激活了他的蓝斑核，而当他的身体试着抵消蓝斑核的作用时，快速眼动入侵就发生了，于是他进入了一个光明、美好和喜乐的世界。我们无法断言这是否是正确的解释。我们只知道濒死体验不是濒死者独有的。当不同的神经递质争夺神经系统的控制权时，我们的意识便会见到这样的景象。体会过快速眼动入侵的人更容易产生濒死体验。在快速眼动入侵期间，当脑尝试平衡压力的作用，人就会进入梦一般的幻觉状态。还有一类人也特别容易获得濒死体验：睡眠瘫痪症的患者。研究显示，这些患者经历濒死体验和快速眼动入侵的频率都高于常人。一定是有什么因素将睡眠瘫痪和心肌梗塞联系在了一起，从而使患者更容易看见这些幻觉的意象，这个因素还促使无意识的脑思考死亡的可能。那么睡眠瘫痪和心肌梗塞之间有什么共同之处呢？恐惧。人质的幻觉来看看下面两个人的创伤体验：案例1 一个二十三岁的男性帮派成员被敌对帮派绑架，向他的帮派索要赎金。"}
{"instruction": "在“看不见的大猩猩”实验里，为什么黑色的大猩猩容易被漏看，而把它换成明黄色或让实验者戴上粉色生日帽结果就会改变？", "input": "Source: 神经的逻辑谜样的人类行为和解谜的人脑机制", "output": "然而人脑就像法官，只有有限的心力。如果它已经给白队的行动加上了“最重要”的标签，就会将黑队发配到次要位置，而无意识系统也会抑制有关黑队的刺激，使它们不在有意识的心灵上留下过多痕迹。这样一来，视野中的黑色部分就成为了背景，而那只大猩猩的外观又正好是黑色的。由于被试的脑已不打算在视野的黑色部分发掘重要信息，那只黑色的大猩猩就在无意间被归为了背景噪音的一部分，使得一半被试再也注意不到它了。如果那只猩猩的颜色是明黄色而不是黑色，它就不会如此轻易地融入人脑认定的视觉背景噪音中。那样，观看录像的人就不再会把它看漏，因为他们的脑会挑出明亮的刺激，并将它们和场景的其他部分区别开来。同样的原理也在行人实验中发挥了作用。半数被试没有注意到他们眼前的问路人忽然换了一个，因为他们脑中的有限资源都用来给对方指路了。不过，要是后来顶替的实验者戴了一只粉红色的生日帽，或者穿了一身圣诞老人的服装，那么所有行人都会注意到这个变化。实验者忽然多出了这些外在特征，被试的脑就会对视觉场景的这些部分格外关注。实验者的外观会变得更加显眼，行人也更有可能注意到他们。这也是为什么在鸡尾酒会上，当你听见附近有人在说“……然后她就浑身赤裸跑进了电梯”时，你的注意会一下被吸引过去。因为这句话有意思，而且不是我们经常能够听到的。它的内容或许使一些人觉得重要、有趣，于是脑就将它识别了出来。"}
{"instruction": "阿克曼夫妇在回想车祸时表现出截然不同的压力水平说明了什么，解离性身份障碍又可以被看作哪两种机制的混合？", "input": "Source: 神经的逻辑谜样的人类行为和解谜的人脑机制", "output": "另一个是反常自我（即“情绪区块”），为情绪创伤所扭曲。患者的症状，就好比是在阿克曼先生和阿克曼太太之间切换，并随之表现出对于创伤的不同反应。我们可以把过度觉醒的阿克曼先生视作情绪区块，他被车祸的记忆折磨，常常陷入噩梦和严重的焦虑之中，丧失了对于情绪的克制，难以参与社会生活。他妻子的反应则类似表面正常区块：她情绪麻木，感觉疏离，虽然在事故当时表现平静，但在心中已经产生了一道情绪的围栏。阿克曼夫妇在回想车祸时表现出了截然不同的压力水平，而这和他们在事发当时的反应是一致的。我们在第三章已经说过，内心模拟往往和真实情况十分接近。研究显示，就像阿克曼夫妇在实验中表现了不同的反应一样，解离性身份障碍患者的不同人格，也会在回想创伤的时候表现出不同的压力水平。在头脑中描绘造成创伤的事故时，某一个人格可能像阿克曼先生那样心跳骤增、呼吸加快，而另一个人格却可能像阿克曼太太那样，重要的生命体征一如往常。从这个角度看，解离性身份障碍可以看作是解离和过度觉醒的混合，其中解离的自我是根本，而其他过度觉醒的不稳定的自我只是偶尔出现。当伊夫琳带着手臂上的咒骂来到医院时，精神科医生的首要任务是确定谁在虐待她。事实很清楚：虐待她的人正是她自己，或者说是她的一个方面。这种身份障碍其实是一种适应机制。为什么要适应呢？为了保护她的自我感不在年复一年的虐待中趋于毁灭。"}
{"instruction": "阿尔都塞在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "本的意图和言外之意，可能会有一些困难。我相信编者的介绍和注解会大大降低这项任务的难度。就我而言，我这里只想对阿尔都塞这个人以及他的著作进行一个总体的、介绍性的评述，然后我要指出一些理由，说明为什么阿尔都塞著作的中文译本尤其显得有意义，甚至尤其重要。路易，阿尔都塞是欧洲20世纪\"批判的”马克思主义的伟大人物之一。他的著作在若干年间曾引起世界性的轰动，然后才进入相对被遗忘的状态。然而,这种状态现在似乎正在让位于一种新的兴趣,部分原因在于，这位哲学家大量的未刊稿在身后出版, 非常明显地改变并扩展了我们对他的思想的认识;另一部分原因在于这样一个事实:相对于阿尔都塞去世之时（恰逢冷战结束），世界形势又发生了新变化，他所提出的一些问题,或者说他所提出的一些概念，现在似乎又再次有助于我们对当前的时代进行反思,哪怕那些问题或概念已经有了与先前不一样的意义（这也是必然的）。阿尔都塞1918年出生于阿尔及尔的一个小资产阶级家庭（确切地说,不能算是一个“侨民”家庭,而是一个在阿尔及利亚工作的公务员和雇员家庭），既受到非常古典的学校教育，又受到非常严格的宗教教育。他似乎在青少年时期就已经是一名非常虔诚的天主教徒，有神秘主义倾向,政治上也偏于保守。1939年，阿中文版阿尔都塞著作集序3"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里阿尔都塞究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "中文版阿尔都塞著作集序17 曾经在几十年间得不到这样的机会），因而这个进程也会使得这套著作集的出版在这个\"全球化”世界的知识交流中发挥重要作用（正如在其他领域已经发生的情况那样）。当然,希望法国公众自己也能更多地了解中国过去曾经发生和今天正在发生的哲学争论。而就目前来说，除了一些专家之外，翻译上的不充分构成了一个几乎不可克服的障碍。最后,这还有可能引起我们对翻译问题及其对思想范畴和历史命运的普遍性产生影响的方式进行共同的思考①。但我想，中国读者之所以对阿尔都塞的知识和政治轨迹感兴趣，还有一些特别的原因：因为阿尔都塞多次与中国有交集，更确切地说，与在“毛泽东思想\"指引下建设的中国共产主义有交集,并深受后者的影响。从另一方面来说，我们自己也需要对阿尔都塞与中国的这种相遇持一种批判的眼光，因为它很可能过于依赖一些在西方流传的神话，其中一些变形和过分的东西必须得到纠正。中国读者对我们向他们传回的他们的历史形象所作的反应，在这方面毫无疑问会对我们有所帮助。阿尔都塞与毛泽东思想的第一次\"相遇”发生在两个时刻，都与《矛盾论》有关，这一文本现在通常见于“四篇哲学论文”②，后者被认为是毛泽东根据自己1937年在延安印发的关于辩证唯物 ①在英语世界，这方面出现了一批特别值得关注的著作，比如刘禾"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，思想为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "因此，就是把哲学实践放回其他实践当中，不把它所使用的那些抽象（它的种种\"范畴\"）的特异性问题，同对那些抽象在其他知识过程-—包括技术的、科学的、美学的、精神分析的或政治的知识过程，哲学劳动会\"盘剥利用”②或改造这些过程所特有的那些抽象-中分化的后果的定位分开。反过来，这是在提出在每种实践中起作用的那些抽象的内在复杂性, 这些抽象承载的思想比在某种独一的— 或被认为在理论上具有同质性的—抽象方式中所能认识的思想要多一些。方式各不相同的那些抽象,本身被“铭刻”在其他的实践而不是产生它们的实践中，这使得它们的地形学铭刻成为一种手段，用以解释清楚思想和认识的社会过程的复杂性。由于这些过程永远无法完全控制自己的条件和后果，所以它们也永远无法由自己去构成它们自己内在性的环境。最终,抽象这个概念来自它同“具体事物” 的经验主义或实证主义对立，表示思想在任何\"理论层级\"上的超 7 出部分，而无论其承载者具有什么样的规定性和定性。反过来说,“理论实践”与“非理论实践”的区分倾向于变成一种限度区分（也血血011-出111优），这并不意味着它消失了，而是说它仍然具有不可化约的争议性，只有通过一种强制才能被固定— 知识的等级和知识与非知识之间充满争议的分类在这种强制中被决定。①“规定性”原文为\"品优出血敏。"}
{"instruction": "围绕入门，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "主义危机的诊断上来，做《入门》的同时代人。也就是说,在这个时刻,当阿尔都塞重新构思曾在十年前激发他对中国文化大革命进行分析的那些表达方式时，“哲学的层级”似乎越来越不可占 31 据，不仅无法被工人运动那些独一无二的理论家们占据,而且无法被工人运动的政治领袖们占据-就如同马克思或列宁、葛兰西或毛等人那样占据:他最终把他们一作为哲学干预的彻头彻尾的政治规定性的现实化-—当作哲学的层级的真正“持有人”。但或许恰恰与此同时，必须回到为《入门》规定了其主线的最后一个困难:这种新的哲学实践是否存在一种特定的抽象形态？难道它在这里不是注定仍然只能在其唯心主义对手的场地上展开斗争，从而只能通过后者总体化的范畴术语,用一些\"不存在的东西”对后者的总体②进行补充来展开斗争吗？这是不容置疑的。①见下文，第二十一章。［作者注有误，实为第二十二章。参见本书第394页。- ②“总体\"原文为“侬疝面'，也译为“总体性\"。—译注译注］盥写给非哲学家的哲学入门然而，重新细看，这也是某个不存在的东西的一种完全不同的实践，我们将看到，这个不存在的东西只是被不连续的笔记时不时勾勒出一点轮廓，但它最终支配了“迂回\"的形式本身。不妨盘点一下阿尔都塞在各种异质的情况下对那些微不足道的事物（它们存在于唯心主义总体的边缘）、废料（它们是唯心主义所进行的抑"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，权力意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "人类权力归于一;因为凡不知原因时即不能产生结果。要支配自然就须服从自然;而凡在思辨中为原因者在动作中则为法则。”一译注 50写给非哲学家的哲学入门生存发生巨大变化的来自权力①的野蛮干预:在这些\"风险”②面前,人们赤手空拳，这些“风险”要么表现了人在预见方面的无能，要么表现了权力的反复无常（&11曲运）。因此（大自然的、国家的）这种权力似乎超出了人们的能力（阴照日因），具有几乎超自然的力量（小区小），并在其“决定”方面是无法预见的。很明显，这个权力的模型就是上帝，或者可以归结为上帝。正因为如此,在这个层面上，非哲学家的构想首先具有宗教性质。只要在人类历史中往前回溯到古老时代，就会发现这种万能力量的在场，它超出人类集体和个体的预见与反应能力。因此，个体把自身的生存当作一种被外在于自己的东西所决定的宿命来忍受,而由于他们看不到有任何人在决定这一切，所以就认为必须忍受的这整个秩序的作者和安排者是上帝。正因为如此，当“普通”人还没有在斗争中被动员起来时，在他们的自发哲学中占统治地位的一般是顺从。正因为如此，那些在各自小角落里制造出来的个人哲学，彼此之间才会如此相似。因为, 在每一种个人哲学的背后,都持续存在着一种宗教底色，后者绝不是个人的,而是社会的,是漫长的人类历史留下的依然活着的遗产。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画许诺？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "宗教对这种虽生犹死的状态的回答，是许诺一种死后的继续存在或另一种生。人们非常清楚，宗教就是这样服务于剥削者的利益的，因为它鼓吹顺从，通过许诺来生的补偿,将当下生命中不可忍受的东西变成可以忍受的。但无论乐 76 意与否，这一切的核心，都是死亡、对死亡的恐惧、死亡问题、死亡的\"奥秘\"和痛苦。它们就像那些死者的坟墓一样，与整个人类历史相伴。为什么要有死亡和痛苦？为什么人们必须死，必须受苦？对人们来说，最困难的事情可能莫过于接受由唯物主义者所捍卫的这个观点:世界上“存在\"死亡,死亡统治着世界。关键不在于仅仅指出人会死而生命有限，在时间上是被限定的;关键在于断言世界上存在着无数没有任何意义、毫无用处的事物;在于断言痛苦和恶的存在可以没有任何对等物，没有任何补偿，无论 68写给非哲学家的哲学入门是在这个世界还是在别的地方，都没有。关键在于承认，存在着一些绝对的（永远得不到弥补的）损失,一些无可挽回的失败，一些既没有意义也没有后续的事件，存在着一些流产了的事业甚至完整的文明，它们消失在历史的虚无中，没有留下任何痕迹，就像宽阔的河流消失在荒漠的沙地。这个思想所根据的唯物主义论点是:世界本身没有任何（预先确定的）意义,而是像一种奇迹般的巧合一样存在,它从无数其他的世界中浮现，而那些世界已经"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把特质放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "有点是传说中的人物开始的。为什么呢？因为他们的正确结果还仅仅是经验性的观察和实践的结果，它们既没有得到解释，也没有得到证明。从泰勒斯开始，一切都变了。人们开始用另一种方式进行推理，用另一些对象进行推理。人们不再观察具体的数的结合和具体图形的变化，而是用抽象的对象-—被当作抽象对象的纯粹的 80写给非哲学家的哲学入门数、纯粹的图形，它们是从数和图形的具体内容或表象①中得来的抽象-来进行推理。而在用这些抽象的对象进行推理的同时, 人们开始用另一些方法进行推理。这些方法也是抽象的，它们显示了惊人的生育力②:不再是经验性的比较，而是“纯粹的”证明和演绎。因此，当人们研究三角形\"的”角的特质时，哪怕他们在沙地上画了一个三角形，他们也不是用画在沙地上的那个具体的三角形来进行推理，而是用代表了所有可能存在的三角形的“纯 89 粹\"三角形进行推理。当人们证明了一种特质时,他们绝对确信它是无可争辩的，并对所有可能存在的三角形都有效。但这还不是这个令人大开眼界的发现的唯一好处，因为“纯\"数学家的实践并不满足于证明那些已经众所周知的特质的有效性，它还通过在自己对象那里发现一些新特质，来丰富自己对象的特质:一些不仅经验主义数学家不知道,而且还是无可怀疑的特质。哲学家会说，\"这些证明是灵魂的眼睛”③，它们比肉体的眼睛看得远得多。"}
{"instruction": "作者借事物想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "女人，也正是这些关系，唤起并规定了最具体的爱的仪式中的那些惯用的词语和动作。我们举这两个简单的例子，是为了不把对一个基本真理的阐述搞得那么复杂。这个真理就是，不仅语言是抽象的（语言联系着具体的事物，但它是抽象的，并且独立于具体事物而存在,这使它具有了一般的价值，这也是一切抽象的特性），不仅法是抽象的第三章抽象113（因为它对一切特殊性\"进行抽象”①,因为它是一般的，适用于所有人），而且存在着数量无限的抽象的动作,它们与具体的实践联系在一起,但又独立于那些实践而存在，这使得它们具有一种一般的价值，并能够服务于那些具体的实践。如果对我们已经获得的结论进行总结,我们要说:抽象，并不是把属于具体总体的某个部分分离出来，抽象与具体事物连在一起,它以某种方式来自具体事物,而那种方式是可以变化的（从具体事物中“抽象”出语言，不同于从全部实践中抽象出法或各种动作）。但是抽象的特性在于，它不是具体事物的一部分，因为它给120 具体事物增加了某种东西。它给具体事物增加了什么呢？增加了与那个具体事物有关的（语言的、法律的、社会的、意识形态的）关系的一般性。更确切地说:具体事物不自觉地受到这种关系的统治，而正是这种关系把具体事物构成为具体的。因此,好像存在一个循环:具体事物在起点，然后有了抽象事"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价生产？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "了它自己的保证。相反,马克思主义的唯物主义哲学捍卫实践对于理论的优先性,它坚持的论点是:归根到底决定所有其他实践的是生产实践，即生产关系同生产关系制约下的生产力（生产资料+劳动力）的统一。马克思主义的唯物主义哲学不仅捍卫这样一种唯心主义者并不否认的观念,即为了有历史,为了在政治、意识形态、科学、哲 171 学和宗教中生活，人们首先必须得活着,必须在物质上维持生存：因此首先必须在物质上生产他们的生存资料和他们的生产工具。唯心主义者并不否认这个观念，因为这将是一种\"由两个项构成的抽象”（人们+他们的食物）。马克思主义的唯物主义哲学还捍卫这样一种观念，即人与其生存资料的这种关系受到生产关系的调节，因此是一种社会关系（一种“由三个项构成的抽象”）。正是因为生产实践由此包含了这种基础关系作为自己的条件，所以调节着其他实践的关系才能与这第一种关系建立联系。马克思主义不会说，根据你生产这种或那种对象/物品，你就有了这样或那样的社会；而会说,根据你生产你的生存时所处的社会生产关系,你就会有这样或那样的政治的、意识形态的关系,等等。并且,由于这种社会关系在阶级社会里是一种冲突的、对抗的关系，所以由生产（基础）所起的决定家们对他们的黑格尔的思想世界产生怀疑，他们抗议思想、观念、想法的统"}
{"instruction": "这段关于科学的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "而这种需要,回应的不是科学家的“心理”要求，仿佛他们对自己的发现的新颖性感到困惑，想知道物体遵守伽利略的定律 “是否确实是真的\"。这种需要,回应的是难以平息的意识形态斗争的必然性。因为当资产阶级要夺取自己的位置时，它就必须赶 197 走占领者:当它希望人们承认科学的存在时，它就必须同一直占领着这个领地的宗教意识形态的巨大力量作斗争。但是,这样一来，资产阶级唯心主义哲学就不仅仅是为科学而战。它必须考虑到这样一个事实，即保卫科学的战斗无法从政治斗争和意识形态斗争的总体中孤立出来。一方面，它给科学提供保证（反对封建的宗教意识形态的那些占优势的主张）；但另一方面，它也用某种科学观念来给自己政治斗争的未来提供保证。正是18世纪通过启蒙运动的意识形态，为在哲学的统一下的这种保证的转移提供了最纯粹的例子。哲学保证科学提供了关于世界的认识,包括自然的和社会的认识;而科学真理的力量则保证,人们总有一天会承认，为了使世界摆脱不平等和奴役,就有必要去完成一些社会改革。这个时期的资产阶级还是一个革命的阶级，所以在这个时期，保证的哲学功能不仅涵盖科学,还涵盖全部社会实践，而且它是进步的。当然，资产阶级哲学这时在\"操纵”科学，在\"盘剥利用”科学的威望，但这是为了解放的目的:解放科学，解放人。"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对科学的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "因此，科学 ①\"虚空的”原文为\"血1小”，也译为“空的\"“虚空\"。—译注第十章科学实践与唯物主义勿7 越进步，它自己的原材料就越趋于具体，而具体只是构成它的多种抽象或认识综合在一起的结果。因此马克思说:科学不是像庸俗的意识形态所认为的那样从“具体到抽象”，它不是从经验地存在的对象走向它们的真理（仿佛这个真理自古以来就包含在它们当中，只要把它提取出来就够了）；相反,科学从抽象走向具体，它逐渐纯化抽象，纯化现有的抽象，它从意识形态的抽象过渡到实用技术知识的抽象，最终到达科学的抽象,并通过将这些科学的抽象精确结合起来,到达这种确定的抽象:它针对某个具体对象, 并因此成为对某个具体对象的具体认识。①不得不说，大多数哲学家甚至科学家都不知道②这个伟大的唯物主义真理，但如果没有它，我们就无法理解在科学实践中所发生的事情。从科学实践过程的观点来看,关于研究者几乎没有什么可说的。因为除了这种或那种特殊的才能之外— 在某些情况下，这种才能可能起决定性作用一他完全被自己在其中工作的现有的科学状态所限定。因为他除非以现有的理论为基础，否则就不能发明任何理论;除非以已经获得的结果为基础,否则就不能发现任何难题;除非在理论和技术上以现有手段为基础,否则就不能调整任何实验装置;等等。他是一个过程的当事人，而这个过"}
{"instruction": "文中关于科学的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "--译注 214写给非哲学家的哲学入门有科学发展所必需的哲学的关系，从而受到占统治地位的理论难题的强迫的同时，也可能保留了出人意料的东西，即或者提供预见, 或者毫无价值。当我们在科学历史的一定时刻考虑一门给定的科学时，会发现理论生产中的哲学的关系并不是任意的。但这些哲学的关系显然没有穷尽当时存在的全部哲学范畴和哲学论点。因为哲学，它的战斗赌注不是只有科学:它还必须占据所有其他人类实践出现于其中的整个阵线①。而且,为了造就将要投入科学实践阵线的范畴和论点，它会把自己的战斗的全部赌注都考虑进来，这意味着,哪怕它在尽可能地尊重上述科学实践的现实,它仍然被迫歪曲对这个现实的“表述\",为的是在一个共同的理论基础上调整②其全部干预。正是这种不可避免的“扭曲”，使得哲学在原则上不是一门科学,在原则上也不提供认识，而是被一种特殊的实践所纠缠:这种特殊的实践，就是对科学实践和其他实践的理论关系（和其他关系）进行干预。我们稍后将看到这种干预的性质。存在一些科学生产的关系,它们不是纯科学的,而是哲学的和意识形态的。这个论点显然同关于科学的实证主义表述有激烈冲突。因为对于实证主义来说，就像对于一切形式的理性主义一样，任何出现在科学实践中③的东西都是纯科学的，甚至包括科学实践的对象—尽管后者在科学实验之前是不透明的，但它却"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对意识形态给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "学实践和各种发现而来的那些意识形态,等等。因此，意识形态的物质性是多种多样的,而这种多样性，既无法全部被统一在旧的占统治地位的意识形态中，也无法完全被吸收到新的占统治地位的意识形态的统一体中。正因为如此，在我看来，从原则上承认这个统一化过程的辩证法，将这种承认铭刻在意识形态国家机器的开放的复数中，这样做是正确的。之所以是开放的,是因为我们无法预判阶级斗争的发展，因为阶级斗争要么可以为旧的意形态力量出现在我们面前。社会创立一个机关来保护自己的共同利益，免遭内部和外部的侵犯。这种机关就是国家政权。它刚一产生，对社会来说就是独立的，而且它越是成为某个阶级的机关，越是直接地实现这一阶级的统治, 它就越独立。\"--译注］幽0写给非哲学家的哲学入门识形态机器（例如,今天一些国家如苏联的教会）重新赋予生命和坚实性，要么会从中创造出完全出乎预料的新机器（信息机器目前正伴随着现代大众媒体一道经历着引人注目的发展）。对这种意识形态和意识形态国家机器理论草图最强烈的反对意见，来自它的理论性质和政治性质。人们指责这种构想陷入了功能主义,从而使每个人都服从于占统治地位的意识形态系统的绝对决定作用。人们认为,我就这样把在对马克思主义的经济主义阐释中居于首位的经济决定论，转移到了意识形态中。"}
{"instruction": "这一段对第三世界的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "大多数工人战士争取到改良主义的事业中。帝国主义的降临并 ①“复辟\"原文为“侬以11而”，也有\"修补”“恢复”的意思。一译注 242写给非哲学家的哲学入门没有改变这些实践:恰恰相反，它通过在大都市创造新的劳动组织形式（泰勒制和福特制）加速和加剧了它们— 这些新形式以允许工人在生产中有安排自己作息时间或工作地点的自由为借口，使他们更加受制于资产阶级的意识形态;它还打着从政治上 \"解放\"\"第三世界”国家的幌子，通过强加给\"第三世界”国家的新的剥削形式加速和加剧了它们。因此,在资产阶级的阶级斗争中也有一种\"趋势规律”（马克思）①在上演，并且它独立于其当事人和受害者的意识而起作用。结果是:资产阶级的阶级斗争永远不会解除武装，就算它不得不放弃阵地，那也是为了重新夺回它,而且往往是在优于先前的条件下重新夺回。这条规律最明显的例子之一是第二次世界大战。帝国主义的矛盾使资本主义世界陷入一种旧资本主义从未见过的危机形式:这种危机不再只是货币或经济危机，而且还是政治和军事危机。在这种危机的深处，总是同样的矛盾在起作用，这个矛盾就是世界资产阶级同世界工人阶级和“第三世界”被剥削国家之间的矛盾，只是它的规模比过去要大得多。旧资本主义通过销毁剩余商品（扔进海里）和暂时停止劳动力就业（失业）解决了其“周期"}
{"instruction": "意识形态在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "因此,在意识形态领域赢得的东西（工人阶级的那些新自由，以及后来抵抗运动中人民斗争的那些价值），随后就被资产阶级的意识形态阶级斗争\"整合”到了它自己的队伍中。这里关键在于统治阶级的意识形态斗争有一种不可抗拒的趋势:尽一切可能，不是 %6写给非哲学家的哲学入门通过一种外部操作，而是通过一种在敌对的意识形态要素内部起作用的改造，使意识形态的一切现有要素,包括被统治阶级的意识形态的那些先进形式，服从占统治地位的意识形态的法则。而这种操作，离开那些机构即那些意识形态国家机器的存在，离开它们的干预,显然是不可想象的。而正因为意识形态国家机器，以及它们所承载的占统治地位的意识形态，是占统治地位的阶级斗争的功能和手段，所以它们摆脱了功能主义的构想。因为阶级斗争既不会在国家机器的边界上止步，也不会在意识形态国家机器的边界上止步。因为统治阶级的阶级斗争不是在真空中进行的:一方面，它要与一个现实的对手即旧的统治阶级斗争;另一方面,它要与一个新的被剥削阶级斗争。而且它必须在其战略战术中考虑到这个对手的存在,考虑到这个对手所占据的位置及其意识形态武器。它可能通过暴力战胜对手，通过夺取国家政权战胜旧的统治阶级,通过剥削的暴力和国家政权的暴力战胜被剥削阶级。但是,如果它不对它们行使一种意识形态“领"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的国家机器是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "--译注巡写给非哲学家的哲学入门行使固定功能、不受阶级斗争作用影响的机构的位置），因为它无非是关于意识形态领域阶级斗争的理论，是关于这种斗争的存在条件和形式的理论，要素的位置和功能都服从于这种斗争。这非常具体地意味着，不仅阶级斗争的赌注包括国家机器本身—-正如一个阶级被构成为统治阶级和有领导权的阶级的整个历史所表明的那样--而且阶级斗争也在那些意识形态国家机器中展开（看看1968年5月吧）。根据形势，它可以在其中发挥不容忽视的作用。当我们想到，比如在政治的意识形态国家机器内部使工人党和资产阶级党对立起来的斗争时，可以想象，这种斗争可能会极端激烈。或许这种斗争只是选举的和议会的斗争,但它的后果远远超出选举投票和单纯的议会辩论。既然我提到这种形式的斗争，我就必须提供一些细节。因为有人会说，这场斗争是政治的，而不是意识形态的。有人会说，政党是政治机器的一部分，而不是意识形态国家机器的一部分。这样说不准确。或者,把事情推向极端，有人会说，每一个政党都是一架意识形态国家机器,因此,它作为意识形态国家机器,就被纳人了统治阶级的统治系统。这样说也不准确。要理解这些重要的细微差别，就必须注意（镇压性）国家机器和意识形态国家机器之间的区别。镇压性国家机器是统一的和"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述意识形态？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "动力。但是，我们所说的无产阶级意识形态，并非无产阶级完全 \"自发的\"意识形态。因为，要作为一个意识到自己的统一性并积极发挥作用的阶级而存在，无产阶级不仅需要经验（一百多年来它所进行的阶级斗争的经验），还需要马克思主义理论为它提供的客观认识。马克思主义理论照亮了那些经验，正是在这个理论与经验的双重基础上，无产阶级意识形态才得以构成。它是能够在其阶级斗争组织中统一并“黏合”①工人阶级先锋队统一体的大众意识形态。因而无产阶级意识形态是一种非常特殊的意识形态:它在形式上是意识形态,因为它同所有意识形态一样在大众层面发挥功能（把个人“唤问\"为主体）；但它在内容上是科学理论（因为它建立在一种关于阶级斗争的科学理论的基础上）0 意识形态:当然,但不是随便一种意识形态。因为每个阶级都在一种独特的、绝非任意的意识形态中认出自己②，这种意识形态能够对该阶级进行统一,并为其阶级斗争指明方向。我们知道，封建阶级就是这样在宗教意识形态或基督教中认出自己；资产阶级也以相似的方式，至少是在其统治无可争议的那段时期，在法律意识形态中认出自己。而工人阶级,虽然它对宗教和道德意识形态的各种要素都很敏感,但它超越那一切，并在一种政治 258 意识形态—不是资产阶级的政治意识形态，而是无产阶级的政"}
{"instruction": "生产方式在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "于指导我的研究工作的总的结果，可以简要地表述如下:人们在自己生活的社会生产中发生一定的、必然的、不以他们的意志为转移的关系，即同他们的物质生产力的一定发展阶段相适合的生产关系。这些生产关系的总和构成社会的经济结构，即有法律的和政治的上层建筑竖立其上并有一定的社会意识形式与之相适应的现实基础。物质生活的生产方式制约着整个社会生活、政治生活和精神生活的过程。不是人们的意识决定人们的存在. 相反，是人们的社会存在决定人们的意识。社会的物质生产力发展到一定阶段，便同它们一直在其中运动的现存生产关系或财产关系（这只是生产关系的法律用语）发生矛盾。于是这些关系便由生产力的发展形式变成生产力的桎梏。那时社会革命的时代就到来了。\"另参见本书第170 页译注。—译注］第十三章政治实践267 们也不应该认为生产关系会适应生产方式的发展，因而一切生产方式都由其生产力的发展程度或其生产关系的适应程度来定义。因为在这些不同的阐释中，我们面对的是机械决定论和直线性辩证法。实际上事情要复杂得多。这里没有任何宿命会自动迫使一定的生产方式孕育出接下来的另一种生产方式。让我们以资本主义生产方式为例。大家都知道马克思如何嘲笑关于资本主义起源的资本主义“理论”。对于资本主义意识形态家来说,资本主义诞生于知道放弃直接享受自己劳动产品的"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里拉康究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "识”，赖希求助于投射到超我中的各种家庭结构,等等。弗洛伊德强烈抵制所有这些推断，坚持事实，坚持他之前提出的解释。由此导致了分析运动中一些至今仍没有消除的危机和分裂。在这种形势下，是不是应该尝试不惜代价地把分析理论同它似乎依赖的现实联系起来，从而把它当作神经-生物学和关于社会结构与家庭结构的理论，同马克思主义联系起来，并因此冒着可能落入那些任意而危险的构造中的风险，就这样要么从生物学，要么从历史唯物主义,演绎出弗洛伊德的理论呢？经验表明，这在以前陷入了冒险，赖希和他的学生的尝试尤其证明了这一点。他们尽管雄心勃勃，却对他们声称要抓住的那些现实没有任何政治上的把握。尽管可能暂时在科学上被孤立,尽管可能要处于孤独中,但像今天拉康在法国所做的那样,强调分析理论的现实自主性，难道不是更好吗？这第二种态度，看起来最正确①，至少目前如此。有时候必须接受让一种理论停留在科学上未完成的谨慎状态，而不去预支邻近科学的发现。因为经验也表明，人们不能像颁布政令一样宣布一门科学的完成。无论如何，分析理论史的经验表明，只要那些邻近科学还没有成熟到足以允许我们对相邻的科学“大陆\"进行统一，那么，一些既不是意识形态的，但也还不是科学的客观抽象，就可以并且 ①第一稿:“第二种态度看起来最正确，尽管拉康没有抵制住这样的诱"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，范畴为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "定。一个范畴可以起一个论点的作用，如果它恰巧在某个精确的 21 点上总结了所讨论的哲学的立场。一个论点也可以起一个范畴的作用，如果它恰巧总结了那个范畴。正如每个范畴都从整个范畴体系中获得其意义一样，每个哲学命题也都指向整个哲学论点体系。因此,哲学的所有理论要素之间都存在严格的内在联系:一个“体系”的联系,或者更准确地说，一个\"结构”的联系。以论点形式出现的某些范畴的集结，表达了哲学在有争议的问题上所采取的立场。因此,当笛卡尔写出 “我思故我在\"时，他采取了反对托马斯主义哲学的立场,因为对于后者来说，思想并不等同于存在。正是在这里，哲学命题的实践的、主动的意义开始变得明确。如果哲学命题没有对象，如果它提出/摆出的对象不是一个现实的对象，而是一个纯哲学内部的对象，那么这个对象对于它来说就变成从哲学对手那里占据一个地形的手段。这个哲学对象代表一种“军事”部署①,在哲学战争中，所讨论的哲学通过这种部署去占领确定的阵地，反对确定的对手。因为，人们提出一个论点只是为了反对另一个论点，反对一个对立的论点即一个不同的或相反的论点：因此，一切论点(^)天生就是反论点(制心湿⑺。因此，每一种哲学都表现为一种行进中的理论军队,它在 322 战场上展开，由其论点引领和构成。这些论点是它的进攻分队,"}
{"instruction": "围绕利维坦，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "自己服务的东西:是谁提出了这样的论据并不重要，只要它能为我的事业服务！但是它以这种方式发现的东西，这里发现一点, 那里发现一点,它们是分散的,而且先前的统一不再适合它,它必须打破先前的统一，或者从内部对它进行改组，让它适合自己。［参见霍布斯《利维坦》，黎思复、黎廷弼译，北京:商务印书馆，1985 年，第95页:“人性竟然会使人们如此彼此互相离异、易于互相侵犯摧毁, 这在一个没有好好考虑这些事物的人看来是很奇怪的。因此，他也许不会相信根据激情作出的这种推论，而希望用经验加以证实。那么我们不妨让这种人考虑一下自己的情形。当他外出旅行时，他会要带上武器并设法结伴而行;就寝时，他会要把门闩上；甚至就在屋子里面，也要把箱子锁上。他做这一切时，自己分明知道有法律和武装的官员来惩办使他遭受伤害的一切行为。试问他带上武器骑行时对自己的国人是什么看法？把门闩起来的时候对同胞们是什么看法？把箱子锁起来时对自己的子女仆人是什么看法？他在这些地方用行动攻击人类的程度不是正和我用文字攻击的程度相同吗?”—译注］第十七章占统治地位的意识形态与哲学337 这一切不会自动发生。因为,要使这么多如此分散的要素成为一种合成一体的意识形态，一种适合统治阶级政治目标的意识形态，就要去使它们聚拢在一起，要去对它们进行调整！"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，意识形态意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "把灰色绘成灰色，不能使生活形态变得年轻，而只能使之获得认识。密纳发的猫头鹰要等黄昏到来时,才会起飞。\"— 译注］350写给非哲学家的哲学入门么— 充满悖论-—在事先。是的，在事先，因为既定权力的铅板，现有的镇压性国家机器和意识形态国家机器的铅板,可以长时间地阻止在社会深处成熟起来的社会革命爆发。但发生在基础中的变化,可以在旧的统治阶级的统治下产生一些反响，并影响到现有的意识形态本身。比如资产阶级兴起的历史就说明了这一论点:资本主义关系从14世纪起就开始在西欧建立，但资产阶级政治革命却用了三百到五百年的时间才以新的法权、新的国家机器和新的意识形态的存在认可它们。但是, 在这整个期间，基础中的变化进入了现有的制度。绝对君主制, 这种把资本主义资产者和长袍资产者同贵族联合起来的过渡性国家形式,已经表露了这一点。而且在这整段时间里，大胆的资产者开始为一种后来占统治地位的意识形态— 基于法律意识形态的资产阶级意识形态-—奠定基础。无产阶级意识形态也是以同样的方式，在资产阶级的统治下，在持续了 180年的斗争过程中发展起来的，但它还没有真正完成。在这里，意识形态也走在革命的前面。但它之所以能这样超前，并不是出于巧合，而是因为资产阶级生产方式已经包含了一些预先与这种意识形态相对应的要素:生产的日益社会化，被"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画哲学？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "［正文中的引文据阿尔都塞的法文译出，另参见马克思《资本论》第三卷，前引，第894页:\"任何时候.我们总是要在生产条件的所有者同直接生产者的直接关系-~这种关系的任何当时的形式必然总是同劳动方式和劳动社会生产力的一定的发展阶段相适应--当中，为整个社会结构，从而也为主权关系和依附关系的政治形式,总之,为任何当时的独特的国家形式，发现最隐蔽的秘密,发现隐藏着的基础。”--译注］8/写给非哲学家的哲学入门须使这种形式足够抽象，以便在任何可能的情况下服务于任何有用的目的;哲学必须授予它每种局部的或领域性的意识形态所要求的形态;最后，哲学必须从中获得能保障统一性的更高抽象，以及对那种统一性的保证。由此，哲学万能的幻觉消失了。而且证明这一点的,不仅有资产阶级哲学的例子。事实已经充分表明，在封建社会，哲学只是“神学的婢女\"。我们也完全可以说，对于无产阶级来说，它所需要的唯物主义哲学是“它的政治的婢女”。因为恰恰是无产阶级的阶级斗争实践，发出了一种新的哲学实践①的“订单”，无产阶级在自己的斗争中并为了自己的斗争需要这种哲学实践。让我们对这件事稍加思考。无产阶级不是一个剥削阶级，而只是一个被剥削的阶级。它所服从的生产关系是由资本主义资产阶级从外部强加给它的。这些生产关系不是它的优势，反而是它的弱"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把屈服于放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "这种被迫的形式，屈服于占统治地位的资产阶级哲学的这种被迫的方式即体系吗？简便的解决办法就在那里，完全现成,这就是第一批\"社会主义\"哲学家,乌托邦主义者圣西门、傅立叶和蒲鲁东等人采取的办法。他们与后来的杜林一样，开始制造同资产阶级体系相竞争的无产阶级“体系”。这里有任何体系所提供的一切表面优势:对各安其位的事物的整体叙述,各事物间的内在关系，对未来的预见，等等。但是，这里也有那种幻象作用和欺骗作用，剥削阶级需要它们，为的是充分确信能掌握自己的未来，其方式就是在体系性的叙述中预先有条理地抓住它。出于深刻的政治本能，马克思和恩格斯拒绝走这条便捷的道路。在他们看来，正如无产阶级只有在发明一种\"新的政治实践\" 的条件下才能把自己构成为统治阶级一样，为了支持这种新的政治实践，就必须发明一种\"新的哲学实践”。在这些远景— 无论是哲学的还是政治的远景--中，起作用的始终是共产主义的战略。关键在于从现在开始，就为革命的和共产主义的未来作准备，因此，关键在于从现在开始,就确立一些全新的要素,而且不屈服于资产阶级意识形态和哲学的压力，相反，要对它们进行抵抗。既然是国家问题统帅一切，就必须从现在开始，斩断把国家同哲学—尤其是以“体系”的形式出现的哲学一一连在一起的第二十章哲学与阶级斗争的科学379"}
{"instruction": "作者借恩格斯想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "（也就是谈论客观现实）？由此还产生了这样一个令人恼火的难题，即存在多少条辩证法的规律？一会儿是三条，一会儿是四条，但无论是三条还是四条,都可以被化约为单独的一条（在恩格斯那里是运动，在列宁那里是矛盾）。由此也产生了这种骇人听闻的结论:既然人们预先就认识了物质的各种“规律\"，那么只要把它们“应用\"到任何对象上,就能生产出对该对象的认识。总之,只要从这些\"一般的规律”出发去“演绎\"出那种特殊的认识就够了。在所有这些难题中，这种自称马克思主义的构想不仅仅是与资产阶级哲学“擦肩而过\"，它还服从于后者，从而陷入这样一种无法解决的矛盾，即它服从于一种它声称要将自己从中解放出来的哲学。必须一劳永逸地结束这桩蠢事，承认这种提出难题的方式绝不是马克思主义的，而是完全符合资产阶级唯心主义哲学。而且这可能是一个好机会，来表明我们对唯物主义和辩证法之间这种区分的看法。站在马克思主义的立场上，这种区分可能意味着什么呢？无非意味着哲学论点的多样性。因此,我们不会说存在一些辩证法的“规律”，而会说存在一些辨证的论点，正如存在一些唯物主义的论点一样。“唯物主义\"绝不是关于某个确定的对象的理论,而是指挥或指导科学实践和政治实践的论点的集合。而且,如果仔细考虑这件事,我们就会发觉,这种区分不可能"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价阿尔都塞？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "然而, 这些矛盾不能仅仅用阿尔都塞日益恶化的心理状态来解释,作为日渐不利的力量对比的不可避免的后果,它们还必须结合他力图干预的形势来理解。正是这一点，使阿尔都塞直接向“人民群众” 讲述哲学和马克思主义的计划，显得既迫切又不可能。阿尔都塞的马克思主义将他同经常被与他联系在一起的那些同时代人区分开来。尽管有一些共同的关切将他同拉康、德里达和福柯（等人）连在一起，但阿尔都塞的著作在表达风格上与他们大相径庭。例如,当他研究因果性难题— 这是上述几位学者著作的核心难题--时，他总是将自己的研究置于马克思主义理论内部的大辩论中。由于马克思主义理论本身立足于社会主义和共产主义运动的历史，因此它向自己提出的难题直接或间接地来源于这些运动的实践:历史矛盾（和阶级斗争）的性质，作为政治干预场所的形势概念,以及也许是最重要的，基础和上层建筑概念（还有由此而来的意识形态概念,特别是在俄国、中国和古巴革命的照耀下）。但是，阿尔都塞既不同于马克思主义者，也不同于非马克思主义者，他不仅关注哲学在马克思主义理论中的地位和有效性, 附录405 而且关注哲学本身实际上做了什么以及它如何行动的问题。因此，甚至在他以有待验证的论点或论文的形式清楚表达自己的立场之前，甚至在他意识到自己持有这个立场之前，阿尔都塞就已"}
{"instruction": "这段关于阿尔都塞的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 写给非哲学家的哲学入门", "output": "81页）--为对象的思辨活动，却只能悖论地以一种实践的形式存在（尽管它否认这一点），这种实践被嵌入一种有着既限制它又保护它的围墙和屏障的机器中:这种机器就是大学。附录415 由此看来,写一部哲学教材的计划甚至比写一部马克思主义教材的计划更可疑:马克思主义理论体现在阶级斗争的实践形式,包括从这种斗争中产生的组织中。正是从这一斗争的有利视角（阿尔都塞喜欢引用马基雅维利的格言“深深地认识君主的性质的人应属于人民”①）出发,马克思主义的理论表达即使在字面形式上也变得明白易懂。哲学的情况则完全不同:哲学的制度形式旨在保持一种分离，其功能是保护哲学不受那些斗争的感染。事实上，哲学，即哲学所说的东西（英语国家的哲学最接近这种理想类型），深深打上了它自己斗争的烙印，它的斗争就是保护自己免受斗争—社会斗争— 的影响，通过两种方式来使自己获得免疫，一种是通过语言让斗争变得难以想象，另一种是带着恐惧回避哲学史上少数除外的大部分文本。在这里，阿尔都塞出人意料地几乎不关注哲学的物质和制度存在问题:\"人门\"这单独一个词— 它既没有得到解释，也没有被重复,最终在这个文本的英文版中被彻底删除—就提醒我们，必须打破现实障碍，冒犯神圣空间，将哲学从其被囚禁状态中释放出来，才有可能写出一部教材。如果说阿尔都塞没有承认这个难题，他却提出了一种解决办"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame good here?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "Make It Satisfying The Cardinal Rule of Behavior Change How to Stick with Good Habits Every Day How an Accountability Partner Can Change Everything Advanced Tactics How to Go from Being Merely Good to Being Truly Great The Truth About Talent (When Genes Matter and When They Don’t) The Goldilocks Rule: How to Stay Motivated in Life and Work The Downside of Creating Good Habits Conclusion: The Secret to Results That Last Appendix What Should You Read Next? Little Lessons from the Four Laws How to Apply These Ideas to Business How to Apply These Ideas to Parenting Acknowledgments Notes Index About the Author Introduction My Story O N THE FINAL day of my sophomore year of high school, I was hit in the face with a baseball bat. As my classmate took a full swing, the bat slipped out of his hands and came flying toward me before striking me directly between the eyes. I have no memory of the moment of impact. The bat smashed into my face with such force that it crushed my nose into a distorted U-shape."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about habits?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "Tiny battles like these are the ones that will define your future self. Time magnifies the margin between success and failure. It will multiply whatever you feed it. Good habits make time your ally. Bad habits make time your enemy. Habits are a double-edged sword. Bad habits can cut you down just as easily as good habits can build you up, which is why understanding the details is crucial. You need to know how habits work and how to design them to your liking, so you can avoid the dangerous half of the blade. YOUR HABITS CAN COMPOUND FOR YOU OR AGAINST YOU Positive Compounding Productivity compounds. Accomplishing one extra task is a small feat on any given day, but it counts for a lot over an entire career. The effect of automating an old task or mastering a new skill can be even greater. The more tasks you can handle without thinking, the more your brain is free to focus on other areas. Knowledge compounds. Learning one new idea won’t make you a genius, but a commitment to lifelong learning can be transformative."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about systems?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "What’s the difference between systems and goals? It’s a distinction I first learned from Scott Adams, the cartoonist behind the Dilbert comic. Goals are about the results you want to achieve. Systems are about the processes that lead to those results. If you’re a coach, your goal might be to win a championship. Your system is the way you recruit players, manage your assistant coaches, and conduct practice. If you’re an entrepreneur, your goal might be to build a million-dollar business. Your system is how you test product ideas, hire employees, and run marketing campaigns. If you’re a musician, your goal might be to play a new piece. Your system is how often you practice, how you break down and tackle difficult measures, and your method for receiving feedback from your instructor. Now for the interesting question: If you completely ignored your goals and focused only on your system, would you still succeed? For example, if you were a basketball coach and you ignored your goal to win a championship and focused only on what your team does at practice each day, would you still get results?"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about behavior?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "They never shift the way they look at themselves, and they don’t realize that their old identity can sabotage their new plans for change. Behind every system of actions are a system of beliefs. The system of a democracy is founded on beliefs like freedom, majority rule, and social equality. The system of a dictatorship has a very different set of beliefs like absolute authority and strict obedience. You can imagine many ways to try to get more people to vote in a democracy, but such behavior change would never get off the ground in a dictatorship. That’s not the identity of the system. Voting is a behavior that is impossible under a certain set of beliefs. A similar pattern exists whether we are discussing individuals, organizations, or societies. There are a set of beliefs and assumptions that shape the system, an identity behind the habits. Behavior that is incongruent with the self will not last. You may want more money, but if your identity is someone who consumes rather than creates, then you’ll continue to be pulled toward spending rather than earning."}
{"instruction": "How is identity presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "THE TWO-STEP PROCESS TO CHANGING YOUR IDENTITY Your identity emerges out of your habits. You are not born with preset beliefs. Every belief, including those about yourself, is learned and conditioned through experience. * More precisely, your habits are how you embody your identity. When you make your bed each day, you embody the identity of an organized person. When you write each day, you embody the identity of a creative person. When you train each day, you embody the identity of an athletic person. The more you repeat a behavior, the more you reinforce the identity associated with that behavior. In fact, the word identity was originally derived from the Latin words essentitas , which means being, and identidem , which means repeatedly . Your identity is literally your “repeated beingness.” Whatever your identity is right now, you only believe it because you have proof of it. If you go to church every Sunday for twenty years, you have evidence that you are religious."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about habits?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "What did I do right before that? This is the feedback loop behind all human behavior: try, fail, learn, try differently. With practice, the useless movements fade away and the useful actions get reinforced. That’s a habit forming. Whenever you face a problem repeatedly, your brain begins to automate the process of solving it. Your habits are just a series of automatic solutions that solve the problems and stresses you face regularly. As behavioral scientist Jason Hreha writes, “ Habits are, simply, reliable solutions to recurring problems in our environment.” As habits are created, the level of activity in the brain decreases . You learn to lock in on the cues that predict success and tune out everything else. When a similar situation arises in the future, you know exactly what to look for. There is no longer a need to analyze every angle of a situation. Your brain skips the process of trial and error and creates a mental rule: if this, then that."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on figure all?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "FIGURE 5: All habits proceed through four stages in the same order: cue, craving, response, and reward. This four-step pattern is the backbone of every habit, and your brain runs through these steps in the same order each time. First, there is the cue. The cue triggers your brain to initiate a behavior. It is a bit of information that predicts a reward. Our prehistoric ancestors were paying attention to cues that signaled the location of primary rewards like food, water, and sex. Today, we spend most of our time learning cues that predict secondary rewards like money and fame, power and status, praise and approval, love and friendship, or a sense of personal satisfaction. (Of course, these pursuits also indirectly improve our odds of survival and reproduction, which is the deeper motive behind everything we do.) Your mind is continuously analyzing your internal and external environment for hints of where rewards are located. Because the cue is the first indication that we’re close to a reward, it naturally leads to a craving."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat problem as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "cue, craving, response, reward—that ultimately allows you to create automatic habits. This cycle is known as the habit loop. This four-step process is not something that happens occasionally, but rather it is an endless feedback loop that is running and active during every moment you are alive—even now. The brain is continually scanning the environment, predicting what will happen next, trying out different responses, and learning from the results. The entire process is completed in a split second, and we use it again and again without realizing everything that has been packed into the previous moment. We can split these four steps into two phases: the problem phase and the solution phase. The problem phase includes the cue and the craving, and it is when you realize that something needs to change. The solution phase includes the response and the reward, and it is when you take action and achieve the change you desire. Problem phase 1. Cue"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of customers?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "This is what makes habits useful. It’s also what makes them dangerous. As habits form, your actions come under the direction of your automatic and nonconscious mind. You fall into old patterns before you realize what’s happening. Unless someone points it out, you may not notice that you cover your mouth with your hand whenever you laugh, that you apologize before asking a question, or that you have a habit of finishing other people’s sentences. And the more you repeat these patterns, the less likely you become to question what you’re doing and why you’re doing it. I once heard of a retail clerk who was instructed to cut up empty gift cards after customers had used up the balance on the card. One day, the clerk cashed out a few customers in a row who purchased with gift cards. When the next person walked up, the clerk swiped the customer’s actual credit card, picked up the scissors, and then cut it in half—entirely on autopilot—before looking up at the stunned customer and realizing what had just happened."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect implementation to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "intend to implement a particular habit. The cues that can trigger a habit come in a wide range of forms—the feel of your phone buzzing in your pocket, the smell of chocolate chip cookies, the sound of ambulance sirens—but the two most common cues are time and location. Implementation intentions leverage both of these cues. Broadly speaking, the format for creating an implementation intention is: “When situation X arises, I will perform response Y.” Hundreds of studies have shown that implementation intentions are effective for sticking to our goals, whether it’s writing down the exact time and date of when you will get a flu shot or recording the time of your colonoscopy appointment. They increase the odds that people will stick with habits like recycling, studying, going to sleep early, and stopping smoking. Researchers have even found that voter turnout increases when people are forced to create implementation intentions by answering questions like: “What route are you taking to the polling station?"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on eagles?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "We like to think that we are in control. If we choose water over soda, we assume it is because we wanted to do so. The truth, however, is that many of the actions we take each day are shaped not by purposeful drive and choice but by the most obvious option. Every living being has its own methods for sensing and understanding the world. Eagles have remarkable long-distance vision. Snakes can smell by “tasting the air” with their highly sensitive tongues. Sharks can detect small amounts of electricity and vibrations in the water caused by nearby fish. Even bacteria have chemoreceptors—tiny sensory cells that allow them to detect toxic chemicals in their environment. In humans, perception is directed by the sensory nervous system. We perceive the world through sight, sound, smell, touch, and taste. But we also have other ways of sensing stimuli. Some are conscious, but many are nonconscious. For instance, you can “notice” when the temperature drops before a storm, or when the pain in your gut rises during a stomachache, or when you fall off balance while walking on rocky ground."}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with think?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "In fact, this is a useful way to think about the influence of the environment on your behavior. Stop thinking about your environment as filled with objects. Start thinking about it as filled with relationships. Think in terms of how you interact with the spaces around you. For one person, her couch is the place where she reads for an hour each night. For someone else, the couch is where he watches television and eats a bowl of ice cream after work. Different people can have different memories—and thus different habits—associated with the same place. The good news? You can train yourself to link a particular habit with a particular context. In one study, scientists instructed insomniacs to get into bed only when they were tired. If they couldn’t fall asleep, they were told to sit in a different room until they became sleepy. Over time, subjects began to associate the context of their bed with the action of sleeping, and it became easier to quickly fall asleep when they climbed in bed."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise vietnam?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "While visiting the troops, they had learned that over 15 percent of U.S. soldiers stationed there were heroin addicts. Follow-up research revealed that 35 percent of service members in Vietnam had tried heroin and as many as 20 percent were addicted—the problem was even worse than they had initially thought. The discovery led to a flurry of activity in Washington, including the creation of the Special Action Office of Drug Abuse Prevention under President Nixon to promote prevention and rehabilitation and to track addicted service members when they returned home. Lee Robins was one of the researchers in charge. In a finding that completely upended the accepted beliefs about addiction, Robins found that when soldiers who had been heroin users returned home, only 5 percent of them became re-addicted within a year, and just 12 percent relapsed within three years. In other words, approximately nine out of ten soldiers who used heroin in Vietnam eliminated their addiction nearly overnight."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe austin texas?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "In other words, they spend less time in tempting situations. The people with the best self-control are typically the ones who need to use it the least. It’s easier to practice self-restraint when you don’t have to use it very often. So, yes, perseverance, grit, and willpower are essential to success, but the way to improve these qualities is not by wishing you were a more disciplined person, but by creating a more disciplined environment. This counterintuitive idea makes even more sense once you understand what happens when a habit is formed in the brain. A habit that has been encoded in the mind is ready to be used whenever the relevant situation arises. When Patty Olwell, a therapist from Austin, Texas, started smoking, she would often light up while riding horses with a friend. Eventually, she quit smoking and avoided it for years. She had also stopped riding. Decades later, she hopped on a horse again and found herself craving a cigarette for the first time in forever."}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term scientists?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "any nearby round object, such as a billiard ball or a lightbulb, back into the nest. The bigger the object, the greater their response. One goose even made a tremendous effort to roll a volleyball back and sit on top. Like the baby gulls automatically pecking at red dots, the greylag goose was following an instinctive rule: When I see a round object nearby, I must roll it back into the nest. The bigger the round object, the harder I should try to get it. It’s like the brain of each animal is preloaded with certain rules for behavior, and when it comes across an exaggerated version of that rule, it lights up like a Christmas tree. Scientists refer to these exaggerated cues as supernormal stimuli . A supernormal stimulus is a heightened version of reality—like a beak with three red dots or an egg the size of a volleyball—and it elicits a stronger response than usual. Humans are also prone to fall for exaggerated versions of reality. Junk food, for example, drives our reward systems into a frenzy."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about behavior?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "Ultimately, such strategies enable food scientists to find the “bliss point” for each product—the precise combination of salt, sugar, and fat that excites your brain and keeps you coming back for more. The result, of course, is that you overeat because hyperpalatable foods are more attractive to the human brain. As Stephan Guyenet, a neuroscientist who specializes in eating behavior and obesity, says, “ We’ve gotten too good at pushing our own buttons.” The modern food industry, and the overeating habits it has spawned, is just one example of the 2nd Law of Behavior Change: Make it attractive. The more attractive an opportunity is, the more likely it is to become habit-forming. Look around. Society is filled with highly engineered versions of reality that are more attractive than the world our ancestors evolved in. Stores feature mannequins with exaggerated hips and breasts to sell clothes. Social media delivers more “likes” and praise in a few minutes than we could ever get in the office or at home."}
{"instruction": "Why does habits matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "the mice developed a craving so strong they began poking their nose into the box eight hundred times per hour. (Humans are not so different: the average slot machine player will spin the wheel six hundred times per hour.) Habits are a dopamine-driven feedback loop. Every behavior that is highly habit-forming—taking drugs, eating junk food, playing video games, browsing social media—is associated with higher levels of dopamine. The same can be said for our most basic habitual behaviors like eating food, drinking water, having sex, and interacting socially. For years, scientists assumed dopamine was all about pleasure, but now we know it plays a central role in many neurological processes, including motivation, learning and memory, punishment and aversion, and voluntary movement. When it comes to habits, the key takeaway is this: dopamine is released not only when you experience pleasure, but also when you anticipate it. Gambling addicts have a dopamine spike right"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame netflix here?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "We need to make our habits attractive because it is the expectation of a rewarding experience that motivates us to act in the first place. This is where a strategy known as temptation bundling comes into play. HOW TO USE TEMPTATION BUNDLING TO MAKE YOUR HABITS MORE ATTRACTIVE Ronan Byrne, an electrical engineering student in Dublin, Ireland, enjoyed watching Netflix, but he also knew that he should exercise more often than he did. Putting his engineering skills to use, Byrne hacked his stationary bike and connected it to his laptop and television. Then he wrote a computer program that would allow Netflix to run only if he was cycling at a certain speed. If he slowed down for too long, whatever show he was watching would pause until he started pedaling again. He was, in the words of one fan, “ eliminating obesity one Netflix binge at a time.” He was also employing temptation bundling to make his exercise habit more attractive. Temptation bundling works by linking an action you want to do with an action you need to do."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about mike massimino?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "Another study found that if one person in a relationship lost weight, the other partner would also slim down about one third of the time. Our friends and family provide a sort of invisible peer pressure that pulls us in their direction. Of course, peer pressure is bad only if you’re surrounded by bad influences. When astronaut Mike Massimino was a graduate student at MIT, he took a small robotics class. Of the ten people in the class, four became astronauts. If your goal was to make it into space, then that room was about the best culture you could ask for. Similarly, one study found that the higher your best friend’s IQ at age eleven or twelve, the higher your IQ would be at age fifteen, even after controlling for natural levels of intelligence. We soak up the qualities and practices of those around us. One of the most effective things you can do to build better habits is to join a culture where your desired behavior is the normal behavior."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about high-status?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "We try to copy the behavior of successful people because we desire success ourselves. Many of our daily habits are imitations of people we admire. You replicate the marketing strategies of the most successful firms in your industry. You make a recipe from your favorite baker. You borrow the storytelling strategies of your favorite writer. You mimic the communication style of your boss. We imitate people we envy. High-status people enjoy the approval, respect, and praise of others. And that means if a behavior can get us approval, respect, and praise, we find it attractive. We are also motivated to avoid behaviors that would lower our status. We trim our hedges and mow our lawn because we don’t want to be the slob of the neighborhood. When our mother comes to visit, we clean up the house because we don’t want to be judged. We are continually wondering “What will others think of me?” and altering our behavior based on the answer. The Polgar sisters—the chess prodigies mentioned at the beginning of this chapter—are evidence of the powerful and lasting impact social influences can have on our behavior."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about prediction?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "This all happens in an instant, but it plays a crucial role in your habits because every action is preceded by a prediction. Life feels reactive, but it is actually predictive. All day long, you are making your best guess of how to act given what you’ve just seen and what has worked for you in the past. You are endlessly predicting what will happen in the next moment. Our behavior is heavily dependent on these predictions. Put another way, our behavior is heavily dependent on how we interpret the events that happen to us, not necessarily the objective reality of the events themselves. Two people can look at the same cigarette, and one feels the urge to smoke while the other is repulsed by the smell. The same cue can spark a good habit or a bad habit depending on your prediction. The cause of your habits is actually the prediction that precedes them. These predictions lead to feelings, which is how we typically describe a craving—a feeling, a desire, an urge."}
{"instruction": "How is hebb presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "With each repetition, cell-to-cell signaling improves and the neural connections tighten. First described by neuropsychologist Donald Hebb in 1949, this phenomenon is commonly known as Hebb’s Law: “ Neurons that fire together wire together.” Repeating a habit leads to clear physical changes in the brain. In musicians, the cerebellum—critical for physical movements like plucking a guitar string or pulling a violin bow—is larger than it is in nonmusicians. Mathematicians, meanwhile, have increased gray matter in the inferior parietal lobule, which plays a key role in computation and calculation. Its size is directly correlated with the amount of time spent in the field; the older and more experienced the mathematician, the greater the increase in gray matter. When scientists analyzed the brains of taxi drivers in London, they found that the hippocampus—a region of the brain involved in spatial memory—was significantly larger in their subjects than in non–taxi drivers."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about europe?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "This massive stretch of land tends to be more east-west in shape. According to Diamond, this difference in shape played a significant role in the spread of agriculture over the centuries. When agriculture began to spread around the globe, farmers had an easier time expanding along east-west routes than along north-south ones. This is because locations along the same latitude generally share similar climates, amounts of sunlight and rainfall, and changes in season. These factors allowed farmers in Europe and Asia to domesticate a few crops and grow them along the entire stretch of land from France to China. THE SHAPE OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR FIGURE 13: The primary axis of Europe and Asia is east-west. The primary axis of the Americas and Africa is north-south. This leads to a wider range of climates up-and-down the Americas than across Europe and Asia. As a result, agriculture spread nearly twice as fast across Europe and Asia than it did elsewhere."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on victor hugo?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "make it difficult . If you find yourself continually struggling to follow through on your plans, then you can take a page from Victor Hugo and make your bad habits more difficult by creating what psychologists call a commitment device . A commitment device is a choice you make in the present that controls your actions in the future. It is a way to lock in future behavior, bind you to good habits, and restrict you from bad ones. When Victor Hugo shut his clothes away so he could focus on writing, he was creating a commitment device. * There are many ways to create a commitment device. You can reduce overeating by purchasing food in individual packages rather than in bulk size. You can voluntarily ask to be added to the banned list at casinos and online poker sites to prevent future gambling sprees. I’ve even heard of athletes who have to “make weight” for a competition choosing to leave their wallets at home during the week before weigh-in so they won’t be tempted to buy fast food."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat technology as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "Typically, they involve putting technology to work for you. Technology can transform actions that were once hard, annoying, and complicated into behaviors that are easy, painless, and simple. It is the most reliable and effective way to guarantee the right behavior. This is particularly useful for behaviors that happen too infrequently to become habitual. Things you have to do monthly or yearly—like rebalancing your investment portfolio—are never repeated frequently enough to become a habit, so they benefit in particular from technology “remembering” to do them for you. Other examples include: Medicine: Prescriptions can be automatically refilled. Personal finance: Employees can save for retirement with an automatic wage deduction. Cooking: Meal-delivery services can do your grocery shopping. Productivity: Social media browsing can be cut off with a website blocker. When you automate as much of your life as possible, you can spend your effort on the tasks machines cannot do yet."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of wrigley?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "Take the story of chewing gum. Chewing gum had been sold commercially throughout the 1800s, but it wasn’t until Wrigley launched in 1891 that it became a worldwide habit. Early versions were made from relatively bland resins—chewy, but not tasty. Wrigley revolutionized the industry by adding flavors like Spearmint and Juicy Fruit, which made the product flavorful and fun to use. Then they went a step further and began pushing chewing gum as a pathway to a clean mouth. Advertisements told readers to “Refresh Your Taste.” Tasty flavors and the feeling of a fresh mouth provided little bits of immediate reinforcement and made the product satisfying to use. Consumption skyrocketed, and Wrigley became the largest chewing gum company in the world. Toothpaste had a similar trajectory. Manufacturers enjoyed great success when they added flavors like spearmint, peppermint, and cinnamon to their products. These flavors don’t improve the effectiveness of toothpaste."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect paleolithic to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "Now switch back to your human self. In modern society, many of the choices you make today will not benefit you immediately. If you do a good job at work, you’ll get a paycheck in a few weeks. If you exercise today, perhaps you won’t be overweight next year. If you save money now, maybe you’ll have enough for retirement decades from now. You live in what scientists call a delayed-return environment because you can work for years before your actions deliver the intended payoff. The human brain did not evolve for life in a delayed-return environment. The earliest remains of modern humans, known as Homo sapiens sapiens , are approximately two hundred thousand years old. These were the first humans to have a brain relatively similar to ours. In particular, the neocortex—the newest part of the brain and the region responsible for higher functions like language—was roughly the same size two hundred thousand years ago as today. You are walking around with the same hardware as your Paleolithic ancestors."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on behavior change?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "We all want better lives for our future selves. However, when the moment of decision arrives, instant gratification usually wins. You are no longer making a choice for Future You, who dreams of being fitter or wealthier or happier. You are choosing for Present You, who wants to be full, pampered, and entertained. As a general rule, the more immediate pleasure you get from an action, the more strongly you should question whether it aligns with your long-term goals. * With a fuller understanding of what causes our brain to repeat some behaviors and avoid others, let’s update the Cardinal Rule of Behavior Change: What is immediately rewarded is repeated. What is immediately punished is avoided. Our preference for instant gratification reveals an important truth about success: because of how we are wired, most people will spend all day chasing quick hits of satisfaction. The road less traveled is the road of delayed gratification. If you’re willing to wait for the rewards, you’ll face less competition and often get a bigger payoff."}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with immediate?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "The identity itself becomes the reinforcer. You do it because it’s who you are and it feels good to be you. The more a habit becomes part of your life, the less you need outside encouragement to follow through. Incentives can start a habit. Identity sustains a habit. That said, it takes time for the evidence to accumulate and a new identity to emerge. Immediate reinforcement helps maintain motivation in the short term while you’re waiting for the long-term rewards to arrive. In summary, a habit needs to be enjoyable for it to last. Simple bits of reinforcement—like soap that smells great or toothpaste that has a refreshing mint flavor or seeing $50 hit your savings account—can offer the immediate pleasure you need to enjoy a habit. And change is easy when it is enjoyable. Chapter Summary The 4th Law of Behavior Change is make it satisfying . We are more likely to repeat a behavior when the experience is satisfying. The human brain evolved to prioritize immediate rewards over delayed rewards."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise goodhart?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "We focus on working long hours instead of getting meaningful work done. We care more about getting ten thousand steps than we do about being healthy. We teach for standardized tests instead of emphasizing learning, curiosity, and critical thinking. In short, we optimize for what we measure. When we choose the wrong measurement, we get the wrong behavior. This is sometimes referred to as Goodhart’s Law. Named after the economist Charles Goodhart, the principle states, “ When a measure becomes a target, it ceases to be a good measure.” Measurement is only useful when it guides you and adds context to a larger picture, not when it consumes you. Each number is simply one piece of feedback in the overall system. In our data-driven world, we tend to overvalue numbers and undervalue anything ephemeral, soft, and difficult to quantify. We mistakenly think the factors we can measure are the only factors that exist. But just because you can measure something doesn’t mean it’s the most important thing."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe customers?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "The cost of cutting the wrong blood vessel makes a surgeon master human anatomy and cut carefully. When the consequences are severe, people learn quickly. The more immediate the pain, the less likely the behavior. If you want to prevent bad habits and eliminate unhealthy behaviors, then adding an instant cost to the action is a great way to reduce their odds. We repeat bad habits because they serve us in some way, and that makes them hard to abandon. The best way I know to overcome this predicament is to increase the speed of the punishment associated with the behavior. There can’t be a gap between the action and the consequences. As soon as actions incur an immediate consequence, behavior begins to change. Customers pay their bills on time when they are charged a late fee. Students show up to class when their grade is linked to attendance. We’ll jump through a lot of hoops to avoid a little bit of immediate pain. There is, of course, a limit to this."}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term personality influences?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "The key is to direct your effort toward areas that both excite you and match your natural skills, to align your ambition with your ability. The obvious question is, “How do I figure out where the odds are in my favor? How do I identify the opportunities and habits that are right for me?” The first place we will look for an answer is by understanding your personality. HOW YOUR PERSONALITY INFLUENCES YOUR HABITS Your genes are operating beneath the surface of every habit. Indeed, beneath the surface of every behavior . Genes have been shown to influence everything from the number of hours you spend watching television to your likelihood to marry or divorce to your tendency to get addicted to drugs, alcohol, or nicotine. There’s a strong genetic component to how obedient or rebellious you are when facing authority, how vulnerable or resistant you are to stressful events, how proactive or reactive you tend to be, and even how captivated or bored you feel during sensory experiences like attending a concert."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about habits?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "Until you work as hard as those you admire, don’t explain away their success as luck. In summary, one of the best ways to ensure your habits remain satisfying over the long-run is to pick behaviors that align with your personality and skills. Work hard on the things that come easy. Chapter Summary The secret to maximizing your odds of success is to choose the right field of competition. Pick the right habit and progress is easy. Pick the wrong habit and life is a struggle. Genes cannot be easily changed, which means they provide a powerful advantage in favorable circumstances and a serious disadvantage in unfavorable circumstances. Habits are easier when they align with your natural abilities. Choose the habits that best suit you. Play a game that favors your strengths. If you can’t find a game that favors you, create one. Genes do not eliminate the need for hard work. They clarify it. They tell us what to work hard on. The Goldilocks Rule: How to Stay Motivated in Life and Work"}
{"instruction": "Why does novelty matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "The greatest threat to success is not failure but boredom. We get bored with habits because they stop delighting us. The outcome becomes expected. And as our habits become ordinary, we start derailing our progress to seek novelty. Perhaps this is why we get caught up in a never-ending cycle, jumping from one workout to the next, one diet to the next, one business idea to the next. As soon as we experience the slightest dip in motivation, we begin seeking a new strategy—even if the old one was still working. As Machiavelli noted, “ Men desire novelty to such an extent that those who are doing well wish for a change as much as those who are doing badly.” Perhaps this is why many of the most habit-forming products are those that provide continuous forms of novelty. Video games provide visual novelty. Porn provides sexual novelty. Junk foods provide culinary novelty. Each of these experiences offer continual elements of surprise. In psychology, this is known as a"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame reflection here?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "The way to be successful is to learn how to do things right, then do them the same way every time.” The CBE program is a prime example of the power of reflection and review. The Lakers were already talented. CBE helped them get the most out of what they had, and made sure their habits improved rather than declined. Reflection and review enables the long-term improvement of all habits because it makes you aware of your mistakes and helps you consider possible paths for improvement. Without reflection, we can make excuses, create rationalizations, and lie to ourselves. We have no process for determining whether we are performing better or worse compared to yesterday. Top performers in all fields engage in various types of reflection and review, and the process doesn’t have to be complex. Kenyan runner Eliud Kipchoge is one of the greatest marathoners of all time and an Olympic gold medalist. He still takes notes after every practice in which he reviews his training for the day and searches for areas that can be improved."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about identity?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "When working against you, your identity creates a kind of “pride” that encourages you to deny your weak spots and prevents you from truly growing. This is one of the greatest downsides of building habits. The more sacred an idea is to us—that is, the more deeply it is tied to our identity—the more strongly we will defend it against criticism. You see this in every industry. The schoolteacher who ignores innovative teaching methods and sticks with her tried-and-true lesson plans. The veteran manager who is committed to doing things “his way.” The surgeon who dismisses the ideas of her younger colleagues. The band who produces a mind-blowing first album and then gets stuck in a rut. The tighter we cling to an identity, the harder it becomes to grow beyond it. One solution is to avoid making any single aspect of your identity an overwhelming portion of who you are. In the words of investor Paul Graham, “ keep your identity small.” The more you let a single belief define you, the less capable you are of adapting when life challenges you."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about attractive?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "Behaviors are difficult here. Obvious Invisible Attractive Unattractive Easy Hard Satisfying Unsatisfying You want to push your good habits toward the left side of the spectrum by making them obvious, attractive, easy, and satisfying. Meanwhile, you want to cluster your bad habits toward the right side by making them invisible, unattractive, hard, and unsatisfying. This is a continuous process. There is no finish line. There is no permanent solution. Whenever you’re looking to improve, you can rotate through the Four Laws of Behavior Change until you find the next bottleneck. Make it obvious. Make it attractive. Make it easy. Make it satisfying. Round and round. Always looking for the next way to get 1 percent better. The secret to getting results that last is to never stop making improvements. It’s remarkable what you can build if you just don’t stop. It’s remarkable the business you can build if you don’t stop working. It’s remarkable the body you can build if you don’t stop training."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about response?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "To approach a situation from a more neutral emotional position allows you to base your response on the data rather than the emotion. Suffering drives progress. The source of all suffering is the desire for a change in state. This is also the source of all progress. The desire to change your state is what powers you to take action. It is wanting more that pushes humanity to seek improvements, develop new technologies, and reach for a higher level. With craving, we are dissatisfied but driven. Without craving, we are satisfied but lack ambition. Your actions reveal how badly you want something. If you keep saying something is a priority but you never act on it, then you don’t really want it. It’s time to have an honest conversation with yourself. Your actions reveal your true motivations. Reward is on the other side of sacrifice. Response (sacrifice of energy) always precedes reward (the collection of resources). The “runner’s high” only comes after the hard run."}
{"instruction": "How is duhigg presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Atomic Habits An Easy Proven Way to Build Good Habits Break Bad Ones", "output": "* Certainly, there are some aspects of your identity that tend to remain unchanged over time—like identifying as someone who is tall or short. But even for more fixed qualities and characteristics, whether you view them in a positive or negative light is determined by your experiences throughout life. * Readers of The Power of Habit by Charles Duhigg will recognize these terms. Duhigg wrote a great book and my intention is to pick up where he left off by integrating these stages into four simple laws you can apply to build better habits in life and work. * Charles Duhigg and Nir Eyal deserve special recognition for their influence on this image. This representation of the habit loop is a combination of language that was popularized by Duhigg’s book, The Power of Habit , and a design that was popularized by Eyal’s book, Hooked . * When I visited Japan, I saw this strategy save a woman’s life. Her young son stepped onto the Shinkansen, one of Japan’s famous bullet trains that travel at over two hundred miles per hour, just as the doors were closing."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about jefferson foreword?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "according to thy own will and honor, to be thy own creator and builder. To thee alone we gave growth and development depending on thy own free will. Thou hearest in thee the germs of a univ}rsal life. Pico della Mirandola Oratio de H_ ominis Dignitate Nothing then is unchangeable but the inherent and in alienable rights of man. Thomas Jefferson FOREWORD This book is part of a broad study concerning the character structure of modem man and the prob lems of the interaction between psychological and sociological factors which I have been working on for several years and com_pletion of which would have taken considerably longer. Present political developments and the dangers which they imply for the greatest achievements of modem culture individuality and uniqueness of personality-made me decide to interrupt the work on the larger study and concentrate on one aspect of it which is crucial for the cultural and social crisis of our day: the"}
{"instruction": "How is united states presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "does. Another danger has increased, rather than diminished: the population explosion. Here, too, one of the products of human progress, the achievements of medicine, have produced such an increase of population, especially in the underdeveloped coun tries, that the increase in material production can hardly keep pace with the increasing number of people. The giant forces in society and the danger for man's survival have increased in these twenty-five years, and hence man's tendency to escape from freedom. Yet there are also hopeful signs. The dicta torships of Hitler and Stalin have disappeared. In the Soviet bloc, especially in the smaller states, xiv FOREWORD II although they have remained ultra-conservative and totalitarian, a trend for increasing liberalization is clearly visible. The United States has shown itself resistant against all totalitarian attempts to gain in fluence. Important steps toward the political and social liberation of the Negroes have been taken all"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about first world?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "the goal toward which social development was rapidly approaching. The principles of economic liberalism, political democracy, religious auton omy, and individualism in personal life, gave ex pression to the longing for freedom, and at the same time seemed to bring mankind nearer to its realization. One tie after another was severed. Man had overthrown the domination of nature and made himself her master; he had overthrown the domination of the Church and the domination of the absolutist state. The abolition of external dom ination seemed to be not only a necessary but also a sufficient condition to attain the cherished goal: freedom of the individual. The First World War was regarded by many as the final struggle and its conclusion the ultimate victory for freedom. Existing democracies appeared strengthened, and new ones replaced old mon archies. But only a few years elapsed before new systems emerged which denied everything that men believed they had won in centuries of strug"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on suppression?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "cable-drives; but for the most part society must refine and adroitly check man's basic impulses. In consequence of this suppression of natural im pulses by society something miraculous happens: the suppressed drives mm into strivings that are culturally valuable and thus become the human basis for culture. Freud chose the word sublimation for this strange transformation from suppression into civilized behavior. H the amount of suppression is greater than the capacity for sublimation, in dividuals become neurotic and it is necessary to allow the lessening of suppression. Generally, how ever, there is a reverse relation between satisfac tion of man's drives and culture: the more suppres sion, the more culture ( and the more danger of neurotic disturbances) . The relation of the individ ual to society in Freud's theory is essentially a static one: the individual remains virtually the same and becomes changed only in so far as so ciety exercises greater pressure on his natural drives"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat the individual as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "they are a part of normal human development; they imply a lack of individuality, but they also give security and orientation to the individual. They are the ties that connect the child with its mother, the member of a primitive community with his clan and nature, or the medieval man with the Churc:h and his social caste. Once the stage of complete individuation is reached and the individ ual is free from these primary ties, he is confronted with a new task: to orient and root himself in the world and to find security in other ways than those which were characteristic of his preindividualistic existence. Freedom then has a different meaning from the one it had before this stage of evolution is reached. It is necessary to stop here and to clarify THE EMERGENCE OF THE INDIVIDUAL these concepts by discussing them more con cretely in connection with individual and social development. The comparatively sudden change from foetal into human existence and the cutting off of the"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of becomes?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "fore subject to the very limits ·that exist for the growth of the self. The problem of submission and of spontaneous activity as two possible results of growing individ uation will be discussed later on in great detail; here I only wish to point to the general principle, the dialectic process which results from growing individuation and from growing freedom of the in dividual. The child becomes more free to develop and express its own individual self unhampered by those ties which were limiting it. But the child also becomes more free from a world which gave it security and reassurance. The process of individua tion is one of growing strength and integration of its individual personality, but it is at the same time a process in which the original identity with others is lost and in which the child becomes more sepa rate from them. This growing separation may re sult in an isolation that has the quality of desolation and creates intense anxiety and insecurity; it may"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect reformation to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "throughout modem culture: on the one hand the growing independence of man from external author ities, on the other hand his growing isolation and the resulting feeling of individual insignificance . and powerlessness. Our understanding of the new elements in the personality structure of man is en hanced by the study of their origins, because by analyzing the essential features of capitalism and individualism at their very roots one is able to contrast them with an economic system and a type of personality which was fundamentally different from ours. This very contrast gives a better per spective for the understanding of the peculiarities of the modem social system, of how it has shaped the character structure of people who live in it, and of the new spirit which resulted from this change in personality. The following chapter will also show that the period of the Reformation is more similar to the con temporary scene than might appear at first glance;"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on middle?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "man changed in the late Middle Ages. The unity and centralization of medieval society became weaker. Capital, individual economic initiative and competition grew in importance; a new moneyed class developed. A growing individualism was noticeable in all social classes and affected all spheres of human activity, taste, fashion, art, phi losophy, and theology. I should like to emphasize here that this whole process had a different mean ing for the small group of wealthy and prosperous capitalists on the one hand, and on the other hand for the masses of peasants and especially for the urban middle class for which this new development meant to some extent wealth and chances for in dividual initiative, but essentially a threat to its traditional way of life. It is important to bear this difference in mind from the outset because the psy chological and ideological reactions of these vari ous groups were determined by this very difference."}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with renaissance?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "of the Renaissance were not without influence on the further development of European thinking, the ' essential roots of modern capitalism, its economic structure and its spirit, are not to be found in the Italian culture of the late Middle Ages, but in the economic and social situation of Central and West ern Europe and in the doctrines of Luther and Calvin. The main difference between the two cultures is this: the Renaissance period represented a com paratively high development of commercial and in dustrial capitalism; it was a society in which a small group of wealthy and powerful individuals ruled and formed the social basis for the philosophers and artists who Jxpressed the spirit of this culture. The Reformation, on the other hand, was essentially a religion of the urban middle and lower classes, and of the peasants. Germany, too, had its wealthy businessmen, like the Fuggers, but they were not the ones to whom the new religious doctrines ap"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise psychological?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "gious doctrines did more than give articulate ex pression to the feelings engendered by a changing economic order. By their teachings they increased them and at the same time offered solutions which enabled the individual to cope with an otherwise unbearable insecurity. Before we begin to analyze the social and psychological 'significance of the new religious doc bines, some remarks concerning the method of our approach may further the understanding of this analysis. In studying the psychological significance of a religious or political doctrine, we must first bear in mind that the psychological analysis does not imply a judgment concerning the truth of the doctrine one analyzes. This latter question can be decided only in terms of the logical structure of the problem itself. The analysis of the psychological motiva tions behind certain doctrines or ideas can never be a substitute for a rational judgment of the validity. of the doctrine and of the values which it"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe driven?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "or of an ideology aims at the understanding of the psychological roots from which these thoughts or ideas spring. The first condition for such an analysis is to understand fully the logical context of an idea, and what its author consciously wants to say. However, we know that a person, even if he is subjectively sincere, may frequently be driven un consciously by a motive that is different from the one he believes himself to be driven by; that he may use one concept which logically implies a certain meaning and which to him, unconsciously, means something different from this \"official\" mean ing. Furthermore, we know that he may attempt to harmonize certain contradictions in his own feel ing by an ideological construction or to cover up an idea which he represses by a rationalization that expresses its very opposite. The understanding of the operation of unconscious elements has taught us to be sceptical towards words and not to take"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term middle?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "doubt. The doubt itself will not disappear as long as man does not overcome his isolation and as long as his place in the world has not become a mean ingful one in terms of his human needs. What is the connection of Luther's doctrines with the psycholqgical situation of all but the rich and powerful toward the end of the Middle Ages? As we have seen, the old order was breaking down. The individual had lost the security of certainty and was threatened by iiew economic forces, by capitalists and monopolies; the corporative prin ciple was being replaced by competition; the lower classes felt the pressure of growing exploitation. The appeal of Lutheranism to the lower classes differed from its appeal to the middle class. The poor in the cities, and even more the peasants, were in a desperate situation. They were ruthlessly exploited and deprived of traditional rights and privileges. They were in a revolutionary mood which found expression in peasant uprisings and in"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about calvinists?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "to change it by anything they do or do not do in their lives, the equality of mankind is denied in principle. Men are created unequal. This principle implies also that there is no solidarity between men, since the one factor which is the strongest basis for human solidarity is denied: the equality of man's fate. The Calvinists quite naively thought that they were the chosen ones and that all others were those whom God had condemned to damna tion. It is obvious that this belief represented psychologically a deep contempt and hatred for other human beings-as a matter of fact, the same hatred with which they had endowed God. While modem thought has led to an increasing assertion of the equality of men, the Calvinists' principle has never been completely mute. The doctrine that men are basically unequal according to their racial background is confirmation of the same principle with a different rationalization. The psychological implications are the same."}
{"instruction": "Why does hostility matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "system than steam and eleetricity. We have so far spoken mainly of the anxiety and of the feeling of powerlessness pervading the per sonality of the member of the middle class. We must now discuss another trait which we have only touched upon very briefly: his hostility and re sentment. That the middle class developed intense hostility is not surprising. Anybody who is thwarted in emotional and sensual expression and who is also threatened in his very existence will normally react with hostility; as we have seen, the middle class as a whole and . especially those of its mem bers who were not yet enjoying the advantages of rising capitalism were thwarted and seriously threatened. Another factor was to increase their hostility: the luxury and power which the small group of capitalists, including the higher digni taries of the Church, could afford to display. An intense envy against them was the natural result. But while hostility and envy developed, the mem"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame protestantism freedom here?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "more than strength and confidence. Besides that, he was filled with burning resentment against the luxury and power of the wealthy classes, including· the hierarchy of the Roman Church. Protestantism FREEDOM IN THE AGE OF THE REFORMATION 121 gave expression to the feelings of insignificance and resentment; it destroyed the confidence of man in God's unconditional love; it taught man to despise and distrust himself and others; it made him a tool instead of an end; it capitulated before secular power and relinquished the principle that secular power is not justified because of its mere existence if it contradicts moral principles; and in doing all this it relinquished elements that had been the foundations of Judaeo-Christian tradition. Its doc trines presented a picture of the individual, God, and the world, in which these feelings were justi fied by the belief that the insignificance and power lessness which an individual felt came from the"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about protestantism?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "ligious doctrines were an answer to psychic needs which in themselves were brought about by the collapse of the medieval social system and by the beginnings of capitalism. The analysis centered about the problem of freedom in its twofold mean ing; it showed that freedom from the traditional bonds of medieval society, though giving the in dividual a new feeling of independence, at the same time made him feel alone and isolated, filled him with doubt and anxiety, and drove him into new submission and into a compulsive and irrational activity. In this chapter, I wish to show that the further development of capitalistic society affected person ality in the same direction which it had started to take in the period of the Reformation. By the dochines of Protestantism, man was psy chologically prepared for the role he was to play under the modern industrial system. This system, its practice, and the spirit which grew out of it, reaching every aspect of life, molded the whole"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about american?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "Man became in creasingly free from the bondage of nature; he mastered natural forces to a degree unheard and undreamed of in previous history. Men became equal; diHerences of caste and religion, which once had been natural boundaries blocking the unifica tion of the human race, disappeared, and men learned to recognize each other as human beings. The world became increasingly free from mysti fying elements; man began to see himself objec tively and with fewer and fewer illusions. Politically freedom grew too. On the strength of its economic position the rising middle class could conquer political power and the newly won politi cal power created increased possibilities for eco nomic progress. The great revolutions in England and France and the fight for American independ ence are the milestones marking this develop ment. The peak in the evolution of freedom in the political sphere was the modem democratic state based on the principle of equality of all men and"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about protestantism?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "and to identify themselves psychologically. Up to this point we have maintained that the mode of capitalistic production made man an in strument for suprapersonal economic purposes, and increased the spirit of asceticism and individual insignificance for which Protestantism had been the psychological preparation. This thesis, how ever, conflicts with the fact that modem man seems to be motivated not by an attitude of sacrifice and asceticism but, on the contrary, by an extreme degree of egotism and by the pursuit of self interest. How can we reconcile the fact that objectively he became a servant to ends which were not his, and yet that subjectively he believed him self to be motivated by his self-interest? How can we reconcile the spirit of Protestantism and its em phasis on unselfishness with the modem doctrine of egotism which claims, to use Machiavelli's for mulation, that egotism is the strongest motive power of human behavior, that the desire for personal ad"}
{"instruction": "How is freedom presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "them but covered them up, and thus helped the individual to feel secure consciously; but this feel ing was partly only on the surface and lasted only to the extent to which the supporting factors were present. Any detailed analysis of European and American history of the period between the Reformation and our own day could show how the two contradictory trends inherent in the evolution of \"freedom from to freedom to\" run parallel-or rather, are continu ously interwoven. Unfortunately such an analysis ASPECTS OF FREEDOM FOR MODERN MAN goes beyond the scope of this book and must be reserved for another publication. At some periods and in certain social groups human freedom in its positive sense-strength and dignity of the self-was the dominant factor; broadly speaking this happened in England, France, America, and Germany when the middle class won its victories, economically and politically, over the representatives of an older order. In this fight for positive freedom the middle"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about capital?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "He feels threatened by gigantic forces and the situation re sembles in many ways that of the fifteenth and six teenth centuries. The most important factor in this development is the increasing power of monopolistic capital. The concentration of capital ( not of wealth) in certain sectors of our economic system restricted the possi bilities for the success of individual initiative, courage, and intelligence. In those sectors in which monopolistic capital has won its victories the eco nomic independence of many has been destroyed. For those who struggle on, especially for a large part of the middle class, the fight assumes the character of a battle against such odds that the feeling of confidence in personal initiative and courage is replaced by a feeling of powerlessness and hopelessness. An enormous though secret power over the whole of society is exercised by a small group, on the decisions of which depends the fate of a large part of society."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on vastness?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "inexperienced person who is still adaptable is wanted; that means, those who can still be molded without difficulty into the little cogs which are re quired in that particular setup. The threat of war has also added to the feeling of individual powerlessness. To be sure, there were wars in the nineteenth century too. But since the last war the possibilities of destruction have in creased so tremendously-the range of people to be affected by war has grown to such an extent as to comprise everybody without any exception that the threat of war has become a nightmare which, though it may not be conscious to many people before their nation is actually involved in the war, has overshadowed their lives and in creased their feeling of fright and individual powerlessness. The \"style\" of the whole period corresponds to the picture I have sketched. Vastness of cities in which the individual is lost, buildings that are as high as mountains, constant acoustic bombardment"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat neurotic as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "ual self was not successful, and instead of express ing his self productively he sought salvation through neurotic symptoms and by withdrawing into a phantasy life. Nevertheless, from the stand point of human values, he is less crippled than the kind of normal person who has lost his individ uality altogether. Needless to say there are persons who are not neurotic and yet have not drowned their individuality in the process of adaptation. But MECHANISMS OF ESCAPE the stigma attached to the neurotic person seems to us to be unfounded and justified only if we think of neurotic in terms of social efficiency. As for a whole society, the term neurotic cannot be applied in this latter sensഢ, since a society could not exist if its members did not function socially. From a standpoint of human values, however, a society could qe called neurotic in the sense that its members are crippled in the growth of their personality. Since the term neurotic is so often"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of sociologists?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "by actions or words. The masochistic perversion with its conscious and intentional enjoyment of pain or humiliation caught the eye of psychologists and writers earlier than the masochistic character ( or moral masochism) . More and more, however, one recognized how closely the masochistic tendencies of the kind we described first are akin to the sexual perversion, and that both types of masochism are essentially one and the same phenomenon. Certain psychologists assumed that since there are people who want to submit and to suffer, there must be an \"instinct\" which has this very aim. Sociologists, like Vierkand, came to the same con clusion. The first one to attempt a more thorough theoretical explanation was Freud. He originally thought that sado-masochism was essentially a sexual phenomenon. Observing sado-masochistic practices in little children, he assumed that sado-masochism was a \"partial drive\" which regularly appears in the development of the sexual instinct."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect adler to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "feriority feelings\" and the \"wish for power.\" Adler sees only the rational side of these phenomena. While we are speaking of an irrational tendency to belittle oneself and make oneself small, he thinks of inferiority feelings as adequate reaction to actual inferiorities, such as organic inferiorities or the general helplessness of a child. And while we think of the wish for power as an expression of an irra tional impulse to rule over others, Adler looks at it entirely from the rational side and speaks of the wish for power as an adequate reaction which has the function of protecting a person against the dan gers springing from his insecurity and inferiority. Adler, here, as always, cannoധ see beyond purposeful and rational determinations of human behavior; and though he has contributed valuable insights into the intricacies of motivation, he remains always on the surface and never descends into the abyss of irrational impulses as Freud has done."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on authority?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "in which the rebellious tendencies are completely repressed and come to the surface only when con scious control is weakened; or they can be recog nized ex posteriori, in the hatred that arises against an authority when its power is weakened and when it begins to totter. In persons of the first type in whom the rebellious attitude is in the center of the picture, one is easily led to believe that their character structure is just the opposite to that of the submissive masochistic type. It appears as if they are persons who oppose every authority on the basis of an extreme degree of independence. They look like persons who, on the basis of their inner strength and integrity, fight those forces that block their freedom and independence. However, the authoritarian character's fight against author ity is essentially defiance. It is an attempt to assert himself and to overcome his own feeling of power lessness by fighting authority, although the long"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with destructive?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "cape from the unbearablയ feeling of powerlessness, since it aims at the removal of all objects with which the individual has to compare himself. But in view of the tremendous role that destructive tendencies play in human behavior, this interpreta tion does not seem to be a sufficient explanation; the very conditions of isolation and powerlessness are responsible for two other sources of destructive ness: anxiety and the thwarting of life. Concerning the role of anxiety not much needs to be said. Any threat against vital ( material and emotional) in terests creates anxiety, 11 and destructive tend encies are the most common reaction to such anxi ety. The threat can be circumscribed in a particular situation by particular persons. In such a case, the destructiveness is aroused towards these persons. It can also be a constant-though not necessarily conscious-anxiety springing from an equally con stant feeling of being threatened by the world"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise destructiveness?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "of the lower middle class in Europe is definitely much greater than among the working class and the upper classes. Anthropological studies have ac quainted us with peoples in whom a particularly great amount of destructiveness is characteristic, whereas others show an equally marked lack of destructiveness, whether in the form of hostility against others or against oneself. It seems that any attempt to understand the roots of destructiveness must start with the observation of these very differences and proceed to the ques tion of what other differentiating factors can be observed and whether these factors may not account for the differences in the amount of destructiveness. This problem offers such difficulties that it re quires a detailed treatment of its own which we cannot attempt here. However, I should like to suggest in what direction the answer seems to lie. It would seem that the amount of destructiveness to be found in individuals is proportionate to the"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe individual?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "society which supposedly makes individual de cision the cornerstone of its existence. I wish to add one detailed example of a case of pseudo willing which can frequently be ob served in the analysis of people who do not have any neurotic symptoms. One reason for doing so is the fact that, aithough this individual case has little to do with the broad cultural issues with which we are mainly concerned in this book, it gives the reader who is not familiar with the op eration of unconscious forces an additional oppor tunity to become acquainted with this phenome non. Moreover, this example stresses one point which, though being implicitly made already, should be brought forward explicitly: the connec tion of repression with the problem of pseudo acts. Although one looks at repression mostly from the standpoint of the operation of the repressed forces in neurotic behavior, dreams, and so on, it seems important to stress the fact that every re"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term germany?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "of government, fighting him implied shutting one self out of the community of Germans; when other political parties were abolished and the Nazi party \"was\" Germany, opposition to it meant opposition to Germany. It seems that nothing is more difficult for the average man to bear than the feeling of not being identified with a larger group. However much a German citizen may be opposed to the principles of Nazism, if he has to choose between being alone and feeling that he belongs to Germany, most persons will choose the latter. It can be observed in many instances that persons who are not Nazis nevertheless defend Nazism against criticism of foreigners because they feel that an attack on Nazis is an attack on Germany. The fear of isolation and . the relative weakness of moral principles help any party to win the loyalty of a large sector of the population once that party has captured the power of the state. This consideration results in an axiom which is"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about generation?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "I shall mention only a few. The decline of the old social symbols of authority like monarchy and state af fected the role of the individual authorities, the parents. If these authorities, which the younger generation had been taught by the parents to re spect, proved to be weak, then the parents lost prestige and authority too. Another factor was that, under the changed conditions, especially the inflation, the older generation was bewildered and puzzled and much less adapted to the new condi tions than the smarter, younger generation. Thus the younger generation felt superior to their elders and could not take them, and their teachings, quite seriously any more. Furthermore, the economic decline of the middle class deprived the parents of their economic role as backers of the economic future of their children. The older generation of the lower middle class grew more bitter and resentful, but in a passive way; the younger generation was driving for action."}
{"instruction": "Why does nazism matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "Hitler proved to be such an efficient tool because he combined the characteristics of a resentful, hating, petty bour geois, with whom the lower middle class could identify themselves emotionally and socially, with those of an opportunist who was ready to serve the interests of the German industrialists and Junkers. Originally he posed as the Messiah of the old middle class, promised the destruction of de partment stores, the breaking of the domination of banking capital, and so on. The record is clear enough. These promises were never fulfilled. How ever, that did not matter. Nazism never had any PSYCHOLOGY OF NAZISM genuine political or economic principles. It is es sential to understand that the very principle of Nazism is its radical opportunism. What mattered was that hundreds of thousands of petty bourgeois, who in the normal course of development had little chance to gain money or power, as members of the Nazi bureaucracy now got a large slice of the"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame sadism here?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "sadistic and masochistic drives. Sadism was under stood as aiming at unrestricted power over another person more or less mixed with destructiveness; masochism as aiming at dissolving oneself in an overwhelmingly strong power and participating in its strength and glory. Both the sadistic and the masochistic trends are caused by the inability of the isolated individual to stand alone and his need for a symbiotic relationship that overcomes this aloneness. The sadistic · craving for power finds manifold expressions in Mein Kampf. It is characteristic of Hitler's relationship to the German masses whom he despises and \"1oves\" in the typically sadistic manner, as well as to his political enemies towards whom he evidences those destructive elements that are an important component of his sadism. He speaks of the satisfaction the masses have in domi nation. \"What they want is the victory of the stronger and the annihilation or the unconc:J.itional"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about freedom?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "mankind is the history of growing individuation, but it is also the history of growing freedom. The quest for freedom is not a metaphysical force and cannot be explained by natural law; it is the ne cessary result of the process of individuation and of the growth of culture. The authoritarian systems cannot do away with the basic conditions that make for the quest for freedom; neither can they ex terminate the quest for freedom that springs from these conditions. CHAPTER VII Freedom and Democracy 1. THE ILLUSION OF INDIVIDUALITY IN the previous chapters I have med to show that certain factors in the modem industrial system in general and in its monopolistic phase in particu lar make for the development of a personality which feels powerless and alone, anxious and in secure. I have discussed the specific coffditions in Germany which make part of her population fer tile soil for an ideology and political practice that appeal to what I have described as the authori"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about regardless?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "To be sure, in many instances the person is aware of merely making a gesture; in most cases, however, he loses that awareness and thereby the ability to discriminate between the pseudo feeling and spontaneous friendliness. It is not only hostility that is directly suppressed and friendliness that is killed by superimposing its counterfeit. A wide range of spontaneous emo tions are suppressed and replaced by pseudo feel ings. Freud has taken one such suppression and put it in the center of his whole system, namely the suppression of sex. Although I believe thatthe discouragement of sexual joy is not the only important suppression of spontaneous reactions but one of many, certainly its importance is not to be underrated. Its results are obvious in cases of sexual inhibitions and also in those where -sex assumes a compulsive quality and is consumed like liquor or a drug, which has no particular taste but makes you forget yourself. Regardless of the"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about illusions?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "strength depends to a great extent on his knowing the truth about himself. Illusions about oneself can hecome crutches useful to those who are not able to walk alone; but they increase a person's weakness. The individual's greatest strength is based on the maximum of integration of his per sonality, and that means also on the maximum of transparence to himself. \"Know thyself' is one of the fundamental commands that aim at human strength and happiness. In addition to the factors just mentioned there are others which actively tend to confuse what ever is left of the capacity for original thinking in the average adult. With regaJ\"d to all basic ques tions of individual and social life, with regard to psychological, economic, political, and moral problems, a great sector of our culture has just one function-to befog the issues. One kind of smokescreen is the assertion that the problems are too complicated for the average individual to grasp."}
{"instruction": "How is security presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "the new relatedness to the world differs from that of the primary ties. The new security is not rooted in the protection which the individual has from a higher power outside of himself; neither is it a security in which the tragic quality of life is eliminated. The new security is dynamic; it is not based on protection, but on man's spontaneous ac tivity. It is the security acquired each moment by man's spontaneous activity. It is the security that only freedom can give, that needs no illusions because it has eliminated those conditions that neces sitate illusions. Positive freedom as the realization of the self implies the full affirmation of the uniqueness of the individual. Men are born equal but they are also born different. The basis of this difference is the inherited equipment, physiological and mental, with which they start life, to which is added the particular constellation of circumstances and ex periences that they meet with."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about psychologists?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "firmation proves by this very fact that it is not an ideal but a pathological aim. From here we come to another question, that of sacrifice. Does our definition of freedom as non submission to any higher power exclude sacrifices, including the sacrifice of one's life? This is a particularly important question today, when Fascism proclaims self-sacrifice as the high est virtue and impresses many people with its idౄalistic character. The answer to this question follows logically from what has been said so far. There are two entirely different types of sacrifice. It is one of the tragic facts of life that the de mands of our physical self and the aims of our mental self can conflict; that actually we may have of ethics can be clarified by dynamic psychology. Psychologists will only be helpful in this direction when they can see the relevance of moral problems for the understanding of per sonality. Any psychology, including Freud's, which treats such"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on freedom?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "kinds of bondage. Positive freedom on the other hand is identical with the full realization of the individual's potentialities, together with his ability to live actively and spontaneously. Freedom has reached a critical point where, driven by the logic of its own dynamism, it threatens to change into its opposite. The future of democracy depends on the realization of the individualism that has been the ideological aim of modern thought since the Renaissance. The cultural and political crisis of our day is not due to the fact that there is too much individualism but that what we believe to be individualism has become an empty shell. The victory of freedom is possible only if democracy develops into a society in which the individual, his growth and happiness, is the aim and purpose of culture, in which life does not need any justifica tion in success or anything else, and in which the individual is not subordinated to or manipulated by any power outside of himself, be it the State or"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat economic as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "ally as it has mastered nature. One condition for this is the elimination of the secret rule of those who, though few in number, wield great economic power without any responsibility to those whose fate depends on their decisions. We may call this new order by the name of democratic socialism but the name does not matter; all that matters is that we establish a rational economic system serv ing the purposes of the people. Today the vast majority of the people not only have no control over the whole of the economic machine, but they have little chance to develop genuine initiative and spontaneity at the particular job they are doing. They are \"employed,\" and nothing more is ex pected from them than that they do what they are told. Only in a planned economy in which the whole nation has rationally mastered the economic and social forces can the individual share respon sibility and use creative intelligence in his work. All that matters is that the opportunity for genuine"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of hows?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "of any big industrial system requires a great deal of centralization and, as a consequence, a bureauc racy to administer this centralized machine. On the other hand, the active control and co-operation by each individual and by the smallest units of the whole system requires a great amount of decentralization. Unless planning from the top is blended with active participation from below, un less the stream of social life continuously Hows from below upwards, a planned economy will lead to renewed manipulation of the people. To solve this problem of combining centralization with decentralization is one of the major tasks of society. But it is certainly no less soluble than the techni cal problems we have already solved and which have brought us an almost complete mastery over nature. It is to be solved, however, only if we clearly recognize the necessity of doing so and if we have faith in the people, in their capacity to take care of their real interests as human beings."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect character to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "individual character. In describing the latter we deal with the whole of the traits which in their particular configuration form the personality struc ture of this or that individual. The social character CHARACTER AND THE SOCIAL PROCESS comprises only a selection of traits, the essential nucleus of the character structure o-f most mem bers of a group which has developed as the result of the basic experiences and mode of life com mon to that group. Although there will be always \"deviants\" with a totally different character struc ture, the character structure of most members of the group are variations of this nucleus, brought about by the accidental factors of birth and life experience as they differ from one individual to another. If we want to understand one individual most fully, these dillerentiating elements are of the greatest importance. However, if we want to un derstand how human energy is channeled and operates as a productive force in a given social"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on pueblo indians?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "specific character, and on its basis different ideas develop and become powerful. Thus, for instance, the idea of work and success as the main aims of life were able to become powerful and appealing to modern man on the basis of his aloneness and doubt; but propaganda for the idea of ceaseless effort and striving for success addressed to the Pueblo Indians or to Mexican peasants would fall completely flat. These people with a different kind of character structure would hardly understand what a person setting forth such aims was talking about even if they understood his language. In the same way, Hitler and that part of the German pop ulation which has the same character structure quite sincerely feel that anybody who thinks that wars can be abolished is either a complete fool or a plain liar. On the basis of their social character, to them life without suffering and disaster is as little comprehensible as freedom and equality. · Ideas often are consciously accepted by certain"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with character?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "by the character structure. In our discussion of the meaning of work for modern man we have dealt with an illustration of this point. We saw that the intense desire for unceasing activity was rooted in aloneness and anxiety. This compulsion to work differed from the attitude toward work in other cultures, where people worked as much as it was necessary but where they were not driven by additional forces within their own character struc ture. Since all normal persons today have about the same impulse to work and, furthermore, since this intensity of work is necessary if they want to live at all, one easily overlooks the irrational com ponent in this trait. We have now to ask what function character serves for the individual and for society. As to the former the answer is not difficult. If an individ uars character more or less closely conforms with the social character, the dominant drives in his personality lead him to do what is necessary and"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise character?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "The traditional character structure still exists while new economic condi tions have arisen, for which the traditional char acter traits are no longer useful. People tend to act according to their character structure, but either these actions are actual handicaps in their economic pursuits or there is not enough op portunity for them to find positions that allow them to act according to their \"nature.\" An illustration of what we have in mind is the character struc ture of the old middle classes, particularly in coun tries with a rigid class stratification like Ge1many. The old middle class virtues-frugality, thrift, cautiousness, suspiciousness-were of diminishing value in modem business in comparison with new virtues, such as initiative, a readiness to take risks, aggressiveness, and so on. Even inasmuch as these old virtues were still an asset-as with the small shopkeeper-the range of possibilities for such business was so narrowed down that only a mi"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe social?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "The social function of education is to qualify the individual to function in the role he is to play later on in society; that is, to mold his character in such a way that it approximates the social char acter, that his desires coincide with the necessities of his social role. The educational system of any society is determined by this function; therefore we cannot explain the sbucture of society or the personality of its members by the educational proc ess; but we have to explain the educational sys tem by the necessities resulting from the social and economic structure of a given society. However, the methods of education are extremely important in so far as they are the mechanisms by which the individual is molded into the required shape. They can be considered as the means by which social requirements are transformed into personal quali ties. While educational techniques are not the cause of a particular ldnd of social character, they"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term freud the?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "ness are founded in inherent human qualities: his striving to live, to expand and to express the potentialities that have developed in him in the process of historical evolution. At this point we can restate the most important differences between the psychological approach pursued in this book and that of Freud. The first point of diHerence has been dealt with in a de tailed manner in the first chapter, so that it is only necessary to mention it here briefly, we look upon human nature as essentially historically con ditioned, although we do not minimize the sig nificance of biological factors and do not believe that the question can be put correctly in terms of cultural versus biological factors. In the second place, Freud's essential principle is to look upon man as an entity, a closed system, endowed by nature with certain physiologically conditioned drives, and to interpret the development of his character as a reaction to satisfactions and frustra"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about phenomena?", "input": "Source: Escape from Freedom", "output": "Only when man has time and energy left beyond the satisfaction of the primary needs, can culture develop and with it those strivings that attend the phenomena of abundance. Free ( or sponta neous) acts are always phenomena of abundance. Freud's psychology is a psychology of want He CHARACTER AND THE SOCIAL PROCESS defines pleasure as the satisfaction resulting from the removal of painful tension. Phenomena of abundance, like love or tenderness, actually do not play any role in his system. Not only did he omit such phenomena, but he also had a limited under standing of the phenomenon to which he paid so much attention: sex. According to his whole defini tion of pleasure Freud saw in sex only the ele ment of physiological compulsion and in sexual satisfaction the relief from painful tension. The sexual drive as a phenomenon of abundance, and sexual pleasure as spontaneous joy-the essence of which is not negative relief from tension-had no"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe lambretta?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "The combination ofpassion, judgement, grace and nerve which she brings to bear on any project to which she is attached is rare and precious and it touches the text and shapes the trajectory of the arguments in ways which are too subtle and private to be properly acknowledged here. I am grateful to Mike Karslake, president of the Lambretta Preservation Society, for making his Lambretta archive available to me, for his time and for the expert knowledge of design matters that he brought to our discussions for the \"Object as Image\" piece. Thanks, too, to Dave at Comedia for having the nerve to go for it and Andy Dark again for his excellent design work. Finally, I would like to thank John Woodman for his prescience and quiet insight and PeterOsborne for his wit, his company and conversation. Pete bears no responsibility for the garbled echoes of his own words which may have found their way on to the pages which follow. Introduction According to, some contemporary theorists ofliterature we are living in"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term adorno?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "scripts\" written specifically for this book, in which I seek to explore in what I hope is a constructive spirit, the territory staked out by the various Posts: postmodernism, poststructuralism, post-industrialism, post-marxism. Far from being extraneous afterthoughts, these postscripts represent attempts to confront in as direct and forthright a fashion as I could manage, what I take to be the really central issues and questions which lurk unexplicated and unacknowledged elsewhere in this book. It is in these post-scripts that I try to discard once and for all the \"refusals\" ofan earlier moment and to move beyond the limitations of both subcultural analysis and what Adorno called \"negative dialectics\" in order to explore the genuinely life-enhancing and positive dimensions opened up in recent debates around this term \"postmodernism\". In these closing pages I try at last to come down to earth, to renounce the grand postures of the totalising intellectual - the"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about wherefore?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "simultaneously to disclose reality and to puncture our pretensions to know exactly what it is that's been disclosed: \"The photograph as s~ch and the object in itself share a common being, after the fashion of a fingerprint. Wherefore, photography actually contributes something to the order of natural creation instead of providing a substitute for it. The surrealists had an inkling of this when they looked to the photographic plate to provi~e them with their monstrosities and for this reason: the surrealists do not consider their aesthetic purpose and the mechanical effect ofthe image on our imaginations as things apart. For them, the logical distinction between what is imaginary and what is real tends to disappear. Every image is to be seen as an object and every object as an image. Hence photography ranks high in the order ofsurrealist creativity because it produces an image that is a reality of nature, an hallucination that is also a fact.\" 4"}
{"instruction": "Why does pictures matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "sometimes threaten to obscure the significance ofother forms ofcultural resistance amongst youth. Pictures of punks and mods and skinheads, for instance, are commonly regarded, even amongst many documentary practitioners, as unproblematic, or as distractions from the real issues: visually interesting but ideologically suspect. The subcultures themselves are dismissed on the grounds that they are sexist/racist/brutalised/ narcissistic/commodified/incorporated: \"commercial\" not \"political\". I want to question that puritanical distinction between youth in its \"commercial\" and \"political\" guises, in its \"compromised\" and \"pure\" forms, the distinction, that is, between the youth market and the youth problem, between youth-as-fun and youth-as-trouble - an opposition which I hope to show has been codified into two quite different styles of photography. I want to challenge that distinction between \"pleasure\" and \"politics\", between \"advertisements\" and \"documentaries\" and to"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame ragged here?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "monitoring the shifting urban population. The Victorian classification of working-class youth into \"respectable\" and \"criminal\" classes, the \"deserving\" and \"undeserving\" poor, the \"delinquent\" and \"perishingjuveniles\", eventually led to the construction of separate educational and punitive institutions. The Ragged Schools were open to all street urchins. The Industrial Schools were designed to inculcate the virtues of factory time-discipline and orderly behaviour and to give young people an opportunity oflearning a useful trade. The Reformatories were reserved for the hardened young criminals who would previously have been committed to adult prisons. The progression is a clear one: from reportage to intervention. The traces left by a \"gathering of the facts\", motivated as far as the fact gatherers themselves were concerned by Christian compassion, are real enough. Photography played its part in· this process. The fact that photographic records of Ragged School pupils have survived is"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about real?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "familiar strands. Those strands have now been converted into two antagonistic systems. The magazine contains two articles on separate aspects ofthe youth question. The first deals with community policing in Handsworth. The subject matter is serious, political. It deals with black youth and the police. Real issues are foregrounded. Real problems rendered formidable by the temporal proximity ofthe riots inJuly. The photographs are in black and white. They are steeped in the ideology of the documentary photograph, the photograph as evidence, austere, cold, objective. These are real pictures ofthe real thing. Paradoxically, the black and white system signals that this is real. It is the system for photographers to proclaim their intention to have their work and the issues it raises taken seriously. Black and white has become the real system, the system of high contrast, the colours of confrontation. The next article in the magazine deals with Adam ofAdam and the"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about paradoxically?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "to the emergences of new patterns of consumption and new technological developments, particularly to the qualitative transformations which automation was seen to have effected and to examine some ofthe conflicting interpretations of these changes offered in contemporary accounts. What we call \"popular culture\" - e.g. a set of generally available artefacts: films, records, clothes, TV programmes, modes of transport, etc. - did not emerge in its recognisably contemporary form until the post-War period when new consumer products were designed and manufactured for new consumer markets. Paradoxically, in many ofthe debates about the impact and significance of popular culture, these profound·social and economic transformations have been mediated through aesthetic concepts like \"quality\" and \"taste\". These words are passionately contested. Different ideologies, different discourses - we could cite at random here the \"sociological\", the \"art historical\", the"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about waugh?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "and social and political position. For this novelist, the aesthetic boundaries were coterminous with the cultural and moral boundaries and these ran along the same lines which separated the social categories of class. The preservation of the natural order depended for Waugh upon the continual patrolling of these boundaries by a vigilant, incorruptible soldier like himsel[ In this context, Waugh's depiction of Trimmer as literal detritus - dirt for Mary Douglas is \"matter out of place\"2 - is peculiarly telling. Although Waugh was distanced from the British upper classes both by his background and his misanthropic disposition, perhaps because both these factors qualified him more clearly for the role of court jester than palace spokesman, his savage revelations can serve as an illuminating counterpoint to the more guarded statements of his peers. Like all militant reactionaries, Waugh delineates a previously submerged set of values, preferences and assumptions by attempting to"}
{"instruction": "How is american presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "effortlessly absorbed into the existing vocabulary of the \"Culture and Society\" debate. Many of the Fritz Lang-like fantasies ofan inhuman, fully automated society which lurk behind so much of this writing drew their urgency and power from the ubiquitous spectre of\"Americanisation\". Although during the Cold War the prospect of Soviet territorial ambitions could provoke similar indignation and dread, American cultural imperialism demanded a more immediate interpretative response. Whenever anything remotely \"American\" was sighted, it tended to be read at least by those working in the context ofeducation or professional cultural criticism as the beginning of the end whether the imagined apocalypse took the form ofHuxley's BraveNew World, Fyvel's \"subtopia\", Spengler's \"megalopolis\" or, at a more mundane level, Richard Hoggart's Kosy Holiday Kamp where we will all float together, \"A great composite ... of the unexceptional ordinary folk: minnows in a heated pool.\"ll America was seen by many ofthese writers"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about american?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "he, the Conqueror has to give the conquered ...\" 12 After the War, this covert hostility persisted and was exacerbated by new factors: by Britain's declining status as a world power, the disintegration of the British Empire coupled with the simultaneous rise in America's international prestige and the first indications ofAmerican imperial ambitions. In addition, the War Debt and the continuing reliance on the American military presence in Europe provided a dual focus for popular resentment. In magazine articles and newspaper reports, Britain's austerity was frequently contrasted against the booming American economy and the strong dollar. In July, 1948, to celebrate the launching of the Queen Elizabeth the Picture Post carried a report of a transatlantic crossing entitled prophetically \"The American Invasion\" which displayed a thinly veiled contempt for the new \"disposable\" culture: \"Deck-sweepers are filling buckets with five inch cigar butts"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on american?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "virtually synonymous and streamlined products made out of \"shiny\" \"modern\" materials are frequently used by these writers as a kind of shorthand for all manner of imagined decadence. Once they had been defined as signs of the perfidious \"American influence\" the very invocation of such commodities in a piece of journalism or cultural criticism could be used to stand in for any combination of the following ideological themes: the rebellion ofyouth, the \"feminisation\" ofBritish culture, the collapse of authority, the loss ofEmpire, the breakdown of the family, the growth in crime, the decline in attendance at places of worship, etc., though none of these are necessarily present in the example from Orwell. In this way the very mention of a word like \"streamlined\" at a particular historical moment could be used to mobilise a whole set of ideologically charged connotations from a number ofdifferent sources. To appreciate the complexity ofthis process"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat pevsner as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "an expression of Fascism. . In Russia the same style was, after some years of state approval, given up as an outcome of latter-day bourgeoisie, and a decidedly conventional and therefore probably more popular style was launched. The reaction of art to changes within our civilisation thus remains indeterminate ...\"33 What is, however, clear is that the manner in which modernist principles were predominantly interpreted in Britain by people like Pevsner, the kind of intervention which the early British popularisers of modernism imagined they were making (Pevsner, for instance, refers in the same sentence to the\"levelling up ofclass contrasts ... the raising of standards of design\"34) fitted in exactly with the more liberal and progressive ideologies which were then just beginning to find favour among certain key elites (e.g., the BBC). Both Bertram's and Pevsner's writings contain lengthy polemics against the philistinism ofBritish industry, the vulgarity ofpopular taste"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of advertisements?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "impress the directors and the shareholders continued \"to consist of a \" beautiful sales curve shooting upwards\".4o But the potential for stylistic experimentation opened up by a new technological \"advance\" such as stamping could be cashed in in the market place precisely through the deliberate exaggeration of stylistic difference, through the extent to which the new products could be clearly marked off by their very \"newness\" and \"uniqueness\" - in this case by their \"curvilinear\" \" - \" ~ qualities - from those already available. It was largely through the vocabulary of style and form, then, that adaptations in the technical apparatus were mediated to the new mass of consumers. Advertisements for streamlined products appealed directly to popular conceptions of an irresistible scientific progress and frequently drew their inspiration from contemporary science fiction and science fiction genres - for instance, from those popular magazines ofthe 1930s"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect teenage to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "tendency towards greater specialisation in what had previously been communal or class-based rituals, and a swing on the part ofa workingclass audience dominated by a less gruelling work schedule and \"increasingly lured into a world of novelty and the appearance of glamour towards American style entertainments\".63 But as yet very little work has been done on how working-class people themselves perceived these developments, how they used the new facilities, and to what extent they really were (as Wild implies in the phrase \"lured into\") deradicalised by the inter-War restructuring of popular leisure. After the War, changes in patterns of specifically teenage consumption attracted a perhaps inordinate amount of attention. One market researcher, Mark Abrams in The Teenage Consumer (1959) - together with Colin MacInnes in books like Absolute Beginners - was largely responsible for constructing the influential paradigm of the hedonistic, working-class teenager prepared to spend a large proportion"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on walter benjamin?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "advocates of change and converted into positive values - hedonism, pleasure, purposelessness, disposability, etc. However, this displacement of one language, of one set of discourses by another set did not occur simply or solely through the mysterious \"dispersal\" ofepistemological categories and \"regimes of truth\" but by the irruption into a historically particular realm of meaning through the agency of real objects, a new range of material commodities - of another message, written, so to speak, in a quite different \"langmlge\". This message spoke another set of transformations, and emanated from a zone which is, \"in the last instance\" more decisive and determining than language - the sphere precisely of production. As the opening quotation from Walter Benjamin suggests, there is a more grounded explanation for the way in which that \"message\" was received, and for the conflictingdefmitions of \"good taste\" with which this chapter deals..."}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with american?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "American films, and that American-made prQgrammes accounted for more than twenty per cent of total television transmission time in· Western Europe; that twenty to twenty-five per cent of British manufacturing output was American controlled and that eight of the leading advertising agencies were owned by American companies77). But there is little evidence to suggest that the eradication of social and cultural differences imputed to these developments by a generation ofcultural critics has taken place at least in the form they predicted. For instance, the sheer plethora of youth cultural options currently available (e.g., the rockabillies, heavy metal enthusiasts, ted revivalists, etc.) most of which are refracted however indirectly through a \"mythical America\" seems to suggest that the early fears about the homogenising influence of American culture were unfounded. Rather, American popular culture ~ Hollywood films, advertising images, packaging, clothes and music - offers a rich iconography, a set of"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise consumption?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "public response. It is tempting when writing about design either to run these three moments together or to give undue prominence to one of them so that production, mediation or consumption becomes the \"determining instance\" which dictates the meaning of the object in every other context. In either case, the result is more or less the same - a delicately (un)balanced sequence of relationships is reduc~d to a brutal set ofaphorisms, e.g., masses consume what is produced in mass (where production is regarded as determining); desire is a function of the advertising image (where mediation is regarded as the determining instance); people remain human and \"authentic\", untouched by the appeal of either images or objects (where consumption or the refusal of consumption is seen as determining). Clearly none of these models is sufficient in itself though each may seem appropriate in particular circumstances when applied to particular objects. It would"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe british?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "Nor do the connotations accumulate in an orderly progression from factory to consumer. In the production of significance, time is reversible and each stage in the sequence (production-mediation-consumption) can predominate at different times in determining meaning. For instance, to take a more topical example, the meaning of the Mini Metro is overdetermined by the uncertainty surrounding its production and the reputation for \"bloodymindedness\" of the British Leyland workforce - a reputation constructed through Press and television coverage ofindustrial disputes. This in turn enables the Metro to function contradictorily in the news media both as a symbol of \"Britain's hope\" and as a symptom of the \"British disease\" (where production hold-ups and technical faults are cited as evidence of Britain's decline as an industrial power which, to complete the circle, is \"explained\" by reference to the \"problem\" of the British workforce). The entire history of British Leyland labour relations is reified in the"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term paul willis's?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "nature ... \"). They are brought down to earth (\"mediatised\") by being made to function as differential elements - as markers of identity and difference - organised into meaningful relations through their location mecbaaic:al ..um Ris = _giDeeriDg Hen =RyliDg within cultural/ideological codes. The first marker ofidentity is sexual difference. The sexing of the object is the first move in its descent from \"the heaven ofMetropolis\" to its \"proper\" place in the existing (ie mortal and imperfect) order of things. In advanced industrial societies, the transposition of gender characteristics onto inanimate objects is peculiarly marked. Typically the qualities and status ascribed to the gender of the \"ideal\" user are transferred on to the object itself. Paul Willis's study ofa Birmingham motorcycle gang providesan interesting example of this kind of \"anthropomorphisation\": \"The motor cycle boys accepted the motor bike and allowed it to reverberate right through into the world of human"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about ascanio?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "peace-time production. (Piaggio later diversified into machine tools.) The scooter was originally conceived as a small-scale project which was intended to make maximum usage of available plant, materials and design expertise and to fill a gap in the market, supplying the demand on the part of consumers deprived during the War years of visually attractive, inexpensive luxury goods, for a cheap, stylish form of transport capable of negotiating Italy's war-damaged roads. D'Ascanio, who had previously specialised in helicopter design, incorporated aeroplane motifs into the original Vespa. The air-cooled engine and stressed skin framework were commonplace enough in aircraft design but their application to two-wheeled transport was regarded as a major innovation. Equally novel was the idea ofmounting the wheels on stub-axles rather than between forks. This made them easier to detach - and thus easier to repair - than motorcycle wheels. D'Ascanio was said to have adapted the idea from the mountings used"}
{"instruction": "Why does 17 matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "marketing industries during the period can be most clearly understood. Given the huge costs involved in producing a new line of goods, if crippling losses were to be avoided, the consumer had to be as carefully primed as the materials used in the manufacturing process. The expedient was, on the face of it, quite simple: the element of risk was to be eliminated through the preparation and control ofthe market. It was not just the careful monitoring ofcurrent market trends that could help to guarantee profits. What was required was a more structur~d supervision of consumer demands according to the principles of what was later called \"want formation\" .17 In other words, corporate viability was seen to rely increasingly upon the regulation of desire. It was during this period that design became consolidated as a \"scientific\" practice with its own distinctive functions and objectives. From now on, the shape and look of things were to play an important"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame innocenti's here?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "facilitate cleaning and the replacement ofspares. The stub-axles made it simpler to remove the wheels and by the 1960s most scooters were designed to accommodate a spare. Elegance and comfort were selected as particularly strong selling points: the Lambretta was marketed in Britain as the \"sports car on two wheels\" and a variety ofaccessories - windscreens,panniers, bumpers, clocks, even radios and glove compartments were available to lend substance to the luxurious image. Innocenti's promotion policies tended to centre directly on the notion of convenience: an international network of service stations manned by trained mechanics was set up to cater for the needs of a new class of scooterists who were presumed to have little interest in even the most routine maintenance (though the stereotype of the \"effeminate\", \"impractical\" scooterist was resisted by the scooter clubs which encouraged their members to acquire rudimentary mechanical skills, to"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about american?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "sloppy provincialism of most London art ten years ago, American design could be. The gusto and professionalism of widescreen movies or Detroit car styling was a constant reproach to the Mooreish yokelry of British sculpture, or the affected Piperish gloom of British painting. To anyone with a scrap of sensibility or an eye to technique, the average Piaytex or Maidenform ad in American Vogue was an instant deflater of most artists then in Arts Council v·ogue.\" 12 It is, then, easy to overlook that when pop first appeared, it was both orphan and bastard and was, in the very early days, stigmatised accordingly. The fact that it was subsequently adopted, redeemed, lifted up and transformed - rather in the manner of Dickens' protagonist in the last chapters ofOliver Twist -lost aristocratic lineage suddenly revealed, vast fortunes suddenly inherited - the fact that this miraculous redemption did occur is, in this context, neither here nor there."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about clement greenberg?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "images as they circulated in different consumer markets. In other words, pop formed up at the interface between the analysis of \"popular culture\" and the production of \"art\", on the turning point between those two opposing definitions of culture: culture as a standard of excellence, culture as a descriptive category. The questions pop art poses simply cannot be answered within the narrowly art historical framework which most of the critical research on pop art seems to inhabit. Here, we are beginning to touch on what I hinted at earlier: that there are larger issues at stake in the silences and antipathies which surround pop in critical and art historical discourse. For there is a third position on pop, a position which \\ve find uniting critics who would normally find little common ground in terms either of ideology or aesthetics - critics as dissimilar as, on the one hand, Clement Greenberg and John Canaday, the conservative reviewer on the J-.lew York Times at"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about bible frye?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "cation and typology which structure Western thought. In the Bible, Frye sees the bones of thinking in the West - the essential framework within which a literate culture has unfolded, understood and named itself. In the pagan, postmodern world in which some ofmy students live, The Face appears to perform a similar function. For them, Ten.R is the profane text - its subject matter dull, verbose and prolix; its tone earnest and teacherly; its contributors obsessed with arcane genealogies and inflated theoretical concerns. This judgement probably owes more to the conservative format; to the appearance of the typeface, the solid blocks of print in three columns, and to the lingering commitment to the strict rectangular frame than to any more substantial rapport with the content. I suspect it's not so much that they can't understand it. It's that they think they know what they are going to \"learn\" before they encounter it on the printed page and they calculate that the energy"}
{"instruction": "How is planet presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "The \"reader\" is licensed to use whatever has been appropriated in whatever way and in whatever combination proves most useful and most satisfying. (There can be no \"promiscuity\" in a world without monogamy/monotheism/monadic subjects; there can be no \"perversion\" in a world without norms.) Cruising was originally introduced as a post-structuralist strategy for going beyond the \"puritanical\" confinement of critical activity to the pursuit and taming (i.e., naming) of the ideological signified.3 By cruising, the \"reader\" can take pleasure in a text without being obliged at the same time to take marriage vows and a mortgage on a house. And this separation of pleasure/use value from any pledge/commitment to \"love, honour and obey\" the diktats of the text constitutes the \"epistemological break\" which divides Planet One from Planet Two, and which sets up a field of alternating currents of attraction and repulsion between them. The difficulties facing anyone who tries to negotiate the gap between"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about production?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "\"disappearance of the depth model\"9) finds material support in the post-War shift from an industrial to a \"post-industrial\", \"media\" or \"consumer\" society. These terms have been coined by different writers to signal the perceived move from an industrial economy based on the production of three-dimensional goods by a proletariat that sells its labour power in the market into a new, qualitatively different era of multi-national capital, media conglomerates and computer science where the old base-superstructure division is annulled or up-ended and production in the West becomes progressively dehumanised and \"etherealised\" - focused round information-and-image-as-product and automation-as-productive-process. According to some Post people, the tendency towards acceleration, and innovation, to programmed obsolescence and neophilia which Marx saw characterising societies dominated by the capitalist mode of production - where, to use his own words, \"all that is solid melts into"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on russian-style?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "He walks towards the camera and into a high-ceilinged building. A customs official in a Russian-style military uniform stops him, indicating that he intends searching the young man's bag. A shotreverse-shot sequence establishes a tense, expectant mood as eyelines meet; the stylish boy confronts the older-man-in-uniform. One gaze, fearful and defiant, meets another diametrically opposed gaze which is authoritarian and sadistic. The bag is aggressively snapped open and the camera discloses its contents to the viewer: some clothes, a copy of The Face. The official tosses the magazine to one side in a gesture redolent of either disgust or mounting anger or a hardening of resolve. The implication is that his initial suspicions are confirmed by the discovery of this \"decadent\" journal. At this, the crucial moment, the official's attention is diverted as a VIP, an older, senior official dressed in a more imposing uniform marches past between a phalanx of severe, grim-faced guards."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat cultural as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "journal, an anti-teleological tendency within epistemology, the attack on the \"metaphysics of presence\", a general attenuation offeeling, the collective chagrin and morbid projections of a post-War generation of baby boomers confronting disillusioned middle age, the \"predicament\" of reflexivity, a group of rhetorical tropes, a proliferation ofsurfaces, a new phase in cODlmodity fetishism, a fascination for images, codes and styles, a process of cultural, political, or existential fragmentation and/or crisis, the \"de-centring\" of the subject, an \"incredulity towards metanarratives\", the replacement of unitary power axes by a plurality of power/discourse formations, the \"implosion of meaning\", the collapse of cultural hierarchies, the dread engendered by the threat of nuclear self-destruction, the decline of the university, the functioning and effects of the new miniaturised technologies, broad societal and economic shifts into a \"media\", \"consumer\" or \"multinational\" phase,"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of modem movement's?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "style ofpainting most strictly confined to an exploration ofthe materials and two dimensionality of paint on canvas. The second modernist tradition, whic~ Newman traces back to Hegel, aspires to the heteronomous dissolution of art into life/political practice and leads through the surrealists, the constructivists, the futurists, etc., to performance artists and the conceptualists of the 1970s.3 If the unity, the boundaries and the timing of modernism itself remain contentious issues, then postmodernism seems to defy any kind of critical consensus. Not only do different writers define it differently, but a single writer can talk at different times about different \"posts\". ThusJean-Fran<;ois Lyotard has recently used the term postmodernism to refer to three separate tendencies: i) a trend within architecture away from the Modem Movement's project \"ofa last rebuilding ofthe whole space occupied by.humanity\"4 (ii) a decay in confidence in the idea of"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect eurocentric to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "technological development which a term like modernism implies, and to concentrate instead on what gets left out, marginalised, repressed or buried underneath that term. The selective tradition is here seen in terms ofexclusion and violence. As an initial counter-move, modernism is discarded by some critical postmodernists as a Eurocentric and phallocentric category which involves a systematic preference for certain forms and voices over others. What is recommended in its place is an inversion of the modernist hierarchy - a hierarchy which, since its inception in the eighteenth, nineteenth or early twentieth centuries (depending on your periodisation6) consistently places the metropolitan centre over the \"underdeveloped\" periphery, Western art forms over Third World ones, men's art over women's art or, alternatively, in less anatomical terms \"masculine\" or \"masculinist\" forms, institutions and practices over \"feminine\", \"feminist\" or \"femineist\" ones."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on foucault?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "Marcuse, etc.) as a manifestation ofinstrumental-bureaucratic rationality or more totally (after Foucault) as a form of surveillance/control always-already complicit with existing power relations. In the latter case, no real distinctions are made between positivist/non-positivist; qualitative/quantitative; marxist/pluralist/interpretative/functionalist, etc., sociologies: all are seen as strategies embedded in institutions themselves irrefragably implicated in and productive of particular configurations of power and knowledge. In place of the totalising intellectual, Foucault offers us the inteJJectual-as-partisan: producer of \"socio-fictions\" which despite their equivocal truth status may have \"reality-effects\", and the intellectual-as-facilitator-and-self-consciousstrategist (Foucault's work with prisoners' rights' groups is often cited as exemplary here). All larger validity claims are regarded with suspicion. Beneath the euphemistic masks of, for instance, \"disinterested Reason\","}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with post?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "their legacy a set of priorities and interests which functions as a hidden agenda inside the Post (see 2 below). To end this section on a footnote, it is perhaps surprising, given the anti-generalist bias which informs and directs the manifold vectors of the Post, that thinkers such as Jean Baudrillard and Jean-Fran<;ois Lyotard should retain such a panoptic focus in their work, writing often at an extremely high level of abstraction and generality of a \"post modern condition\", or \"predicament\", a \"dominant cultural norm\", etc. (2) Against teleology A scepticism regarding the idea of decidable origins/causes; this antiteleological tendency is sometimes invoked explicitly against the precepts of historical materialism: \"mode of production\", \"determination\", etc. The doctrine of productive causality is here 'replaced by less mechanical, less unidirectional and expository accounts of process and transformation, such as those available within the epistemological"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise revelations instead?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "no more -going behind appearances or \"against the grain\" ofthe visible and the obvious. (The anti-positivist, anti-empiricist impetus that animated critical (rather than Greenbergian) modernism is, in other words, no longer available as a viable option.) In short, no more (Book of) Revelations. Instead what is left, to use another postmodernist key word, is a \"fascination\" with mirrors, icons, surfaces. In those accounts of postmodernism produced by writers who retain a problematic, residual commitment to marxian frames of reference, this ending of critical distance and the depth model is seen to be tied to (though not, presumably, determined by) a larger historical shift into a postindustrial, consumer, media, multi-national or monopoly phase in the development of capitalism. After the prohibitions, the instrumental rationality, and the purposiveness of a production economy (and the complementary oppositions and interruptions of modernism), we get -"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe lacanian?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "complete the circle, the movement of desire can only confirm and trace out rather than contradict or overthrow, etc. Once sutured in to the Jamesonian critique of consumer culture (where the \"death of the subject\" is seen as an historic \"event\" rather than (as frorn the poststructuralist perspective) as a philosophically demonstrable case valid at all times in all places), the Lacanian model of subjectivity and desire tends to consolidate the anti-utopianism which forms the last of the major postmodernist negations (see 3 below), though Lacanian feminists and critical postmodernists stress the extent to which a new political front is opened up within discourse (signifying practice) itself. At this point, through a series ofpoststructuralist slippages and puns, a kind of total \"closure of discourse\" (Marcuse) tends to occur, so that we are denied the -prospect of any kind of \"elsewhere\", any kind of \"alternative\", let alone transcendence"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term fordejeuzeand guattari?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "\"termini\" where bits of information, images, televisual close-ups of nothing in particular float about in the \"hyperreal\" space ofthe imagebloated simulacrum: a Leviathan-like lattice work of programmes, circuits, pulses, which functions merely to process and recycle the \"events\" produced (excreted) within itself. 16 For Jameson there is the schizophrenic consumer disintegrating into a succession of unassimilable instants, condemned through the ubiquity and instantaneousness of commodified images and information to live forever in chronos (this then this then this) without having access to the (centring) sanctuary of kairos (cyclical, mythical, meaningful time). 17 ForDeJeuzeand Guattari there is the nomad drifting across \"miLLes pLateaux\" drawn, to use their phrase, \"like a schizophrenic taking a walk\" from one arbitrary point of intensity to the next by the febrile and erratic rhythm of desire (conceived in this case against Lacan as the subversive Other to the"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about kant?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "1950s), Lyotard returns to Kant - especially to the critique ofjudgement - to reflect upon the origins of modern social thought, aesthetics and the relationship between the two. He sets out to examine the philosophical underpinnings of the Enlightenment project which is defined as a twofold impetus towards universalisation (reason) and social engineering (revolution), both of which find support and legitimacy in the related doctrines of progress, social planning and historical \"necessity\". Much of Lyotard's argument turns on an involved discussion of the distinction in Kant (following Burke) between the two orders of aesthetic experience; the beautiful and the sublime. Whereas the beautiful in Kant consists in all those views, objects, sounds from which we derive aesthetic pleasure but which can be framed, contained, harmoniously assimilated, the sublime is reserved for all those phenomena which exceed logical containment and which elicit a"}
{"instruction": "Why does lyotard matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "What might at first seem a quite arbitrary, unnecessarily abstruse and idiosyncratic detour through eighteenth-century German idealist aesthetics actually provides Lyotard with an opportunity to flesh out his central objections to Habermas's attempts to defend and build on the Enlightenment inheritance, to revive what Habermas regards as the prematurely arrested project of modernity.' For Lyotard uses the notion of the sublime as a kind ofmetaphor for the absolute nature of those limitations placed on what can be said, seen, shown, presented, demonstrated, put into play, put into practice, and he implies that each encounter with the sublime in art provides us with the single salutary lesson that complexity, difficulty, opacity, are always there in the same place: beyond our grasp. The inference here, in the insistence on the palpability of human limitation, is politically nuanced at those points when Lyotard talks about the disastrous consequences"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame real here?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "binaries of the Imaginary register: the Real being the realm of the promise/threat of our eventual (unthinkable) disintegration, our absorption into flux. The sublime is here installed in each case as the place ofepiphany and terror, the place ofthe ineffable which stands over and against all human endeavour, including the project of intellectual totalisation itself. Lacan's Real, Foucault's power-knowledge spirals, Kristeva's signifiance, Derrida's aporia, Barthes' text of bliss: all are equivalent, in some sense reducible to Lyotard's category ofthe sublime. This elevation of the sublime (which has its more literal [or crass] quasiempirical corollary in the cult of schizophrenia [see above] - the cult, that is, of dread, of the sublime mode of being in the world) could be interpreted as an extension ofthe aspiration towards the ineffable which has impelled the European avant garde at least since the Symbolists and Decadents and probably since"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about descartes?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "post-Kantian philosophy and rationalism too closely to that other modern story: the rise of industrialised democratic societies. Rorty suggests that the second story has more to do with pressures and social movements external to the academy, that the idea(l) ofthe \"communicative community\" has been established through \"things like the formation of trade unions, the meritocratisation of education, the expansion of the franchise, and cheap newspapers\"34 rather than through the abstract discussion ofepistemology; that religion declines in influence not because ofNietzsche, Darwin, positivism or whatever, but because \"one's sense of relation to a power beyond the community becomes less important as you see yourself as part of a body of public opinion, capable ofmaking a difference to the public fate\". 35 Viewed iOn this light, the history of philosophy from, say, Descartes to Nietzsche is seen as a \"distraction from the history of concrete social engineering"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about the glc'ssponsorship?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "with a commitment to flexible strategies, to responsive, accountable power structures, with a commitment to decentralisation and local democracy. It is associated with a challenge to the workerism and the masculinism of the old Labour Left, a move away from the dogmatism which can still plague the fringe parties, with a sensitivity to local and regional issues, with an alertness too, to race and gender as well as class, as significant axes of power ... It is associated with a commitment to \"advance along multiple fronts\", with the kind ofpolicies implemented by progressive enclaves within the local state. The GLC'ssponsorship of feminist, gay rights, ethnic minorities, citizens' rights and alternative health care groups is often cited as exemplary in this context, together with the initiatives it took under Ken Livingstone's leadership in setting up police Inonitoring committees, in lending support for small, alternative presses and in funding cheap public transport, minority arts"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about posts there?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "between different fractional groupings which can themselves no longer be returned to static, homogeneous classes. In other words, we can't collapse the social into speech act theory, or subsume its contradictory dynamics underneath the impossible quest for universal validity claims. At the same time, rather than dispensing with the \"claim for simplicity\" by equating it with barbarism, we might do better to begin by distinguishing a claim from a demand, and by acknowledging that a demand for simplicity exists, that such a demand has to be negotiated, that it is neither essentially noble nor barbaric, that it is, however, complexly articulated with different ideological fragments and social forces in the form of a range of competing populisms. It would be foolish to present a polar opposition between the Gramscian line(s) and the (heterogeneous) Posts. There is too much shared historical and intellectual ground for such a partition to serve"}
{"instruction": "How is baudrillard's presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "There is a figure in rhetoric which describes this passage and the system it produces: the hyperbaton (an inversion of logical or natural order from the Greek hyperbatos \"overstepping\" (used in Plato and Aristotle to refer to the, for them, inadmissible) transposition of words which was one of the preferred tactics of the Sophists). In Baudrillard's hyberbaton, there is only negation. Psychosis, waste and death are positively valued so that only \"fatal strategies\" can· prevail. A \"negative\" cultural tendency is countered not in \"resistance\" or in \"struggle\" (the terms of dialectic) but in a doubling of the same: a \"hyper-conformity\" or hypercompliance. The critic-as-surgeon cutting out and analysing diseased or damaged tissue is replaced by the critic-as-homeopath \"shadowing\" and paralleling the signs of sickness by prescribing natural poisons which produce in the patient's body a simulation of the original symptoms. Hence Baudrillard's fatal simulations and excesses - more"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about nowadays jameson?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "confront the consumer with a total \"collage\" environment. Nowadays, Jameson implies, both modern.ity and modernism are lived, and the decentred, floating, fragmentary subject becomes the ideal target for advertising conceived as a system which no longer offers a \"magical\" sanctuary from \"real\" cares and needs (as Williams, Packard or Berger might have put it)3 but provides instead an endless succession of vacatable \"positions\" for the \"desiring machines\" which replace the sexually repressed and regulated workers ofan earlier epoch. However, even ifwe take seriously this extrapolation ofthe \"new consumer\" from advertising-seen-as-an-intertextual-system (and there are serious problems with it), it doesn't follow that the pre-emption or dispersal of the avant garde, the merger of the \"incorporated\" mainstreams and the \"critical\" margins is all bad. As semiotics gets increasingly annexed by the advertising and marketing industries, information and knowledge begin to circulate"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on larry grossberg?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "In the suggestive terms introduced by Larry Grossberg,6 such musics (in fact, all popular musics) can serve to articulate new \"structures of desire\" through the consolidation of \"affective alliances\" between elements in a heterogeneous field organised around contradictory and conflicting social-sexual appetencies, aspirations, inclinations, dispositions, drives. Attempts are continually being made (from within the music industry) to stabilise this complex and volatile amalgam of forces through the fixing of more or less enabling, more or less proscriptive social-sexual \"identities\". What follows is an attempt to use some ofthese complexifying categories and to combine them with elements in the Gramscian approach in order to draw out tentatively in what I hope is a positive spirit, some of the \"emergencies\" revealed, as it were, within the popular beyond both \"subcultural resistance\" and the fatal terminology of the Post. From Anarchy in the UK to Save the World"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat paolo friere as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "metropolitan centres. The Zulu nation is rapped up in a tradition which valorises verbal and physical dexterity and which, according to Bambaata and]ames Brown 14 .is overtly pledged to the sublimation of fight into dance, of conflict into contest, of desperation into style and a sense of self respect. A great deal ofwork lies behind the sheer technical complexity and brilliance of a typical dance team's moves. The degree of focus and effort required to achieve such a high degree of physical grace and bodily control indicate the extent to which dance can serve, as Paolo Friere puts it, as a strategy of self-empowerment; not only providing the dancer with a legitimate source of pride and self esteem but putting the person in touch - literally in this case - with his or her own vital powers. Underneath the machinations of international finance capital, in the face of the global domination of markets by multinational conglomerates and ca'rtels, networks of mutual affinity and attraction"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of south africa?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "traditions; for failing to \"politicise\" the audience (\"aid is a safe political issue\" .. : \"Why not South Africa or Nicaragua?\") by neglecting to explain the deep structural and historical reasons for Third World famine (i.e., for blaming it on the weather); for using the plight of the exploited halfof the world to get \"free publicity\" for the overprivileged representatives of the other halfin order to \"revive the flagging careers of ageing rock stars\" and for promoting an offensive and ineffective version of \"donationalism\" and nineteenth-century \"philanthropy\" thus reproducing the inadequate and duplicitous foreign aid policies indulged in by Western governments. Such an analysis, the substance ofwhich was echoed many times in Britain in the following months in the radical leftist and alternative press, is valid enough within its own terms. However, it fails to engage with the positive potentialities inscribed in the phenomenon. It fails to"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect thatcherite to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "orthodox sense \"socialist\") ... In this way we might saY. that the ultimate beneficiaries ofBand Aid may well be us (not Them/as.wellas Them) in so farasa more enabling, and more open handed version of\"the public\" and the \"public interest\" is once again available, circulating unconstrained (and uncontaminated) by party political affiliations and yet providing an alternative version of - a means ofyearning beyond - the appetitive and paranoid versions ofhuman motivation and human worth carried in the Thatcherite and Reaganite visions. Within the \"new realisms\" staked out by both monetarist ideology and the fatal de-scriptions of some strands in the Post there are no conceivable alternatives, no \"other sides\". In both cases the identical, banal implication ofthis shrinkage of horizons is that there is indeed nowhere else to go but to the shops. Band Aid revived the prospect of an elsewhere, another side. For the success of the Aid phenomenon stems ultimately from what"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on enemy within?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "monetarist policies - were themselves turned in a new and startlingly different way by \"Saint Bob\" and his colleagues. Mter Geldof - the dishevelled, sometimes less than civil Irish man who spoke up on behalf of conscience - the real \"Enemy Within\", the repressed term in the monetarist discourse - Mrs Thatcher could no longer claim to have a monopoly on either resolve or conviction. The possibility of emerging eco-perspectives simultaneously developed through and bound into global communication networks is an important if problematic one. Such eco-perspectives will be articulated differently in different national-political contexts as they combine and are combined with, inform and are informed by, existing political-discursive formations. There are no guarantees here either, no telos impelling \"humanity\" towards greater co-operation and mutual understanding in McLuhan's \"global village\". But there are vital lessons to be learned from Band Aid"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with education?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "inherited wisdoms about the value, purpose and rationale of university education. 1 All these pressures are registered in the textures and the tone of postmodernist criticism (though they are not necessarily explicitly acknowledged). As the survival of the university (especially of the liberally educated critical theorist) is thrown into question, a bunker mentality can evolve. The more \"fatal\" projections of the Post could be seen in this context as defensive or resigned responses to the threat ofan imminent institutional collapse and/or reformation which may well serve further to marginalise the social theorist within (what remains of) the academy: (\"Apres moi, le deluge!\") A more positive assessment of the potentialities opened up by the crisis in Higher Education might begin by stressing the extent to which vocational criteria can now be used to justify the expanded role ofadult and continuing education, to modify and pluralise existing definitions of"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise lyotard's?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "and groups can contract between the two. Here we could cite the setting up amongst a group of Italian intellectuals4 of a school of \"weak thought\" dedicated not to the pursuit of rigorously defined master projects (which mayor may not have a totalitarian inscription) but rather to the tentative framing of hypotheses to be tested, revised, abandoned, returned to so that a random, aleatory element can be introduced into the production of knowledge. Viewed sympathetically, \"weak thought\" might be seen less as a capitulation to perspectivism and decadence (with or without its pejorative connotation) than as a genuine attempt creatively to think a way through the current epistemological impasse(s). In the same spirit, Lyotard's questioning of the distinction between scientific and narrative knowledge, his attempt to restore the legitimacy of first order narratives grounded in the everyday, and to replace the royal hunt ofreason with language games,"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe faust?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "Goethe's Faust. Faust - unleashing the tremendous forces which the knowledge acquired through his pact with Mephistopheles makes available to him - is at the same time threatened, haunted, destroyed by the negative, nihilistic powers unleashed in the same process by the diabolical contract. Faust knows the world to death: his \"unnatural\" mastery of natural mysteries threatens to destroy both himself and the world. He eats it all up: lays waste the earth and thus consumes himself. Henceforward, in the archetypal urban space of modernity, we live in a world where sense, meaning, value - nothing - is given, where everything has to be worked for, where, under and against the superordinate sign ofexchange value, properly human values have to be re-invented on a new terrain: reterritorialised, redimensionalised. For Berman, Faust represents the modern condition - a condition in which, following Marx's dictum in The Communist Manifesto \"all that's solid"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term talking?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "Talking Heads set out to problematise (poke serious fun at) such category divisions and are thus a properly postmodernist band. David Byrne, the group's founder and focaliser, sets out to articulate a particular postmodern structure of feeling: to address Barthes' sensibility of \"the second degree\" - a sensibility fascinated by the pulse ofsignification, and the play ofrepresentational and generic codes. Typical themes raised and obsessively reiterated in Talking Heads' work include the mediated nature of. \"live\" performance, simulation, \"projected\" imagery, psychosis, the mutability of self, the substitution ofcopies for originals, of impostors for real people. I In this way, using Talking Heads to provide the \"original text\" for this last post-script is not arbitrary. It is not an innocent choice: Byrne's work involves a high degree ofmore or less explicit meditation on the blurring of levels, categories, signs, identities, which, as we"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about american?", "input": "Source: Hiding in the light on images and things", "output": "the lyrics of the song, in homage (perhaps) to the performance artist, Stuart Brisley. The truncated paraphrase ofmarried life could be read as a cheerful parody of the famous disenchantment scene in Citizen Kane where a twenty-year decline in marital relations is condensed under Welles's direction into a series of short vignettes of Mr and Mrs Kane at the breakfast table (beginning with a sho~ of the infatuated honeymooners and ending with Welles scowling at his wife from behind a newspaper). There's the metaphor of the \"open road\" itself which figures as a stock image in the iconography of the Great American Frontier (as a signifier of limitlessness: unbounded horizons) throughout American art and literature from Whitman to Hart Crane, from the novels of Jack Kerouac to the photographs of Robert Frank and endless eponymous road movies. And there is the fiat, deadpan expressionless (\"impersonal\") modernist mode of delivery itsel[ Byrne's face here, as"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame erin here?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "Advance Praise for The Culture Map “Erin Meyer provides us with a brilliant guide to what all business leaders need to know right now: How to succeed in managing across the diverse cultural contexts of today’s workplace!” —Marshall Goldsmith, author of the New York Times and global bestseller What Got You Here Won’t Get You There “Whether you are sitting at a desk in Boston or eating at a restaurant in Beijing, communicating across cultures is the great challenge of the global economy. Getting it right will be the difference between success and failure. Erin Meyer shows you how to get it right in this very important book. Managers everywhere should read it.” —Des Dearlove and Stuart Crainer, founders, Thinkers50 “I highly recommend this book to both the professional and leisure reader. Erin has shown herself to be one of the main representativesof the next-generation scholars who combine deep conceptual models with very practical applications."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about chen?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "about Chen’s personality, my personality, or the interaction between us might have led to the strained situation. Perhaps Chen was mute because he is not a very good communicator, or because he is shy or introverted and doesn’t feel comfortable expressing himself until pushed. Or perhaps I am an incompetent facilitator, telling Chen to prepare for the meeting and then failing to call on him until the session was almost over. Or maybe, more charitably, I was just so tired from dreaming about lost fruit all night long that I missed the visual cues Chen was sending to indicate that he had something to say. In fact, my previous meetings with Chen had made it clear to me that he was neither inarticulate nor shy; he was actually a gifted communicator and also bursting with extroversion and self-confidence. What’s more, I’d been conducting client meetings for years and had never before experienced a disconnect quite like this one, which suggested that my skills as a facilitator were not the source"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about dulac?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "might come to the correct conclusion that there is something cultural driving this pattern of misunderstanding. And in fact, such a pattern does exist—which strongly suggests that the case of Deaf Dulac is much more than a matter of personality conflict. This pattern is puzzling because Americans often do tend to be more explicit and direct than the French (or, more precisely, more “low-context,” a term we’ll explore further in a later chapter). The one big exception arises when managers are providing feedback to their subordinates. In a French setting, positive feedback is often given implicitly, while negative feedback is given more directly. In the United States, it’s just the opposite. American managers usually give positive feedback directly while trying to couch negative messages in positive, encouraging language. Thus, when Webber reviewed Dulac’s work using the popular American method of three positives for every negative, Dulac left the meeting with his praise ringing delightfully in"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about erences?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "remaining unaware and uninformed about how culture impacts you. Millions of people work in global settings while viewing everything from their own cultural perspectives and assuming that all differences, controversy, and misunderstanding are rooted in personality. This is not due to laziness. Many well-intentioned people don’t educate themselves about cultural differences because they believe that if they focus on individual differences, that will be enough. After I published an online article on the differences among Asian cultures and their impact on cross-Asia teamwork, one reader commented, “Speaking of cultural differences leads us to stereotype and therefore put individuals in boxes with ‘general traits.’ Instead of talking about culture, it is important to judge people as individuals, not just products of their environment.” At first, this argument sounds valid, even enlightened. Of course individuals, no matter their cultural origins, have"}
{"instruction": "How is each presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "boss is “just one of the guys.” You realize that some of your words and actions, tailored to the egalitarian Israeli culture, may have been misunderstood by your Russian team and may even have been demotivating to them. In the weeks that follow, as you begin to make adjustments to your leadership style, you find that the atmosphere slowly improves—and so do the bottom-line results. This is an example of how we use the eight scales and the culture mapping process to effect genuine, powerful changes within organizations, to the benefit of everyone involved. HOW DID MY COUNTRY GET PLACED THERE? Each of the following chapters is devoted to one of the eight culture map scales. Each scale positions twenty to thirty countries along a continuum and guides you in applying the scale to dozens of situations commonly arising in our global business world. Because what is important on the scale is the relative gap between two countries, someone from any"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about spain?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "would answer that Spain is relationship-based. But this answer is subtly, yet crucially, wrong. The correct answer is that, if you come from France, the United Kingdom, Sweden, the United States, or any other culture that falls to the left of Spain on the scale, then Spain is relationshipbased in comparison to your own culture. However, if you come from India, Saudi Arabia, Angola, or China, then Spain is very task-based indeed—again, in comparison to your own culture. The point here is that, when examining how people from different cultures relate to one another, what matters is not the absolute position of either culture on the scale but rather the relative position of the two cultures. It is this relative positioning that determines how people view one another. For example, consider what happened when the British consulting group KPMG created several global teams to standardize the implementation of management software systems developed by enterprise software developer SAP."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on owens corning?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "The fact is that the hotel concierge provided all of the information necessary for someone from his own culture to find Swagat. An Indian living in the same Delhi cultural context would likely have figured out quickly where the restaurant was by the clues provided; she would have been eating her lunch while I was still wandering wearily around the streets. My quest for the Swagat restaurant illustrates that being a good listener is just as important for effective communication as being a good speaker. And both of these essential skills are equally variable from one culture to another. * * * It was springtime in France, where I had been living several years, when I was asked to give a presentation at a human resource conference in Paris sponsored by Owens Corning. A leading global producer of residential building materials, Owens Corning is headquartered in Toledo, Ohio—a good eleven-hour drive from my home state of Minnesota, but still within the tribal boundaries of my native midwestern"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat fontaine as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "The use of second-degree messages is a feature of French literature. Consider the seventeenth-century writer Jean de La Fontaine. At the first degree, he wrote simple children’s tales, but if you understand the contemporary context within which the stories were written, you may pick up his second degree of meaning—a political message for adults. For example, La Fontaine’s famous fable of the grasshopper and the ant conveys a straightforward moral that most children understand: It’s important to economize to prepare for difficult times. But only sophisticated adult readers of his own day recognized La Fontaine’s seconddegree message—that King Louis XIV should stop spending so much money on rerouting the Eure River to supply water to the Versailles fountains. In France, a good business communicator will use second-degree communication in everyday life. While giving a presentation, a manager may say one thing that has an explicit meaning everyone understands."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of paolo?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "I have lived and worked outside the United States for many years, low-context communication is still my natural style. I’m embarrassed to admit that I have been subjected to both of these accusations more than once by my European colleagues. A few years ago, a New York–based financial institution that I’d worked with previously asked me to do a cultural audit of their organization. Since corporate culture is not my specialty and I lacked the time necessary to do this project justice, I approached an Italian colleague whom I’ll call Paolo about collaborating with me. Paolo greeted me cheerfully when we met in his office. Twenty-five years my senior, Paolo has a well-earned reputation as an exceptional researcher and writer. He gave me a copy of his newest book and listened with interest as I described the collaboration opportunity. I started by explaining that my work, family, and writing commitments provided very little time for this project."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect chinese to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "effectively with the Chinese. This can be quite challenging, since, as Shen observes, “China is a huge country with strong regional differences. In many ways it is difficult to categorize Chinese business culture, given its wide generational gaps and differences between private and public sectors.” However, it’s safe to say that Chinese culture in general is very high-context in comparison with the cultures of the West. Shen explains: When Chinese vaguely express an idea or an opinion, the real message is often just implied. They expect their conversational partner to be highly involved and to take an active role in deciphering messages, as well as in mutually creating meaning. In Chinese culture, pang qiao ce ji [beating around the bush] is a style that nurtures an implicit understanding. In Chinese culture, children are taught not to just hear the explicit words but also to focus on how something is said, and on what is not said. I collaborated with Shen to conduct interviews with"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on dutchman?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "the phone line. STRATEGIES FOR MULTICULTURAL COLLABORATIONS What if you have a blend of many cultures all on one team— Americans who recap incessantly and nail everything down in writing, Japanese who read the air, French who speak at the second degree, British who love to use deadpan irony as a form of humor, and Chinese who learn as young children to beat around the bush? Where do you suppose the greatest likelihood of misunderstanding will arise? Consider three options: A. One low-context person communicating with someone from another low-context culture (for example, a Dutchman communicating with a Canadian) B. A high-context person communicating with a low-context person (for example, a Spaniard communicating with a Dutchman) C. One high-context person communicating with someone from another high-context culture (for example. a person from China communicating with a Brazilian). Many people assume that the answer is choice B—a lowcontext/high-context conversation."}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with dulac?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "Dulac. They felt she’d been brutal and unfair in her feedback, focusing heavily on the negative points and hardly mentioning all their hard work and accomplishments. Dulac was dumbfounded. The way she had provided feedback was the same style she’d used successfully with dozens of French employees with great success. Where were these complaints coming from? Dulac was particularly confused because she’d expected American culture to be very direct. “In France, we frequently talk about how direct and explicit Americans are. Subtle? Hardly. Sophisticated? Not at all. But transparent and direct—we all know this to be true.” In this chapter, we’ll build on the Communicating scale from the last chapter while adding an important twist. Some cultures that are low-context and explicit may be cryptically indirect with negative criticism, while other cultures that speak between the lines may be explicit, straight talkers when telling you what you did wrong."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise americans?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "the British, who are slightly less direct with negative feedback than Americans. Latin Americans and South Americans fall to the middle right, with Argentina as one of the most direct of this cluster. Further right on the scale fall most Asian countries, with the Indians as the most direct with their criticism and the Thai, Cambodians, Indonesians, and Japanese as the least direct. Don’t forget cultural relativity when you look at the scale. For example, the Chinese are to the right of the world scale, but they are much more direct than the Japanese, who may take offense at their forthright feedback. The continental European cultures to the left or middle often experience Americans as strikingly indirect, while Latin Americans perceive the same Americans as blunt and brutally frank in their criticism style. Note, too, that several countries have different positions on the Evaluating scale from those they occupy on the Communicating scale."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe americans?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "rest of us were working through our interpersonal issues nicely without calling attention to it. This means that those in quadrants A and B are often surprised to find Americans softening negative criticism with positive messages. Before moving to France, having been raised, educated, and employed in the United States, I believed that giving three positives for every negative and beginning a feedback session with the words of explicit appreciation before discussing what needs to be improved were universally effective techniques. If they worked well in America, then surely they should work just as well in France, Brazil, China and, well, everywhere. But after living in Europe for a while I learned to see this style from a completely different perspective. To the French, Spanish, Russians, Dutch, and Germans, the American mode of giving feedback comes across as false and confusing. Willem, who we met at the beginning of the chapter and who works frequently with Americans, told me:"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term williams?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "In preparation for the meeting Williams thought carefully about how to give the most persuasive presentation, practicing her arguments, anticipating questions that might arise, and preparing responses to those questions. Williams delivered her presentation in a small auditorium with the directors seated in rows of upholstered chairs. She began by getting right to the point, explaining the strategies she would recommend based on her findings. But before she had finished with the first slide, one of the directors raised his hand and protested, “How did you get to these conclusions? You are giving us your recommendations, but I don’t understand how you got here. How many people did you interview? What questions did you ask?” Then another director jumped in: “Please explain what methodology you used for analyzing your data and how that led you to come to these findings.” “I was taken aback,” Williams remembers. “I assured them that the methodology behind my recommendations"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about justin bieber?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "the parameters. Hupert’s time in the United States taught him that Americans have a very different approach. They focus on practicalities rather than theory, so they are much more likely to begin with their recommendations. Unfortunately, this reasoning method can backfire when making presentations to an audience whose method of thinking is the opposite—as Kara Williams discovered. TWO STYLES OF REASONING: PRINCIPLES- FIRST VERSUS APPLICATIONS-FIRST Principles-first reasoning (sometimes referred to as deductive reasoning) derives conclusions or facts from general principles or concepts. For example, we may start with a general principle like “All men are mortal.” Then we move to a more specific example: “Justin Bieber is a man.” This leads us to the conclusion, “Justin Bieber will, eventually, die.” Similarly, we may start with the general principle “Everything made of copper conducts electricity.” Then we show that the old statue of a leprechaun your"}
{"instruction": "Why does descartes matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "Although Aristotle, a Greek, is credited with articulating applications-first thinking (induction), it was British thinkers, including Roger Bacon in the thirteenth century and Francis Bacon in the sixteenth century, who popularized these methodologies among modern scholars and scientists. Later, Americans, with their pioneer mentality and disinclination toward theoretical learning, came to be even more applications-first than the British. By contrast, philosophy on the European continent has been largely driven by principles-first approaches. In the seventeenth century, Frenchman René Descartes spelled out a method of principles-first reasoning in which the scientist first formulates a hypothesis, then seeks evidence to prove or disprove it. Descartes was deeply skeptical of data based on mere observation and sought a deeper understanding of underlying principles. In the nineteenth century, the German Friedrich Hegel introduced the dialectic model of"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame provide here?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "practical examples. Provide practical examples to capture the interest of your applications-first listeners. The principles-first participants will enjoy them also. But you may find the latter asking theoretical questions, and, while you are answering them, the applications-first learners get bored. Try ignoring their boredom for a moment. Avoid the temptation to push away conceptual questions, as you risk sacrificing the interest and respect of your principles-first audience. Instead, take the time to answer the questions well and then quickly provide a couple of practical examples to recapture the waning attention of the applications-first students. You may find that, no matter how well you shuttle back and forth, it will be difficult to satisfy all of your listeners all of the time. But if you are aware of the Persuading scale and the challenges it presents, you can read the cues from your audience more clearly and react accordingly. The same differences that make it hard to persuade a"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about chinese?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "They came from different Chinese companies and different regions of China. Four were women. Six lived in Poland, Hungary, and the Netherlands, and the rest in China. Although some spoke English, I taught the session through simultaneous translation into Mandarin. I started by covering the Communicating, Leading, and Trusting scales (the latter two of which we’ll discuss later in this book). The audience was so enthusiastic that they took photos of the classroom and my slides and even recorded video clips on their iPhones. I then asked them to break out into groups to discuss how they might handle different attitudes about confrontation on a global team consisting of French and Germans (who see confrontation as a key aspect of the decision-making process) and Chinese (who see confrontation as an affront to team relationships). They discussed the issue animatedly in their separate rooms and came back to the classroom for the debriefing. We started by asking, “What steps should the team"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about chinese?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "of seventeen Chinese executives. Here’s a comment from one of the Chinese participants after we’d discussed the fish and photo research studies: Chinese people think from macro to micro, whereas Western people think from micro to macro. For example, when writing an address, the Chinese write in sequence of province, city, district, block, gate number. The Westerners do just the opposite—they start with the number of a single house and gradually work their way up to the city and state. In the same way, Chinese put the surname first, whereas the Westerners do it the other way around. And Chinese put the year before month and date. Again, it’s the opposite in the West. It’s easy to see how these differences in the characteristic sequence of thinking may cause difficulty or misunderstanding when people from Asian and Western cultures are involved in conversation. A typical example is that Westerners may think that the Chinese are going all around the key points without addressing them deliberately,"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about collaboration?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "creativity and greater understanding of global markets. However, as we’ve seen, cultural differences can be fraught with challenges. Effective cross-cultural collaboration can take more time than monocultural collaboration and often needs to be managed more closely. Here are two simple tips that can help you realize the benefits of such collaboration while avoiding the dangers. First, on a multicultural team, you can save time by having as few people in the group work across cultures as possible. For example, if you are building a global team that includes small groups of participants from four countries, choose one or two people from each country—the most internationally experienced of the bunch—to do most of the cross-cultural collaborating. Meanwhile, you can leave the others to work in the local way that is most natural to them. That way, you can have the innovation from the combination of cultures, while avoiding the inefficiency that comes with"}
{"instruction": "How is cultural factors presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "every morning. I gave up the bike and started taking public transportation, just like every other Chinese boss. Once you understand the power distance messages your actions are sending, you can make an informed choice about what behaviors to change. But if you don’t know what your behaviors signify, you’ll have no control over the signals you send—and the results can be disastrous. HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL FACTORS THAT AFFECT THE LEADING SCALE Our placement of cultures on the Leading scale, which positions cultures from highly egalitarian to strongly hierarchical (Figure 4.1), draws heavily on Hofstede’s work and the Globe Project research. It also incorporates data from my own work with hundreds of international executives. On the scale and from now on we’ll use the word egalitarian instead of low power distance and hierarchical instead of high power distance. A glance at the Leading scale reveals a number of interesting and important anomalies."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about american?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "was startled by the many remarks I heard from Germans and other northern Europeans about how hierarchical the American business culture is. We Americans believe deeply that we are an egalitarian people. But the more I listened to descriptions of American culture as viewed through a Germanic lens, the more I understood their point. While Americans perceive German organizations as hierarchical because of the fixed nature of the hierarchical structure, the formal distance between the boss and subordinate, and the very formal titles used, Germans consider American companies hierarchical because of their approach to decision making. German culture places a higher value on building consensus as part of the decisionmaking process, while in the United States, decision making is largely invested in the individual. CONSENSUS IS A FOUR-LETTER WORD I watched the best-selling author and popular American business speaker Patrick Lencioni giving a keynote address"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on german?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "friendly boss, Matthias Wulf, who towered over Müller as they entered my office in Paris. When I asked them to describe the German managers’ reactions to the last few months of integration efforts, they did not hold back. Unsurprisingly, Müller and Wulf seemed particularly taken aback that the American CEO would make unilateral decisions, which the rest of the company would scurry to follow. By contrast, their previous German chairman had made all decisions through group agreement. “Even the agendas of the weekly management meetings are built by consensus,” Müller explained. “The chairman distributes a proposed agenda days before the meeting, and everyone on the management board is asked to approve it or suggest changes—which would again be circulated for group approval before the actual meeting.” This difference in decision-making patterns had produced a deep sense of uneasiness among the Germans. “The problem,” Müller explained, “is that we can’t shake this"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat japanese as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "next level. This process continues until the idea reaches the highest management level and is or is not implemented. As you can see, the ringi system is hierarchical, bottom-up, and consensual all at the same time. By the time the ringisho document has made the rounds and received everyone’s seal, all the people involved in the decision have had a chance to give input and are in agreement. At Astellas, the ringi process is actually managed by a dedicated software program. The ringi system is often used by large, traditional Japanese corporations for big decisions. Even when the actual system is not used, decision making in Japanese organizations will often follow a similar process, with proposals beginning at a mid-level of management, collecting group agreement, and then moving up to the next hierarchical level for discussion. The end result is that the responsibility is spread out among many individuals rather than being concentrated with one or only a few.2"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of american?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "Finally, if you are working with a global team that includes members from both consensual and top-down cultures, you can avoid problems by explicitly discussing and agreeing upon a decision-making method during the early stages of your collaboration. Define whether the decision will be made by vote or by the boss after a team discussion. Determine whether 100 percent agreement is needed, whether a deadline for making the decision is necessary, and how much flexibility there will be for changing a decision after the deadline. Later, when big decisions must be made, revisit the decision-making process to make sure it is generally understood and accepted. We used this approach to get the American/German merger talks back on track. It took time to build a shared awareness among the entire group about the differences in interpretations, habits, and perceptions between the American and German decision-making systems. Everyone was encouraged not to take themselves or their own style"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about chinese?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "willingness to depend on the other person.1 The survey revealed marked differences between the American respondents and the Chinese. Chua found that Americans, in business, draw a sharp dividing line between cognitive trust and affective trust. “This finding makes sense given culture and history,” Chua explains. The United States has “a long tradition of separating the practical and emotional. Mixing the two is perceived as unprofessional and risks conflict of interest.” Chinese managers, on the other hand, connect the two forms of trust. As Chua puts it, “Among Chinese executives, there is a stronger interplay between affective and cognitive trust. Unlike Americans, Chinese managers are quite likely to develop personal ties and affective bonds when there is also a business or financial tie.” One consequence is that, for a Chinese manager working with Americans, the culturally based preference to separate cognitive trust and personal trust can indicate a lack of sincerity or loyalty."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on united?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "and icebreaker exercises featured at so many Americanstyle training programs or conferences? Don’t these suggest that Americans are just as relationship-based as the Brazilians or the Chinese? Not really. Think back to those icebreaker activities— those two-to-three-minute exchanges designed to “build a relationship” between complete strangers. What happens when the exercise is completed? Once the relationship is built, the participants check it off the list and get down to business—and at the end of the program, the relationships that were so quickly built are usually just as quickly dropped. What’s true in the training or conference center is true outside of it. In task-based societies like the United States, the United Kingdom, and Australia, relationships are defined by functionality and practicality. It is relatively easy to move in and out of networks, and if a business relationship proves to be unsatisfactory to either party, it’s a"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with carefully lunch?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "relationship-based cultures that are also blessed with solidly reliable legal structures, such as Japan and France. So if you find yourself wondering in exasperation, “Why do I have to spend so much time dining and socializing with potential clients? Why can’t we just get down to business and sign a contract?” remember—in many cultures, the relationship is your contract. You can’t have one without the other. CONSIDER MEALS CAREFULLY: LUNCH MAY BE YOUR TICKET How you organize and conduct your lunches and dinners when collaborating with people from other cultures can communicate volumes—often unintentionally, as I found out from an e-mail I received from Guillermo Nuñez, an Argentine executive with a global wine distributor: Last year, I had a strange experience when some of my colleagues and I visited one of our bulk wine customers in Norway. I was giving a presentation to these Norwegians about our Argentinean office, and explaining the challenges that we had crossing the"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise keillor?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "verbal sparring partner. My favorite sketch involves Keillor calling to make a reservation at the Café Boeuf, only to be questioned vigorously by Maurice (in a ridiculously fake French accent, of course). What will Keillor be wearing? How can Maurice be sure that Keillor’s tie will work with the restaurant’s wallpaper? The more Keillor explains his sartorial choices, the more passionately Maurice questions and challenges him. It was through these sketches that I was first introduced to the image of the French as inveterate debaters. When I moved to France, this stereotype was echoed in the daily news. Strikes and demonstrations seemed to be part of the social fabric, triggered by everything from an increase in college tuition to a proposed change in pension plans. But I really didn’t experience the French love of debate on a personal level until one evening when I was invited with my (French) husband Eric to a dinner party at the home of Hélène Durand, a friend from Eric’s school"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe dutch?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "cultural readiness to express emotions openly would be correlated with a similar willingness to express disagreement? There’s no doubt that some cultures are more emotionally expressive than others. In a study conducted by researchers Shahid, Krahmer, and Swerts at the University of Tilberg in the Netherlands, Dutch and Pakistani children were photographed while playing a card game. The photos were then shown to a group of seventy-two Dutch adults, who had to decide whether each pair of children in a given photo had won or lost the card game.1 The Dutch judges did a far better job of sorting winners from losers when looking at photos of Pakistani children than with Dutch children. A glance at some sample photos shows why (see Figure 7.2). Although all the children are emotionally expressive, the Pakistani children are far more demonstrative in their facial expressions and body language than the Dutch children. Other studies have found similar"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term germanic european?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "find your workmate is simply interested. This exchange vividly illustrates why the Germans (along with the Dutch and the Danish) belong on the confrontational side of the Disagreeing scale—despite the fact that German culture is less emotionally expressive than many others. If you think of your Germanic European business associates as stolid, silent types, you may be surprised when a matter of controversy arises. You are likely to find them eager to jump into the fray, since they regard disagreement not as a matter of personal emotion, but rather as a valuable intellectual exercise from which truth emerges. By contrast, the cultures in Quadrant C, such as most Latin American cultures and some Middle Eastern cultures, are made up of people who speak with passion, yet are also sensitive and easily bruised. For people from these cultures, it is not easy to separate the opinion from the person. If you attack my idea, I feel you are attacking me also—which"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about madsen?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "that can help. First, if you’re the boss, consider skipping the meeting. Depending on the cultures you are dealing with, both your seniority and age may impact others’ comfort in disagreeing with you openly. In many avoid-confrontation cultures, it may be possible to disagree openly with a peer, but disagreeing with a boss, superior, or elder is taboo. When Danish multinational pharmaceutical company Novo Nordisk purchased a new operation in Tokyo, Harald Madsen found himself collaborating with a group of Japanese marketing managers, all younger than him and junior to him in rank. Madsen scheduled a first trip to Tokyo in search of feedback from the local managers about which of his initiatives would work well locally and which they disagreed with. He hoped to get a good debate going with them, just as he would in Denmark. But Madsen’s dreams of a lively sparring match and a creative exchange of ideas quickly evaporated: I began the first meeting by telling my Japanese"}
{"instruction": "Why does disagreement matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "taken. And I would voice that disagreement by saying “I don’t agree with you.” But in Mexican culture this level of disagreement is not acceptable, and my open expression of disagreement would effectively end the debate with no further attempt to change my point of view. I soon learned that, if I wanted to encourage team debate, it was important to use phrases like “I do not quite understand your point” and “Please explain more about why you think that.” These expressions encouraged give-and-take rather than shutting down the conversation completely. On the other hand, if you are working with a culture that is more confrontational than your own, be very careful about choosing stronger words than are natural to you to express your disagreement unless you have a solid and nuanced grasp on exactly where the line is drawn between acceptable debate and inappropriate attack. I do not recommend that you begin an overseas meeting by telling your French client, “You are totally wrong,” or announcing"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame style-switching approach here?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "But there’s no expectation that the meeting will progress in a linear manner. What seemed like a priority last week when the agenda was crafted is not necessarily the priority right now—so discussion may branch off in a new direction. Other branches may sprout as some members have urgent phone calls that take them in and out of the meeting. Or subgroups may form within the room to discuss timely subjects linked in some way to the main meeting trunk. In flexible-time cultures, it seems clear that the most productive meetings grow in unpredictable ways, and the effective manager is flexible and professional enough to capitalize on priorities and changing needs as they arise. Interruptions, agenda changes, and frequent shifts in direction are seen as natural and necessary. WAITING FOR A SIGN FROM THE MOON: THE STYLE-SWITCHING APPROACH TO SCHEDULING CHALLENGES As you might expect, the scheduling dimension also impacts the way we plan our time and how fixed or flexible those"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about japanese?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "change. The Japanese complain that the Chinese don’t think things through, make rash decisions, and seem to thrive in chaos. Not only do these two Asian groups have difficulty working together, but the Japanese in many ways behave more like the Germans than like the Chinese—something I never anticipated. I’d appreciate any thoughts and suggestions you may have. Olivier My response: Dear Olivier, Start addressing your problem by creating a simple culture map using the scales outlined during my presentation. Plot out each culture on the eight scales and draw a broken line connecting all eight points. This line represents the overall pattern of that culture on the map. I’ve done that for you with the four cultures from your team. FIGURE E.1. Now check the lines for Japan and China. On several scales, they cluster together. As you’ve experienced, the Chinese and Japanese are both uncomfortable with direct negative feedback and open disagreement."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about another?", "input": "Source: The Culture Map Decoding How People Think, Lead, and Get Things Done Across Cultures", "output": "or have extensive experience living in more than one culture represented on your team. If you make a good choice and train that person well, he can play a critical role in helping one group decode the other’s behavior. Sometimes cultural diversity on global teams creates fault lines, but other times that same level of diversity can be a great advantage. For example, suppose you are handed a project that has dozens of drop-dead deadlines and that therefore requires a linear-time approach. Get those people on your team with strong linear-time preferences to own that project. Another time you may have a client who is constantly changing his mind and serving him well requires flexibility and comfort with changing routes at the drop of a hat. Having team members who are strongly flexible-time (both because of their culture as well as their personalities) will help meet your client’s needs. Sometimes, you may feel as if you really need direct negative feedback about how to improve something that you"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对芝加哥给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "小老板本来就靠不住的合作。各种级别的勒索在芝加哥仍是平常事。每个人都知道，偷偷塞给主考官一张五美元钞票可以在考驾照时帮上大忙。每个人也都知道，哪怕只是读读报纸都能知晓凶杀仍然非常频繁；但当我某次与一位芝加哥高级警官谈论此事时，他熟练地逃避到交通堵塞和卖淫的孪生话题（因为它们似乎是结伴而来）上去了。倘若城市本身宽敞且外表整洁，所有的这些污秽与不健康可能还不那么扎眼。然而，尽管因为位于湖海之滨而拥有幻觉般的高贵宏伟，芝加哥还是一个衰败溃烂的地方。高架列车将老朽的铁轨压得哐当作响，如有遮篷的轮椅般带着超然的傲慢劲儿穿越城市，从车窗往下望，你可以看到芝加哥那不讨人喜欢的腹地。不同地段的贫民区各有其民族特点——意大利人、中国人、波多黎各人、立陶宛人——但从外部看，全都融混在一片消沉而荒凉的辽阔中。一座褐色的砖砌房屋，转角处崩塌，窗户裂开或毁坏，门上铰链歪歪扭扭，一个黑人妇女穿着磨损了的肮脏短衫，手里拿把梳子，从楼上窗边探出身子。一座摇摇欲坠的廉价木头公寓，屋檐板腌臜污白，阳台扶手下陷断裂，一个长胡子意大利老头蹲在台阶上。不论在世界任何地方，贫民窟就是贫民窟，这些地方可能和巴黎或格拉斯哥的类似区域一样衰朽；但在这里，这一切不幸由于居民的境况而增添了额外的辛酸，许多种族"}
{"instruction": "这一段对贝鲁特的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "去往时装店的名媛贵妇衰老起来格外明显）的亚历山大城。尽管历史悠久，但它却让人感觉是一个无根之城——淫荡但未放开，阳刚却又不育。看起来，一缕风，一次命运的转变，就会将所有那些色彩鲜亮的织物掸进被人遗忘的角落。这就是此地的本质。贝鲁特是一个极小的共和国的微小首都，这里发生的事件往往并不让人感觉有多重要。贝鲁特一直在低声说，给它点时间，别大惊小怪，等等再看，来喝一杯。在这里你总是会睁一只眼闭一只眼，无论是角落里的一个洞，一只手的背面，还是台面下的东西。这不是一个诚恳的城市。维多利亚时代的体面人会厌恶它。哈佛经济学家或英国公务员正在研究它那些不可思议的方法、它轻浮饶舌的魅力、它的喧哗与谄媚——这些有着严肃目的的人在一个芬芳的傍晚在贝鲁特安顿下来，他们也许会宣称它已不可救药。但谁会去拯救这样一个地方呢，在一个虚假救赎的世界里？俱乐部女会员和蓝袜子在我们的时代层出不穷，但率直而可爱的放浪者仍然让人振奋。这样一种不管不顾的喜悦，这样一种无忧无虑的眼神的闪耀，就是贝鲁特的赠予。这是一个没有太多灵魂的城市，但拥有不可估量的诱惑力，更重要的是它被一种天赐的背景之美赋予荣光：这种美永恒而古典，属于蓝色和深酒红的类型，带有你在漫长而潮湿的北方夜晚所梦想的、渴望来一大杯温暖的南方时的那种魔力。"}
{"instruction": "波斯在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "从来没有过如此魅惑的、鬼火般不可预知的民族群体；没有别处的建筑是这般难以描述的可爱，没有别处的风景比辽阔的伊朗平原更独特，有时荒凉得无法形容，有时又温煦多彩，时常有怪异地零乱分布的圆形大坑洞标示出地下水道的路径。问一名波斯人哪个是他的右耳，他会把左手放在头后面这样指出来。波斯的生活很大程度上被一种幽默感支配，为了连续性而依赖于一连串不合前提的推论，因此那里的事件进展得颠颠簸簸但却宽慰人心，仿佛内含粗沙的鸦片。很久以来它就是这样了，因为经过多个世纪的专制统治，波斯人业已在其周围竖起一面难以定义的幽默、古怪、滑溜溜的屏风，一道烟幕或迷彩，一条伪装的行迹，一片催泪瓦斯，当麻烦靠近时他能一个猛子扎到那后面，搞得那些折磨他的人不知所措、憋闷懊恼。波斯的全套古老风味和本质最能在伊斯法罕的集市中嗅出或体验到。在中东所有绝妙的集市里，我最欣赏这里。它们蜿蜒、散漫而神秘，被一束束透过屋顶的阳光照亮，到处都是织物、地毯、珠宝和蔬菜，缠着异国情调的包头巾的身影漫步其间，连续不断的推挤、摔倒、叫嚷和讨价还价；一切都发生在一连串带有些微宗教特征的拱廊中。女人在这个伊斯兰市场备受冷遇，被驴子挤出街道或被无情地诅咒，有时，这个地方的鲜活热情也会发展到阴森或诡异怪诞的地步。有一次我走过集市，一位年轻人从自行车上摔下来，一个拴在行"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的城市是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "量里有一种《圣经》般神秘的部族力量，如同季节的轮换或某种巨大的天国真理：但特拉维夫是一个抽空了历史的所在，因为如今它让人觉得本质上是一个乡土的、有希望变得平凡的城市——在这儿，漂亮的年轻女人带着小孩在艾伦比大街上散步，邻桌的谈话通常不涉及真实与残酷的黑暗原理，而仅仅是黄瓜的价格，或者，为什么小摩西不会拼写。的确，特拉维夫渴望成为一个普通城市，而对今日任何西方游客来说，它从一开始就是半熟稔的。气候美妙如梦，天堂般的金色沙滩沿着城市滨水区延伸，地中海长长的缓慢的波浪卷上休闲海滩：尽管环境充满异国风情，但这仍然几乎是一个欧洲城市，居民的皮肤虽然被永恒的阳光晒成好看的古铜色，但几乎全都是欧洲人。你听到英语、德语、波兰语或意第绪语的频率跟听到希伯来语一样高，一次又一次，你会看到某个走在街上的人初看上去像是你认识的一个家伙，巴黎的一名出版商或是伦敦的一位音乐家，但结果只是因为他是一个犹太人、一个西方人所以相像而已。就像英国诗人菲利普·贝利曾经把美国人称作“全世界人同父异母或同母异父的兄弟”，特拉维夫也通过犹太民族的血缘兄弟关系与西方所有的大城市远远地联系起来。它始终有20世纪30年代城市的感觉，就像从希特勒统治下的欧洲逃出的难民主要定居的那些伦敦市郊一样。很少有迹象表明两次世界"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述阳光？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "子歪到眼睛上，继续睡觉；在中间，那个喧嚣的仪式仍然活跃着，柔软发亮的腿伴随咔嚓作响的节奏踢踏，白牙齿在阳光下闪烁。西班牙港是一个宽容的、世界主义的、受教育人口相对较多的城市。但有时你会感到，这个地方真正的精髓并不在于其高尔夫比杆赛和智力活动，而是包含在那些粗陋而嘈杂的庆典中。肯定有某些时刻，摩根先生的小提琴乐声依然摇摇晃晃地御风而来，仿佛是一个退却的世界的曲调，就像他房子上那些令人迷醉的塔楼与装饰物是对一个很久以前的特立尼达的纪念。巴巴多斯 “巴巴多斯支持你们”，“二战”开初，这块小巧的殖民地发给英国政府的电报令人振奋，20年后，它仍然确凿无疑地忠诚于英帝国。今天是巴巴多斯圣约翰教区一个珊瑚岛上的复活节，一个安排在银色海水中的复活节，大西洋海浪的一道长线温柔地拍碎在教堂下面的海滩，高高的甘蔗地在阳光中轻微起伏。但在这个早上的宗教仪式之后，我坐在教堂墓地里心想，这是一个多么小、相互关联多么密切的世界，我们共享了多少鬼魂与传统，不管我们愿不愿意都将我们捆在一起的纽带是多么强大，令我们的复活节鲜花变得清新的，是一场肯特郡的毛毛雨，还是从加勒比吹来的一股温暖的信风？前来参加宗教仪式的教区居民几乎全是黑人——糖厂工人及其家属——来自将这座陈旧岛屿分隔得像棋盘一样的种植园，但是其中几"}
{"instruction": "美国在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "料：在草丛里不知疲倦地快乐高唱的知了，炫人眼目的广告牌与霓虹灯，汽车餐馆与整洁的加油站，黑暗中沿着宽大的双车道公路奔涌的车流。这里让你感觉像是一条美国公路的热带样板——与波多黎各有着同样鲁莽的美国特色，比起迈阿密来也不遑多让。但当你早上醒来时，灿烂的白色哈瓦那在你的窗下展开，蓝色海湾必然是宁静的，车流的轰响沿着美妙的水滨地区传来，然后睡梦重新占据你的身体。怪异，怪异的事正在这儿发生。这个蔗糖与比基尼之国（“隔壁那个诱人的岛”，纽约的游客指南上这样说）已经从美国人的理想中偏离了那么远，以至于我们在谈话中可以正儿八经地将其作为捷克斯洛伐克或匈牙利一样的潜在的苏联卫星国。这座城市的街道几乎与迈阿密或坦帕的林荫大道无法区分——同样类型的店铺，同样类型的建筑，同样款型的汽车，同样的味道、景观、声音，像南佛罗里达一样微染热带地区的刺激与一种昔日西班牙的繁华。然而，你会发现，这座岛上已经有某些最初的迹象在不厌其烦地向你提示其人民民主。港口有苏联的船，从黑海将石油运往这里的国营精炼厂。这里有中国人，还有充满赫鲁晓夫那父亲般关怀的文件。一份日报上有一张漫画，也许直接摘引自《鳄鱼》杂志，表现的是美国被一个虔诚的世界毫无异议地抛弃。这座城市因横幅与标语而沉重，小道消息称，就在昨天晚上，还有两个美国人在我住的旅馆楼上被抓走。"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里城市究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "京都整体上是一片平坦的土地，破烂的棚屋随处可见，但像世界上别的大城市一样，这是一个有着沉默魅力的地方，一个私密的地方，一个藏在墙后的地方，一个你肯定能找见其美的地方，一个其意义像日本茶道的精致微妙一样隐身于多层暗示之下的地方。京都是日本城市中最保守的，仿佛还生活在其镀金的鼎盛时期，那时，它的君主与幕府将军尽情享受优雅的奢华，日本佛教的四个重要教派在它的山下定居，沉湎于仪式与冥想。京都的名门望族依然傲慢而超然。这个地方的终极珍宝被警惕地守护着。游客可能咔嗒一声合上百叶窗，车流可能会咆哮，收音机可能震耳欲聋，但在俗丽的街景之上，甚至在庙宇和举世无双的花园之上，这座深刻的城市的灵魂古井无波地偃卧着，像圣池中的一尾鲤鱼。一个世纪前天皇离开这里，时间的结局抛弃了京都，然而，它全部衰残的高贵庄严依然让人确凿无疑地觉得它是一个大城市，一座依然存留着权力与威严、有时甚至带着威胁的城市。最深刻地扎根于日本性格中的一切，都在这个内向的社会中继续存在：其中一些富有魔力，一些丑陋可怕，一些令人担忧，一些无与伦比的精美雅致、过分挑剔，一些（在西方人看来）完全无法理解。在京都，你可以观察到一种依然存在、仍有活力的尚未与西方社会真正发生接触的高级而复杂精巧的社会形态。它有百货公司，有电视演播室，当然，也有航空"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，纳粹德国为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "但是现在，他靠在椅子上好好地坐着，手放在膝头，频繁眨眼，嘴唇微动，让我无法抑制地想起某些上了年纪的干瘪皱巴的家庭妇女，穿印花围裙，向后靠坐在椅背罩布上，一边换假牙，一边听邻居抱怨不停的闲言碎语。眼下，无论如何，起诉人从可怕的总体描述细化到残忍的特例，并继续以冰冷的细节与精确度描述纳粹德国的兴起——一个步骤接着一个步骤，一个恐怖接着一个恐怖——反犹主义对华而不实的纳粹哲学的重要性，以及集中营里那些我们熟悉但却永远令人惊愕的灭绝技术。这是艾希曼的国家。他们说，他一直是个尽职尽责的管理者—— 起诉人将其描述为一个坐在办公桌后的刽子手——而这种系统性的文牍工作肯定也适合他的风格。整个起诉过程中，他认真而专注地坐着，只是到了那天上午快结束时，几个小时、一万个词语和一种恐怖的永恒之后，这位系着围裙的老妇人才开始有点烦躁不安，在椅子上轻微地摇晃身子，似乎正在渴望一杯上好的热茶。这场审判的巨大的象征意义暂时悬而未决，法庭现在转向阿道夫· 艾希曼，对这个非同寻常的较小的生命体进行讯问——如果说还算不上是解剖的话。古老的反犹主义的阴影仍然萦绕着这间法庭，但我们现在主要关注的是纳粹德国，它肯定是一切暴政中最卑鄙、最恶劣的：从今天上午这场预审中浮现出的，是纳粹主义那欺骗性的信仰中不可思议的价值混乱——它培养出一种彻底的无能，不仅无法辨别是"}
{"instruction": "围绕漆成，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "也许正有一个衣衫褴褛、包绿色头巾的孤独老妇从那里穿过，身上捆着包裹和桶，像一只旅鼠，朝树林中看不见的家园艰难前行。有时，一匹瘦骨嶙峋的马在路上拖着倾斜的雪橇，上面高高地堆着篮子和装运货物的箱子；或者是一辆车在雪地里犁行，喷出油乎乎的废气和一股原油味儿；或者是一辆做工粗糙的机动卡车，漆成暗淡的绿色，引擎盖上包着垫棉花的布，阴沉地轰隆隆驶过树林；眼下，城市最初的标志在起雾的挡风玻璃中浮现。一辆漆成明亮的黄蓝二色的郊区无轨电车从街边滑过，窗户上蒸汽浓重，以至于只能模模糊糊地看到头巾和皱巴巴的脸，或者一个压在玻璃上的孩子的粉红鼻头。车流浓稠起来，空旷的乡村逐渐消失，很快，在断断续续的降雪中，隐约出现一排庞然大物般的建筑队列。它们显得巨大、方正、拒人于千里之外，缺乏可定义的风格或年代，仿佛数不胜数的庞大的八层饲养棚。它们看上去门窗紧闭、阒寂无人，但是，由于各处闪烁的昏暗灯光，它们陡峻而冷酷地矗立在道路两侧，窗接着窗，街区接着街区，一英里接着一英里，像是某个偏远而秘密的废料场里大量成堆的武器箱。只有几个矮胖女人在它们的拱形门洞里进进出出，电视天线歪斜地站在楼顶上，显得悲哀，但又有几分可爱的傲慢无礼。刺穿这个阴郁行列的街道宽得惊人，建筑物的节奏于此为之一变，像是火车开过道岔。"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，莫斯科意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "具有一场宿醉的性质：视线模糊，嘴唇发干，险恶不祥，却被几乎是痛苦的明澈的时刻刺穿，词语、思想或者回忆在心中金属般地滚来滚去，如同弹球桌上的小球。这是一个粗鲁不文但却鬼迷心窍的城市，一个陌生的亚洲世界的首都。在它那些丑陋建筑间的林荫大道上，铭刻着难以描述的斯大林式审美的空洞，压低声音的人群以饥饿的热情推挤着：并非传说中那种真正的莽撞无脑，而是带着一种特殊的粗野无礼的技巧，一种自我诱导的恍惚，人行道上其他任何人的存在都被从意识中擦掉，仿佛一位瑜伽修行者无视他周围猛烈抨击的人群。没有谁能比莫斯科人推挤得更有效率，但那些队列仍然是单调而温顺的，它们拖曳在中心市场的牛奶柜台前，或者在歌剧结束后令人窒息地挤在一块儿等着取自己的帽子和橡胶套鞋，每个人都靠在旁边人的脖子上打鼾一般地呼吸。莫斯科街头没有留下会令人颤搐的优雅与风格。这是属于平民的大都市，他们喝甜菜浓汤时发出骄傲的呼噜声。这里有古代国度的神秘：克里姆林宝库中带尖刺的中世纪头盔，华丽的马鞍搭饰和皇家雪橇，构型复杂精美的成堆金器，来自英国的闪光的银器，谈不上新奇精巧的珠宝，象牙王座，权杖，金蛋里金灿灿的鸡、猫头鹰、雉鸡、火车、轮船，盔甲展览，这一切全都陈列在它们的柜子里辉耀、闪烁，游客们像进清真寺一样包上毡鞋套，脚步无声，顺从地跟在导游身后。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画敖德萨？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "自拉塔基亚或亚历山大的货船，一艘带倾斜的球根状烟囱的矮而宽的俄国战舰。夏天，被爱琴海冲刷得斑斑点点的英国和希腊巡航班轮会开来这里，做短暂的好奇的拜访；冬天，一圈冰穗子浮荡在港口附近，大多数船只似乎都懒散、荒废地静卧着。船坞被高墙和警察隔开，你只能找一个高处窥视它们的码头区，或者偷偷摸摸地在入口处逡巡，假装要去见一个同志：但是无论如何，敖德萨都让人无疑地觉得是个港口——一个破败剥落、景况堪忧的港口，一个苏联的丹吉尔。这仍然是一个世界性的城市，满是希腊人、犹太人、亚美尼亚人、格鲁吉亚人、埃及海员、中国代表。年老的教堂看守中最快乐的那个会领着你参观正在朽坏的犹太会堂，借一顶白色尖顶帽给你戴，蜡黄的地中海脸庞会在希腊教堂里庄严地欢迎你。敖德萨是一个倦怠的南部海滨城市，不下雪，阳光强，甚至工人光荣榜，甚至从中央委员会总部传出的刺耳的喇叭声，甚至细声细气的新排钟，甚至“你正被人跟踪”的令人困扰的怀疑，都不能完全扼杀它那如同一股越过博斯普鲁斯海峡的暖风般放松而随和的城镇天性。敖德萨几乎不算是一处旅游胜地。它有繁忙的工业，一所规模可观的大学，一所有名的眼科医院：但是，由于下层土壤过于松软，它没有那高耸的坟墓般的公寓街区，离开几乎任何一条林荫道，只要穿过一道拱门，你就会发现自己回到了革命前的俄国，看到废墟般的庭"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把城市放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "士革，或者凯鲁万）神奇地移植到青藏高原的一处斜坡上。这是一座安第斯山的城市，如今，正是安第斯成群结队的艾马拉印第安人奠定了它的风格。这些人的包耳羊毛帽和印加面庞有时足够惹眼，但安第斯女人的魅力难以描述。她们戴着潇洒翘起的圆顶硬礼帽，穿着叫人眼花缭乱的宽松短衫和裙子，衬裙上有泡泡状的荷叶边，背上的婴孩像是些小暴君，脚上套着用旧轮胎做成的凉鞋——她们服饰华美，无休止地操劳，往往装饰着一丝堂皇的尊贵与自负，赋予拉巴斯一种部分属于吉卜赛人、部分属于叫卖小贩但全都辛辣刺激的风味。一场印第安人的高地骚乱让这座城市保持紧张与警惕，让午夜宵禁更像是惯例而非例外。在国家议会大厅里，在玻利瓦尔彩色肖像的监督下，主要是些西班牙的面孔，慷慨激昂地操练着拉美式的辩论术；而高踞于这场争论上方的阳台、越过栏杆沉默地凝视的，是艾马拉人专注的、神秘莫测的黑色眼睛。在拉巴斯，你处处都会感到不断上升的印第安人意识，以及郁积的潜伏暴力。它是一座流言与回声的城市。有时，卡塔维的矿工准备拖着他们的人质行军到首都；有时，在天亮前，你可以听到窗外传来行军的脚步声与喊口号的声音。有时，戴面罩的卡宾枪手提着冲锋枪四处晃荡，检查你的汽车，搜寻武器；有时，你发现一条链子被抛过小山顶的城门，一个持枪的平民警"}
{"instruction": "作者借城市想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "人员，许多愉快的出租车司机，许多细心的书商，国家议会里彬彬有礼的服务人员，渡船掉头时从一个操舵室走向另一个操舵室、像后甲板上的海军司令一样昂首阔步的如此威严而杰出的渡船船长。华丽的新剧院计划也许是更有风格的事物即将来临的预示，每一年欧洲人的涌入都往这座新鲜的城市里揉进一丝优雅与温和。一些新的摩天大楼，尽管几乎不再令人兴奋，却也足够美观。一些新的公路，散发出人们想象中这样一个爆炸式增长的年轻港口就该有的冲劲与炫目。尽管如此，悉尼仍然没有一座伟大城市的感觉——它不是一个慷慨、自信、安详的城市，不是一个拥有任何温暖与辉煌的城市。背对着那座桥，你的目光将穿越一片怨怒的郊区荒野、一座不愉快的林荫道迷宫、一片单调的凄凉，到最后抵达市郊，只要你坚持，澳大利亚的空虚就会铺陈在你的面前，那是无可逃避的，像某种冷飕飕的病毒流经这个国家的血脉，并将那些脆弱的年头如此牢固地捆扎到一块儿，以至于即使到了现在，你仍然可以在悉尼感觉到锒铛囚徒的存在，并且可以想象押送犯人的小艇划向断肠岛。第一次拜访悉尼，我学会了享用食物与饮料。在那之前，我从来都不太关注这两者，但一个澳大利亚朋友在一块俯瞰港口的草坪上请我吃了次野餐，在他吞咽我们的简单食品、啜饮我们的澳大利亚白葡萄酒、用手指折断松脆的面包条的姿态中，突然有某种东西让我看到"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价黄金海岸？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "拌嘴，咯咯笑，吹着锡喇叭。在阿克拉仍然有符咒杀人者和资深先知，仍然有魔法灵媒、预言家和巫师。在可爱的海水浴沙滩上，在冲浪板和冲凉房之间，仍然会有人给你指出一片棕榈小树林，众所周知那是某个特别有威力的神物的居所。在城中市场里，摩托车中间零星可见巫医使用的蛇头、干鼠、变色龙和猴头。一位具有传统本能的食客仍然会偶尔说声抱歉，然后从大使旅馆的餐厅走出去，到花园中小心谨慎地酹酒祭神。我听说，加纳大学的平均教育水准比大多数英国大学还要高，但它的毕业生在进入公共生活后吐出的蠢话数量多得可怕。“自由与公正”的标语用粗体大字写在阿克拉的凯旋门上，但当又一位政治异见者仍然被隔离禁言，或者又一种对民主的嘲弄被欺骗性地兜售给一位激动的选民时，它听起来往往既糟糕又令人遗憾。一天早上，执政党的三个最显要的成员突然被捕，官方报纸立刻宣布他们是危险的机会主义者、可耻的马屁精与穷凶极恶的变节者。“冒险大师阿达玛菲奥以自己为先锋，纠集起他那部落式的帮伙，阿克·阿杰伊和科菲-克拉比，错误地认为他们能够往这个国家的眼睛里揉沙子。今天，这个邪恶卑鄙的三人帮的罪行大白于天下，他们是这场斗争中浮现的疯狂的野心家与可耻的部落流氓中最野蛮的一帮家伙。” 这些鲜明生动而血气旺盛的材料，是直接从黄金海岸血淋淋的往"}
{"instruction": "这段关于卡诺的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "成千上万人去过沙特阿拉伯朝圣；这里与北非有着古老的联系；并且，同所有穆斯林和阿拉伯语使用者一样，这里的人对于身兼伊斯兰国度族长与歌舞男郎的埃及的做法有着深厚的兴趣。最后，我毫不怀疑，尼日利亚成为一个自由国度，将削弱卡诺的特色及其传统的稳定性，因为这座城市并不完全如它表面那般安详。北方人对南方人的不信任在尼日利亚根深蒂固，反之亦然。城墙外带着业绩证明和毕业证书的伊博人和约鲁巴人，在卡诺城中冷漠的豪萨人和富拉尼人眼中是该受诅咒的家伙；反过来，受过教育的城外人也看不起如此不可救药地深陷于中世纪遗产的民族。此地的宏伟高贵，没有深厚的安全感作为支撑。如同所有那些更广阔时代的遗存一样，它完全处于常识的掌握之中。眼下，卡诺那些裹得严严实实的权贵有琥珀念珠，有虔诚，也不乏信心；而在卡诺市民常用来向过路的外国人表示欢迎的大拇指朝上的诚挚手势中，自信也尚未衰退。在卡诺的国际机场，许多旅行者登上飞机返回欧洲。朝北飞向地中海时，他们将明智地对这座古城偷偷投上告别的最后一瞥，它交叉纵横于长草的城墙之间，如底格里斯河旁的撒马尔罕，或者某个骄傲的波斯集镇。多好的对非洲的告别啊！对阿拉伯的古老哲学来说，这又是针对爵士乐时代与街头小贩的一切古怪事物的一个多么辽远的胜利啊！若是几十年后到卡诺，阿拉伯的古老哲学可能不会那么亲切地打"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对伊乐藻的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "变暗了。另一方面，规模缩小了。焦点变窄，聚集到克什米尔水上生活的取景框里。这幅画变得越清晰，越精确，一个人就越会发现自己凝神于细枝末节，譬如被拔出水面的伊乐藻上的叶片的数目，或者翠鸟们抽搐般的运动。我随身带着一本简·奥斯丁的小说来到克什米尔山谷，她用鹅毛笔写下的戏剧与瓷器般精美的喜剧，完美地契合了此地精致细腻的意识。有时，我会乘坐桨声哗哗的小船进城。我们穿过开满百合的水道前行，柳枝垂在头上，到处都是绿色的田地和苹果园，靠近城市时，生活的质地在身边变得浓稠起来。装运牲畜的驳船从旁边滑向市场。小孩儿在半没于水中的独木舟里朝周围泼水玩。把拖曳的头巾灵巧地包在头上的女人，在简陋的船上棚屋里烧饭，或者在水边台阶上洗衣服。孤独的渔夫在浅滩里撒网，有时一个人划着平底撑船而来，盘腿坐在船首，好似侏儒。我们经过因为交通而颤颤巍巍的中世纪的桥下，经过格状图案的神秘高楼，经过前门大敞的水边店铺，商贩庄严地坐在长沙发上，咕噜噜抽着水烟，屈尊俯就般地朝面前点头弯腰。我们继续划，像一艘正在阅兵的海军司令的游艇，穿过船屋的小舰队，那里有些船的艉楼甲板上游客快乐欣喜，有些船却是阴湿无人，像是暂时没生意可做的葬礼船。马上，我们就发现自己来到杰赫勒河浑浊的水面上，河上横亘着一长列古老的桥（从零桥到第八桥），斯利那加褐色的大杂烩围绕在"}
{"instruction": "文中关于锡兰的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "的幽远之处，仍然有怪异的散乱分布的森林土著群落在勉强维持其黑暗时代的最后岁月。锡兰是一个人口如此密集、榫合得如此紧凑、如此成熟的国家，以至于西方的技术文明要最终淹没这个地方还需要几代人，并且我知道没有哪个地方能比这里更安全或舒适，在这儿，你仍然可以感到如此贴近多瘤结的自然之根。如果你从未在动物园外见过猴子，那么在锡兰公路上看到它们会是现代旅游中最愉快的体验之一：当猴子三蹦两跳地跃过主干道，或者以欢快的优雅姿态搂着幼崽爬上一根树干，它们看上去拥有如此充裕、如此庄严的自由。如果对你来说，一头大象主要意味着花六便士让孩子骑一程，或者仅仅是动画片里的滑稽角色，那么等着吧，你会在锡兰的柚树林中看见一头大象高贵地挪动粗腿，要是运气好，还会看到大象以狂野的庄重迈开大步，派头十足、野性未驯地从一片森林奔向另一片森林。在别的地方，人们可以看到这些动物在更野蛮的环境中以更大的数量出现。但锡兰的光荣在于，它们仍然生存在紧挨着人类的地方，活动在一个可以轻易抵达并且实际上相当局促的环境中。在落日中小酌时，萤火虫随意地闪烁着穿过灌木丛，仿佛友善的信使，来自郊区之外的那另一个世界，那个猿与象的世界：有一次，我驱车五英里才穿过一片绵延的摇曳的黄蛾子群，它们那穿越锡兰的怪诞队列提醒人们，拥有道路并非人类独享的特权。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对伦敦给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "历史仍然会更凶狠地击打她们。在早上进城购物还是一件乐事的时代，她们戴最好的帽子，穿最好的大衣，与朋友结伴而行。而现在，她们实在是太过频繁地独坐，衣服也失去了色彩。她们的面容尽管和善，但看起来很造作。她们戴头巾，穿单色的鞋子，似乎每一年都失去一点阶级特征，你越来越难以辨认你对面的那位女士到底是嫁给了一个工人呢，还是嫁给了一个老师。然而，在外面街道上，不论你朝哪边看，都能看到富裕的标志。劳斯莱斯多得很。出租车司机告诉你他计划到突尼斯度假，音像店里挤满挥金如土的年轻人，开宝马车的大有前途的经理们永远比你先到停车场。在上流社会的餐厅，老伦敦舒适的传统由昂贵账单的魔力维持着，连什一税和松鸡都分不清楚的生意人，获得了曾经保留给拥有土地的乡绅们的那种朴实的尊敬。“当然，我的女士”这句舞台腔，仍然可以轻易地从伦敦男仆的口中听到，尽管英国的富人被赶出了传统的梅菲尔区和骑士桥区他们常住的那些地方，但他们仍然像往常一样，带着保姆、菲律宾厨子和换工住宿的瑞典女孩，整洁舒适地居住在圣约翰森林或小威尼斯区的别墅里。所有这些对比与异常有助于赋予伦敦一种狂热的气质。在两场演出之间！伦敦被剥夺了它所拥有的那个庞大帝国，既不是欧洲的一部分，也不是全然孤立的海岛，是社会主义者，但也是资本主义者，渴"}
{"instruction": "这一段对伦敦的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "着的一个小小的金十字架，正猛烈地摇晃。正在幕间休息的一座城市。它不再是众城之城——这个头衔，那么长时间里都是君士坦丁堡所特有的称号，如今肯定已经转移到了作为世界典范的纽约头上——但在我心中，它仍然是所有城市中最迷人的。我曾经描写过我在今日伦敦偶尔感觉到的神经官能症，还有在我看来是伴随着眼下王室与国家的盛况而产生的那种听天由命的气氛。但在实际上，我知道这些仅仅是表面上的东西，并不能反映出这座城市的真正意义。在伦敦命运和历史的变迁背后，推动它的是一种与它在人们心目中的普遍形象迥然相异的尖锐的利己之心。本身就是伦敦佬的普里切特曾经写道，伦敦的首要特征是经验。我来自威尔士，一个海与山的地方，对我而言，这座首都不变的本质是一种对获利最大的机会的洞察。伦敦有铁石心肠，正是机会主义带着这座挣钱佬的城市如此辉煌地穿越革命与浩劫、闪电战与大萧条，获得又失去帝国称号，穿过无数到如今似乎已钝化其自信的不确定的时代。在这一切背后，它是一座精于算计的城市，一座特工的城市，一个无可匹敌的政治与军事信息中心。它对整个世界的了解精确而谨慎，一如在它还是帝国的往昔时日。有一天我和外交部的一个家伙在圣马丁酒店的“比欧提”希腊风味餐厅共进午餐，席间他就像外交人员那样，不经意地提到广州一家名叫“Ding Sang”的宾馆，要是我"}
{"instruction": "好莱坞在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "确无疑的洛杉矶盛会而真挚、无邪地欢欣鼓舞。我一直待到最后，在游行队伍中最后看到的是压阵的警车上闪烁的红灯，一闪一闪地沿着大道慢慢开远，人群潮水般涌出人行道，紧随其后。好莱坞本身，它的事实与声誉，它的工作室与宣传机器，颇有几分像是一个家庭——尽管实际上并非始终充满爱意，而且经常性出现伦常混乱，但仍然由一种对其自身传奇的共同的忠诚维系。它的成员，尤其是在他们老去时，经常怀着真正的感情说起它。当成功的光环消退，金钱的意义淡化，好莱坞的回忆就获得了一种更醇熟的力量，上了年纪的导演、捞到遗产的明星说起旧时的好莱坞，就像其他人回忆快乐的学生岁月或者爱德华七世时代。好莱坞的一桩诡异事是老年人受到尊崇，会有人不带丝毫贬义地告诉你，某某人住在一所老演员之家里，或者会有人心怀尊敬地向你保证，埃斯特尔·温伍德小姐真的有93岁了。新一代的艺人在这个等级团体里经常显得笨拙而反常，几乎是被孤立的：这就是为什么日落大道上摇滚亡命徒们扎堆的海厄特旅馆很久以前就被起了个“大陆暴乱旅馆”的绰号。出人意料的是，在省视自己对这个可怕且总是令人惊讶的城市的感觉时，我发现它们被无法摆脱的遗憾穿透。洛杉矶仍然充满活力，充满娱乐和财富。流亡者仍然在从马利布城到欧文城的实验室和工作室里工作。西方思想的几乎每一步发展，从空间探索到比较语言学到"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的曼哈顿是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "地宣称比对方更疯狂。我知道曼哈顿一家商业公司——我不敢提它的名字——在我看来，似乎从上到下全由一帮发癫的家伙在打理。从我进入它办公室那一刻开始，一种暗示集体心理治疗的不安气氛就向我扑来。这家疯子公司的老板藏身于纪念碑般的桃花心木门背后，拒人于千里之外，本人疯得彻头彻尾，而他的下属们在神经错乱的等级体制中瞎搞胡弄。有时，一整个部门被炒鱿鱼；有时，一个自己也感到惊讶的、迄今尚未赢得关注的雇员突然被从底层提拔到一个分公司去当上一两个月的头儿；有时，这家经营（比方说）日用品股份的公司，突然将几百万美元投入查塔努加一家伞厂，或者尼加拉瓜的一家连锁杂货店。我认为，他们全都被曼哈顿针刺般致幻的压力、野心的刺痛和对失败的恐惧驱赶得神经错乱。在他们思考自己癫狂的职业生涯时，我在他们眼里看到完全相同的凶猛但却无情的激情，那是人们在被洗脑的邪教教徒眼中可以看到的东西——一种惊恐与盲目奉献的混合，朦朦胧胧地夹杂着镇静剂的效果。我说起叫人产生幻觉的压力，因为对于局外人来说，曼哈顿有太多超现实之处。这不是一个像洛杉矶那样充满自然幻想的地方，它的精神基础是逻辑和理性的，与一座商人、银行家和证券经纪人的城市相称。但它的日常生活沾满了神经错乱的敏感性元素与片段，我将它们记录如下，这些在曼哈顿毫不出奇的例子来自最近一次我在岛上逗"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述钢琴家？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "辛勤工作，不受潮流时俗影响，对假把式充满轻蔑。我喜欢花一整个星期天上午观看华盛顿广场上的露天马戏，广场是格林威治村的大门，村里边，流浪音乐家、业余玩戏法者要同技巧和手势都很经典的掷飞碟行家、即兴煽动家、下象棋者、巡回白痴和拉斯特法里亡命徒争夺观光者的注意力。坐在公园长椅上，望着身旁这个五光十色的世界，我会不时认出一个吃文字饭的同行，独自坐在他的长椅上，带着他的笔记本，当我们目光相遇，我不知是否该对他表示同情——就像对一个在简朴的阁楼上挣扎求存的艺术家，或者感到嫉妒——仿佛他的书到明天就会大获成功、畅销无比。和世人的看法相反，纽约充满正直的人。一座取得如此成就的城市，不得不如此。这是一座专注的诗人、认真的演员、无止境排练的音乐家的城市。它的作家废掉一份又一份草稿，每天晚上在纽约都有比在整个欧洲都更好的钢琴家表演——潜伏在市区俱乐部里的爵士钢琴家，伯里克街上疯狂的朋克钢琴家，市中心旅游景点里神气活现的浪漫钢琴家（“在马娄尼先生演奏过程中，请将声音降低成耳语”），为明年的柴可夫斯基大赛练习的出色的钢琴学生，为外百老汇音乐剧伴奏的年轻快活的钢琴家，中途辍学的钢琴家，被酒精毁掉的钢琴家，乐器搁在滚轮推车上的乞丐钢琴家，下午坐协和式飞机赶来参加当晚林肯中心音乐会的斯坦威钢琴家。"}
{"instruction": "韦尔斯在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "在主教的办公室里，通过其行头、环境和特权得到辉煌的确认；但是，传统中被物质上的富足与精神上的自满光荣地拱卫着的英国国教主教——那个宏伟的幻想角色很久以前就已经走上了帝国扩张者和戴高帽的火车站站长的老路。事实上，主教在韦尔斯的官邸也许是所有主教官邸中最辉煌的。它被自身的护城河、城堡风格的院墙、远处的公用土地环绕，耸立在韦尔斯的边缘，位于大教堂的侧翼，越过绿地能望向萨默塞特郡的深处。这座官邸有如一座要塞，尽管它巨大的宴会厅如今仅仅是一片如画的废墟，但仍然是一道了不起的风景。各种各样的鸭子在护城河里戏水，天鹅娴熟地敲响门楼的钟寻求食物。官邸本身宏伟地环绕着庭院矗立，有一个由巨大的柱子支撑的食堂，一个精美的图书馆，一个私人礼拜堂（自记事以来这里每天都有合唱队为主教、他的家人和仆人唱圣歌）。但是没有气派的、威严的普若迪夫人在官邸门口迎接我。压根儿就没人在大门口迎接我，因为巴斯兼韦尔斯的主教如今只占用这栋建筑的北翼，其余部分被奉献给会议和其他有用的活动。主教及其家人在空阔而壮观的圆顶地下室中心，在壁炉上方一顶巨大的镀金法冠的俯瞰中孤零零地进餐，这样的日子已经一去不返了。私人礼拜堂里那些日常的宗教仪式也消逝了——如今只有主教一个人在那儿祈祷。随风而去的，还有从前的教堂牧师永远不会忘记的走近主教之所在时那"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里沙滩究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "穿过街道走到后面一个咖啡馆，我叫来一杯有魔力让我立刻恢复青春的巴西饮料。受人控制和教唆的男孩正四处游荡，寻找值得下手的目标：有手表可抢的友好的美国游客，或者散乱地放在沙滩上的手提包。他们的小流氓身份太过明显——像是舞台上的恶棍，彼此打着演得过火的手势，越过街角吹口哨互通声息，以仅仅是最敷衍的姿态装出擦鞋童或小饰物商贩的样子。唉，他们一点也不可爱。他们中间一个奥利弗也没有。他们看上去纯粹就是叫人害怕的，我想，在他们身边总是萦绕着来自他们所住的贫民窟的苍蝇与跳蚤——那片略呈灰色的摇摇晃晃的贫民区，从沙滩上就能看到，仿佛沿着山坡倾泻而下的垃圾。基督张开双臂，高高地耸立在科科瓦多山的顶峰，但山下由简陋木屋构成的市镇，和沙滩上那些小贼一样，似乎完全在他的祝福范围之外。一连串无情的放弃贯穿里约的生活，至少是贯穿它的喜悦——贯穿街上人群的炫耀虚饰，贯穿沙滩上令人烦扰的活跃过头，贯穿里约富人们的全副豪奢。城里到处爬满难看的涂鸦。其中一些是政治口号，但大多数只是无意义的胡写乱画，有时候，当大胆的无政府主义者爬上格子墙或者从阳台倒垂下来，涂鸦就会延伸到房子的第二层楼那么高。这种盲目的胡乱涂抹让我想起一个来自空虚的讯息，总是向我们讲起无助与无力——那实际上是一种共同的精疲力竭，躺在里约"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，城市为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "在公司会议中大发脾气，或者无情地筹划让一个敌对的副部长辞职。当我走出“冰岛”时，我的眼睛紧紧盯着他，因为，本能告诉我他正在收集烂冰屑对付我。澳大利亚不是由仁善，甚至也不是由理想主义建起来的。囚徒，而非朝圣者，是它的先辈，而悉尼始终比它表面上看起来的要刚毅得多。它不是一个多愁善感的城市，恐怕也不太喜欢不求回报的善意。有一种悉尼特有的面孔（特别是在女人中），第一眼看上去完全是直率、方正而可靠的，但是倘若更加仔细地（如果有可能，请从邻桌越过报纸边缘偷偷摸摸地）审视，就会发现一种潜在的卑劣，或者一种（我用自己那罗曼蒂克的方式对自己说）无疑是从罪犯流放地的凶暴谋杀中遗传而来的狡诈。在这座城市快乐的建筑正面背后，更加残酷的事总在发生。无法解释的政治丑闻刺激了报纸。数不清的皇家委员会在调查不恰当的行为。一小撮资本巨头昂首阔步地穿过这个显然是平等主义的社会，带着似乎延伸到城市生活的每一条裂缝中去的触须，让你感觉，不论你正在做什么，不论你正在买冰激凌，还是在订飞机票，你都在让同一批澳大利亚富人越发富有。移民们说，老一辈澳洲佬仍然是可怕的偏执狂，他们告诉我，即使到了今天，外国口音都经常会招来冷落和轻蔑——并且不仅仅是针对欧洲口音，因为眼下最流行的悉尼俏皮话是一个关于新西兰的笑话：如何资助一个新西兰人建立一个小企业？"}
{"instruction": "围绕加拿大，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "即使在这座桥上，只要你和我有一丁点相似，你就会感到很难有更聪明的做法。你似乎正处于一个不受司法权管辖的灵泊，四周漩涡着彼此交叠的行政部门、互相竞争的官僚机构、自相矛盾的地理和政治、更加晦暗的历史影响。只有叫人安心的加拿大联邦的建筑——每个人打童年起就从集邮册里熟悉了它的形状——让你适度地确信这是什么城市。但是永远可感可触的是周围这片风景的巨大辽阔——这是地球上最单调的风景之一，却也是最有挑战性的风景之一。野熊有时会出现在渥太华郊区，海狸鲁莽地破坏国家首都委员会的树木，空气是澄澈的。最好的一点是，这个首都周围能够不时看到加拿大狂暴的白色海浪，如同一片遥远视野中的白色绒毛——那些令人战栗的危险，始终萦绕着这个国家的想象，在这个流浪者之国的历史上有着如此丰富的意味，即使在被观光桥、野餐点或解释性的铭碑驯服的今天，仍然在提醒陌生人：这是那片“孤独大地”的首都。对渥太华来说，在某些方面，没有什么比做一个首都更沉闷的了。它不得不反映习俗、抱负和作为一个整体的国家的风格——至于加拿大这个国家，要说它有什么特征令人感到它的衰弱，那必然是如下感觉：由于自身无可挑剔，故而面目模糊。渥太华对英国的隶属关系正迅速衰退，它的市民不断向我打包票，天真地指望我对此不论如何总要留心一二。"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，城市意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "当我向某人评论说大多数加拿大城市除了自己别的什么也不想谈时，他回答道：“你说的没错，但这并不适用于圣约翰”——然后他继续历数对圣约翰的热爱，继续巨细无遗地描述这座城市性格中一切别的优越之处。实际上，圣约翰人是不可抗拒的自我谈论者，他们独特的口音在我听来像是爱尔兰人、德文郡人和大西洋海豹的杂拌混合，让他们痴迷的滔滔不绝更加润滑得如同抹了油。因为市民们大都彼此认识，待在那儿的日子里，我感到自己被包围在一张交叠着回忆、欢愉和抱怨的网中。闲言碎语在圣约翰活泼地流动，丑闻、玩笑和恶作剧的形象经过我面前，如同一张宽大而绚丽的屏幕上的形象。人们使用尚有活力或已消亡的最丰富的俗语向我剖析城里的财富王朝；政客苦于纽芬兰的标新立异者们尖锐的讽刺；当我被人领着参观一条条街巷时，各处建筑的家谱与罪愆被纷纷揭露。这家商铺是张三的财富中唯一遗留下来的，那座宅邸是大获成功的李四住过的地方。一位声望较低的副总督在这栋房子里生活过，一个神童企业家不久前在那所宅子里装了八个浴室。这一切让人感觉这座城市的生活非同寻常地直接。在介绍与信任之间似乎没有间隔。我到圣约翰第二天，就有一位有名的政客私底下向我对本地的司法系统做了一些上不得台面的评论。第三天，就有人把一些规模巨大的财政行动的内幕给我透了底。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画维也纳？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "字号商店的丰沛充裕，豪华的银行与拥挤的剧院，潮湿的人行道上闪闪烁烁的抚慰人心的餐厅灯光，幕间一涌而出、闲聊着喝香槟的歌剧观众，林荫大道上一家挨一家的书店，拥有纷纭传说与私人菜谱的旅馆，有关英雄和历史成就的纪念碑，出售法国《世界报》或者《瑞典日报》的报亭，广场上大教堂的宏伟、陡峭的外形，步行区的街头艺人，灯光一眨一眨的电视塔，通宵不歇的有轨电车……还没有哪个城市能像维也纳这样，将这种人类能量与想象力的光荣的蒸馏物以某种方式变异成不可救药地被驯服且墨守成规的玩意儿。某一天，我走路去维也纳最壮观的巴洛克式样的卡尔教堂，它有一个同圣彼得大教堂类似的拱顶，一对打扮得像是伊斯兰教尖塔的凯旋柱，两座带中国式屋顶的附属塔。教堂里面正在举行婚礼，很盛大。大教堂似乎到处都闪耀着灯火和镀金的光泽，洛可可风格的圣人飘浮于各个地方，新郎新娘并排跪在高高的祭坛前，海顿弦乐四重奏的旋律弥漫整个建筑，被美妙地演奏，并被放大成一种松脆的、震颤的辉煌。然而，所有这些荣光都被维也纳巧妙地收紧，因为，在集会的众多面孔上，我看不到丝毫兴奋，而只能看到一种家族式的自满，满足于礼仪安排的正派得体，唯一的一丁点儿不满仅仅是：亲爱的神父演奏那慢板时应该稍微再精细一点。对，没错，如果说一门艺术有力量将事物全部变成“安逸闲"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把柏林放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "了一片沙砾与各色各样棚屋的邋遢荒野，汽车经过这里如同穿越一小片沙漠。繁衍成灾的野兔蹦蹦跳跳，叫人有时空错乱之感的扎束发带的嬉皮士，带着小孩在脏兮兮的帐篷外面抗议这抗议那。不远处，几百个波兰人经营着一个卡车与遮篷搭起来的摇摇欲坠的市场，卖美国香烟、粗劣的晶体管、形如胆汁的奶酪、蹩脚的小玩意儿。我在那儿时，他们被一大群獒犬类型的动物护卫着，那些家伙口水滴答，不仅是我曾经看到过的狗里面最令人厌恶的，也是所有种类的生物中最令人恐惧的。即使到如今，在柏林的中心，当你从东边或从西边，经过一种明显是“犹豫不决的忽视放弃”的氛围，走近那道墙所在的地方，你会看到：遭过轰炸、垃圾散布的空间，剥落的招贴画，密密麻麻挤在一块的穿深色衣服的人，货摊和拖车组成的残缺不全的街头集市，显然是被废弃的汽车，类似于“杀死里根”或“朋克联合起来”的褪色涂鸦，在旅游者去得较多的地方，纪念品小屋正在卖苏联军帽或者包在玻璃里的柏林墙碎片。没有人知道如何处理那条凄凉的绷带，它以如此可厌的方式横穿这座城市的心脏；眼下，它像是取掉绷带后人体皮肤上留下的一条粉红色的印痕。当年，两边的政治势力越过这条虚假的边界线交换间谍，而年轻人仅仅是试图穿过它就会被枪杀，那些日子结束以来，它已经足够破烂了。这是我的第三个柏林意象，其中原本包含的那些险恶的成分"}
{"instruction": "作者借法国想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "站广场周围机动脚踏两用车的吱扭声惊醒第一位游客，让她打开百叶窗，在阳光中啜饮橙汁。世界上仍然没有哪个地方同法国的中产阶级乡村餐厅（尤其是在星期天午餐时间）有丝毫相似之处：外面的小城无精打采，有回声嗡嗡作响，而美食家客栈、血肠餐馆或香颂饭店有如空洞卵石的大海中一个个温暖的饕餮岛屿。在法国中部一个古老的城镇，在这样一个漠然的星期天，我走进这样一家餐厅。街道蜿蜒着从铁路那边爬上来，穿过中世纪风格的阴沉晦暗的墙壁，最后会聚到大教堂门外的广场上，广场被巨大的石头动物透过大教堂塔楼的石头格栅俯瞰，有猫和零零散散的游客漫步。这家街角餐厅周边围着擦得锃亮的黄铜框架，里面有遮篷和菜单，我发现它未曾改变分毫。它仍然是我们这些岛民既爱且憎了许多个世纪的法国的精髓。老板娘依然是一切虚伪、小心眼与不可靠之物的典型。一位侍者照旧摆出公爵的模样，另一位则明显是个乡村白痴。我旁边一张桌子上坐着星期天出门下馆子的本地一大家子，老板娘跟他们很熟，街区里的人对他们都挺尊敬——他们面无笑容，面前铺着层层叠叠的餐巾，严肃地吃个不停，偶尔从小眼睛边上乜斜我一眼，低声交流着无疑是在粗鲁而狡猾地辱骂英国人的话，然后继续懒洋洋地吃小牛肉。我不怀疑账单有误。我可以肯定，老板娘像我憎恶她一样讨厌我。小牛肉其实颇多筋结。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价波特兰？", "input": "Source: 世界：20世纪的道别", "output": "年曾经如此吸引我的原来的公共性格在穷兵黩武、不受约束的资本主义、国家野心与十足傲慢的冲击下逐年减弱。但我仍然经常感觉到自己对它的喜爱。俄勒冈的波特兰我去波特兰做个讲座——那是我平生唯一一次看到自己的名字张贴在灯光牌里！——有一天空闲时间用来在城里闲逛。在我看来，波特兰城区文明优雅、令人愉快。这是美国为数不多的一个从未屈服于流行的高层建筑热潮的大城市，尽管迈克尔·格雷夫斯在后现代主义方面初试啼声的作品——波特兰市政厅——作为一个预示着将要随之而来的东西的不祥征兆让我浑身为之一寒，但在这座城市里穿街过巷的漫游，大多数时候是非常惬意的。波特兰的楼房矮得不同寻常，有利于你愉快地从中发现惊喜，建筑大多是亲切的，这里有许多咖啡馆，并非全都非要你用塑料杯喝他们的卡布奇诺，光荣地绵延开去的鲍威尔书城肯定是世界上最棒的书店之一。城区公交系统是免费的，考虑到眼前这一切的干净和理智、显而易见的繁荣，以及对在希思曼旅馆吃上一顿晚到的午餐的期许（红鲷鱼，也许还有一瓶顶级的本地白葡萄酒），我想，在礼仪方面，俄勒冈的波特兰给整个世界上了多好的一堂课啊！但是，跟着旅游路标走向老城区和唐人街——本来指望像往常一样接受重建的煤气路灯和龙门牌坊那无害的糊弄，结果我一穿过伯恩赛德街，就发现自己置身于地狱的一角。"}
{"instruction": "作者借圣卢西亚想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "我记得蛤蟆喜欢在什么地方栖身，鸟雀夏天早晨什么时候醒来——— 我还记得树木和不同季节特有的气息——— 记得人们的容貌、走路的姿态、甚至身上的气味。关于气味的记忆实在太多啦。我记得河谷东面的加比兰山脉总是阳光璀璨、明媚可爱，仿佛向你殷勤邀请，使你不禁想爬上暖洋洋的山麓小丘，正像爬到亲爱的母亲的怀里那样。棕色的草坡给你爱抚，向你召唤。西面的圣卢西亚斯山脉高耸入云，黑压压地挡在河谷和大海之间，显得不友好而危险。我发现自己一直对西方怀有畏惧，而对东方怀有喜爱。我说不出这种想法的根子在什么地方，也许是因为黎明从加比兰山顶升起，夜晚从圣卢西亚斯山脊压下来。每一天的诞生和消亡也许使我对两条山脉产生了不同的感情。洼地两面的小峡谷都有涧水流出，汇入萨利纳斯河床。在多雨的年份，冬天水流充沛，引起河面暴涨，有时候汹涌翻腾，泛滥两岸，就成了祸害。河水冲坏农田边缘，毁掉大片大片的土地，使牲口棚和房屋坍塌，卷入洪流，漂浮而去。牛、猪、羊走投无路，在黄褐色的泥水里眼睁睁地淹死，给带到海里。春末时分，河面变窄，露出了沙岸。到了夏天，地上河水完全退尽。只有原先岸高漩涡冲深的地方才留下几个水塘。芦苇和茅草重新生长，柳树直起躯干，上部的枝桠还挂着洪水留下的枯枝败草。萨利纳斯只是一条季节性河流。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价河谷？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "我已经谈过雨水充沛的丰饶岁月，但也有干旱的年份，那时候，河谷的模样叫人害怕。雨水的多少大致按三十年周期循环。有五六年特别湿润，雨水多达十九到二十五英寸，青草长得满山满谷。接着有六七个好年头，降雨量在十二到十六英寸之间。然后是干旱的年份，只有七八英寸的降雨量。土地干透，草长得萎靡不振，只有几英寸高，河谷像害了疥癣似的，大片光秃。原先生气勃勃的橡树浑身上下仿佛结了痂，艾灌丛也变得灰蒙蒙的。地面龟裂，泉水涸竭，牛群没精打采地啃着干树枝。这时候，农场主和牧场主就会对萨利纳斯河谷大为讨厌。牛变瘦了，甚至有饿死的。人们用木桶往农场运水，只顾得上喝的。有几户人家变卖了田地房屋，随便换几个钱，迁到别处去了。而人们在干旱的年月总是忘掉丰饶的日子，到了多雨的年月又把干旱的日子忘得一干二净。一向如此。二狭长的萨利纳斯河谷情况就是这样。它的历史和加利福尼亚州其它地方大同小异。最早的居民是印第安人，这一种族比较差劲，没有什么活力和创造力，也没有文化，他们懒得打猎捕鱼，以蛴螬、蚱蜢和贝壳肉为生。他们找到什么就吃什么，自己不种植农作物。他们把苦橡树果捣碎，吃里面的淀粉。他们即使打仗，也像在没精打采地演戏。接着，冷酷无情的西班牙人来到这里无孔不入地探索，他们贪婪而讲究实惠，渴求黄金或者上帝。"}
{"instruction": "这段关于塞缪尔的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "乡；他为人正直不苟，这就排除了他犯了刑事案而流落异国的可能。我家里有一种看法——— 甚至不是议论，而是一种没有说出来的感觉——— 认为促使他离家出走的是恋爱问题，并且不是对他妻子的爱情。至于是恋爱过于成功还是失恋而怄气出走，我就说不上来了。不过我们倾向于前一种看法。塞缪尔长得漂亮，性情开朗，很吸引人。爱尔兰的农村姑娘会拒绝他的爱情是难以想象的。他来到萨利纳斯河谷，神采飞扬，精力充沛，满脑袋都是新鲜主意。他的眼睛蓝得出奇，疲倦的时候，有一个眼珠稍稍外斜。他个子高大，但很灵活。即使干农场的粗活，他的外表也总是十分整饬。他心灵手巧，无论铁工、木工、木雕，样样在行，用一些木头和金属就能做出各种东西。他从不因循守旧，随时都要出一些新点子，干得比老办法快而且好，但他就是不懂得怎么赚钱。别的会赚钱的人接过塞缪尔的点子，卖了大价钱，富了起来；可是塞缪尔一辈子只能凭劳动勉强养家活口。我不知道他怎么会鬼使神差地来到萨利纳斯河谷。对于他这种来自青山翠谷的国家的人，这地方似乎不太合适，不过他在十九世纪七十年代确实带着他娇小的爱尔兰妻子来了，这个女人沉默拘谨，像小鸡般的没有幽默感。她有长老派教徒的古板的思想和一套道德准则，任何愉快的事情都被压制下去，扼杀无遗。我不知道塞缪尔是在哪里遇到她又怎么追求她，最后同她结婚"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对塞缪尔的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "莉莎· 汉密尔顿虽是爱尔兰人，类型却截然不同。她那小而圆的脑袋里装着一些毫不含糊的小小信念。她有个塌鼻子和坚强的小下巴，老是咬紧牙床，自有主意，即使是上帝的天使们也休想打动她。莉莎是个实惠的好厨娘，她的家——— 这个家始终由她掌管——— 刷洗掸扫得一尘不染。怀孕对她并没有很大妨碍——— 她需要注意的时间最多只有两星期。她的骨盆准像鲸鱼骨那样有弹性，因为她生的个个都是大胖娃娃。莉莎对于罪恶有一套完整的概念。懒散是罪恶，玩纸牌也是罪恶，因为对她来说，打纸牌就是懒散。她对于快活的事情都存有戒心，无论跳舞、唱歌，甚至欢笑。她觉得人们一欢乐也就离罪恶不远了。说来也真遗憾，塞缪尔正是个嘻嘻哈哈的人，我想塞缪尔一定很容易遭到魔鬼的暗算，而他的妻子总是尽可能地保护他。她的头发老是往后梳，贴着头皮，在后脑勺盘成一个结实的发髻。我记不清她的衣服是什么样的，不过肯定跟她本人十分相称。她丝毫没有幽默感，只是偶然露出一点敏锐的机智。她从不婆婆妈妈，因而使孙儿女们害怕。她一辈子含辛茹苦，从不怨天尤人，因为她相信她的上帝希望每个人都这样生活。她认为好报自会来到。二当人们，特别是在欧洲千辛万苦创办过小农庄的人，初次来到美国西部，看到这么多的土地，只要签署一个文件，打下界石，就可以归"}
{"instruction": "文中关于山毛榉的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "气活现。他从他的戎马生涯中得到了乐趣。由于生性放荡，他喜爱那段短暂的训练期以及那期间的吃喝嫖赌。随后，他被编在一批补充兵员里向南方进发，这也很合他的心意——— 可以到处逛逛，偷鸡摸狗，追逐南方的姑娘，把她们按倒在干草垛里。风尘仆仆、使人厌倦的持久行军和战斗，他都没有遇上。他第一次同敌人遭遇的时间是春天一个早晨的八点钟，八点三十分，他右腿挨了一颗大口径的枪弹，骨头碎得无法修补。即使那时候，他运气也不坏，因为南军士兵撤退，野战军医立即赶到。他们剪掉破皮碎肉，干脆锯掉断骨，用烧红的铁烫焦伤口灭菌，这五分钟把赛勒斯· 特拉斯克折腾得死去活来。铅弹头上面的牙齿印就是证明。当时医院的消毒条件差，感染严重，伤口愈合期间也吃足苦头。但是赛勒斯生命力旺盛，满不在乎。当他还在削山毛榉木头假腿，拄着丁字拐杖一瘸一瘸地走动时，他从一个黑人姑娘那里得了传染性特别强的淋病，那姑娘趴在一堆木料底下，吹口哨逗引他，还向他要了一毛钱。当他安上新木腿，痛苦地发现自己染上病的时候，他一连好几天瘸着腿满处寻找那个姑娘。他告诉同病房的人，他找到那个女的之后打算怎么办。他要用小折刀割掉她的耳朵和鼻子，再把钱追回来。他在自己的木腿上削呀剜的，比划给他的朋友们看，他打算怎么割那个女的。“等我治了"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对艾丽斯给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "赛勒斯要找一个女人照看亚当。他需要一个人管家做饭，找佣人得花钱。他精力旺盛，需要女人的身体，那也得花钱，除非你跟那女人结了婚。在两星期内，赛勒斯追求她，同她结了婚，睡了觉，并且使她怀了孕。他的邻居们并不认为他仓促行事。那时候，一个正常的人一生中耗尽三四个妻子的精力也是正常的情况。艾丽斯· 特拉斯克具有不少值得称赞的品质。她把家里刷洗得光洁照人，旮旯里都打扫得一尘不染。她长得不很漂亮，因此没有必要守着她。她的眼睛是灰色的，皮肤菜黄，牙齿不整齐，但是身体非常健康，怀孕期间从没有感到不适。谁都不知道她喜不喜欢小孩。谁也没有问过她，不问她的事情，她从来不多嘴。在赛勒斯的眼里，这也许要算是她最大的优点。她从不提出任何看法和意见，男人说话时，她继续干她的家务事，但给人一个模糊的印象，仿佛她在倾听。艾丽斯· 特拉斯克的年轻、没有经验和沉默寡言都成了赛勒斯的资产。他一方面按当地经营农场的习惯继续经营他的农场，一方面开始了一种新的生涯——— 老战士的生涯。以前使他放荡不羁的充沛精力，如今使他深思熟虑。除了国防部以外，谁都不了解他服役的质量和期限。他那条木腿既能证明他当过兵，又能保证从此以后不需要再服兵役。起初他有点胆怯地向艾丽斯叙说他参加的战役，随着叙述本领的提高，他经历的战役也越来越多。"}
{"instruction": "这一段对明白的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "二当小孩初次发现大人的差错——— 当他的小脑袋里初次觉察到大人并没有超人的智慧，他们的判断不一定明智，想法不一定正确，裁决不一定公平的时候，小孩的世界就变成了令人惊慌的废墟。神的地位一落千丈，安全感全部消失。有一点是肯定的：神的垮台不是零敲碎打，而是猛地倒坍，砸得粉碎，或者掉到长满绿苔的粪土堆，深深地陷进去。重新把他们树立起来是费时费力的工作，他们再也不会像以前那么光亮了。小孩的精神世界再也不那么完整了。这是一种痛苦的成长过程。亚当发现了他父亲的错误。并不是他父亲有所改变，而是亚当有了某种新的特性。正如所有正常的动物，他一向憎恨训练，但训练好像麻疹一样理所当然，不可避免，你对它不能否定或者诅咒，只能憎恨。那时候，亚当迅速地、几乎是一闪念地明白了他父亲的一套训练方法同世界上任何东西没有关系，只同他自己有关。那些技能和训练根本不是为孩子着想，目的只在于使赛勒斯成为大人物。那个一闪念还使亚当明白，他父亲并不是什么大人物，其实只是一个戴着高大的军帽、意志十分坚强、刚愎自用的小角色罢了。有谁知道造成这种后果的原因呢——— 一个眼色、一个被戳穿的谎话、还是一时的迟疑？——— 总之，小孩头脑里的神垮下来了。小亚当一向是个听话的孩子。他生性惧怕暴力、斗争、紧张，尽"}
{"instruction": "查尔斯在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "笑了。奇妙的是她能像谨慎的土拨鼠把小鼠赶回地洞一样，飞快地收起笑容。亚当把这宝贵的发现隐藏在深邃的眼里，但他喜欢为自己得到的欢快作出补偿。艾丽斯开始发现一些礼物——— 有时在她的针线筐和破旧的钱包里，有时在她的枕头底下——— 两朵黄里透红的石竹花、一根青鸟的尾羽、半根绿色的火漆、一方偷来的手帕。艾丽斯最初感到吃惊，后来也不奇怪了，再发现出乎意外的礼物时，她那漫游花园似的微笑闪露一下立即消失，仿佛池塘里的鳟鱼蹦出水面，在阳光下一闪，马上掉进水里。她不问也不提这件事。她夜里咳得很凶，声音很响，吵得赛勒斯睡不着觉，他终于让她睡到另一间屋子里。不过他还是频繁地去找她——— 手扶着墙，光着脚，单腿蹦着过去。他跳着摸到艾丽斯的床上然后再回来，两个孩子能听到并感觉到他的身子把屋子震得嘎吱直响。亚当慢慢长大，有一件事比什么都使他害怕。他怕应召入伍的那一天。他爸爸从不让他忘记那一天会来到，并且经常提起。像亚当这样的孩子需要在军队里锻炼才能成为男子汉。查尔斯已经算得上是男子汉了。亚当十六岁，查尔斯十五岁，但是查尔斯已经是个男子汉，一个危险的男子汉。三两个男孩之间的感情与年俱增。查尔斯的感情有一部分可以说是轻蔑，是一种以保护人自居的轻蔑。一天傍晚，他们在门前庭院玩"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的卡宾枪是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "二我一直觉得奇怪的是，当兵的常常是亚当这一类人。他本来就不喜欢打仗，并且远不像某些对打仗逐渐感到兴趣的人那样，他对暴力越来越反感。他的长官们多次仔细观察他够不够逃差的罪名，不过没有提出过指控。在当兵的五年里，亚当在骑兵队干的勤杂比谁都多，可是如果说他杀死过敌人，那完全是跳弹意外造成的。他枪法很准，故意不打中目标是再容易不过的事情。那时候，同印第安人打仗已经像是危险的驱赶牛群的任务——— 印第安部落被迫反抗并受到驱逐，遭到大量杀戮，悲哀阴沉的幸存者迁移到了不毛之地。这种事情并不光彩，但是国家发展的模式明摆在面前，非这么干不可。亚当看到的不是未来的农场，而是好端端的人腹破肠流的惨象，作为工具的他对这一切感到厌恶，觉得毫无意义。当他发射卡宾枪而不打中目标时，他对团队犯下了背叛的错误，但他毫不在乎。非暴力的情绪在他心里高涨，终于形成一种不容思考的偏见：不论出于什么目的，凡是造成损害的事，他都反对。这种情绪缠住了他，不让他有思考的余地。但是亚当的服役记录中没有丝毫地方能说明他怯懦。事实上，由于表现英勇，他曾三次受到嘉奖，并且得过勋章。他对暴力越来越反感时，他的冲动却朝相反的方向发展。有好几次，他自己冒着生命危险救回受伤的伙伴。他执行本身的任务已经累得筋疲力尽，还自动到野战医院帮忙。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述塞缪尔？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "费耗尽了他一年微薄的收益。塞缪尔把他的部件模型送到一个制造商那儿，制造商很快就退回他的设计，但是采用了他的方法。以后几年，在诉讼方面花了不少钱。官司打输了钱才不再往外流。他第一次得到沉痛的教训，懂得了有理没钱打不赢官司的道理。但是他从此得了专利热，把帮人打粮食、打铁挣来的一点钱年复一年地全花在申请专利上。汉密尔顿家的孩子买不起鞋，只好光着脚，衣服补丁摞补丁，有时饭都吃不饱，因为钱都花在那些螺丝图样、平面图、立体图的脆硬的图纸上了。有些人想干一番事业，有些人则胸无大志。塞缪尔、他的儿子汤姆和约瑟夫是想干大事的，乔治和威尔却往小处着想。约瑟夫是第四个儿子——— 一个受到全家宠爱和保护的、有点心不在焉的孩子。他很早就发现一个无可奈何的微笑是避免干活的最好的办法。他的哥哥都能吃苦耐劳。叫约瑟夫干活，还不如替他把活干掉更容易一些。他的母亲和父亲把他当作诗人，因为他别的都不会干。这一点给他印象深刻，他便写些打油诗来证明自己的诗才。约瑟夫四体不勤，思想上可能也是个懒汉。他整天耽于幻想，他母亲觉得他最无能，因此最疼他。事实上他最有办法，因为他花最少的力气就能得到他所要的东西。约瑟夫是全家的宝贝。在封建时代，不善于弄剑使枪的年轻人往往投身教会；在汉密尔"}
{"instruction": "查尔斯在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "奥利芙打算当教师，在爱尔兰，家里有人当牧师是件光彩事；在这里，家里有人当教师同样是个荣誉。至于约瑟夫，准备送他去上大学，因为他干任何事情都太糟糕。威尔混得不坏，总有一天会发大财。汤姆在世界上碰得伤痕累累，自己舐着伤口。德西在学服装制作。莫莉，漂亮的莫莉，显然会找到一个富裕的丈夫。继承遗产的问题根本不存在。尽管那个丘陵地带的农场面积很大，但是穷得可怕。塞缪尔打了一口又一口井，可是在他自己的土地上找不到水。有了水，情况就大不相同。水能使他相对地富裕起来。他家住房附近的一口出水不畅的深机井是唯一的水源；有时水位低得危险，有两次干脆完全干涸。牲口要从农场边远的地方回来饮水，然后又出去吃草。总之，这是一个基础坚固的好家庭，在萨利纳斯河谷牢牢地扎下了根，不比许多人家穷，也不比许多人家富。这个家庭相当平衡，成员中有保守派也有激进派，有耽于幻想的人也有实事求是的人。塞缪尔对他的子息感到满意。第六章一亚当从了军，赛勒斯迁到华盛顿之后，查尔斯一个人待在农场。他吹嘘说要娶老婆，事实上并没有着手进行，没有按照通常的惯例跟姑娘们见面，带她们去跳舞，考验她们是不是贤惠，最后犹豫不决地结婚。问题出在查尔斯在女人面前特别腼腆。他像大多数羞怯的男人那样，在素不相识的妓女那里满足他的正常需要。"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里查尔斯究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "那些无可指摘、但是刺鼻的气味。老太婆不满意他对家务的管理，给他留下了印象。最后，她唠唠叨叨地离开了焕然一新的房子，查尔斯仍旧睡在披屋里。他想保持房间整洁，等亚当回来住。披屋里是放农具和维修农具的工具的。查尔斯发现在打铁炉上煎煮食物比在厨房炉灶快而且方便。用风箱一鼓风，焦炭的火苗就直往上蹿，不像厨房炉子那样要等一会儿才能做饭。他奇怪以前怎么没有想到这个好办法。查尔斯等着亚当，亚当并没有回来。也许亚当不好意思给他写信。查尔斯是从赛勒斯信里知道的，赛勒斯怒气冲冲地告诉他，亚当违反他的意愿重新入伍。赛勒斯信里还提了一句，以后查尔斯可以到华盛顿去看看他，但是以后再也没有邀请。查尔斯搬回正屋，把房间糟蹋得不成样子，仿佛报复似的抹煞那个唠唠叨叨的女人的劳动。过了一年多，亚当才写信给查尔斯——— 先是尴尬地东拉西扯，然后鼓起勇气说：“我不明白我为什么重新入伍。仿佛是别人代我签的名。盼速来信谈谈你的近况。” 查尔斯一连收到四封语气焦急的信才答复，他冷冷地回信说，“我原先就不指望你回来，”可接着又详细谈了农场和牲口的情况。时间可以冲淡一切。那之后，查尔斯过了元旦立即给亚当去信，同时也收到亚当一过元旦就写的信。他们变得如此疏远，以至很少提到自己的情况，也不问对方情况。"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，筑路为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "他又瘦又黑，喜怒不形于色，完全不暴露自己的个性。他的声音变得柔和，说话中混杂了各种口音和方言，以至无论到什么地方都不像是外地人。这是流浪汉的一大安全措施，是一层保护性的面纱。他很少搭乘火车，因为由于世界产联的过激和使用暴力，人们对流浪汉日益不满，采取了凶狠的报复手段。亚当曾因流浪罪被捕。警察和囚徒们的蛮横残暴使他惊骇，以至再也不同流浪汉们厮混了。那以后，他总是单独行动，注意刮净胡子，保持衣着整洁。春天再次来临时，他又向北进发。他觉得悠闲的日子已经结束，现在的目标是北上去找查尔斯和日益淡薄的童年的回忆。亚当迅速地横越得克萨斯辽阔的东部平原，穿过路易斯安那以及密西西比和亚拉巴马两州南端，进入佛罗里达。他觉得必须迅速离开。黑人固然很穷很和气，但是他们不相信任何白人，不论这些白人多么穷，当地穷苦的白人见到陌生人就害怕。在塔拉哈西附近，他被司法官手下的人抓住，判了流浪罪，送进筑路队强迫劳动。当时就是利用这种劳动力来筑路的。他被判刑六个月。刑满释放之后，又被抓起来，再判了六个月。现在他懂得人们居然能把别的人当作牲畜，同这种人相处的最容易的方法就是以牲畜自居。干净的面容、坦率的神情和平视的目光都会引起注意，引起注意就会带来惩罚。劳动时有拿着霰弹枪的人监视，晚上脚脖子被"}
{"instruction": "围绕畸形，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "有些怪胎显而易见，大脑袋，小身体，长得畸形可怕；有的生来缺胳臂少腿，也有多一条胳臂的，长尾巴的，嘴巴长得不是地方的。这些是偶然现象，不是人们想象的那样属于父母的过错。以前人们认为这是父母犯了隐秘的罪孽，遭到明显的报应。既然有身体畸形的怪胎，是不是也有精神或心理畸形的呢？孩子生下来，脸庞和身体可能完美无缺，但是一个错乱的基因或者畸形的卵子既然能产生身体畸形的怪胎，同一过程会不会引起精神畸形呢？在一定程度上，怪胎是公认的正常人的变异。孩子生下来既然有缺一条胳臂的例子，当然也可以有缺少善意和良知的情况。一个由于意外事故而失去两臂的人要花好大的劲才能适应这种残缺，但是一个生下来就没有手臂的人，除了招来人们的诧异之外，并不苦恼。他从未有过手臂，当然不可能有丧失手臂的感觉。我们小时候往往想象自己如果长了翅翼会是什么滋味，但是没有理由设想鸟儿也有同样的心情。不，在畸形的人看来，正常的人准是奇形怪状，因为每个人都觉得自己才是正常的。对于内心畸形的人，这种情况更为隐秘，因为他没有明显的差异可以同别人相比。在生来没有良知的人看来，心地善良的人准显得荒唐可笑。对罪犯来说，诚实是愚蠢的。各位千万不能忘记，畸形的人只是一种变异，在他看来，正常的人才奇形怪状。我认为卡西· 艾姆斯生来就有那种一辈子都在驱使或者逼迫她"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，艾姆斯意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "假如男男女女不是经常受到他们的性欲的戏弄、诱惑、奴役和折磨，他们能享有多大的自由啊！这种自由的唯一弊端是：如果没有性欲，人就不成其为人了。他将成为畸形的人。卡西十岁的时候就对性冲动的力量有所了解，开始冷静地加以尝试。她冷静地策划了所有的细节，预先考虑到一切困难，准备了对付办法。孩子们的性游戏是始终存在的。我想只要不是不正常的小孩都在树叶覆盖的隐蔽的地方，在马槽里，在柳树底下，在公路的涵洞里跟小姑娘玩过——— 至少有这种遐想。几乎所有的父母迟早都会碰到这个问题，如果做父母的记得自己小时候的情况，孩子就沾了光。但是卡西是孩子的时候，社会风气比现在古板得多。做父母的否认自己小时候有这种事，发现孩子们这样就会大惊小怪。二一个春天的早晨，当沾着露水的小草在阳光下竖立起来，当温暖的气息渗入土地，使黄色的蒲公英抬起头时，卡西的母亲刚把洗好的衣服晾在绳子上。艾姆斯家坐落在镇边，他们的住房后面是牲口棚和马车棚、菜园和放养两匹马的围场。艾姆斯太太记得自己看见卡西溜达着向牲口棚走去。她呼唤卡西，不见答应，她想刚才也许看错了。她正要回屋里去，忽然听到马车棚里传来吃吃的笑声。“卡西！”她叫道。没有回答。她心里一阵不安。她回味一下刚才的笑声。不是卡西的声音。卡西从来不吃吃"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画艾姆斯？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "她洗了手，检查一下鞋袜，擦掉右鞋尖上一块深色的血迹。她对着镜子瞧瞧：红喷喷的面颊，明亮的眼睛，向上翘的嘴角带着稚气的微笑。她出门时，把果酱罐藏在厨房楼梯下面。她妈妈离家不到十分钟，她就把这些事全办完了。卡西轻快地，几乎跳跳蹦蹦地出了门，走到街上。树枝刚吐新芽，草地上几株早熟的蒲公英已经开了黄花。卡西快活地朝银行所在的镇中心走去。她精神饱满，年轻美貌，和她迎面相遇的行人都回过头来看她一眼。六房子是凌晨三时左右起火的。火苗一窜出来，呼喇喇地越烧越旺，摧枯拉朽，在人们发现之前，整幢房子已经坍在一片火海里了。等到义务消防队员们拉着水龙车赶来时，已经没有他们可干的事，只有往附近房子的屋顶上喷水，防止火势蔓延。艾姆斯家的房子像礼花似的烧掉了。义务消防队员和看热闹的人瞧着一张张火光映红的脸庞，想寻找艾姆斯夫妇和他们的女儿。大家不约而同地发现那三口人并不在场。人们望着那堆庞大的余烬，想象着他们自己和儿女在火里的情景，心头怦怦猛跳，几乎堵住了嗓子眼。义务消防队员们开始往火场上使劲泼水，即使为时已晚，似乎这么做还能挽救这家人的某些肢体。镇上的人惊恐地传说，艾姆斯一家人全烧死了。天亮时，镇上的人团团围住那堆还在冒烟的焦炭。前面的人用手挡住脸，避开炙烤。义务消防队员继续用水龙浇水，让这堆烧焦的"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把爱德华兹放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "得恰到好处的姑娘，他一概不收。他也不要非常漂亮的姑娘。如果当地哪个小伙子爱上一个美貌的妓女，麻烦可就大了。他手下的姑娘假如怀了孕，有两种选择，要么走人，要么堕胎，堕胎的手段十分野蛮，大部分都会送命。尽管这样，姑娘们一般都选择堕胎。爱德华兹先生不总是一帆风顺的。他也有倒霉的时候。在我叙述的事件发生前不久，他遭到了一系列不幸。一次火车失事害他损失了两个小组，每组四个人。另一个小组皈依宗教，改邪归正，洗手不干了。那是因为一个小镇上的牧师突然来劲，用他的说教在镇民心头上点了一把火。听他布道的人越来越多，教堂都装不下了，不得不挪到外面的空地上去开会。接着，像常有的情况那样，牧师打出了他那张十拿九稳的王牌。他预言了世界毁灭的日期，全县的人都尾随着他，哭诉忏悔。爱德华兹先生赶到镇上，从手提箱里取出那根粗鞭子，把姑娘们痛打了一顿；出乎他意外的是那些姑娘央求他使劲再抽，以便洗清她们想象中的罪孽。他厌恶地住了手，剥掉她们的衣服，自己回波士顿去了。姑娘们赤裸裸地跑到营地布道会上，现身说法，忏悔罪恶，出了一阵子风头。因此，爱德华兹先生不是东找一个西找一个，而是大批招收姑娘，对她们进行口头审查。他要另起炉灶，重建三个小组。我不了解卡西· 艾姆斯怎么会知道爱德华兹先生的。"}
{"instruction": "作者借爱德华兹想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "你这个下流坯子身上的每一根神经我都一清二楚，都能由我摆布。” “凯瑟琳，”他抗议道。“你胡说八道。” “我看透了你的心思。你以为我喝了酒会多嘴多舌。好吧，我现在就多嘴多舌。” 她慢慢地向他逼近，爱德华兹先生好不容易才没有躲开。他怕她，但仍旧坐着不动。她正对着他，喝完杯子里的香槟酒，慢条斯理地在桌子上敲破玻璃杯口，把残缺不齐的杯子往他脸上一扣。这时，他不得不逃出屋子，出来时还听到她的大笑声。三对于爱德华兹先生这样的人，爱情是一种使人失去活力的感情。它摧毁了他的判断，勾销了他的见识，耗损了他的精力。他安慰自己说，她只是歇斯底里，并且试图使自己信以为真，结果还是凯瑟琳更容易地帮他做到这一点。她被自己的突然发作吓怕了，在一段时间内，她力图在他心目中恢复自己美妙的形象。一个如此苦恋的人所能达到的自我折磨的程度是难以想象的。爱德华兹先生全心全意地希望相信她的善良，但是他自己的邪恶和她的发作都不容他这么做。他几乎本能地到处了解真相，了解到了却又不信。比如说吧，他知道她不会把钱存在银行里。他雇用的一个人用一套复杂的反射镜，发现她把钱藏在那幢小房子地下室里的一个地方。有一天，他委托的事务所寄来了一份剪报。那是一家小镇周报关于以前一次火灾的报道。爱德华兹先生仔细看了。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价集体？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "的变化，各种力量正在形成一个面目不清的未来。这些力量中有的似乎是邪恶的，它的本身也许不坏，但有一种要消灭其它一些我们认为是好的东西的倾向。两个人合力抬起的石头当然比一个人所能抬的要大。一群人制造汽车比一个人单干又快又好，大食品厂生产的面包要便宜一些，规格更统一些。当我们吃、穿、住的东西都来自复杂的成批生产时，成批生产的方式肯定要进入我们的思想，排斥所有别的念头。在我们的时代，成批或者集体生产进入了经济、政治，甚至宗教领域，以至某些国家已经用集体这个概念代替了上帝的概念。在我们的时代，这就是危险所在。世界十分紧张，几乎到了爆裂的程度，人们感到不幸福，思想混乱。在这样一个时代，我理所当然地要向自己提出这些问题。我信仰什么？我应当为什么奋斗，我应当反对什么？人类是唯一有创造力的物种，人类只有一个进行创造的工具，那就是个人的头脑和精神。古往今来，没有两人一起创造的东西。无论音乐、艺术、诗歌、数学或哲学，都没有好的合作创造的先例。一旦出现创造的奇迹，集体可以完成和发展它，但是集体从没有发明。创造的可贵在于个人的孤独的头脑。如今，集结在集体概念周围的力量向人的头脑，这个可贵之处，发动了赶尽杀绝的战争。在毁谤、饥饿、镇压、强迫命令和制约的沉重打击下，自由徜徉的头脑遭到了纠缠、束缚、钝化和麻醉。"}
{"instruction": "这段关于河谷的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "横贯全国的列车。他们怎么会到萨利纳斯河谷的呢？这个问题很容易理解。当时铁路事业蓬勃发展，互相竞争，都想扩充，取得统治地位。它们千方百计地增加运输量。各公司不仅在报上刊登广告，还散发小册子和单页宣传品，描述西部的美丽富饶，说得天花乱坠——— 仿佛遍地都是黄金。南太平洋铁路公司在精力充沛的利兰· 斯坦福①的主持下，不但在运输方面开始独霸太平洋沿岸，在政治上也想执牛耳。它的铁路线一直敷设到河谷地带。新的城镇拔地而起，新的地区有了居民，因为铁路公司要做买卖，先得创造主顾。狭长的萨利纳斯河谷包括在开发计划之内。亚当看到并且仔细研究了一张精致的彩色宣传品，上面把萨利纳斯河谷说成是人间罕见、连天堂都相形见绌的地方。看了宣传品之后，只有傻瓜才不愿意在萨利纳斯河谷安置下来。亚当并不鲁莽从事。他先买了一辆轻便马车，驾车到处转悠，拜访先在这里落户的人，谈谈土壤和水源、气候和庄稼、价格和有利条件。亚当不是做投机买卖。他打算在这里安顿，成家立业，甚至建立一个大家族。亚当兴高采烈地驱车从一个农场到另一个农场，抓起一把泥土捏碎，查看土质，找人谈话，自己筹划，作出种种设想。河谷里的人对他很有好感，喜欢他来这里安家，因为他们一眼就看出亚当是个殷实可靠的人。他只有一件事不放心，那就是卡西。"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对奥利的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "口里的毒液吮吸出来。她教一年级学生识字，教八年级学生代数。歌咏会中她领唱。她充当文艺批评家，每周替枟萨利纳斯日报枠撰写社交动态。此外，当地的社交活动都由她组织，不仅是毕业典礼，还有舞会、集会、辩论会、合唱、圣诞节和五朔节以及表示爱国热情的阵亡将士扫墓日和七月四日的独立日。她是选举委员会的成员，还组织和主持所有的义卖捐献活动。教师的工作绝不是轻松的，责任和义务多得难以想象。教师没有私生活可言。嫉妒的眼睛老是盯着她，想找出她性格上的弱点。她在一户人家搭伙的时间不能超出一学期，否则就会引起嫉妒——— 有教师搭伙的人家社会地位马上能抬高。如果那户人家有一个到了结婚年龄的儿子，求婚的事是理所当然的；如果提出请求的人不止一个，就少不了一场恶斗。艾吉塔三兄弟为了奥利芙· 汉密尔顿厮打起来，几乎闹出人命。乡村学校的教师很少有待久的。工作太辛苦，求婚的人不断，她们很快就结婚了。奥利芙· 汉密尔顿打定主意不走这条路。她并没有她父亲那种做学问的热情，但是她在萨利纳斯度过的一段时间促使她决心不当农场主妇。她要住在城里，不一定要像萨利纳斯那样的大城市，但至少也不是一个小镇。奥利芙在萨利纳斯经历过美好的生活：唱诗班和整齐一律的服装，圣坛协会，主教派教会的晚餐会。她参加过文艺"}
{"instruction": "文中关于奥利的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "她把欠债的恐怖深深扎在子女的心里，即使如今经济模式改了，债务已经成为生活中的组成部分，我如果有一张过期两天未付的账单就会坐立不安。分期付款方式流行后，奥利芙也从不采用。分期付款买来的东西并不是你具有的，你却因此欠了债。她想添置东西时先攒钱，这一来，有些新玩意儿上市，我们总比邻居迟两年才能买来。二奥利芙具有极大的勇气。养育子女也许就需要勇气。我必须把她在第一次世界大战期间做的事告诉各位。她考虑问题时并不放眼世界。她的疆界首先是她自己的家庭，其次是她居住的萨利纳斯城，最后才有一条不很明确的虚线，那就是县界。因此，她不太相信世界上正在打仗，直到第三骑兵队，也就是我们的民团骑兵队应召集中，把马匹装上火车，出发到外面的世界去时，她仍旧半信半疑。马丁· 霍普斯住在我们家对面的街角那儿。他肩宽膀圆，个儿很矮，一头红发。他嘴巴也宽，眼睛也是红色的。他算得上萨利纳斯最腼腆的小伙子。你早上跟他打个招呼，都会使他忸怩不安。因为第三骑兵队的训练基地有一个垒球场，他参加了骑兵队。假如德国人早知道奥利芙的脾气，明智一点的话，他们就会躲着她，不惹她生气。但是他们不知道，或者太蠢。当他们杀了马丁· 霍普斯时，他们这场仗就打败了，因为那件事激怒了我母亲，她开始找他们算账。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对奥利给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "光，并且觉得她以某种方式补偿了他的夭折。那几天，她对我们非常和气。一个盘子洗得不干净，在擦碗毛巾上留下一块油迹，她都没有作声。这件了不起的大事安排在萨利纳斯赛马场和竞技表演场举行。我们乘了一辆军用汽车去赛马场，觉得比参加葬礼更庄严肃穆。我们的父亲在斯普雷克勒斯糖厂工作，离城里有五英里，不能分身，或许也不愿意去看，因为他怕忍受不了那份紧张气氛。但是奥利芙在受到上天去的惩罚时，事先讲妥了，飞机在坠毁之前得设法飞到糖厂那儿，否则她不上飞机。现在我知道，在场的好几百人只是去看飞机的，当时我们却以为他们是去向我母亲表示敬意。奥利芙个儿本来就不高，年纪一大，又胖了不少。我们不得不把她从汽车里搀扶下来。她行动不利索也许是出于害怕，不过她的脸色仍旧很坚定。飞机停在赛马跑道的尽头。那是一架没有座舱罩的双翼飞机，翼间支柱是木头做的，用钢琴钢丝绷扎着，小而单薄，简直叫人担心。机翼是用帆布蒙的。奥利芙大吃一惊。她像就要挨屠刀的牛似的走到飞机旁边。两个军士替她在原来的衣服外面套一件上衣、一件厚袄、一件飞行服，她深信这就是她的寿衣。她一件件地穿上后，人变得越来越圆胖。然后戴上一顶皮帽子和一副护目镜，只露出小鼻子和两片红红的面颊，像是一个戴了护目镜的大皮球，模样真够逗人乐"}
{"instruction": "这一段对加利福尼亚的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "每当他看到卡西坐在阳光下，恬静自若，胎儿在她身体里日长夜大，白皙得几乎带有珠光的皮肤使他联想到主日学校赠送的画片上的天使，他觉得心头怦然跳动，仿佛堵住了嗓子眼。接着，微风拂动她光亮的头发，她抬起眼睛，这时亚当感到一阵心醉神迷的狂喜，和哀愁相差无几，气都喘不过来。如果说亚当像一只吃得饱饱的、毛色光泽的猫那样蹲在他的农场里，卡西也像一只猫。她具有一种不近人情的属性，那就是放弃弄不到手的东西。等待能够到手的东西。这两种天赋给了她莫大的好处。她的怀孕完全是意外。当她自己企图堕胎没有得逞，大夫吓唬她的时候，她放弃了那个办法。这并不是说她心甘情愿地接受妊娠。她只不过像熬过一场疾病那样等待妊娠结束。她同亚当结婚也是同样情况。当时她走投无路，采取了一个尽可能好的办法。她也不愿意来加利福尼亚，但是暂时无法实现别的计划。早在年纪很小的时候，她就学会了如何借对手的力量来取得胜利。当你无法抗拒一个人的力量时，因势利导还是比较容易的。世上很少有人知道卡西不愿意待在她目前所待的地方，不愿意处在她现在的境地。她松弛下来，安心等待她坚信总会到来的变化。卡西具有一个无往不利的大罪犯的品质：她不信任任何人，对谁都不推心置腹。她本身就是一个孤岛。她也许根本没有看亚当的新农场和正在翻造的房屋，心里也"}
{"instruction": "塞缪尔在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "地下水，然后放下了那种新奇昂贵的金属套管，因为亚当要求一切都用最好的材料。汉密尔顿父子把钻机挪到一个新的地点，开始打第二口井。他们睡在工地的账篷里，生篝火做饭。但是他们中间总有一个人骑马回家，去取一件工具或者捎信回去。亚当像一只飞进繁花丛中的蜜蜂，千头万绪，忙得不可开交。他坐在卡西身边，同她闲聊刚运到的大黄秧子。他把塞缪尔发明的新式风车翼片画了草图向她解释。这种翼片斜度可以变化，是闻所未闻的新玩意儿。他骑马到钻井架那儿去，东问西问，影响了工程的进展。他同卡西谈的话都和打井有关，到了井口那儿，谈话内容自然又全是生孩子和婴儿保健的问题。这段时间对亚当说来是最痛快、最美好的。他成了他那海阔天空的生活的主宰。夏天就这么过去了，随之而来的是燠热芬芳的秋天。二汉密尔顿父子在钻井架旁边吃了午饭，午饭是莉莎烤的面包和做的硬奶酪，以及他们自己用铁皮罐吊在火上煮的、味道不正的咖啡。乔的眼皮沉重，他正在动脑筋，怎么才能躲到树丛中去睡一会儿。塞缪尔跪在沙土上，瞅着刃口破损的钻头。他们刚准备歇工吃午饭时，钻头在三十英尺深的地方碰到了硬东西，钢刃像铅似的卷了起来。塞缪尔用小折刀刮钻头刃口，察看掌心接住的碎屑。他的眼睛像孩子似的兴奋得发亮。他伸出手，把碎屑倒在汤姆手里。"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的大肆宣扬是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "新的疆土棱角被磨平之后，商人和律师就来促进发展了——— 他们来解决所有权的问题，往往把令人垂涎的东西转移到他们自己名下。最后来的是文化，也就是消遣、松弛、摆脱生活的苦恼。文化可以有不同水平，实际情况也是如此。教会和妓院是同时到达西部边远地区的。如果它们想到自己是同一事物的不同的方面，它们也会吓一大跳。但是有一点是肯定的，它们都被用于完成同一个目标：教会的歌咏、礼拜和唱诗能使人暂时忘却他的凄凉，妓院也一样。不同派别的教会趾高气扬、大肆宣扬、信心十足地来到。它们无视负债和偿付的规律，建起了一百年都收不回投资的教堂。各个教派固然都向邪恶开战，但是它们相互之间也斗得很欢。它们在每一项教义的阐述上都要争论。每一派都沾沾自喜地认为其余各派都得下地狱。尽管每一派都自以为是，它们带来的都是同样的货色：我们的伦理观、我们的艺术、诗歌和我们相互之间的关系据之以为基础的枟圣经枠。聪明人知道各派之间的区别，但是一般人都能看到它们的共同点。它们还带来了音乐——— 也许不是第一流的，但有音乐的形式和意识。此外，它们带来了良知，或者不如说唤醒了沉睡的良知。它们并不纯洁，但具有纯洁的潜在能量，正如一件弄脏的白衬衫。每个人都能把他心里的良知变成美好的东西。当然，比林牧师被揭发出来以后，人们才知道他犯有盗窃、通奸、"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述费叶？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "① 普里亚帕斯：希腊神话中掌管繁殖和丰产之神，后来被当作淫欲的象征。费叶用最愉快轻松的办法把萨利纳斯的小伙子们引上了荆棘丛生的性的道路。费叶是个好女人，不太聪明，很讲道德，非常容易受惊。人们信任她，她也信任每一个人。认识了她之后，谁都不愿意伤害她。她与世无争，只是个第三者。正如商店或者农场里的情况一样，雇员都像主人，妓院里的姑娘也酷似老鸨，一部分原因是老鸨雇用她自己那种类型的人，另一部分原因是一个好的老鸨能用她的个性影响整个妓院。你在费叶那里待上很久都听不到一句脏话。进入卧室和付钱都很轻松随便，仿佛是很自然的事。总而言之，正如警察和司法官所了解的那样，她经营的妓院非常出色。费叶对任何慈善事业都捐赠大笔款项。她特别厌恶疾病，因此出钱请医生定期替姑娘们检查。你在费叶这里遇到的麻烦甚至比在主日学校的老师那里遇到的还少。在蓬勃发展的萨利纳斯市，费叶很快就成为一个殷实的、受到欢迎的公民。二那个叫凯特的姑娘使费叶迷惑不解——— 她是那样年轻美貌，有气派，有教养。费叶把她领进自己的未受亵渎的卧室，详细询问，如果凯特是另一种姑娘，她就不至于多操这份心。来敲妓院门的女人是经常有的，费叶一眼就可以看出她们的类型。她可以立刻把她们归个类：懒惰、有报复心理、淫荡、不满、贪婪、野心勃勃。"}
{"instruction": "汤姆在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "我们至今还藏着，机关仍旧能动。有时候，汤姆带我去钓鱼。我们赶在天亮之前动身，赶了马车直奔弗里蒙特山，快到山前时，星星开始消失，山后露出曙光，把山衬得黑魆魆的。我记得坐车时，我把脸偎在汤姆的身上。我还记得他把胳臂轻轻搁在我肩膀上，偶尔拍拍我的胳臂。最后，我们把车停在一棵橡树下面，卸了马，牵它到溪边饮水，再把它拴在车后。我对汤姆的谈话毫无印象。现在回忆，我记不起他的声音是什么样的，他用的什么字句。外祖父的声音和字句，我都想得起来，但我对汤姆的印象只是一种温暖的沉默。也许他根本不说话。汤姆有一套漂亮的钓鱼用具，自己会做假蝇。可是我们是不是钓到鳟鱼，他仿佛并不在意。他不需要胜过动物。我能回忆长在小瀑布下面的五叶蕨，它们的手指形的绿叶被水滴打得不停地颤动。我想起山丘的气息，野杜鹃花香中夹杂着一丝臭鼬的气味，还有甜得发腻的羽扇豆和马具上的马汗味。我想起红头美洲鹫在高空翩跹盘旋，汤姆仰着头凝视好久，但是我记不起他说过什么。我记得汤姆把木钉插进泥地，接绳子，而我在一旁握住钓丝的绳环。我记得垫鱼篮底的碎蕨叶的气息和湿漉漉的虹鳟清新好闻的味道，经绿叶一衬托，虹鳟显得格外好看。最后，我还记得我们回到马车那儿，把碾碎的大麦倒进口料皮袋里，往马头一套，在耳朵后面扣住。"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里紫罗兰究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "亚当便独自走开，暗自想着塞缪尔活着时的音容笑貌。他非去公墓不可，不然有悖习俗。但是他远远地站在后面，不去听悼词。当塞缪尔的儿子们往墓穴里填土时，他就走开了，在长满白色紫罗兰的小径上漫步。公墓里已经没有人迹，粗大的柏树被风吹得发出低沉的呻吟。雨点越来越大，打在身上生痛。亚当站起来，打了一个寒噤，在长满白色紫罗兰的小径上慢慢从新墓旁走过，花圈花束原先很整齐地摆在新翻出来的潮湿的土墩上，现在花朵被风吹乱了，小一些的花圈给刮到了路边。亚当把它们拣起来，重新放在土墩上。他走出公墓。风雨打着他后背，黑上衣已经湿透，但他不予理会。罗米巷很泥泞，新碾出的车辙里积了一汪一汪的水，路边有长得很高的野燕麦和芥草。湿润的春天的野草丛中，野芜菁争先恐后地疯长，突出的紫蓟高高地挂着粘乎乎的小圆果。亚当的鞋子上全是黑泥，深色的裤管上也给溅脏了。从公墓到蒙特里路几乎有一英里远。亚当到了蒙特里路，往东拐弯，进入萨利纳斯城时，已经浑身湿透，拖泥带水。他的圆顶礼帽檐上积着雨水，硬领也湿得垂了下来。到了约翰街，拐个弯就是大街。亚当到了铺着人行道的地方，跺跺脚，去掉鞋上的污泥。房屋挡住了风，他顿时冷得发抖。他加快了脚步。将近大街的尽头时，他走进艾博特旅馆的酒吧间。他要了一杯白兰地，几口就喝完，但是抖得更厉害。"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，莫里森为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "顿那里去试衣服。” 孩子们就高兴起来，开始用脚尖踢桌腿，一直踢到大人制止他们为止。莫里森先生搓搓手，到店里去上班，希望那天有旅行推销员来。推销员真来的话，很可能做成一大笔交易。孩子们和莫里森先生也许会忘记为什么那天是个带有希望的好日子。下午两点，莫里森太太就到雷诺面包房隔壁的房子去，一直待到四点。她出来时总是眼泪汪汪，鼻子也红了，湿漉漉的。她步行回家时，擦擦鼻子和眼睛，再重新大笑一场。德西所做的无非是在针插上插几枚黑色的圆头别针，把它打扮成浸礼会牧师的模样，然后让它发表一篇简短枯燥的讲道。也许她又复述了一遍见到泰勒老头的情况，那人专门收购拆毁房屋的旧木料，搬到他买下的一大片空地上，堆得像是干旱的马尾藻海①。也许她声容并茂地朗诵了从枟啰嗦枠杂志上看来的一首诗。问题不在于她干了什么，反正妙趣横生，叫人几乎笑破肚皮。莫里森家的孩子放学回来时，发现妈妈没有抱怨腰酸头痛，也不挑针打眼。他们的吵闹没有引起训斥，他们的脏脸也不让人讨厌。他们傻笑不停时没有遭到干涉，你瞧，妈妈自己不也在傻笑吗？莫里森先生回家后，叙说当天的事时有人倾听，他甚至复述了旅行推销员讲的山海经——— 至少讲了其中一部分。晚饭特别好吃——— 煎蛋卷不会陷坍，蛋糕软饼松软得出奇，艾格尼丝· 莫里森调制的炖"}
{"instruction": "围绕汤姆，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "虑。谈话期间，汤姆一度想把去欧洲旅游的打算告诉威尔，但是一种本能飞快地阻止了他。在威尔看来，退了休，把钱做了妥善的投资之后，到欧洲去逛逛是另外一回事；凭汤姆现在的情况要到欧洲去闲荡简直是异想天开，异想天开的人搞一个养猪计划能成功才怪呢。因此汤姆没有告诉威尔，让他“考虑考虑”，并且知道他最后的结论对猪和橡实都是不利的。可怜的汤姆并不知道，也不可能弄懂商人的得意手法之一在于巧妙地掩饰自己的打算。对一桩生意表示热情是傻子干的事。威尔确实打算考虑考虑。计划的某些设想很吸引人。汤姆瞎碰瞎撞，发现了一个很有意思的办法。如果说，你能贷款买猪仔，用几乎不花钱的饲料把它们喂肥，卖了肥猪之后偿还贷款，净赚一笔钱，那就是了不起的成就。威尔不会夺他弟弟的钱。他在利润方面卡掉一点，不过汤姆喜欢空想，一个切实可行的计划交给他是靠不住的。比如说吧，汤姆根本不了解肉猪的行情和可能的趋势。计划成功的话，威尔可以给汤姆一件很值钱的礼物——— 甚至一辆福特汽车。把福特当作橡实竞赛的唯一奖品行不行呢？那一来，整个河谷地带的居民都要争先恐后摘橡实了。马车驶上通向汉密尔顿老宅的土路时，汤姆在思索怎么对德西说他们的计划碰了壁。最好的办法是用另一个计划来代替。他们怎么才能在一年之内赚到够去欧洲旅游的钱呢？"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，西区意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "西区小学的班级从三年级到八年级。一、二两个年级的学生去附近的幼儿学校。西区小学每个年级都有自己的教室——— 三、四、五年级在底层，六、七、八年级在二楼。每个教室都有通常那种倾斜的橡木课桌，教师的平台和方桌，一台塞思· 托马斯壁钟和一幅图画。每个教室的图画各有特色，但都有压倒一切的拉斐尔前派的影响。全副披挂的加拉哈特屹立着为三年级的学生指出前进的道路；阿塔兰达的迅跑敦促着四年级的学生，巴兹尔的陶罐把五年级的学生弄得莫名其妙，诸如此类，直到卡塔林的谴责把带有高度文明礼貌感的八年级学生送上中学①。迦尔和阿伦由于年龄关系，被安插在七年级，他们教室里的那幅画是浑身上下被许多蛇缠住的拉奥孔②，他们记得滚瓜烂熟。两个孩子来自只有一间教室的乡村学校，西区小学的宏伟规模使他们目瞪口呆。每一班级都有专任教师的这种大气派给了他们深刻印象。简直有点浪费。但是，他们第一天目瞪口呆，第二天赞叹，第三天已经记不清楚自己是从什么学校来的，这也是人之常情。教师皮肤黑黑的，长得很好看，孪生兄弟明智地掌握了举手或不举手的时机，在学习方面并不担心。迦尔很快就找到了窍门，解释给阿伦听。“拿多数小孩来说吧，”他说，“能回答老师提问的都赶紧举手，不知道的都使劲往桌子底下缩。你明白我们该怎么办"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画迦尔？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "亚当这些动作可能是不自觉的，但是抚摩能使迦尔情绪十分激动，给他一种特殊的喜悦，不到需要的时候不轻易动用。这是一种可以依赖的魔术，是一种固执的崇拜心理的象征。事物并不因地点的改变而有所变化。迦尔在金城没有知心朋友，到了萨利纳斯后仍旧没有。他有些伙伴，有权威，甚至赢得一点钦佩，但是没有知心朋友。他生活得很孤单，独来独往。二老李即使知道迦尔晚上出去，很迟才回来，他也不声张，因为在这件事上他无能为力。夜间巡逻的警察有时看到迦尔一个人在街上蹓跶。海泽曼警长专门找了负责考勤的教师谈话，教师向他保证说，迦尔非但没有逃学的记录，事实上还是非常出色的学生。警长当然认识亚当，既然迦尔没有破窗盗窃，也没有惹是生非，他便吩咐警察们多加注意就是了。如果那孩子不干坏事就别去理他。有一晚，老汤姆· 沃森碰到迦尔便问他：“你为什么老是晚上出来蹓跶？” “我又没招人惹人，”迦尔采取防卫的态度说。“我知道你不招惹人。不过你应当在家里睡觉。” “我不困，”迦尔说，老汤姆根本不理解这句话的意义，因为他想不起自己一辈子有哪时候不犯困的。这孩子在唐人街的赌场里看人家赌博，自己并不下注。简直叫人捉摸不透，不过对汤姆· 沃森来说，很简单的事都是捉摸不透的，他也不愿意多费脑筋。迦尔逛街时，常常想起他在农场里偷听到的老李和亚当的那次"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把迦尔放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "这条路线从不改变。从贝尔糖果店出来，她直接回卡斯特罗维尔街，然后回家。她的衣着毫无奇特之处。跟萨利纳斯任何一个富裕的妇女星期一下午上街采购时的打扮完全一样，唯一的差别是她总戴着手套，这在萨利纳斯是不常见的。她戴着手套，一双手显得臃肿粗短。她走路时好像套着一个玻璃罩。她不跟任何人招呼，仿佛也没看见任何人。偶尔有个迎面走过的男人扭过头，朝她的背影看一眼，又胆怯地继续走自己的路。但是在多数情况下，她都像个无形的女人，飘然而过。几星期来，迦尔一直跟踪凯特。他尽量避免引起她注意。由于凯特走路时眼睛一直盯着前面，他深信自己没有受到注意。凯特走进她屋子的前院时，迦尔若无其事地走过去，由另一条路回家。他说不出跟踪她究竟为什么，无非是想多了解她的情况。跟到第八个星期时，她兜完了圈子，像往常一样走进草木丛生的前院。迦尔等了片刻，然后漫不经心地走过那扇东倒西歪的大门。凯特站在一株粗壮的大水蜡树后。她冷冷地对他说：“你想干什么？” 迦尔愣住了。他的心一下子悬起来，呼吸几乎都停止了。接着，他拿出很小时候就学会的那套办法。他打量主要对象以外的东西。他注意到水蜡树的嫩叶被南风吹得弯下来，泥泞的小径由于人来人往被踩成黑乎乎的，凯特站的地方离泥泞远远的。他听到南太平洋"}
{"instruction": "作者借佩剑想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "纸上天天出现。他的下巴像花岗石一般坚强，上衣没有丝毫皱褶。他是一个完美的军人的缩影。谁都不知道他到底是怎么想的。我们自信是不会打败的，可是我们仿佛在吃败仗。白面根本买不到，除非搭配四倍数量的黑面。买得起的人用白面做面包饼干，用黑面当鸡食。国民军在第三军后备队的训练场上操练，都是五十出头的人，不能算当兵的好材料，但是他们每周做两次健身操，佩着国民军的徽章，戴着海外作战部队的帽子，互相吆喝，没完没了地争论谁应当做军官。威廉· 伯特在做俯卧撑的时候当场死在训练地点。他的心脏吃不消。还有“一分钟人” ①，他们经常在电影院和教堂里发表拥护美国的一分钟的简短演说，因而得到这个称号。他们也佩戴徽章。妇女们卷绷带，穿红十字会的制服，自以为是慈悲天使。每个人都为别人编织一些东西。有的织保暖护腕，那是一种毛线织的短筒，免得士兵袖管里灌风；有的织头罩，只在眼睛前方留出一个窟窿，免得新钢盔冰头。真正优质的皮革全用来制作军官的靴子和武装带。这种叫山姆· 勃朗的皮带很神气，只有军官才能佩用。它包括一条宽腰带和一条从左肩章底下穿过、斜勒在胸前的窄带。我们是从英国人那里学来的，原先可能是挂沉重的佩剑的，连英国人都把它的用途忘了。如今除了检阅，没有人再佩剑，但是阵亡的军官没有一个不用山姆· 勃朗"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价加利福尼亚？", "input": "Source: 伊甸之东", "output": "一九三二年发表了描写加利福尼亚生活的短篇故事集枟天堂的牧场枠，次年出版枟献给一位无名的神枠。这些早期作品当时并没有引起重视。一九三五年，枟煎饼坪枠问世，立即受到文艺评论界和广大读者的注意。在这部小说中，作者怀着深切的同情，以幽默的笔调描写了自己家乡蒙特雷的一批退伍士兵。他们尽管失业流浪，但仍鄙夷金钱，珍视友情，帮助弱者。故事十分感人。类似的题材在作者后来的作品中屡有出现。一九三七年出版的枟人与鼠枠描写两个性格截然不同的流动农业工人梦想靠打短工攒钱买一块土地，过上人的生活，结果仍逃脱不了悲惨绝望的命运。在枟人与鼠枠中，作者无情地揭露了美国资产者剥削移民劳工的黑暗、可耻的现实。三十年代，现实主义文学在美国达到鼎盛时期。一九二九年经济萧条，工人普遍失业的现象促使厄普顿· 辛克莱、西奥多· 德莱塞、约翰· 多斯· 帕索斯等著名作家都执笔描写经济的不景气、失业、城市败落和农村贫困等各种社会现实。斯坦贝克的枟愤怒的葡萄枠在一九三九年出版，也替作者奠定了声誉。这部小说描写俄克拉何马州佃农约德一家离开长期遭受干旱和沙暴威胁的家乡，长途跋涉前往西部谋生。他们历尽千辛万苦到达了加利福尼亚，却又陷入果园主的剥削与压迫，终于忍无可忍，奋起反抗，参加了摘果工人的罢工斗争。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述巴尔的摩市？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "cases per day, mostly gunshot or stabbing wounds, meant that my colleagues and I would have ample opportunity to develop our surgical skills repairing bodies that were too often young, poor, Black, and male. 后来，身为约翰霍普金斯大学的外科住院医生，我了解到死亡有两种速度：快和慢。在巴尔的摩市中心，快速的死亡统治着街道，枪、刀和飞驰的汽车充斥着死亡。尽管听起来有些反常，但城市的暴力却是培训计划的“特色”。虽然我选择霍普金斯大学是因为它在肝癌和胰腺癌手术方面表现出色，但事实上，它平均每天有十多个穿透性创伤病例，其中大部分是枪伤或刺伤，这意味着我和我的同事有足够的机会发展我们的手术技能修复的身体往往是年轻的、贫穷的、黑人和男性的。If trauma dominated the nighttime, our days belonged to patients with vascular disease, GI disease, and especially cancer. The difference was that"}
{"instruction": "朋友葬礼在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "This is always sad to see, and it reinforces one of my core principles, which is that the only way to create a better future for yourself—to set yourself on a better trajectory—is to start thinking about it and taking action now. 关键问题是，我要从这里走向何方？我未来的轨迹是什么？人到中年，警讯已经比比皆是。我参加过高中朋友的葬礼，反映出从中年开始的死亡风险急剧上升。与此同时，我们中的许多三十几岁、四十岁和五十岁的人正在看着我们的父母在身体残疾、痴呆或长期疾病的道路上消失。看到这种情况总是令人难过，它强化了我的核心原则之一，那就是为自己创造更美好未来的唯一方法——让自己走上更好的轨道——就是现在就开始思考并采取行动。— One of the main obstacles in anyone’s quest for longevity is the fact that the skills that my colleagues and I acquired during our medical training have"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里漢堡究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "It’s not an exaggeration to say that my life was in danger—not imminently, but certainly over the long term. I knew exactly where this road could lead. I had amputated the feet of people who, twenty years earlier, had been a lot like me. Closer to home, my own family tree was full of men who had died in their forties from cardiovascular disease. 验血显示出的问题比我在镜子中看到的更严重。尽管事实上我狂热地锻炼并吃着我认为健康的饮食（尽管游泳后吃了奇怪的乾酪漢堡包），但我不知何故变得胰岛素抵抗，这是通往2 型糖尿病和许多其他不良疾病道路上的第一步之一事物。我的睾固酮水平低于同龄男性的第五个百分点。毫不夸张地说，我的生命处于危险之中——不是迫在眉睫，但从长远来看肯定是这样。我清楚地知道这条路会通往哪里。我截掉了二十年前和我很像的人的脚。言归正传，我的家"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，天启为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "in this book. 也许我最大的收获是，现代医学并没有真正掌握何时以及如何治疗可能杀死我们大多数人的慢性老化疾病。部分原因是每位天启骑士都错综复杂，更像是一种疾病过程，而不是像普通感冒这样的急性疾病。令人惊讶的是，在某种程度上，这对我们来说其实是个好消息。每位天启骑士都是累积的，是多种风险因素随着时间的推移而累积和复合的产物。事实证明，许多相同的个人风险因素相对容易减少甚至消除。更好的是，它们具有某些共同的功能或驱动因素，这使得它们很容易受到我们将在本书中讨论的一些相同策略和行为变化的影响。Medicine’s biggest failing is in attempting to treat all these conditions at the wrong end of the timescale—after they are entrenched—rather than before they take root. As a result, we ignore important warning signs and miss opportunities to intervene at a point where we still have a chance to beat back"}
{"instruction": "围绕庆大霉素，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "need his next dose: 4:30 a.m. 我不记得压垮我对医学训练日益沮丧的最后一根稻草是什么，但我确实知道，终结的开始是由一种叫做庆大霉素的药物带来的。在我住院医师实习的第二年末，我在加护病房接诊了一位患有严重败血症的病人。他基本上是靠这种药物维持生命的，这是一种强效的静脉注射抗生素。庆大霉素的棘手之处在于它的治疗窗非常窄。如果你给病人太少，它不会有任何作用，但如果你给他太多，可能会破坏他的肾脏和听力。剂量是根据患者的体重和药物在体内的预期半衰期而定的，因为我是一个数学极客（实际上，不止一点），一天晚上我想出了一个数学模型预测了该患者需要下一次剂量的准确时间：凌晨4:30。Sure enough, when 4:30 rolled around we tested the patient and found that his blood levels of gentamicin had dropped to exactly the point where he needed another dose. I asked his nurse to give him the medication but found myself at odds with the ICU fellow, a trainee who was one level above us"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，胸部手术存活意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "hasty chest surgery we performed was quite survivable, though obviously not how one might wish to spend a Wednesday night. After we got him out of imminent danger, it became clear that the tip of the knife had just barely punctured his pulmonary artery, a simple wound that took two stitches to fix once he was stabilized and in the OR. He went home four nights later. 我当时必须采取如此戏剧性的行动的原因是风险是如此不对称：什么都不做——避免“伤害”——很可能会导致他的死亡。相反，即使我的诊断是错误的，我们进行的仓促胸部手术也是可以存活的，尽管显然不是人们希望如何度过周三晚上。当我们把他从迫在眉睫的危险中救出来后，我们发现刀尖刚刚刺破了他的肺动脉，这是一个简单的伤口，一旦他稳定下来并进入手术室，就需要缝两针才能修复。四晚后他回家了。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画寿命？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "“prevention,” I mean prevention of human suffering. Continuing to ignore healthspan, as we’ve been doing, not only condemns people to a sick and miserable older age but is guaranteed to bankrupt us eventually. 另一个相关问题是，长寿本身，尤其是健康寿命，并不真正适合我们目前医疗保健系统的商业模式。我认为大多数预防性干预措施对于延长寿命和健康寿命是必要的，但几乎没有保险报销代码。健康保险公司不会付医生很多钱来告诉病人改变饮食方式，或监测他的血糖值以帮助预防他罹患第 2 型糖尿病。然而，在这位患者被诊断后，保险将支付他的（非常昂贵的）胰岛素费用。同样，也没有计费代码可以让患者接受旨在保持肌肉质量和平衡感同时增强对伤害的抵抗力的综合锻炼计划。但如果她摔倒并摔断臀部，那么她的手术和物理治疗将得到承保。几乎所有的钱都流向了治疗而不是预防 ——当我说“预防”时，我的意思是预防人类痛苦。正如我们一直在做的那样，继续忽视健康寿命，不仅会导致人们生病、悲惨地度过老年，而且最终肯定会让我们破产。"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把余生放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "我讲述索菲的故事是为了帮助说明我的长寿方法中的一个基本概念，即需要思考和规划我们生命的后几十年——七十岁、八十岁、九十岁或更久。对许多像苏菲这样的人来说，生命的最后十年并不是特别幸福的时光。他们通常患有一种或多种骑士疾病并受到必要治疗的影响。他们的认知和身体能力可能正在减弱或消失。一般来说，他们无法参加他们曾经喜欢的活动，无论是园艺、下棋、骑自行车，或是生活中任何其他带给他们快乐的活动。我将其称为“边缘十年”，对于许多人（如果不是大多数）来说，这是一个衰退和限制的时期。I ask all my patients to sketch out an alternative future for themselves. What do you want to be doing in your later decades? What is your plan for the rest of your life? 我要求所有的病人为自己勾勒出一个替代的未来。在晚年的几十年你想做什么？你的余生有什么计划？Everyone has a slightly different answer—they might want to travel, or continue playing golf or hiking in nature, or simply be able to play with their"}
{"instruction": "作者借滑雪想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "falling off a curb when you’re seventy-five and functioning at 25 percent of your capacity. At the same time, your own risk of chronic disease is rising exponentially. 在某一点上，下降开始加剧。最终，在七十岁或七十五岁左右的某个时候，无论给予或接受，你的认知和身体能力将减弱到大约中间点（由水平虚线表示），我有点武断地定义为低于这个点你就不能能够更轻松地做自己想做的事情。你受到限制，坏事开始更频繁地发生，后果也更严重。当你四十岁仍然强壮有弹性时，在一次滑雪事故中摔断股骨是一回事；当你七十五岁时，身体还只发挥出你能力的 25% 时，从路边摔下来就完全是另一回事了。同时，您自己罹患慢性病的风险正在呈指数级上升。This is where Medicine 2.0 steps in. We treat your heart disease, or cancer, or whatever else afflicts you, prolonging your life by a few months, or years if you’re lucky."}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价苏菲？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "unexpected injury, as Sophie did, that tips us into a downward spiral from which we never recover. 恶化的第二个矢量是我们身体功能的衰退和最终丧失。这可能发生在认知能力下降之前或之后；没有预定的顺序。但随着年龄的增长，身体的虚弱也随之而来。我们失去了肌肉质量和力量，以及骨密度、耐力、稳定性和平衡性，直到几乎不可能将一袋杂货带进屋。慢性疼痛使我们无法做以前轻松做的事情。同时，当我们走到车道尽头去拿报纸时，动脉粥状硬化疾病的不可避免的进展可能会让我们气喘吁吁（如果我们老了报纸仍然存在的话）。或者，我们可能过着相对积极和健康的生活，直到我们跌倒或遭受一些意外伤害，就像苏菲一样，这使我们陷入螺旋式下降，永远无法恢复。My patients rarely expect this decline to affect them. I ask them to be very specific about their ideal future. What do they want to be doing when they are older? It’s striking how rosy their predictions tend to be."}
{"instruction": "这段关于运动的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "寿命”一样，运动也是一个让我恼火的过于宽泛的笼统术语，因为它可以涵盖一切，从在公园散步到骑自行车上山口、打网球或在户外锻炼。健身房举重。这些都算作“锻炼”，但它们显然具有非常不同的效果（顺便说一下，还有风险）。因此，我们将把运动分解为最重要的组成部分：力量、稳定性、有氧效率和峰值有氧能力。如果您希望达到寿命和健康寿命的极限，则有必要增加这些领域的极限。再次强调，我的目标不是告诉您如何快速减肥或改善腹部的美观。我们希望在各种运动中保持体力、耐力和稳定性，同时避免疼痛和残疾。This is another area where my thinking has changed over time. I used to prioritize nutrition over everything else, but I now consider exercise to be the most potent longevity “drug” in our arsenal, in terms of lifespan and healthspan. The data are unambiguous: exercise not only delays actual death but also prevents both cognitive and physical decline, better than any other"}
{"instruction": "监测在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "All of these taken together start to give us a better way to evaluate our progress than any one in isolation. 重要的是要记住 CGM 的局限性——主要是它测量一个变量。这个变量恰好非常重要，但它不是唯一的。因此，仅 CGM 数据并不能帮助您找到理想的饮食。早餐、午餐和晚餐吃培根可能会给你带来很好的 CGM 追踪效果，尽管这显然不是最佳饮食。同样，浴室秤会表明吸烟对你有好处，因为你可以减肥。这就是为什么我也密切监测患者的其他生物标记，以确保他们的 CGM 驱动的选择不会增加他们患其他疾病（例如心血管疾病）的风险。我们还监测与饮食相关的其他变量，从体重（显然）开始，然后继续关注身体组成、瘦体重和脂肪质量的比率以及它们如何变化。我们也可以查看脂质、尿酸、胰岛素和肝脏酶等生物标记。所有这些加在一起开始为我们提供一种比任何孤立的方法更好的方法来评估我们的进展。Lessons from Continuous Glucose Monitoring 连续血糖监测的经验教训 In the years that I have used CGM, I have gleaned the following insights—"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的蛋白质是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "Eating protein also helps us feel satiated, inhibiting the release of the hunger- inducing hormone ghrelin, so we eat fewer calories overall. 除了在增强肌肉方面的作用之外，蛋白质还可能对我们的新陈代谢产生有益的影响。一项研究发现，为老年人提供含有必需氨基酸的补充剂（即模仿增加膳食蛋白质的一些效果）可以降低他们的肝脏脂肪和循环三酸甘油酯水平。另一项针对 2 型糖尿病男性的研究发现，将总热量的 15% 至 30% 的蛋白质摄取量增加一倍，同时将碳水化合物减少一半，可以改善他们的胰岛素敏感性和血糖控制。吃蛋白质还可以帮助我们感到饱足，抑制饥饿激素胃饥饿素的释放，因此我们整体摄取的热量较少。In case my point here isn’t clear enough, let me restate it: don’t ignore protein. It’s the one macronutrient that is absolutely essential to our goals. There’s no minimum requirement for carbohydrates or fats (in practical"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述胰岛素？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "hunger virtually disappears. This paradoxical phenomenon is likely due to the ultrahigh levels of ketones that this state produces, which tamp down feelings of hunger. 不可否认，当我们不吃饭时，就会发生一些好事。胰岛素急剧下降，因为没有摄取热量来引发胰岛素反应。肝脏中的脂肪会在相当短的时间内被清空。随着时间的推移，在三天左右的时间里，身体进入一种称为“饥饿酮症”的状态，脂肪储存被动员起来以满足能量需求——但与此同时，正如我在定期进行长时间禁食时经常注意到的那样，饥饿几乎消失了。这种矛盾的现像很可能是由于这种状态产生了超高水平的酮，从而抑制了饥饿感。Fasting over long periods also turns down mTOR, the pro-growth and pro-aging pathway we discussed in chapter 5. This would also be desirable, one might think, at least for some tissues. At the same time, lack of nutrients"}
{"instruction": "汤姆在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "但禁食有时对某些患者仍然有用——通常是其他饮食干预措施都无效的患者。典型的例子是：我的朋友汤姆· 戴斯普林（Tom Dayspring），我们在第七章遇到的脂质学家。汤姆几年前成为我的病人，因为我非常关心他的代谢健康。当时，他 60 多岁，身高 58 英寸，体重 240 磅，体重指数为 36.5，完全属于肥胖范围。血液检查显示，他也正在治疗严重的 NAFLD 病例，甚至是彻底的 NASH 病例。多年来，我不断地唠叨他，直到他最终同意尝试做点什么。考虑到他的问题，生酮饮食显然是开始的地方。我想，如果我们限制他的碳水化合物摄取量，他的体重就会减轻，希望他的 NAFLD 有机会消散，他的生物标记和体重也会得到控制。But they didn’t. After Tom struggled for six months to stay on the diet, his liver enzymes, and his weight, had failed to budge. A year later, same story. Two years, three years, nothing had changed. In the meantime, his health continued to deteriorate, to the point where he had difficulty walking a single"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里营养究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "build or maintain muscle mass. But its power to leverage increased lifespan and healthspan is more limited. Bad nutrition can hurt us more than good nutrition can help us. If you’re already metabolically healthy, nutritional interventions can only do so much. 我曾经相信饮食和营养可以治愈几乎所有疾病，但我不再那么强烈地相信它。营养生物化学是我们策略的重要组成部分，但它不是长寿的唯一途径，甚至不是最强大的途径。我更将其视为一种救援策略，特别是对于像 Eduardo 和 Tom 这样患有严重代谢问题（例如 NAFLD 和 2 型糖尿病）的患者。对于需要增强或维持肌肉质量的老年人来说，它也很重要。但它延长寿命和健康寿命的能力更为有限。不良营养对我们的伤害大于良好营养对我们的帮助。如果您的新陈代谢已经很健康，那么营养干预的作用就有限了。I know this seems hard to believe, after all we’ve been conditioned to"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，胰岛素为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "*5 标准差是一种统计计算，显示群体内（或个体内）的变异程度，让我们了解患者的血糖水平在平均值附近波动了多少，也可以作为穷人的代表。它们可能会分泌胰岛素来完成葡萄糖处理的工作。标准差越高意味着波动越大，并且可能需要更多的胰岛素来控制血糖。对我来说，这是高胰岛素血症的关键早期预警信号。*6 As we saw in the previous chapter, this glucose disposal takes place both with and without insulin. *6 正如我们在前一章中所看到的，无论有或没有胰岛素，这种葡萄糖处理都会发生。*7 Similar results have been found in multiple other studies, although it remains unclear whether protein supplementation helps to improve muscle strength as well as muscle mass. *7 在多项其他研究中也发现了类似的结果，尽管目前尚不清楚补充蛋白质是否有助于提高肌肉力量和肌肉质量。*8 Although it can. The liver can turn amino acids into glucose via a process known as"}
{"instruction": "围绕关联，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "即便如此，不到二十年前，我们对为什么睡觉、睡觉时会发生什么以及睡眠对短期表现和长期健康的重要性知之甚少。我们现在知道，与导致在停车标志处睡着的严重睡眠不足相比，慢性睡眠债是更阴险的杀手。许多研究发现，睡眠不足（平均每晚少于七小时）与不良健康结果（从增加对普通感冒的易感性到死于心脏病）之间存在密切关联。睡眠不佳会显著增加代谢功能障碍的可能性，甚至包括第 2 型糖尿病，并且会严重破坏身体的荷尔蒙平衡。回想起来，我现在怀疑，至少我自己在三十多岁时的一些健康问题的根源在于我对睡眠的漫不经心的忽视。As important as sleep is for the body, it may even be more so for the brain. Good sleep, in terms of not only quantity but quality, is critical to our cognitive function, our memory, and even our emotional equilibrium. We feel better, in every way, after a night of good sleep. Even while we are unconscious, our brain is still working, processing thoughts and memories and"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，影响不用说意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "about seven and a half to eight and a half hours a night. There is even some evidence, from studies conducted in dark caves, that our eight-ish-hour sleep cycle may be hard-wired to some extent, suggesting that this requirement is non-negotiable. Getting significantly less sleep than this, or significantly more, will almost inevitably cause problems in the long run. 我们需要睡多久？这个问题很棘手，因为我们的睡眠周期受到阳光、噪音和人工照明等外部暗示的强烈影响，更不用说我们自己的情绪和压力了。此外，我们非常善于适应睡眠不足，至少在一段时间内是如此。但很多很多研究都证实了你母亲告诉你的话：我们每晚需要睡大约七个半到八个半小时。在黑暗洞穴中进行的研究甚至有一些证据表明，我们八小时左右的睡眠周期在某种程度上可能是与生俱来的，这表明这项要求是不容协商的。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画睡眠不足？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "这可能会让你感到惊讶，就像我一样，但睡眠不足会对我们的新陈代谢造成严重破坏。即使在短期内，睡眠不足也会导致严重的胰岛素抗性。芝加哥大学的睡眠研究员Eve van Cauter 对健康的年轻人进行了严格的睡眠限制，每晚仅4.5 小时，结果发现，四天后，他们的胰岛素水平与肥胖的中年糖尿病患者一样升高，更糟糕的是，大约葡萄糖处理能力降低 50%。事实证明，这是所有睡眠研究中最一致的发现之一。不少于九项不同的研究发现，睡眠不足会使胰岛素阻抗增加多达三分之一。在医学领域，我们很少看到如此一致的发现，实验证据如此有力地证实了流行病学，因此值得关注。很明显，睡眠不足或不足会导致我们出现代谢功能障碍。Unfortunately, similar longer-term trials haven’t been done, but observational studies suggest a clear link between short sleep and long-term metabolic disturbances. Multiple large meta-analyses of sleep studies have revealed a close relationship between sleep duration and risk of type 2"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把心率放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "lower (also bad). 交感神经系统也可能有助于解释为什么睡眠不佳与心血管疾病和心脏病发作密切相关。当我们感知到威胁时，它就会接管，调动皮质醇和肾上腺素等压力激素，从而提高我们的心率和血压。不幸的是，睡眠不足也会产生同样的影响，使交感神经系统永远处于警觉状态。我们陷入战斗或逃跑模式，血压和心率仍然升高。这反过来又增加了我们脉管系统的压力。我自己透过一些我喜欢玩的自我追踪设备注意到了这一点：在睡眠不佳的夜晚，我的静止心率会更高（不好），而我的心率变异性会更低（也坏的）。This may explain why inadequate sleep over long periods is associated with an increased risk of cardiac events. This is something that is difficult to study definitively, as in a randomized controlled trial. Two large meta- analyses have found that short sleep (defined as less than six hours a night) is"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对试验的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "susceptible individuals? 这就是我的方法可能会激怒某些人的地方。实证医学的纯粹主义者在做任何事情之前都需要来自随机对照试验（RCT）的数据。这些试验是医学证据的黄金标准，但它们也强化了医学 2.0 的一些主要局限性，首先是其时间范围较短。一般来说，最好透过随机对照试验解决的临床问题类型是那些涉及简单干预措施的问题，例如疫苗或降低胆固醇的药物。我们在相对较短的时间内（从六个月到最长五、六年）进行这种治疗，并寻找其对特定结果的影响。疫苗能否降低严重疾病和死亡率？对于高度易感人群，这种药物是否可以降低胆固醇并预防心脏死亡，或至少预防心脏病发作？This type of study is the foundation of evidence-based medicine. But if our goal is longevity, the situation becomes more complicated. A one-year clinical trial, or even a five-year study, will not tell us everything we need to know about disease processes that take decades to unfold."}
{"instruction": "作者借阿兹海想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "我们的大脑根本就没有应有的敏锐。睡个好觉甚至小睡通常都能让我们恢复元气。但睡眠研究人员正在揭示良好的睡眠对长期大脑健康至关重要的多种方式，以及不良睡眠如何造成重大损害。长期以来，睡眠不佳一直被认为是阿兹海默症初期的首要症状之一。然而，随后的研究指出，长期睡眠不足是阿兹海默症和失智症的重要潜在原因。事实证明，睡眠对于维持大脑健康和大脑功能同样重要。When we get into bed and close our eyes, a series of physiological changes begins to take place as we descend into sleep. Our heart rate slows, our core temperature drops, and our breathing becomes regular as we wait for sleep to overtake us. Meanwhile, our brain is embarking on its own journey. 当我们上床闭上眼睛时，随着我们进入睡眠状态，一连串的生理变化开始发生。当我们等待睡眠到来时，我们的心率减慢，核心体温下降，呼吸变得规律。与此同时，我们的大脑正踏上自己的旅程。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价关联？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "out the promising connections from the meaningless ones, the brain can often come up with solutions to problems that stumped us the previous day. Research has also found that REM sleep is especially helpful with what is called procedural memory, learning new ways of moving the body, for athletes and for musicians. 当我们年轻时，快速动眼睡眠对于帮助我们的大脑成长和发育很重要。即使我们在睡觉时，我们的大脑也在形成新的连接，扩展我们的神经网络；这就是为什么年轻人在快速动眼睡眠中花费更多时间的原因。成年后，我们的快速动眼睡眠时间趋于稳定，但它仍然很重要，尤其是对于创造力和解决问题。透过在事实和记忆之间产生看似随机的关联，并从无意义的联系中筛选出有希望的联系，大脑通常可以为前一天困扰我们的问题找到解决方案。研究也发现，快速动眼睡眠对于运动员和音乐家的程序性记忆、学习移动身体的新"}
{"instruction": "这段关于深度的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "that. This pattern parallels the changes in the amount of deep sleep we get as we age. 与年龄相关的深度睡眠减少的一个可能原因是生长激素分泌的变化。生长激素通常在我们晚上开始睡觉后一小时左右或在我们可能进入深度睡眠的时间左右以脉冲形式释放。另一方面，抑制生长激素会减少深度睡眠，因此尚不清楚其中的因果关系。生长激素在青春期达到高峰，在青年期到中年之间迅速下降，之后下降得更慢。这种模式与我们随着年龄的增长而深度睡眠时间的变化是一致的。More research points to the forties and sixties as the decades of life when deep sleep is especially important for the prevention of Alzheimer’s disease. People who have slept less during those decades seem to be at higher risk of developing dementia later on. Thus, good sleep in middle age appears to be"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对夜猫子的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "The latter are not “lazy,” as was long assumed; they may simply have a different chronotype. 睡眠评估中一个重要但经常被忽视的因素是，不同的人可能有截然不同的“时间型”，这是一种说法某人是“早起的人”或“不是早起的人” 的奇特方式。我们每个人都与昼夜节律周期有不同的关系，其中大部分是遗传的：早起的人和夜猫子有不同的昼夜节律基因。[*8] 研究发现，有些人在遗传上倾向于早上第一件事就从床上跳起来，而另一些人自然倾向于较晚醒来（并较晚入睡），直到下午某个时候才真正迈出步伐。后者并不像人们长期以来认为的那样“懒惰”。他们可能只是有不同的生理时钟类型。Like so much else in biology, this has a possible basis in evolution: if all members of a clan or a tribe adhered to the exact same sleep schedule, the entire group would be vulnerable to predators and enemies for several hours every night."}
{"instruction": "文中关于设备的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "players, and, best of all, books were less likely to be associated with poor sleep. This may partially explain why watching TV before bed does not seem to affect sleep quite as negatively as playing video games or scrolling social media does, according to research by Michael Gradisar, a sleep researcher and professor of psychology at Flinders University in Australia. 我们睡前盯着的设备——手机、笔记本电脑、电玩游戏——对我们的睡眠更不利。它们不仅会用更多的蓝光轰炸我们，还会以妨碍我们睡眠的方式启动我们的思维。一项大规模调查发现，受试者在睡前一小时内使用的互动设备越多，他们入睡和保持睡眠的困难就越大，而电视、电子音乐播放器以及最重要的是书籍等被动设备则较少使用。可能与睡眠不好有关。澳洲弗林德斯大学睡眠研究员兼心理学教授 Michael Gradisar 的研究表明，这可能部分解释了为什么睡"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对小睡给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "睡眠压力的概念，也就是我们对睡眠的需求或渴望，是我们许多睡眠策略的关键。我们想要培养睡眠压力，但要在适当的时间、适当的量──不要太多，不要太少，也不要太早。这就是为什么医生用来治疗失眠患者的主要技术之一实际上是睡眠限制，将“允许”睡眠的时间限制为六小时或更少。这基本上使他们足够疲倦，以至于在一天结束时更容易入睡，并且（希望）他们的正常睡眠周期得到恢复。他们的睡眠压力逐渐增大，超过了失眠的原因。但这也有助于解释为什么小睡会适得其反。白天小睡虽然有时很诱人，但也可以缓解过多的睡眠压力，使晚上更难重新入睡。Another way to help cultivate sleep pressure is via exercise, particularly sustained endurance exercise (e.g., zone 2), ideally not within two or three hours of bedtime. My patients often find that a thirty-minute zone 2 session can do wonders for their ability to fall asleep. Even better is exercise that"}
{"instruction": "这一段对美丽的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "write this book. But in reality, I was out of control. 我可能没有感觉到自己正处于谷底，但我正在快速地朝那个方向前进。几周前，我在停车场差点和一个随机的人打架。我就站在他面前，恳求他先打出第一拳，这样我就可以撕掉他的喉头，我以外科手术的细节描述了这个过程，还加上了一些自选的绰号。我很确定我会赢得这场战斗，但我也可能会失去一切：我的房子、我的行医执照、我的自由，可能还有我的婚姻所剩下的一切。从表面上看，我是一个看似成功的人，拥有蓬勃发展的医疗事业、美丽的妻子和孩子、很棒的朋友、健康的身体，以及写这本书的合约。但事实上，我已经失控了。I wasn’t just some garden-variety road-raging maniac either. It was much worse than that. A few months earlier—on Tuesday, July 11, 2017, at 5:45 p.m., to be exact—I had received a call from Jill, my wife. She was in an ambulance with our infant son, Ayrton, on the way to the hospital."}
{"instruction": "朱莉在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "Sure, she might feel upset in the moment, but it could also motivate her to train harder and give her a better appreciation for the joy of placing in the top three one day. What would not be okay is if I had then screamed at her, in front of the other runners, for getting beaten by the shortest kid on the team. 这完美地描述了我童年时期某些时候的感受。无能为力的感觉是我痛苦的一大根源（在后来的人生中，也是我愤怒的根源）。但我也想对创伤和逆境做出重要的区分。他们不一样。我并不是说孩子们在没有经历任何逆境的情况下成长是理想的，这有时似乎是现代育儿的首要目标。许多压力源可能是有益的，而有些则不然。创伤和逆境之间没有明显的界线；尽管这很糟糕，但我自己的经历在某些方面让我变得更坚强。朱莉的问题是一个很好的试金石：我想让我的孩子经历它吗？如果我的女儿在越野比赛中名列最后（例如），"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的患者是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "每个读者都有自己的情感构成、自己的历史、自己要解决的问题。然而，我们都面临的一个困难是，医学 2.0 的设计目的是治疗心理和情绪健康，其方式与治疗其他一切疾病几乎相同：诊断、开药，当然还有账单。虽然抗忧郁药物和其他精神活性药物已经帮助了包括我在内的许多患者，但找到完整的解决方案绝非易事。一方面，这主要是一种基于疾病的模型，这就是医学 2.0 处理和解决其他问题的方式，例如感染和急性疾病：治疗症状并将患者送回家。或者，如果情况更严重，就像我的情况一样，请将患者送到桥这样的地方几周，然后送他们回家——瞧，问题解决了。One reason this approach has proved less effective in the psychological realm is that mental health and emotional health are not the same thing. Mental health encompasses disease-like states such as clinical depression and schizophrenia, which are complex and difficult to treat but do present with"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述大桥？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "很少有超重和身材走样的人没有意识到他们需要做出改变。做出改变可能是另一回事了。但无数人迫切需要情绪健康方面的帮助，却未能认清自己病情的迹象和症状。我是这个群体的典型代表。— After two weeks, I left the Bridge. My therapists there were uneasy about letting me go so soon; they wanted me to stay for another month, but I felt that I had made tremendous progress in that relatively short time. Acknowledging my past felt like a huge deal to me. I felt hopeful, and they finally agreed that I could leave. So I flew home the day before Christmas. 两周后，我离开了大桥。我的治疗师对这么快让我离开感到不安。他们想让我再待一个月，但我觉得我在相对较短的时间内取得了巨大的进步。承认我的过去对我来说是一件大事。我感到充满希望，他们终于同意我可以离开。"}
{"instruction": "文中关于寿命的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "同类型的干预措施（包括饮食干预措施和外源性分子形式的干预措施）如何影响小鼠寿命的数据。显然，其限制在于老鼠不是人类。许多药物在小鼠身上取得了成功，但在人体研究中却惨遭失败。还有其他类型的动物模型，包括一种经常用于研究的线虫，称为线虫，以及果蝇、狗、灵长类动物，甚至低级酵母细胞。所有这些都有优点和缺点。我的经验法则是，如果一项特定的干预措施能够被证明可以延长跨越十亿年进化的多个物种的寿命或健康寿命，例如从蠕虫到猴子，那么我倾向于认真对待它。A third and important source of information to support our strategy comes from human studies of the Horsemen: cardiovascular and cerebrovascular disease, cancer, Alzheimer’s disease and related neurodegenerative conditions, and type 2 diabetes and related metabolic dysfunction. How do these diseases begin? How do they progress?"}
{"instruction": "美德在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "relationships with those closest to me, I still had a major blind spot: my relationship with myself. I had become a much better husband and father, but inside, I was just as hard on myself as ever. My deep self-hatred and loathing still contaminated most of my thoughts and emotions, and I didn’t even realize it—nor did I understand why it was happening. 我开始每天使用这些工具和策略，形成情绪健康习惯。我关注的是悼词美德，而不是履历美德。我努力与家人创建更亲密的关系，并且更陪伴家人。我尝试练习重构。但还是觉得有些不对劲。即使当我努力处理与最亲近的人的关系时，我仍然有一个主要的误區：我与自己的关系。我已经成为一个更好的丈夫和父亲，但在内心，我对自己一如既往的严格。我深深的自我憎恨和厌恶仍然污染着我的大部分思想和情感，我什至没有意识到，也不明白为什么会发生这"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里丛林究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "experience of an ayahuasca journey, or some other singular experience (or even, as in my case, thinking that two weeks in a facility such as the Bridge is enough, after which we can continue as though nothing fundamental has changed). 是的，抗忧郁药物和情绪稳定剂等药物很重要并且可以提供帮助。是的，正念冥想练习可以让这一切变得更容易。是的，MDMA 和裸盖菇素等分子，如果在熟练的指导下并在正确的环境下使用，可以发挥强大的作用；我在康复的关键时刻使用了这两种药物，并取得了显著的效果。但我经常看到人们把他们的转变的希望仅仅寄托在氯胺酮之旅或秘鲁丛林之旅上，由萨满引导他们完成令人兴奋的死藤水之旅，或其他一些奇异的经历（甚至，就像我的情况一样，我认为在桥梁这样的设施中待两周就足够了，之后我们可以继续下去，就好像没有什么根本性的改变一样）。All of these modalities are powerful and potentially useful, but we need to"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，雷亚尔为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "系。正如特里·雷亚尔很早之前指出的，这种愤怒源自于羞耻，但很多时候我的愤怒也会带来更多的羞耻。例如，如果我对我的孩子大喊大叫，尤其是当我因为其他事情而生气时，我会感到羞耻。这种羞耻感会成为我与他们和解的障碍，所以我感到更羞耻。这就像我给自己挖了一个洞，而且不只是我的孩子。在我能够调和并承认自己的行为之前，我无法继续前进。这曾经是一个更大的问题，但至少现在我通常可以在洞变得太深之前实时发现它。DBT teaches a variety of techniques to enable people to maintain and improve their distress tolerance, and to recognize and cope with their emotions—and not be controlled by them, as I had been for so long. One simple tactic that I use to cope with mounting emotional distress is inducing an abrupt sensory change—typically, by throwing ice water on my face or, if"}
{"instruction": "围绕霍利迪，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "This is another example of how action can lead us into a better mental state. And as Michael Easter pointed out to me, there is actual research suggesting that exposing oneself to the fractal geometric patterns in nature can reduce physiological stress, and that these effects show up on an EEG. 运动是我整体情绪健康计划的另一个重要组成部分，尤其是我在第 12 章中讨论的锻炼练习。我发现花时间在大自然中活动，只是享受微风拂面的感觉和初绽春叶的气味（以及我背上的沉重的背包）帮助我培养瑞安·霍利迪所说的“平静”，即在我们的世界提供的以及我们为自己创造的所有干扰中保持冷静和专注的能力。当我的家人出现时，这是一个重要的亲密时间。当我独自一人时，翻身是一种正念练习，一种步行冥想。没有电话，没有音乐，没有播客。只有大自然的声音和我粗重的呼吸声。这是行动如何引导我们进入更好的精神状态的另一个例子。正如迈克尔·伊斯特（Michael Easter）向我"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，文明意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "如果你从我的故事中没有学到什么，那就看这篇：如果我能改变，你也能改变。这一切都必须始于一个简单的信念：真正的改变是可能的。这是最重要的一步。我相信我是有史以来最可怕、最不可救药、最悲惨的混蛋，被丢进文明社会了。从我记事起，我就相信自己是有缺陷的，而且我的缺陷是与生俱来的。不可改变的。只有当我至少接受了这样一个想法：也许我实际上并不是一个怪物时，我才能够开始削弱几乎摧毁了我的生活和我身后的每个人的叙述。This is the key step. You have to believe you can change—and that you deserve better. 这是关键的一步。你必须相信你可以改变——并且你值得更好。Yet it can be a very difficult step for many people to take, for a number of reasons—the social stigma that persists around mental and emotional health, to name just one. It’s difficult for many people, myself included at one point,"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对生物学给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "true or false. (Although we can feel fairly certain about some things, such as the evidence supporting the idea that your doctor should wash her hands and put on sterile gloves before operating on you.) 精明的读者会注意到，到目前为止，本章明显缺少一个概念：绝对确定性。当我从数学转向医学时，我花了一些时间才理解这一点，但在生物学中，我们很少能像数学中那样明确地“证明”任何东西。生命系统是混乱、混乱和复杂的，我们对即使是相当简单的事物的理解也在不断发展。我们所能期望的最好的结果就是减少我们的不确定性。一次好的生物学实验只会增加或减少我们对假设正确或错误的概率的信心。（尽管我们对某些事情可以相当确定，例如有证据支持您的医生在对您进行手术之前应该洗手并戴上无菌手套的想法。）In the absence of multiple, repeated, decades-long randomized clinical trials that might answer our questions with certainty, we are forced to think in"}
{"instruction": "这一段对冰山的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "very far. Why should we even bother with this line of inquiry? 这就是为什么我如此重视从病人那里获取详细的家族史的部分原因：我需要知道你的亲戚何时死亡以及原因。从基因角度来说，你可能的“冰山”是什么？如果您的家谱中确实有百岁老人，请让我表示祝贺。毕竟，这样的基因是遗传运气的一种形式。但在我的家庭，如果你到了退休年龄，你就过得很好。因此，如果你像我和大多数读这本书的人一样，你的基因不太可能带你走得太远。我们为什么要费心去进行这种探究呢？Because we are probing a more relevant question: Can we, through our behaviors, somehow reap the same benefits that centenarians get for “free” via their genes? Or to put it more technically, can we mimic the centenarians’ phenotype, the physical traits that enable them to resist disease and survive for"}
{"instruction": "长寿在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "as cooking meals and clipping their own toenails, a seemingly simple job that becomes monumentally challenging in older age. 它们的长寿不仅仅是延缓疾病的功能。这些人也常打破人们对老年的刻板印象，认为老年是一段痛苦和衰退的时期。珀尔斯、巴尔齐莱和其他研究人员观察到，百岁老人的整体健康状况往往相当好 ——这又不是大多数人所期望的。这并不意味着每个长寿的人都会打高尔夫球和跳出飞机，但珀尔斯的九十五岁及以上的研究对像在认知功能和执行日常生活任务的能力的标准评估中得分很高我们在第三章中提到过，例如做饭和剪脚趾甲，看似简单的工作，到了老年却变得极具挑战性。Curiously, despite the fact that female centenarians outnumber males by at least four to one, the men generally scored higher on both cognitive and functional tests. This might seem paradoxical at first, since women clearly live"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的长寿是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "reasons discussed above. Thus it appears that no two centenarians follow the exact same genetic path to reaching extreme old age. There are many ways to achieve longevity; not just one or two. 一个看似合理的理论认为，百岁老人之所以能长寿，是因为他们还拥有某些其他基因，这些基因可以保护他们免受典型基因组缺陷的影响，预防或延缓心血管疾病和癌症，并在其他人丧失认知功能几十年后仍能维持其认知功能。但由于上述原因，即使自然选择允许有害基因在老年时大量繁殖，它对促进这些更有用的长寿基因几乎没有任何作用。因此，似乎没有两个百岁老人遵循完全相同的基因路径到达高龄。实现长寿的方法有很多；不只是一两个。— That said, a handful of potential longevity genes have emerged in various studies, and it turns out that some of them are possibly relevant to our strategy."}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述细胞？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "是被激活还是“沉默”。我认为它很像蜂窝维护部门。它的职责非常广泛，涵盖各种细胞修复任务、调节新陈代谢、护理干细胞以及各种其他类型的内务管理，包括帮助处理细胞废物或垃圾。但它本身并不承担繁重的工作，例如拖地、擦洗、小型干墙维修等。相反，它将工作委托给其他更专业的基因——它的分包商，如果你愿意的话。当 FOXO3 被活化时，它会激活通常使我们的细胞更健康的基因。它似乎在防止细胞癌变方面也发挥着重要作用。Here’s where we start to see some hope, because FOXO3 can be activated or suppressed by our own behaviors. For example, when we are slightly deprived of nutrients, or when we are exercising, FOXO3 tends to be more activated, which is what we want. 从这里我们开始看到一些希望，因为 FOXO3 可以被我们自己的行为活化或抑制。例如，当我们稍微缺乏营养时，或者当我们运动时，FOXO3往往会更加激活，这正是我们想要的。Beyond FOXO3, gene expression itself seems to play an important but still"}
{"instruction": "古老在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "square miles is what’s left of a trio of ancient volcanoes that surged up more than two miles from the seabed millions of years ago. One end of the island is ringed by very high cliffs that plunge down into the gorgeous blue ocean. The nearest human settlement is more than one thousand miles away. 大多数人了解复活节岛是因为其海岸线上点缀着数千个左右神秘的巨型石像，称为摩艾石像，但它的魅力远不止于此。该岛因 1722 年复活节周日登陆该岛的欧洲探险家而得名，但当地人称之为拉帕努伊 (Rapa Nui)。这是一个极端、孤立、壮观的地方。这座面积约六十三平方英里的三角形岛屿是三座古老火山的遗迹，这些火山在数百万年前从海底涌出两英里多。岛屿的一端被非常高的悬崖环绕，悬崖直插到美丽的蓝色海洋。最近的人类居住区距离这里有一千多英里。We were not there as tourists. We were on a pilgrimage to the source of"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里抗真菌剂究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "了一种奇怪而有效的抗真菌剂，这种抗真菌剂似乎是由一种名为吸水链霉菌的土壤细菌产生的。出于好奇，塞加尔分离出了这种细菌，并将其培养在培养物中，然后开始在他的实验室中测试这种神秘的化合物。他将其命名为雷帕霉素（rapamycin），以复活节岛的原住民名称拉帕努伊（Rapa Nui）命名（霉素是通常用于抗菌药物的后缀）。但随后艾耶斯特突然关闭了蒙特娄实验室，塞格尔的老板命令他销毁他正在研究的所有化合物。Sehgal disobeyed the order. One day, he smuggled a jar of rapamycin home from work. His son Ajai, who was originally supposed to be the fifth member of our pilgrimage, remembers opening the family freezer to get ice cream when he was a kid and seeing a well-wrapped container in there marked DO NOT EAT. The jar survived the family’s move to Princeton,"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，白藜芦醇为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "rapamycin, as part of a National Institute on Aging program to test potential antiaging interventions, it did not extend lifespan in a similar diverse population of normal mice. 您可能会发现这令人惊讶，但许多最引人注目的研究，您在报纸上读到的或在新闻报道中看到的研究，从未被重复过。典型的例子是：2006 年广为人知的发现是，在葡萄皮（和红酒）中发现的一种物质白藜芦醇可以延长超重小鼠的寿命。这产生了无数的新闻文章，甚至在 60 分钟节目中有一长段内容讲述了这种神奇分子（进而延伸到红酒）的好处。白藜芦醇补充剂的销量勐增。但其他实验室无法重现最初的发现。作为国家老化研究所测试潜在抗衰老干预措施的一部分，当白藜芦醇接受与雷帕霉素相同的严格测试时，它并没有延长类似的不同正常小鼠群体的寿命。The same is true of other well-hyped supplements such as nicotinamide riboside, or NR: it, too, failed to extend lifespan consistently in mice."}
{"instruction": "围绕产生，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "for these new mitochondria, by producing glucose in the liver (which we’ll talk about in the next chapter) and releasing energy stored in fat cells. 它首先透过刺激新粒线体的产生来实现这一点，粒线体是细胞中产生能量的微小细胞器，透过称为粒线体生物发生的过程。随着时间的推移或废弃，我们的粒线体变得容易受到氧化压力和基因组损伤的影响，从而导致功能障碍和失败。透过饮食限制或运动来限制可用营养物质的量，会引发更新、更有效的粒线体的产生，以取代旧的和受损的粒线体。这些新鲜的粒线体帮助细胞利用其现有的燃料产生更多的 ATP（细胞能量货币）。AMPK 也透过在肝脏中产生葡萄糖（我们将在下一章中讨论）并释放脂肪细胞中储存的能量，促使身体为这些新粒线体提供更多燃料。More importantly, AMPK works to inhibit the activity of mTOR, the cellular growth regulator. Specifically, it seems to be a drop in amino acids that induces mTOR to shut down, and with it all the anabolic (growth)"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，雷帕意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "The study subjects had been given moderate to high doses followed by a rest period, and this cyclical administration had had an opposite, immune-enhancing effect. 在这项研究出现之前，我（和许多其他人一样）基本上放弃了雷帕霉素可以用作健康人预防性治疗的可能性。我原以为它明显的免疫抑制作用太严重了。但这项非常出色且控制良好的研究实际上显示了相反的结果。看来免疫抑制是因为每天使用低至中等剂量的雷帕霉素所造成的。研究对象接受了中等到高剂量的治疗，然后休息一段时间，这种周期性给药产生了相反的免疫增强作用。It seems odd that giving different doses of the same drug could have such disparate effects, but it makes sense if you understand the structure of mTOR, which is actually composed of two separate complexes, called mTOR"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画雷帕？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "can harm surrounding cells. Rapamycin seems to reduce these inflammatory cytokines. It also improves cancer surveillance, the ways in which our body, most likely the immune system, detects and eliminates cancer cells. In another recent study, Kaeberlein’s group found that rapamycin appeared to improve periodontal (gum) health in older dogs. Kaeberlein 也观察到，雷帕霉素似乎可以减少全身炎症，这可能是透过抑制所谓的衰老细胞的活性来实现的，这些细胞是已经停止分裂但尚未死亡的“较老”细胞。这些细胞会分泌一种有毒的发炎细胞激素混合物，这些化学物质会伤害周围的细胞。雷帕霉素似乎可以减少这些发炎细胞激素。它还改善了癌症监测，即我们的身体（很可能是免疫系统）检测和消除癌细胞的方式。在最近的另一项研究中，Kaeberlein 的研究团队发现雷帕霉素似乎可以改善老年犬的牙周（牙"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把雷帕放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "的活性，mTOR 是雷帕霉素（细胞中发现的蛋白质复合物）的机制标靶。更令人困惑的是，mTOR 最初被称为哺乳动物雷帕霉素靶点，以区别于雷帕霉素靶点 TOR，后者最初是在酵母中发现的。TOR 和 mTOR 本质上是相同的，这意味着在生命之树上和下，经过十亿年的进化，发现了相同的基本机制。*3 Before leaving Rapa Nui, the four of us vowed to replace the missing plaque honoring the discovery of rapamycin with a new one saluting the island’s unique contribution to molecular biology and the role of Suren Sehgal in preserving and elucidating the importance of this molecule. *3 在离开拉帕努伊岛之前，我们四人发誓要更换一块新的纪念牌，纪念雷帕霉素的发现，以致敬该岛对分子生物学的独特贡献，以及苏伦·塞加尔( Suren Sehgal) 在保存和阐明该分子的重要性方面所发挥的作用。CHAPTER 6 第 6 章 The Crisis of Abundance"}
{"instruction": "作者借肝脏想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "It may be the most regenerative organ in the human body. When a healthy person donates a portion of their liver, both donor and recipient end up with an almost full-sized, fully functional liver within about eight weeks of the surgery, and the majority of that growth takes place in just the first two weeks. NAFLD 和 NASH 基本上是同一疾病的两个阶段。NAFLD 是第一阶段，是由于（简而言之）进入肝脏或在那里产生的脂肪多于离开肝脏而引起的。代谢跳板的下一步是 NASH，它基本上是 NAFLD 加上炎症，类似于肝炎，但没有病毒感染。这种发炎会导致肝脏形成疤痕，但同样没有明显的症状。这听起来可能很可怕，但一切都还没失去。NAFLD 和 NASH 仍然是可逆的。如果您能以某种方式去除肝脏中的脂肪（最常见的是透过减肥），发炎就会消退，肝功能也会恢复正常。肝脏是一个具有高度弹性的器官，这几乎是个奇迹。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价葡萄糖？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "titrating it precisely to maintain a more or less constant level. Consider that five grams of glucose, spread out across one’s entire circulatory system, is normal, while seven grams—a teaspoon and a half—means you have diabetes. As I said, the liver is an amazing organ. 肝脏的许多重要工作之一是将储存的肝糖转化回葡萄糖，然后根据需要释放它以维持血糖水平处于稳定状态，即葡萄糖稳态。这是一项极其微妙的任务：一个普通的成年男性在任何特定时间都会有大约五克或一茶匙的葡萄糖在他的血液中循环。那一茶匙的持续时间不会超过几分钟，因为葡萄糖会被肌肉，尤其是大脑吸收，因此肝脏必须不断补充更多葡萄糖，并精确滴定以维持或多或少恒定的水平。考虑到分佈在整个循环系统中的五克葡萄糖是正常的，而七克（一茶匙半）则意味着您患有糖尿病。正如我所说，肝脏是一个神奇的器官。We have a far greater capacity, almost unlimited, for storing energy as fat"}
{"instruction": "这段关于脂肪的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "more lean. 个体脂肪储存能力似乎受到遗传因素的影响。这是一个概括，但平均而言，亚裔人（例如）储存脂肪的能力往往比白人低得多。这里还有其他因素在起作用，但这在一定程度上解释了为什么有些人可能肥胖但代谢健康，而另一些人可能看起来“瘦”，但仍然带着三种或更多代谢综合征的标志。根据宾州大学米奇·拉扎尔的研究，这些人面临的风险最大，因为“瘦”人安全储存脂肪的能力可能要低得多。在其他条件相同的情况下，体内脂肪较多的人也可能具有更大的脂肪储存能力，因此比看起来更瘦的人有更多的代谢空间。It doesn’t take much visceral fat to cause problems. Let’s say you are a forty-year-old man who weighs two hundred pounds. If you have 20 percent body fat, making you more or less average (50th percentile) for your age and sex, that means you are carrying 40 pounds of fat throughout your body. Even if just 4.5 pounds of that is visceral fat, you would be considered at"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对阿兹海的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "common. This is why I place such emphasis on metabolic health, and why I have long been concerned about the epidemic of metabolic disease not only in the United States but around the world. 简单说明一下：糖尿病仅在美国排名第七或第八位，仅次于肾脏病、意外和阿兹海默症。2020 年，2 型糖尿病导致的死亡人数略高于十万人，仅占心血管疾病或癌症死亡人数的一小部分。从数字上看，它勉强符合骑士的资格。但我相信第 2 型糖尿病造成的实际死亡人数要高得多，而且我们低估了它的真正影响。糖尿病患者罹患心血管疾病、癌症、阿兹海默症和其他失智症的风险要大得多；有人可能会说，糖尿病伴随相关代谢功能障碍是所有这些疾病的共同点之一。这就是为什么我如此重视代谢健康，也是为什么我长期以来不仅关注美国而且在世界各地的代谢疾病的流行。Why is this epidemic happening now? 为什么现在才会发生这种流行病？The simplest explanation is likely that our metabolism, as it has evolved"}
{"instruction": "文中关于塞缪尔的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "(and especially if we are not physically active). 从更宏观的层面来看，摄取大量液体果糖只会压倒肠道处理它的能力。多余的热量会被分流到肝脏，其中许多卡路里最终可能会转化为脂肪。我曾看过患者因饮用过多“健康”水果冰沙而患上 NAFLD，原因相同：他们摄取过多、过快的果糖。因此，如果我们不小心（特别是如果我们不进行身体活动），我们本已高热量的现代饮食中几乎无限量的液体果糖将使我们代谢失败。— I sometimes think back to that patient who first introduced me to fatty liver disease. He and Samuel Zelman’s Patient Zero, the man who drank a dozen Cokes a day, had the same problem: they consumed many more calories than they needed. In the end, I still think excess calories matter the most. 有时我会回想起那位先向我介绍脂肪肝疾病的患者。他和塞缪尔·泽尔曼饰演的零号病人，每天喝一打可乐，也有同样的问题：他们消"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对方济各给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "while a third made it to age sixty-nine before his heart killed him, which is perhaps more typical but still way too young. 我想知道为什么我花了这么长时间才得到提示。当我五岁的时候，我父亲的哥哥弗朗西斯——他在八个兄弟姐妹中最喜欢的一个—— 在四十六岁时因心脏病突发去世。两天后，当我自己的兄弟保罗出生时，我悲痛欲绝的父亲选择了方济各作为他的中间名。正如某些家族的名字一样，我的名字似乎也有早期心血管疾病的倾向。另一位叔叔在四十二岁时因心脏病发作而死亡，而第三位叔叔则在六十九岁时心脏病发作，这也许更典型，但仍然太年轻了。My dad is lucky, because he has lived to the ripe old age of eighty-five (so far). But even he has a stent in one of his coronary arteries, a souvenir of his own minor event in his midsixties. He felt chest pain one day at the limestone"}
{"instruction": "这一段对英里的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "vital substances to pass through its membranes, and accommodating huge swings in fluid pressure, with minimal fatigue. No material created by man can even come close to matching this. If one vessel is injured, others regrow to take its place, ensuring continuous blood flow throughout the body. 我们的血管网络同样神奇，是一个由静脉、动脉和毛细血管组成的网络，如果伸展并首尾相接，将环绕地球两圈以上（如果你记分的话，大约六万英里）。每一根血管都是材料科学和工程的奇迹，每分钟能够扩张和收缩数十次，允许重要物质通过其膜，并适应流体压力的巨大波动，同时将疲劳降至最低。人类创造的任何材料都无法与此相媲美。如果一条血管受伤，其他血管就会重新生长取代它，确保全身的血液持续流动。Incredible as it is, however, our circulatory system is far from perfect—in"}
{"instruction": "斯尼德在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "heart attack, stroke, or any procedure involving a stent or a graft, occur before the age of sixty-five. In men, one-quarter of all events occur before age fifty- four. 我们需要面对的最后一个误解是，心血管疾病主要侵袭“老年人”，因此我们不需要太担心二、三、四十岁患者的预防问题。不对。我永远不会忘记 2014 年在杜勒斯机场吃晚饭时艾伦·斯尼德曼 (Allan Sniderman) 向我提出的一个简单问题：“65 岁以下的人中心脏病发作的比例是多少？”我猜得很高，四分之一，但我的预测太低了。男性所有主要不良心血管事件的一半（以及女性的三分之一），例如心脏病发作、中风或任何涉及支架或移植物的手术，发生在六十五岁之前。对男性来说，四分之一的事件发生在五十四岁之前。But while the events themselves may have seemed sudden, the problem was likely lurking for years. Atherosclerosis is a slow-moving, sneaky disease,"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的低密度脂蛋白是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "two biggest risk factors for heart disease, smoking and high blood pressure, cause damage to the endothelium. Smoking damages it chemically, while high blood pressure does so mechanically, but the end result is endothelial harm that, in turn, leads to greater retention of LDL. As oxidized LDL accumulates, it causes still more damage to the endothelium. 现在，它被困在内皮下空间并被氧化，使其具有一定的毒性，LDL/apoB 颗粒不再表现得像一个有礼貌的客人，拒绝离开，并邀请它的朋友，其他 LDL，加入聚会。其中许多也被保留和氧化。心脏病的两个最大危险因子——吸烟和高血压——对内皮细胞造成损害并非偶然。吸烟会造成化学损伤，而高血压会造成机械性损伤，但最终结果是内皮损伤，进而导致低密度脂蛋白滞留更多。随着氧化低密度脂蛋白的积累，它会对内皮细胞造成更大的伤害。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述尿酸水平？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "显然，不瘦的彼得已经走上了心脏病的道路。到四十岁时，我的腰围有望达到 40，这是我代谢功能障碍的明显迹象。在我的腰带下面，我可能正在累积内脏脂肪。我还患有胰岛素阻抗，这是心血管疾病的巨大风险驱动因素。虽然我的血压很好，但我怀疑随着年龄的增长，血压会很快恶化，因为高血压在我的家族中似乎很猖獗。我的尿酸水平可能也很高，正如我们在前一章中看到的那样，尿酸水平通常伴随着高血压和其他代谢功能障碍的迹象。所有这些都会导致动脉粥状硬化发展所需的另一个必要（但不是充分）条件，那就是发炎。尤其是内皮屏障，特别容易受到发炎的损害。But no physician would likely have treated me for any of this. My blood panel did not signal any significant risk. My LDL-C tested at 110 to 120 mg/dL, just slightly higher than normal but not a cause for concern, particularly in a younger person. My triglycerides were on the higher side,"}
{"instruction": "测试在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "Because elevated Lp(a) is largely genetic, the test need only be done once (and cardiovascular disease guidelines are beginning to advise a once-a-lifetime test for it anyway). 大多数人的这种颗粒浓度相对较低，但有些人的浓度可能比其他人高出一百倍。这种变异主要是遗传性的，估计 20% 至 30% 的美国人的病毒水平足够高，导致他们面临更高的风险；此外，平均而言，非洲人后裔的 Lp(a) 水平往往高于白人。这就是为什么，如果您的家族中有过早心脏病发作的病史，您绝对应该要求进行 Lp(a) 测试。我们在每位患者第一次抽血时检测 Lp(a)。由于 Lp(a) 升高主要是遗传性的，因此该测试只需进行一次（心血管疾病指南开始建议一生进行一次测试）。Anahad was fortunate that he found out about his situation when he did. His calcium score meant that he had already suffered significant"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里风险究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "这是我对任何患者的出发点，无论他们是像阿纳哈德（有一个突出的风险因素）还是像我（有许多较小的风险因素）。我们的首要任务是减少 apoB 颗粒的负担，主要是 LDL，但也包括 VLDL，它们本身可能是危险的。并且要戏剧性地这样做，而不是边际或渐进。我们希望它尽可能低，宜早不宜迟。我们还必须注意其他风险标记物，特别是那些与代谢健康相关的标志物，例如胰岛素、内脏脂肪和同型半胱氨酸，高半胱氨酸是一种高浓度的氨基酸[*7]，与心脏病、中风的风险增加密切相关和痴呆症。You’ll note that I don’t pay much attention to HDL-C, because while having very low HDL-C is associated with higher risk, it does not appear to be causal. This is why drugs aimed at raising HDL-C have generally failed to reduce risk and events in clinical trials. The reasons why are suggested by two elegant Mendelian randomization studies that examined both sides of the"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，类药物为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "on this page.) 不同的药物透过不同的途径达到这种效果。他汀类药物通常是我们的第一道防线（或攻击线），它会抑制胆固醇合成，促使肝脏增加 LDLR 的表达，从而将更多的 LDL 排出循环。它们也可能有其他好处，包括明显的抗发炎作用，所以虽然我不认为他汀类药物应该像一些人建议的那样溶解到饮用水中，但我确实认为它们是降低 apoB 或 LDL 浓度非常有用的药物在许多患者中。并不是每个人都能轻松服用他汀类药物；约 5% 的患者会出现严重的副作用，最明显的是与他汀类药物相关的肌肉疼痛。此外，一小部分服用他汀类药物的患者会出现葡萄糖稳态紊乱，这可能解释了为什么他汀类药物与第 2 型糖尿病风险小幅增加有关。另一部分患者出现肝酶无症状升高，这在同时服用依折麦布药物的患者中更为常见。停药后，所有这些副作用都可以完全且快速地逆转。但对于那些能够容忍它们的人（即大多数人），我会尽早且频繁地部署它们。（有关特定他汀类药物和其他降 apoB 药物的更多信息，请参阅本页侧边栏。）— This brings us to the final, and perhaps greatest, major blind spot of Medicine 2.0: time. 这让我们看到了医学 2.0 的最后一个，也许是最大的主要误區：时"}
{"instruction": "围绕风险，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "The sooner we lower apoB exposure, thus lowering risk, the more the benefits compound over time—and the greater our overall risk reduction. 就背景而言，大多数用于一级预防（即预防首次心脏事件）的他汀类药物研究持续约五年，通常会发现“需要治疗的人数”（或 NNT，需要服用药物的患者人数）为了挽救一个生命）大约33 到130 人之间，取决于患者的基线风险状况。（令人惊讶的是，迄今为止最长的他汀类药物试验只持续了七年。）但是，正如斯尼德曼的研究那样，从三十年的时间范围内观察其风险降低潜力，将NNT降低至不到7：每七个人在早期阶段使用他汀类药物的患者，我们有可能挽救一个生命。原因很简单：随着时间的推移，风险与 apoB 暴露量成正比。我们越早降低 apoB 暴露，从而降低风险，随着时间的推移，收益复合得越多，我们的整体风险降低得就越多。This encapsulates the fundamental difference between Medicine 2.0 and Medicine 3.0 when it comes to cardiovascular disease."}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，美国意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "Everyone reading this book probably has a few similar stories. 与心脏病一样，癌症是一种老化疾病。也就是说，随着生命的每十年，它的流行程度呈指数级增长，如图 6 所示。但几乎任何年龄，尤其是中年，它都可能是致命的。癌症诊断的中位数年龄为 66 岁，但 2017 年，45 岁至 64 岁之间的癌症死亡人数比心脏病、肝病和中风死亡人数的总和还要多。根据美国国家癌症研究所的数据，今年，如果最近的趋势持续下去，同一年龄层也将占美国可能诊断的 170 万个新癌症病例中的近 40%。然而，当癌症被发现时，它可能已经发展了数年甚至数十年。当我写下这些文字时，我悲伤地想起过去十年因癌症去世的三位高中朋友，他们的年龄都在四十五岁以下。在她去世之前，我只能与其中一位告别。每个读过这本书的人可能都有一些类似的故事。The problem we face is that once cancer is established, we lack highly effective treatments for it. Our toolbox is limited. Many (though not all) solid tumors can be removed surgically, a tactic that dates back to ancient Egypt."}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画癌症？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "表明，在四十岁时进行大肠镜检查（或其他结直肠癌筛检）要容易得多。治疗大多数癌症的早期阶段。我还对将这些经过验证的癌症筛检主要方法与新兴方法（例如“液体活检”）结合起来持谨慎乐观的态度，“液体活检”可以透过简单的血液测试检测出微量的癌细胞 DNA。Five decades into the war on cancer, it seems clear that no single “cure” is likely to be forthcoming. Rather, our best hope likely lies in figuring out better ways to attack cancer on all three of these fronts: prevention, more targeted and effective treatments, and comprehensive and accurate early detection. 对抗癌症的战争已经进行了五十年，很明显，不可能出现任何单一的“治愈方法”。相反，我们最大的希望可能在于在这三个方面找出更好的方法来攻击癌症：预防、更有针对性和有效的治疗以及全面和准确的早期检测。What Is Cancer? 什么是癌症？"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把史蒂夫放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "癌症很强大并不意味着它是无敌的。2011 年，两位著名的癌症研究人员道格拉斯·哈纳汉(Douglas Hanahan) 和罗伯特·温伯格(Robert Weinberg) 发现了癌症的两个关键特征，这些特征可能导致（而且实际上已经导致）新的治疗方法以及降低癌症风险的潜在方法。第一个特征是许多癌细胞的新陈代谢发生了改变，消耗了大量的葡萄糖。其次，癌细胞似乎具有逃避免疫系统的不可思议的能力，免疫系统通常会追捕受损和危险的细胞（例如癌细胞）并将其作为目标进行破坏。第二个问题是史蒂夫罗森伯格和其他人几十年来一直试图解决的问题。Metabolism and immune surveillance excite me because they are both systemic, a necessary condition for any new treatment to combat metastatic cancers. They both exploit features of cancer that are potentially more specific to tumors than simply runaway cell replication. But neither the"}
{"instruction": "作者借伯格想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "Thus, the Warburg effect is how cancer cells fuel their own proliferation. But it also represents a potential vulnerability in cancer’s armor.[*1] 这种看似疯狂的现像是有逻辑的：当细胞分裂时，它并不是简单地分裂成两个较小的细胞。这个过程不仅需要细胞核的分裂以及我们在高中生物学中学到的所有东西，还需要建造全新细胞所需的实际物理材料。这些并不是凭空出现的。正常的有氧细胞呼吸仅产生 ATP 形式的能量，以及水和二氧化碳，这些能量并不能作为建筑材料使用（而且，我们呼出后两者）。瓦伯格效应，也称为无氧糖解，可将等量的葡萄糖转化为少量能量和大量化学构件，然后用于快速创建新细胞。因此，瓦尔堡效应是癌细胞促进自身增生的方式。但它也代表了癌症盔甲的潜在脆弱性。[*1] This remains a controversial view in mainstream cancer circles, but it has gotten harder and harder to ignore the link between cancer and metabolic"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价桑德拉？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "of protein, mostly from fish, eggs, and poultry. The diet was just as notable for what it did not contain: added sugar and refined carbohydrates. All along, she underwent frequent blood tests to make sure her insulin and IGF-1 levels stayed low, which they did. 桑德拉是一位非常积极主动的患者。从确诊那天起，她就沉迷于尽一切可能增加对自己有利的机会。她阅读了所有有关营养对癌症影响的书籍，并得出结论：减少胰岛素和 IGF-1 的饮食将有助于她的治疗。因此，她制定了一种主要由叶菜类、橄榄油、酪梨、坚果和适量蛋白质（主要来自鱼、鸡蛋和家禽）组成的饮食方案。这种饮食同样因其不含添加糖和精致碳水化合物而引人注目。一直以来，她都经常接受血液检查，以确保她的胰岛素和 IGF-1 水平保持在较低水平，而他们也做到了。Over the next few years, every other woman who was enrolled at her trial"}
{"instruction": "这段关于慕克吉的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "在这种情况下，动物的生酮饮食似乎与原本有些令人失望的治疗方法产生了协同作用，事实证明，它们组合起来比单独使用任何一种方法都更有效。就像在拳击中一样，组合拳通常比任何单拳更有效。如果你的第一拳没有打中，第二拳就已经开始了，直接瞄准你预期对手会移动的地方。（慕克吉和坎特利此后合作成立了一家新创公司，以进一步探索将药物治疗与营养干预相结合的想法。）Other types of dietary interventions have been found to help improve the effectiveness of chemotherapy, while limiting its collateral damage to healthy tissues. Work by Valter Longo of the University of Southern California and others has found that fasting, or a fasting-like diet, increases the ability of normal cells to resist chemotherapy, while rendering cancer cells more vulnerable to the treatment."}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对免疫系统的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "immune system to recognize and kill our own cells that have turned cancerous. It needs to be able to distinguish “bad self” (cancer) from “good self” (everything else). 免疫系统被编程为区分“非己”和“自我”——也就是说，识别我们自己健康的原生细胞中入侵的病原体和外来物，然后杀死或中和有害物质。免疫疗法是任何试图增强或利用患者免疫系统来对抗感染或其他疾病的疗法（例如：疫苗）。尝试以这种方式治疗癌症的问题在于，虽然癌细胞是异常且危险的，但从技术上讲它们仍然是我们的细胞（“自身”）。它们巧妙地进化来躲避免疫系统，特别是我们的 T 细胞，而 T 细胞是免疫系统的杀手，通常会杀死外来细胞。因此，为了使癌症免疫疗法成功，我们本质上需要教导免疫系统识别并杀死我们自己已经癌变的细胞。它需要能够区分“坏自我”（癌症）和 “好自我”（其他一切）。Rosenberg wasn’t the first person to try to harness the immune system against cancer. Back in the late nineteenth century, a Harvard-trained surgeon"}
{"instruction": "文中关于林奇的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "knew, this cancer is almost uniformly fatal. 当他的手术被证明是成功的，并且病理报告在他附近的淋巴结中没有发现癌症的迹象时，他的家人和朋友都很高兴，尽管原发肿瘤已经很大了。几个月后，当我们得知麦可的癌症是由一种称为林奇症候群的遗传性疾病引起时，我们的喜悦又变成了绝望。患有林奇症候群的人通常知道自己患有这种疾病，因为它是以显性方式遗传的。但麦可是被收养的，所以他不知道自己有危险。定义林奇症候群的突变几乎保证了其携带者会像迈克尔一样患上早发性结肠癌，但他们患其他癌症的风险也非常高。果然，在他躲过第一颗结肠癌子弹五年后，麦可打电话说他现在患有胰腺癌。这更痛苦，因为我们都知道，这种癌症几乎都是致命的。Michael went to see the top pancreatic surgeon in his area, who confirmed the worst: surgery was not possible. The cancer was too advanced. Michael would have, at most, nine to twelve months to live. Making this all the more"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对进展给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "represents measurable progress—almost entirely thanks to immunotherapy. Improved early detection of cancer, which we will discuss in the final section of this chapter, will likely make our immunotherapy treatments still more effective. 这里重要的讯息是，还有希望。这是我一生中第一次，我们在对抗癌症的战争中取得了进展，如果我们仍然可以这样称呼它的话。现在的治疗方法可以而且确实可以挽救成千上万在十年前不可避免地死亡的人的生命。二十年前，患有转移性黑色素瘤的人平均可以多活六个月左右。现在这个数字是 24 个月，其中大约 20% 的患者完全治愈。这代表着可衡量的进展——几乎完全归功于免疫疗法。我们将在本章最后一节讨论改进癌症的早期检测，这可能会使我们的免疫疗法更加有效。Immunotherapy traveled a rocky road, and it could have been abandoned completely at many points along the way."}
{"instruction": "这一段对息肉的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "长物。大多数息肉很小且无害，永远不会癌变，但有些息肉有可能恶性化并侵入结肠壁。并非所有息肉都会变成癌症，但所有结肠癌都来自息肉。这就是为什么大肠镜检查如此强大的工具的原因。内视镜医师不仅能够在潜在的癌性生长变得危险之前发现它们，而且能够在现场进行干预，使用结肠镜上的仪器去除息肉以供以后检查。它将筛检和手术合而为一。这是一个了不起的工具。Traditional guidelines have recommended colorectal cancer screenings for average-risk people ages fifty to seventy-five. These preventive screenings are fully covered under the Affordable Care Act, and if no polyps are found and the patient is of average risk, the procedure needs to be repeated only every ten years, according to consensus guidelines. But there is ample evidence out"}
{"instruction": "美国在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "回报最大。它仍然是美国最致命的五种癌症之一，仅次于肺癌（排名第一）和乳腺癌/前列腺癌（女性/男性排名第二），略高于胰腺癌（排名第四）和肝癌（排名第五）。不过，在这五个中，CRC 是我们最有可能尽早发现的一个。由于它生长在相对容易接近的位置，即结肠，我们无需任何成像技术或手术活检就可以看到它。因为它很容易观察，我们了解它从正常组织到息肉再到肿瘤的进展。及早发现它会产生巨大的影响，因为我们可以有效地当场消除息肉或增生。如果我们能用动脉斑块做到这一点就好了。My bottom line is that it is far better to screen early than risk doing it too late. Think asymmetric risk: It’s possible that not screening early and frequently enough is the most dangerous option.[*9] 我的底线是，尽早筛检比冒着太晚筛检的风险要好得多。考虑不对称风险：不及早且频繁地进行筛检可能是最危险的选择。[*9] Other cancers that are relatively easy to spot on visual examination"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的检测是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "个微不足道的甲状腺（或其他）结节，以换取对您其他器官的良好观察。因此，我的大约四分之一的患者选择不接受此类筛检，这是可以理解的。这让我想到了癌症筛检工具包中的下一个工具，可以补充影像测试的高灵敏度/低特异性问题。I am cautiously optimistic about the emergence of so-called “liquid biopsies” that seek to detect the presence of cancers via a blood test.[*11] These are used in two settings: to detect recurrences of cancer in patients following treatment and to screen for cancers in otherwise healthy patients, a fast-moving and exciting field called multicancer early detection. 我对所谓的“液体活检”的出现持谨慎乐观的态度，这种活检旨在透过血液检测来检测癌症的存在。[*11] 这些用于两种情况：检测治疗后患者的癌症复发，以及筛检其他健康患者的癌症，这是一个快速发"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述测试？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "the stage. (That is, even if the test says you don’t have cancer, you are not necessarily in the clear.) 对于任何诊断测试，都必须决定如何校准或调整它。它会面向更高的灵敏度还是更高的特异性？Galleri 已根据名为循环无细胞基因组图谱 (CCGA) 的资料库进行了验证，该资料库基于超过一万五千名癌症患者和非癌症患者的血液样本。在这项研究中，Galleri 测试被证明具有非常高的特异性，约为 99.5%，这意味着只有 0.5% 的测试产生假阳性。如果测试显示您体内某个部位患有癌症，那么您很可能患有癌症。权衡是最终的灵敏度可能较低，具体取决于阶段。（也就是说，即使测试表明您没有患有癌症，您也不一定是安全的。）The thing to keep in mind here, however, is that this test still has much higher resolution than radiographic tests such as MRI or mammogram. Those imaging-based tests require “seeing” the tumor, which can happen only when"}
{"instruction": "大肠在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "withdrawal time, defined as the amount of time spent viewing as the colonoscope is withdrawn during a colonoscopy. A longer withdrawal time suggests a more thorough inspection. A 6-minute withdrawal time is currently the standard of care.” *9 对于那些寻求更详细指导的人，这是我几年前在一篇有关CRC 筛检的部落格文章中所写的内容(Attia 2020a)：“在您进行第一次大肠镜检查之前，您可以做一些事情来提高您的风险收益比。您应该询问内视镜医师的腺瘤检出率 (ADR) 是多少。ADR 是指在接受大肠镜检查时发现一个或多个腺瘤（或结肠息肉）的个体的比例。男性 ADR 基准高于 30%，女性高于 20%。您还应该询问您的内视镜医生他或她造成了多少次穿孔，特别是以及任何其他严重并发症，例如大肠出血事件（在常规筛检环境中）。您应该问的另一个问题是内视镜医生的撤回时间是多少，定义为在大肠镜检查期间撤回大肠镜所花费的时间。较长的撤药时间显示检查更加彻底。"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里阿兹海究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "had been. Plain old “senility,” meanwhile, was considered to be an inevitable part of aging, as it had been since Plato’s day. 另一位同事后来将这种病症称为“阿兹海默症”，但在阿兹海默症本人于1915 年去世（因感冒并发症，时年51 岁）后，他所发现的这种疾病或多或少地被遗忘了50 年，与其他疾病一起陷入了默默无闻的境地。其他不太常见的神经系统疾病，例如亨廷顿氏症和帕金森氏症以及路易氏体失智症。患有我们现在与这些疾病相关的各种症状的患者，包括情绪变化、忧郁、记忆丧失、易怒和不理性，通常都会被送入收容机构，就像奥古斯特·德特一样。同时，普通的“衰老”被认为是衰老不可避免的一部分，从柏拉图时代开始就是如此。It wasn’t until the late 1960s that scientists began to accept that “senile dementia” was a disease state and not just a normal consequence of aging. Three British psychiatrists, Garry Blessed, Bernard Tomlinson, and Martin"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，阿兹海为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "But even when they succeed in clearing amyloid or slowing its production, these drugs have yet to show benefit in improving patients’ cognitive function or slowing the progression of the disease. Every single one of them failed. 根据现有证据，得出阿兹海默症是由大脑中β淀粉样蛋白累积直接引起的结论并不是一个巨大的飞跃。自 1980 年代以来，所谓的“淀粉样蛋白假说”一直是阿兹海默症的主导理论，它推动了美国国立卫生研究院和制药业的研究重点。人们一直认为，如果能够消除淀粉样蛋白，那么就可以阻止甚至逆转疾病的进展。但事实并非如此。已经开发出数十种以某种方式靶向β-淀粉样蛋白的药物。但即使它们成功清除淀粉样蛋白或减缓其产生，这些药物尚未显示出在改善患者认知功能或减缓疾病进展方面的益处。他们每个人都失败了。One hypothesis that emerged, as these drugs were failing one after another, was that patients were being given the drugs too late, when the"}
{"instruction": "围绕阿兹海，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "development of Alzheimer’s disease nor sufficient to cause it. 一些专家坚持认为，这些患者确实患有这种疾病，但症状出现得较慢，或者他们以某种方式掩盖或补偿了大脑的损伤。但最近的研究发现，相反的情况也可能成立：根据淀粉样蛋白PET 扫描和/或脑嵴髓液(CSF)，一些患有阿兹海默症所有症状（包括显著认知能力下降）的患者，其大脑中几乎没有淀粉样蛋白。）生物标记测试，两种常见的诊断技术。加州大学旧金山分校记忆与老化中心的研究人员透过 PET 扫描发现，近三分之一的轻度至中度痴呆患者的大脑中没有淀粉样蛋白的证据。还有其他研究发现淀粉样蛋白负荷程度与疾病严重程度之间的相关性很弱。那么，β-淀粉样蛋白斑块的存在可能既不是阿兹海默症发生所必需的，也不足以引起此病。This raises another possibility: that the condition that Alois Alzheimer observed in 1906 was not the same condition as the Alzheimer’s disease that afflicts millions of people around the world."}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，阿兹海意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "increases the risk of neurodegeneration in older women. In particular, it appears that a rapid drop in estradiol in women with an e4 allele is a driver of risk; that, in turn, suggests a possible role for perimenopausal hormone replacement therapy in these women. 她还有两个无法控制的额外风险因素：白人身分和女性身分。虽然非洲后裔罹患阿兹海默症的风险总体较高，但由于不明原因，APOE e4 对他们的风险似乎低于白人、亚洲人和西班牙人后裔。然而，无论 APOE 基因型如何，阿兹海默症在女性中的发生率几乎是男性的两倍。人们很容易将此归因于越来越多的女性活到 85 岁及以上的事实，而此时该疾病的发生率高达 40%。但仅凭这一点并不能解释这种差异。一些科学家认为，更年期和荷尔蒙讯号突然下降可能会急剧增加老年女性神经退化性疾病的风险。特别是，携带 e4 等位基因的女性雌二醇迅速下降似乎是风险的驱动因素；这反过来表明围绝经期荷尔蒙替代疗法对这些女性可能发挥作用。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画奥斯？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "复杂的大脑善于补偿损伤，从而掩盖了神经退化性疾病的早期阶段。该大学的行为神经科学家弗朗西斯科·冈萨雷斯-利马表示，当我们有一种想法或一种感知时，不仅仅是一个神经网络负责这种洞察力或那种决定，而是许多单独的网络同时处理同一问题德州奥斯汀。这些平行网络可以得出不同的结论，因此当我们使用“我对某事有两种想法”这一表达方式时，这在科学上并不是不准确的。然后大脑会选择最常见的反应。系统内建冗余。The more of these networks and subnetworks that we have built up over our lifetime, via education or experience, or by developing complex skills such as speaking a foreign language or playing a musical instrument, the more resistant to cognitive decline we will tend to be. The brain can continue functioning more or less normally, even as some of these networks begin to"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把阿兹海放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "1990 年代初，凯斯西储大学的一位名叫杰克·德拉托雷 (Jack de la Torre) 的神经学家飞往巴黎参加一个会议，思考阿兹海默症的起源。淀粉样蛋白假说仍然是相当新的，但由于德拉托雷在自己的实验室中观察到的情况，它并不适合他。在飞机上，他突然灵光一现。“数十次老鼠实验的证据似乎在向我尖叫，”他后来写道。在这些实验中，他限制了流向老鼠大脑的血液量，随着时间的推移，它们出现了与人类阿兹海默症非常相似的症状：记忆丧失以及皮质和海马体的严重萎缩。恢复血流可以在一定程度上阻止或逆转损伤，但老年动物的损伤似乎比年轻动物更严重、更持久。关键的见解是，强烈的血流似乎对维持大脑健康至关重要。The brain is a greedy organ. It makes up just 2 percent of our body weight, yet it accounts for about 20 percent of our total energy expenditure. Its eighty-six billion neurons each have between one thousand and ten thousand synapses connecting them to other neurons or target cells, creating"}
{"instruction": "作者借托雷想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "当他的飞机飞越大西洋时，德拉托雷在唯一可用的书写表面上写下了他的想法，而这个书写表面恰好是一个晕机袋。当他要一个又一个行李时，空服员表情严肃。他开玩笑地称之为“呕吐袋理论”，即阿兹海默症主要是一种大脑血管疾病。我们看到的痴呆症症状是由于血流量逐渐减少造成的，这最终会造成他所说的“神经元能量危机”，进而引发一系列不幸事件，损害神经元并最终导致神经变性。淀粉样斑块和缠结随后出现，是结果而不是原因。“我们相信，并且仍然相信，β 淀粉样蛋白是神经退化的重要病理产物，”德拉托雷最近写道，“……[但]它不是阿兹海默症的原因。” There was already evidence to support his theory. Alzheimer’s is more likely to be diagnosed in patients who have suffered a stroke, which typically results from a sudden blockage of blood flow in specific regions of the brain. In these cases, symptoms emerge abruptly, as if a switch has been flipped."}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价阿兹海？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "APOE e4 gene. On a purely mechanistic level, chronically elevated blood glucose, as seen in type 2 diabetes and prediabetes/insulin resistance, can directly damage the vasculature of the brain. But insulin resistance alone is enough to elevate one’s risk 另一个令人信服且可能平行的阿兹海默症理论认为，该疾病源自于大脑中的葡萄糖代谢异常。科学家和医生长期以来一直注意到阿兹海默症与代谢功能障碍之间的关联。患有第 2 型糖尿病会使您罹患阿兹海默症的风险增加一倍或三倍，这与携带一份 APOE e4 基因副本的风险大致相同。从纯粹的机械层面来看，慢性血糖升高（如第 2 型糖尿病和糖尿病前期/胰岛素抗性）会直接损害大脑的脉管系统。但光是胰岛素抗性就足以增加一个人的风险 Insulin seems to play a key role in memory function. Insulin receptors are highly concentrated in the hippocampus, the memory center of the brain."}
{"instruction": "这段关于阿兹海的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "such as Klotho, the protective gene we mentioned earlier. This could explain, for example, why some people with e4 may never go on to develop Alzheimer’s disease, while others do so quickly. 但并非所有携带 APOE e4 基因型的人都会受到相同的影响。它对疾病风险和病程的影响变化很大。生物性别、种族和生活方式等因素显然起着一定的作用，但现在人们相信，阿兹海默症的风险和APOE 的影响也很大程度上取决于一个人可能携带的其他与阿兹海默症病风险相关的基因，例如Klotho，我们前面提到的保护基因。例如，这可以解释为什么一些患有 e4 的人可能永远不会继续患有阿兹海默症，而另一些人则很快就会患上阿兹海默症。All this suggests that metabolic and vascular causes of dementia may be somewhat overlapping, just as patients with insulin resistance are also prone to vascular disease."}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对葡萄糖的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "does not decline. So it may make sense to try to diversify the brain’s fuel source from only glucose to both glucose and ketones. A systematic review of randomized controlled trials found that ketogenic therapies improved general cognition and memory in subjects with mild cognitive impairment and early- stage Alzheimer’s disease. Think of it as a flex-fuel strategy. 这也是生酮饮食可能提供真正功能优势的一个领域：当某人处于酮症状态时，他们的大脑依赖酮和葡萄糖的混合物作为燃料。对阿兹海默症患者的研究发现，虽然他们的大脑利用葡萄糖的能力下降，但他们代谢酮的能力并没有下降。因此，尝试将大脑的燃料来源从仅葡萄糖转变为葡萄糖和酮可能是有意义的。对随机对照试验的系统性回顾发现，生酮疗法可以改善患有轻度认知障碍和早期阿兹海默症的受试者的一般认知和记忆。"}
{"instruction": "文中关于阿兹海的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "出与他人的互动。当大脑失去输入（在本例中为听觉输入）时，它就会萎缩。听力损失患者会错过社交、智力刺激和链接感；给他们开助听器可能有助于缓解一些症状。目前这只是一个假设，但目前正在一项名为 ACHIEVE（老年人老化和认知健康评估）的临床试验中进行测试，该试验目前正在进行中。While depression is also associated with Alzheimer’s disease, it appears to be more of a symptom than a risk factor or driver of the disease. Nevertheless, treating depression in patients with MCI or early Alzheimer’s disease does appear to help reduce some other symptoms of cognitive decline. 虽然忧郁症也与阿兹海默症有关，但它似乎更多的是一种症状，而不是疾病的危险因子或驱动因素。尽管如此，治疗轻度认知障碍或早期阿兹海默症患者的忧郁症似乎确实有助于减轻认知能力下降的其他一些症状。Another surprising intervention that may help reduce systemic"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对斯蒂芬给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "must face down this most feared and least understood of all the Horsemen. 我非常希望将来我们能更了解如何预防和治疗各种形式的痴呆症。但这需要研究这种疾病的科学家们付出辛勤的努力和创造性思维，对新理论和方法进行大量投资，对预防策略给予更多关注，以及像斯蒂芬妮这样必须面对这种最可怕的疾病的患者的勇气。也是所有骑士中最不被理解的。Skip Notes 跳过注释 * You may recall from chapter 7 that calcification is part of the repair process for blood vessels damaged by the forces of atherosclerosis. * 您可能还记得第 7 章中提到的，钙化是动脉粥状硬化损伤血管修复过程的一部分。PART III 第三部分 CHAPTER 10 第10章 Thinking Tactically 战术思考 Building a Framework of Principles That Work for You 创建适合您的原则框架 Absorb what is useful, discard what is useless, and add"}
{"instruction": "这一段对长寿的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "residency. We learned next to nothing about exercise, nutrition, sleep, or emotional health. That may be changing, slowly, but if some doctors understand these things today, and are actually able to help you, it’s likely because they have sought out that information on their own. 在本节中，除了我已经具体提到的那些外源性分子（例如降血脂药、雷帕霉素和二甲双胍，一种正在测试可能的长寿效果的糖尿病药物）之外，我不会过多谈论外源性分子。相反，我想重点关注其他四个领域，这些领域在医学院或住院医师实习中都没有真正涵盖，甚至没有提及。我们对运动、营养、睡眠或情绪健康几乎一无所知。这种情况可能正在慢慢改变，但如果今天有些医生了解这些事情，并且实际上能够帮助您，很可能是因为他们自己找到了这些信息。At first glance, some of our tactics might seem a bit obvious. Exercise."}
{"instruction": "章中在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "We rely heavily on data in our decision-making and developing our tactics, including static biomarkers such as triglycerides and liver function tests, as well as dynamic biomarkers such as oral glucose tolerance tests, along with anthropometric measures such as data on body composition, visceral adipose tissue, bone density, and lean mass. 我们的战术领域没有一个是完全独立于其他领域的。例如，在第 16 章中，我们将看到睡眠如何对我们的胰岛素敏感性和运动表现（以及我们的情绪健康）产生巨大影响。也就是说，对于大多数患者，我非常关注他们的健康和营养，这是密切相关的。我们在决策和制定策略时严重依赖数据，包括甘油三酯和肝功能测试等静态生物标志物，以及口服葡萄糖耐量测试等动态生物标志物，以及身体组成、内脏数据等人体测量指标。脂肪组织、骨密度和瘦体重。Much of what you are about to read mirrors the discussions I have with"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的运动是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "from there. Just as almost any diet represents a vast improvement over eating only fast food, almost any exercise is better than remaining sedentary. 显然，这并不是说运动对你有好处；而是说运动对你有好处。如果你喉咙痛，鸡汤也是。但没有多少人意识到它的影响到底有多深远。一项又一项的研究发现，经常运动的人比久坐的人寿命要长十年。经常跑步和骑自行车的人不仅寿命更长，而且保持更好的健康状况，与代谢功能障碍相关的发病率也更低。对于那些还没有习惯运动的人来说，您很幸运：运动的好处始于零以上的任何活动量（甚至是快走），然后从那里开始增加。正如几乎任何饮食都比只吃快餐有巨大改善一样，几乎任何运动都比久坐更好。Although my medical school classmates and I learned almost zilch about exercise, let alone how to “prescribe” it to patients, Medicine 2.0 does at least recognize its value."}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述肌肉？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "Having more muscle mass and stronger muscles helps support and protect the body—and also maintains metabolic health, because those muscles consume energy efficiently. The list goes on and on, but simply put, exercise helps the human “machine” perform far better for longer. 我认为，这种效果很大程度上可能与力学的改进有关：运动可以增强心脏功能，有助于维持循环系统。正如我们将在本章后面看到的，它还可以改善粒线体的健康，粒线体是在我们的细胞中产生能量的重要小细胞器（除其他外）。这反过来又提高了我们代谢葡萄糖和脂肪的能力。拥有更多的肌肉质量和更强的肌肉有助于支持和保护身体，还可以维持代谢健康，因为这些肌肉可以有效地消耗能量。这样的例子不胜枚举，但简单地说，运动可以帮助人类“机器”在更长时间内表现得更好。At a deeper biochemical level, exercise really does act like a drug."}
{"instruction": "康复在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "议？我猜这种情况从来没有发生过——因为我们在这里或营养章节中介绍的任何内容都没有被认为上升到“医疗保健”的水平，至少在我们的系统中是这样。一些保险公司为会员去健身房提供折扣或奖励，但我认为我们所有人（包括我）都需要的那种集中注意力远远超出了大多数医生的职权范围。It’s only after we get injured or become so weak that we are in danger of losing our independence, that we are deemed eligible for physical therapy and rehabilitation. So think of what follows as “prehab”—physical therapy before you need it. 只有当我们受伤或变得如此虚弱以至于我们面临失去独立的危险时，我们才被认为有资格接受物理治疗和康复。因此，请考虑接下来的“预复健”—在您需要之前进行物理治疗。— When I talk with my patients about exercise, I often bring them back to the story of Sophie, my friend Becky’s mother, whom we met in chapter 3."}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里余生究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "It creates a template for our training. 将百岁十项全能视为您在余生中希望能够完成的十项最重要的体能任务。清单中的一些项目类似于实际的体育赛事，而一些更接近日常生活活动，还有一些可能反映您自己的个人兴趣。我发现它很有用，因为它可以帮助我们非常精确地想像随着年龄的增长，我们需要创建和维持什么样的健康状况。它为我们的培训创建了一个模板。I start by presenting my patients with a long list of physical tasks that might include some of the following: 我首先向患者展示一长串身体任务，其中可能包括以下一些内容：1. Hike 1.5 miles on a hilly trail. 在山路上徒步 1.5 英里。2. Get up off the floor under your own power, using a maximum of one arm for support. 用自己的力量从地板上站起来，最多使用一只手臂作为支撑。3. Pick up a young child from the floor. 从地板上抱起一个小孩。4. Carry two five-pound bags of groceries for five blocks."}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，拉兰尼为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "achieving. 事实上，百岁十项全能的目的之一是帮助我们重新定义晚年的可能性，并消除大多数人在生命的那个阶段将变得软弱和无能的默认假设。我们需要废除这种陈旧的刻板印象，创造一种新的叙述方式 ——也许可以效仿老派健身大师杰克·拉兰尼（Jack LaLanne），他每天都坚持严格的锻炼，直到九十六岁去世。与大多数长寿者不同，他的到达并非偶然或幸运。从 20 世纪 30 年代开始，他一生都创建并保持了高水平的健康水平，当时很少有人定期锻炼，而且“健身中心”还不存在。随着年龄的增长，他开始非常有意识地打破“衰老是一段痛苦和衰落时期”的刻板印象。他做了这项工作，而且成功了，让我们看到了老年人真正有能力实现什么目标。If we are to follow in LaLanne’s footsteps, we must stop pointlessly “exercising,” just because we think we are supposed to, banging away on the elliptical trainer at lunch hour. I promise, you can do better. I suggest you join me and start training, with a very specific purpose, which is to be kick-ass"}
{"instruction": "围绕阿联酋，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "the UAE team riders, and when he found out I was a former cyclist, he put me on a stationary bike right then and there, in the middle of the night, to do a VO2 max test. My kind of guy. 在我骑自行车的日子里，我进行了大量的 2 区训练；这种类型的训练是任何耐力运动的基础。但我从未完全理解2 区训练对我们整体健康的重要性，直到2018 年我碰巧遇到了一位非常聪明的运动科学家，名叫伊尼戈·圣米兰(Iñigo San Millán)。我飞往阿拉伯联合酋长国参加一个会议，落地后不久，晚上11点12 月一个凉爽的夜晚，我被介绍给圣米兰 (San Millán)，他是科罗拉多大学医学院的助理教授，最近被聘为阿联酋阿联酋航空职业自行车队的表现总监。他在那里对阿联酋队的一些车手进行季前测试，当他发现我是一名前自行车手时，他立即让我骑上一辆固定自行车，在半夜，做一个 VO < b0> 最大测试。我这种人。A native of Spain and a former professional cyclist himself, San Millán"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，心率意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "too hard, but if you can comfortably converse, you’re likely in zone 1, which is too easy. 如果您像大多数人一样手边没有便携式乳酸计，则还有其他方法可以相当准确地估计您的 2 区范围。如果您知道您的最大心率（不是估计值，而是您的实际最大值，即您在心率监测器上见过的最高数字），您的区域2 将对应于该峰值数字的大约70%到85%，取决于您的心率健身水平。这是一个很大的范围，所以当人们开始训练时，我更喜欢他们依靠他们的感知用力率（RPE），也称为“谈话测试”。你工作有多努力？说话谈何容易？如果您位于第 2 区的顶部，您应该能够说话，但对进行对话不是特别感兴趣。如果你根本无法说出完整的句子，那么你可能会进入第 3 区，这意味着你太难了，但如果你可以轻松地交谈，你可能会进入第 1 区，这太容易了。Zone 2 output is highly variable, depending on one’s fitness. In San Millán and Brooks’s study, the professional cyclists produced about three hundred watts of power in zone 2, while the sedentary, metabolically unhealthy"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画粒线？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "A person who exercises frequently in zone 2 is improving their mitochondria with every run, swim, or bike ride. But if you don’t use them, you lose them. 随着年龄的增长，粒线体健康变得尤为重要，因为老化最显著的标志之一是粒线体数量和品质的下降。但衰退不一定是一条单行道。粒线体具有令人难以置信的可塑性，当我们进行有氧运动时，它会透过称为粒线体生物发生的过程刺激许多新的、更有效的粒线体的产生，同时消除透过称为粒线体自噬的回收过程（类似于自噬，触摸）而变得功能失调的粒线体。在第 5 章中，但针对粒线体）。经常在 2 区运动的人每次跑步、游泳或骑自行车都会改善粒线体。但如果你不使用它们，你就会失去它们。This is another reason why zone 2 is such a powerful mediator of metabolic health and glucose homeostasis. Muscle is the largest glycogen storage sink in the body, and as we create more mitochondria, we greatly"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把每十年放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "goal, our fifty-year-old would need to have a VO2 max of about 45 to 49 right now. This is the top tier for her sex, but two decades younger. 这看起来是个好消息，但其实是个坏消息。研究表明，您的最大摄氧量 2 每十年大约下降 10%，50 岁后每十年下降高达 15%。因此，现在仅仅拥有平均甚至高于平均 VO 2 max 是不够的。我们计划让你再活三十年，或四十年。如果您现在 50 岁时仅开始摄取 32 毫升/公斤/分钟，那么您在 80 岁时预计会接近 21 毫升/公斤/分钟。这些不是抽象的数字；而是抽象的数字。它们代表着功能的严重衰退。这就像轻松爬上一段楼梯和在倾斜的表面上艰难行走之间的差异。这与在多洛米蒂山徒步旅行相差甚远。为了在九十岁时拥有足够的健康水平来实现她的目标，我们这位五十岁的女士现在需要有大约 45 到 49 的最大摄氧量 2。这是她同性别中的顶级水平，但比她年轻二十岁。It is important that your goals reflect your own priorities—the activities"}
{"instruction": "作者借权威想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "these with heavy resistance training. Daily life and zone 2 endurance work may be enough to prevent atrophy of type 1 fibers—but unless you are working against significant resistance, your type 2 muscle fibers will wither away. 可悲的事实是，我们的肌肉质量早在三十多岁就开始下降。一名 80 岁的男性的肌肉组织（透过股外侧肌（又称大腿“股四头肌”肌肉）的横断面测量）比 25 岁时少约 40%。但肌肉质量可能是这里最不重要的指标。加州州立大学富勒顿分校运动机能学教授、力量和表现方面最权威的权威之一安迪·加尔平(Andy Galpin) 表示，我们失去肌肉力量的速度比失去肌肉质量的速度快两到三倍。我们失去力量（力量 x 速度）的速度比失去力量的速度快两到三倍。这是因为老化肌肉中最大的单一变化是快肌纤维或 2 型肌纤维的萎缩。因此，我们的训练必须旨在透过高强度阻力训练来改善这些。日常生活和 2 区耐力训练可能足以防止 1 型肌纤维萎缩，但除非您在很大的阻力下"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价损失？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "具体情况因研究而异，但一年内发生率从 15% 到 36% 不等，这意味着 65 岁以上髋部骨折的人中有多达三分之一会在一年内死亡。即使一个人没有因受伤而死亡，就肌肉质量和身体能力在卧床休息期间的损失程度而言，这种挫折可能相当于死亡（回想一下，六十五岁以上的人损失的速度有多快）卧床不起时会失去肌肉量）。Our goal is to try to spot this issue, if it arises, decades before a potential fracture might occur. When we detect low or rapidly declining BMD in a middle-aged person, we use the following four strategies: 我们的目标是在潜在骨折发生几十年前尝试发现这个问题（如果出现）。当我们发现中年人类骨密度低或快速下降时，我们会使用以下四种策略：1. Optimize nutrition, focusing on protein and total energy needs (see nutrition chapters). 优化营养，重点关注蛋白质和总能量需求（请参阅营养章节）。2. Heavy loading-bearing activity."}
{"instruction": "这段关于祖先的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "绍了这项消遣。他有趣的论点是，因为我们已经消除了现代生活中任何形式的不适，所以我们已经失去了曾经定义人类意义的基本技能（更不用说频繁的痛苦）。长距离搬运物品就是这些技能之一。我们的祖先可能必须长途跋涉为家人寻找食物，然后将猎物带回营地来养活每个人。但它非常有效，以至于军方已将其纳入训练中。“Carrying shaped our species,” he says. “Our ancestors carried often. It gave them robust functional strength and endurance that was likely very protective. But we’ve engineered carrying out of our lives, just as we have many other forms of discomfort. Rucking is a practical way to add carrying back into our lives.” “携带塑造了我们的物种，”他说。“我们的祖先经常携带。它赋予了它们强大的功能力量和耐力，这可能非常有保护作用。但正如我们有许多其他形式的不适一样，我们也设计了自己的生活。"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对力争的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "one minute, and for our female patients we push for 75 percent of that weight. This is, obviously, a lofty goal—please don’t try to do it on your next visit to the gym. Some of our patients need as much as a year of training before they can even attempt this test. 训练握力不会太复杂。我最喜欢的方法之一是经典的农夫背法，即每只手拿着一个负重的六角杆或哑铃或壶铃行走一分钟左右。（加分点：垂直举起壶铃，保持手腕完全伸直，肘部翘起九十度，就好像你拿着壶铃穿过拥挤的房间一样。）我们对男性患者提出的标准之一是，他们可以携带一半的壶铃。她们的体重在每只手上（所以整个体重）至少一分钟，对于我们的女性患者，我们力争达到该体重的 75%。显然，这是一个崇高的目标——请不要在下次去健身房时尝试这样做。我们的一些患者需要长达一年的训练才能尝试这项测试。In general, we urge our new patients to begin with far less weight than"}
{"instruction": "文中关于运动的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "and they just never got back on the horse. So they continued to decline. 人们很容易将其归因于老化本身，即中年及以后累积的疼痛，更不用说有氧能力和力量的不断丧失。其他因素，例如体重增加和睡眠品质不佳，也会让一种感觉消失殆尽。但我认为，解释为什么这么多人停止运动的缺失 X 因素是另一个因素：受伤。也就是说，老年人往往运动较少，或根本不运动，因为他们根本做不到。他们在生命中的某个时刻以某种方式伤害了自己，但他们却再也没有回到马背上。所以他们继续下降。This was certainly true of Sophie, my friend Becky’s mother, but I too could have easily gone down that path. In my twenties, when I was in medical school and still training hard, lifting weights almost daily, I experienced a mysterious back injury that required two separate surgeries (one of which was"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对能量给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "关键字是安全。当缺乏稳定性时，所有额外的力量都必须流向某个地方。如果我的街车的强大发动机仅透过轮胎将部分动力传输到道路，则其余能量就会泄漏，主要损失在摩擦和非生产性运动中。汽车上不应该相对移动的部件正在这样做。尽管让汽车漂移过弯可能很有趣，但损失的能量会破坏轮胎并损害悬吊。两者都不会持续很长时间。当这种情况发生在我们的身体中时，这种力量的消散（正如它所说的）会通过阻力最小的路径泄漏出去——通常是通过膝盖、肘部、肩膀和/或嵴柱等关节，其中任何一个或全部都会在某个点。关节损伤几乎都是这种能量泄漏的结果。In sum, stability lets us create the most force in the safest manner possible, connecting our body’s different muscle groups with much less risk of injury to our joints, our soft tissue, and especially our vulnerable spine. The goal is to be strong, fluid, flexible, and agile as you move through your"}
{"instruction": "这一段对普拉提的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "while rapid or ragged breathing triggers its opposite, the sympathetic nervous system, part of the fight-or-flight response. 对于参加过几次普拉提或瑜伽课程或练习冥想的人来说，身体、思想和呼吸之间的联系并不新鲜。在这些练习中，呼吸是我们的锚、我们的试金石、我们的计时员。它既反映了我们的精神状态，也影响着我们的精神状态。如果我们的呼吸停止，就会破坏我们的心理平衡，产生焦虑和忧虑；但焦虑也会加剧我们可能有的呼吸问题。这是因为深而稳定的呼吸会激活镇静的副交感神经系统，而快速或不规则的呼吸会触发其相反的交感神经系统，这是战斗或逃跑反应的一部分。Yet breathing is also important to stability and movement, and even to strength. Poor or disordered breathing can affect our motor control and make us susceptible to injury, studies have found. In one experiment, researchers"}
{"instruction": "安静在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "time, allowing the respiratory and pelvic diaphragm to descend. The telltale is that it is quiet. A noisy inhale looks and feels more dramatic, as the neck, chest, or belly will move first, and the diaphragm cannot descend freely, making it more difficult to get air in. 贝丝喜欢从增强呼吸意识和增强横膈膜的运动开始，这不仅对呼吸很重要，而且是身体的重要稳定剂。她让病人仰卧，双腿放在长凳或椅子上，并要求他们尽可能安静地吸气，并尽可能减少运动量。理想的吸气会扩张整个胸腔（前部、两侧和后部），同时腹部也会扩张，使呼吸隔膜和骨盆隔膜下降。说明情况是它很安静。吵杂的吸气看起来和感觉起来都更戏剧化，因为颈部、胸部或腹部会先移动，而横膈膜无法自由下降，更难以吸入空气。Now, exhale fully through pursed lips for maximum compression and air resistance, to strengthen the diaphragm."}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的策略是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "or unfamiliarity (e.g., stepping off a stair in the dark), then those strategies, those instinctive physical reactions, can create problems. And if our respiration is also taxed, those other problems will be magnified. 更重要的一点是，某人的呼吸方式让我们深入了解他们更广泛的稳定策略，即他们多年来进化出的一套模式，以帮助他们在现实世界中度过难关。我们所有人都有这些策略，并且在日常生活中 95% 的情况下，它们都能发挥良好作用。但是，一旦你加入了不同的压力源，例如速度、重量、新奇或不熟悉的事物（例如，在黑暗中走下楼梯），那么这些策略、那些本能的身体反应就会产生问题。如果我们的呼吸也受到负担，那么其他问题就会被放大。— If the road to stability begins with the breath, it travels through the feet—the most fundamental point of contact between our bodies and the world."}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述力量？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "spreading the load evenly; before, my spine would have a sharp lordotic bend, meaning I was taking too much force on its hinge points. That’s what stability is about: safe and powerful transmission of force through muscles and bones, and not joints or spinal hinge points. 这项练习的重点不在于你在猫式或牛式极限运动中能达到多少伸展或弯曲，而是你能实现多少分段控制，从一个极端到另一个极端。您应该学会感受每个椎骨的位置，这反过来又可以帮助您更好地在整个嵴椎上分配负荷和力量。现在，当我硬举时，这种分段控制使我能够从胸椎到腰椎保持更中立的弧线，从而均匀地分散负荷；以前，我的嵴椎会出现严重的前凸弯曲，这意味着我在其铰接点上承受了太多的力量。这就是稳定性的意义所在：透过肌肉和骨胳，而不是关节或嵴椎铰点，安全且强大地传递力量。Next we come to the shoulders, which are both complex and"}
{"instruction": "握力在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "我们在健身和日常生活中所做的几乎所有事情都经过我们的双手。如果我们的脚是我们与地面的接触点，吸收力，那么我们的手就是我们传递力的方式。它们是我们与世界其他地方的接口。握力—— 你能用多大的力量挤压——只是等式的一部分。事实上，我们的双手非常神奇，因为它们的力量足以压碎柠檬汁，但又足够灵巧，可以在钢琴上弹奏贝多芬奏鸣曲。我们的握力既牢固又轻柔，巧妙地传递力量。It’s all about how you distribute force. If you can transmit and modulate force through your hands, then you can push and pull efficiently. This force originates in the powerful muscles of the trunk and is transmitted down the chain, from rotator cuff to elbow to forearm to wrist. There is a strong correlation between having a weak rotator cuff (shoulder) and weak grip"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里铰链运动究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "weights in your hands, which means it’s very safe, even for beginners (you’ll start with just your body weight). Third, it’s one of the best exercises to target the eccentric phase of the movement as well as the concentric phase. I also like it because it demonstrates some of the key stability concepts we have been learning in this chapter. 我认为对一项练习提供更深入的解释更有启发性，而不是试图描述多项练习。我选择了台阶，简单地走到一个盒子或椅子上，有三个原因。首先，它是髋部铰链运动，也是我们肌力训练的核心要素之一。其次，这是一种单腿练习，即使手中有重物，也不需要太多的轴向（嵴柱）负荷，这意味着它非常安全，即使对于初学者也是如此（您只需从体重开始）。第三，它是针对运动的偏心阶段和向心阶段的最佳练习之一。我喜欢它也因为它演示了我们在本章中学习的一些关键稳定性概念。"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，诺贝尔奖为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "科学界对饮食和营养的理解是如此之少，人们的情绪如此沉重，并且被糟糕的信息和懒惰的思维所混淆，以至于不可能在聚会上或社交媒体上以细致入微的方式谈论它们。然而，现在大多数人都习惯想要要点式的“清单”、保险杆贴纸标语和其他形式的肤浅分析。这让我想起了一个关于伟大的物理学家（也是我的英雄之一）理乍得·费曼（Richard Feynman）在一次聚会上被要求简短而简单地解释为什么他被授予诺贝尔奖的故事。他回答说，如果他能简单明了地解释他的工作，它可能不会获得诺贝尔奖。Feynman’s rule also applies to nutrition, with one caveat: we actually know far less about this subject than we do about subatomic particles. On the one hand, we have made-for-clickbait epidemiological “studies” that make absurd claims, such as that eating an ounce of tree nuts each day will lower your cancer risk by exactly 18 percent (not making this up)."}
{"instruction": "围绕饮食，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "More than anything I owe this lesson to my patients, whose struggles have taught me a humility about nutrition that I never could have learned from reading scientific papers alone. 现在，在美好的一天里，我可能正处于启蒙斜坡的半路上，但我所做的一个关键改变是，我不再是任何特定饮食方式的教条倡导者，例如生酮饮食或任何形式的禁食。我花了很长时间才弄清楚这一点，但饮食大战和大多数营养研究背后的基本假设——即有一种最适合每个人的完美饮食——是绝对错误的。最重要的是，我把这个教训归功于我的病人，他们的挣扎教会了我对营养的谦逊，这是我仅靠阅读科学论文永远无法学到的。I encourage my patients to avoid using the term diet at all, and if I were a dictator, I might ban it entirely. When you eat a slice of prosciutto or a Rice Krispies square, you are ingesting a multitude of different chemical"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，肌肉质量意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "代谢健康状况不佳与营养过剩和肌肉不足之间的相关性非常高。因此，对于大多数患者来说，目标是减少能量摄入，同时增加瘦体重。这意味着我们需要找到方法让他们消耗更少的热量，同时增加蛋白质的摄取量，并将其与适当的运动结合。这是我们试图解决的营养方面最常见的问题。When my patients are undernourished, it’s typically because they are not taking in enough protein to sustain muscle mass, which as we saw in the previous chapters is a crucial determinant of both lifespan and healthspan. So any dietary intervention that compromises muscle, or lean body mass, is a nonstarter—for both the under- and overnourished groups. 当我的患者营养不良时，通常是因为他们没有摄取足够的蛋白质来维持肌肉质量，正如我们在前面的章节中看到的那样，肌肉质量是寿命和健康寿命的关键决定因素。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画艾利森？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "几年前，一位名叫大卫·艾利森（David Allison）的科学家兼统计学家进行了一项巧妙的实验，该实验说明了流行病学方法如何使我们误入歧途，即使是在控制最严格的研究模型中：实验室小鼠，它们基因相同，饲养条件相同。艾利森使用这些小鼠进行了一项随机实验，类似于我们在第5 章中讨论的热量限制实验。他将它们分为三组，仅在给予食物的数量上有所不同：低热量组、中热量组，以及一组高热量、随意进食的动物，它们可以想吃多少就吃多少。研究发现，低热量小鼠的平均寿命最长，其次是中热量小鼠，高热量小鼠的平均寿命最短。这是许多先前研究中已经确立的预期结果。But then Allison did something very clever. He looked more closely at the high-calorie group, the mice with no maximum limit on food intake, and analyzed this group separately, as its own nonrandomized epidemiological cohort. Within this group, Allison found that some mice chose to eat more"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把地中海放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "diagnosis.[*7] 这项研究本来要持续六年，但在 2013 年，研究人员宣布他们在短短四年半后就提前停止了这项研究，因为结果是如此引人注目。与低脂组相比，接受橄榄油的组别中风、心脏病和死亡的发生率降低了约三分之一（31%），而混合坚果组的风险也降低了约三分之一（28%）。因此，继续进行低脂试验被认为是不道德的。从数字来看，坚果或橄榄油“地中海”饮食似乎与他汀类药物一样有效，就需要治疗的人数（NNT）而言，对于心脏病的一级预防来说，这意味着在尚未接受过他汀类药物治疗的族群中曾经历过“事件”或临床诊断。[*7] It looked like a slam dunk; it’s rare when investigators can report hard outcomes like death or heart attack, as opposed to simple weight loss, in a mere dietary study. It did help that the subjects already had at least three serious risk factors, such as type 2 diabetes, smoking, hypertension, elevated"}
{"instruction": "作者借养活想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "If you optimize for all four of these characteristics, you’re pretty much guaranteed to end up with the SAD, which is not so much a diet as a business model for how to feed the world efficiently. Two cheers for modern industrial food systems. 即使成为素食主义者也不足以让你摆脱季节性情绪失调的魔掌。这是我们缺省的食品环境，占据了杂货店的中间：农业系统的盒装、冷冻和袋装丰富品，生产百万吨级的补贴玉米、面粉、糖和大豆。从某种程度上来说，它非常出色，它解决了自诞生以来一直困扰人类的四个问题：（1）如何生产足够的食物来养活几乎每个人；（2）如何生产足够的食物来养活几乎所有人；(2) 如何以低廉的成本做到这一点；(3) 如何保存该食品以便安全储存和运输；(4)如何使其味道鲜美。如果你针对所有这四个特征进行最优化，那么你几乎肯定会最终得到 SAD，这与其说是一种饮食，不如说是一种如何有效养活世界的商业模式。为现代工业食品系统欢呼两声。But notice that a fifth criterion is missing: how to make it harmless."}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价慧俪？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "years ago, but it’s still not easy. For the right person, this approach works incredibly well—it’s a favorite of bodybuilders and athletes—but for many, the requirement of constant tracking makes it unfeasible. 与实验动物不同，在人类中，热量限制通常有一个不同的名称：热量计数。有大量研究表明，计算卡路里并限制卡路里的人可以而且确实减肥，这是此类研究的主要终点。这就是慧俪轻体的运作方式。成功做到这一点的最大障碍首先是饥饿，其次是要求你详细记录你吃的东西。如今帮助您做到这一点的应用程序比十年前更好，但这仍然不容易。对于合适的人来说，这种方法效果非常好 - 它是健美运动员和运动员的最爱 - 但对于许多人来说，持续追踪的要求使其不可行。One slight advantage is that calorie counting is agnostic to food choices; you can eat whatever you want so long as you stay within your daily"}
{"instruction": "这段关于威斯康星州的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "information, as avoiding diabetes and related metabolic disorders is important to our strategy. 光是这一点就能解释生存结果的差异吗？可能是：超过 40% 的威斯康星州对照组猴子（不受热量限制的猴子）出现了胰岛素抗性和糖尿病前期，而 NIH 对照组中只有七分之一患有糖尿病。[*1] 事实证明，威斯康星州对照猴子比任何其他群体的猴子更有可能死于心血管原因和癌症。这可能表明，热量限制消除了由于威斯康星州糟糕的饮食习惯而导致的过早死亡，而不是实际上减缓了衰老——这仍然是有用的信息，因为避免糖尿病和相关的代谢紊乱对我们的策略很重要。The Wisconsin researchers defended their diet as more similar to what Americans actually eat, which is a fair point. The comparison is not exact by any means, but in human terms the Wisconsin monkeys were more or less living on fast food, while the NIH monkeys were eating at the salad bar."}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对威斯康星州的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "The researchers speculated that even this very slight degree of caloric reduction may have been significant—certainly, it supports our thesis that it is better to avoid being overnourished. 我认为最后一点是关键。这两项研究表明，如果您的饮食品质较高，且新陈代谢一开始就健康，那么严格的热量限制可能就没有必要。在这两项研究中，NIH 对照组的猴子想吃多少就吃多少，但它们的寿命仍然与 CR 猴子几乎一样长。有趣的是，事后分析还显示，NIH 对照组的猴子每天消耗的热量自然比威斯康星州对照组的猴子少 10% 左右，这可能是因为它们的高品质饮食让它们感觉不那么饥饿。研究人员推测，即使是这种非常轻微的热量减少也可能是显著的——当然，它支持了我们的论点，即最好避免营养过剩。Note that these study results do not suggest that everyone needs to undertake a drastic, severe reduction in caloric intake."}
{"instruction": "文中关于爱德华多的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "simple and achievable form of DR created enough of an energy imbalance that he lost weight, and everything else improved in lockstep. 显而易见的第一步是让 Eduardo 几乎完全戒掉碳水化合物。不再有玉米饼、米饭或淀粉豆，也不再有佳得乐。由于他在炎热的室外工作，他每天要喝大约三到四公升的“运动饮料”。我从来没有把这种饮食描述为“生酮”，爱德华多当然也没有告诉工作现场的人他新流行的生酮饮食。他只是不再喝佳得乐了。（我还让他服用了糖尿病药物二甲双胍，这种药物既便宜又有效。）大约五个月内，Eduardo 的指标全部恢复正常，他的糖尿病似乎也得到了逆转；他的病情似乎得到了改善。由于饮食的改变和二甲双胍的帮助，他的糖化血红蛋白现在完全正常，为 5.3%。一路上他减掉了大约二十五磅。我并不是说这种饮食是实现这一结果的唯一可能途径，但这种相对简单且可实现的 DR 形式造成了足够的能量不平衡，使他体重减轻了，而其他一切都同步改善。In the past, I was a huge proponent of ketogenic diets, finding them"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对常量营养素给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "right mix. And then we would wait to see whether it “worked,” typically defined in terms of whether the person lost weight over a period of weeks or months. Now we have more sophisticated ways of looking at macronutrients, beginning with the most abundant: carbohydrates. 我们的无酒精饮食的平衡由碳水化合物、蛋白质和脂肪组成，这在很大程度上是为您个人找到合适的组合的工作。在标签饮食时代，我们会使用规则和任意界限来组合常量营养素并分类不同类型的食物——你可以吃这个，但不能吃那个；你可以吃这个，但不能吃那个；你可以吃这个，但不能吃那个；你可以吃这个，但不能吃那个；这些，但不是那些。我们基本上会猜测正确的组合。然后我们会等着看它是否“有效”，通常是根据一个人是否在几周或几个月内减肥来定义。现在，我们有更复杂的方法来看待常量营养素，从最丰富的碳水化合物开始。Carbs probably create more confusion than any other macro."}
{"instruction": "这一段对玉米饼的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 超越百岁 长寿的科学与艺术", "output": "Also, everyone tends to be more insulin sensitive in the morning than in the evening, so it makes sense to front-load our carb consumption earlier in the day. 所有这一切都需要实验和迭代；饮食限制必须是适应性的，随着患者的生活方式、年龄、运动习惯等而改变。看看哪些特定食物会导致某些患者的 CGM 读数升高，而有些患者则不会，这总是很有趣的。SAD 让大多数人的 CGM 读数飚升，因为所有糖和加工过的碳水化合物都会立即进入血液，引发强烈的胰岛素反应，这是我们不想要的。但看似“健康”的膳食，例如某些素食炸玉米饼，也会导致某些人的血糖水平飚升，但其他人却不会。这也取决于这些碳水化合物的食用时间。如果您一次吃下150 克碳水化合物作为一份米饭和豆类，这与一天中分散吃等量的米饭和豆类有着不同的效果（而且，显然，这与摄取150 克碳水化合物有很大不同）以磨砂迷你小麦的形式）。此外，每个人在早上往往比晚上对胰岛素更敏感，因此在一天中早些时候提前摄取碳水化合物是有意义的。One thing CGM pretty quickly teaches you is that your carbohydrate"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价电影？", "input": "Source: 雕刻时光", "output": "现，不仅无法做到内在的准确与真实，连表面的相似都达不到。我们可以把某个场景拍得跟纪录片一样，让人物扮相自然，做到酷似真实生活，但这样拍出来的影像还是离现实很远，看上去完全是假定性的，尽管假定性正是作者想避免的。奇妙的是，属于假定性范畴的正是艺术中最无争议、最常见的对现实的理解。这说明，生活本身比极端的自然主义所描绘的要诗意多了。要知道，在我们的思想和内心中还存留着许多未被揭示的东西。在某些忠于生活的优秀影片中，不仅看不到假定性手法，反而看到采用失焦手法的影像，替代了真实、平和的叙事。在本章的开头，我曾表示乐于见到电影与文学分道扬镳，这两者有着巨大而有益的相互影响。我认为随着电影艺术的发展，电影不仅会远离文学，也会远离其他相关的艺术形式，并且越来越独立。但这个进程不会像希望的那么快，而将很漫长，有不同的阶段。也正因此，其他艺术门类的一些准则在电影中仍有着稳定的地位，导演们常在电影工作中依赖它们。其后果之一，就是电影部分地失去了用自己的手法表现现实生活的能力，而不得不借助文学、绘画、戏剧等形式。造型艺术对电影的影响体现为其致力于将画布上的东西移植到银幕上。常被移植的是构图或配色（假如是彩色电影的话）准则，不管哪种情况，电影艺术都会失去创作独立性，沦为附庸品。"}
{"instruction": "这段关于鲁布的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 雕刻时光", "output": "对手戏的女演员，以此找到最正确的表演方式，如果换个女演员，他的表演就会变得做作、说教。不要以为这些观点就是拍摄《伊凡的童年》的指导纲要。这只是我自己尝试弄明白工作中萌生了哪些思路，它们又属于何种观点体系而已。拍摄这部电影的经验促使我形成自己的电影信念。这些信念在日后撰写《安德烈蒙难记》的脚本，并于一九六六年将安德烈·鲁布廖夫的生平搬上银幕的过程中进一步坚定。该脚本写完后，我非常怀疑自己的想法可能无法实现。但我想，如果得以拍摄，这将不是历史片，也不是一部传记。我感兴趣的是另一些东西：研究一位伟大的俄罗斯画家充满诗意的天赋。通过鲁布廖夫，我想研究创作心理的问题，研究艺术家的精神状态和非宗教情感是如何创造出永恒的精神价值的。这部影片讲述的是，在鞑靼入侵、骨肉相残的野蛮时代，人民对兄弟共济的渴望,亦即兄弟共济、爱与神圣安宁的理想，产生了天才的《圣三位一体》。这是剧本的思想艺术基础。这部影片由几个独立的叙事段落组成，鲁布廖夫本人并不总出现其中。然而我们应当能感受到他的精神生活和形成他世界观的那种氛围。这部影片的叙事不是由传统的空间逻辑线索串起来的，而是以对鲁布廖夫创作其著名的《圣三位一体》而言必不可少的内在的诗意逻辑完成的。这种逻辑形成了各个段落的统一性，每个段落都有特别的内容与思"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对格列柯的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 雕刻时光", "output": "忠实于自己那如同先知一般的使命,让这些西班牙人变得伟大。难怪埃尔·格列柯的风景画充满了如此富有张力、如此叛逆的隐喻，他笔下的虔敬苦修者那被拉长的比例和鲜明冰冷的色调，让他与他同时代的画家格格不入，甚至被传言他眼睛散光，以此解释他绘画中物体空间结构的变形。但我觉得，这个解释未免过于简单了。塞万提斯的堂吉诃德已经成为高尚、牺牲、无私和什么善良忠诚的象征，而桑丘·潘沙也已成为理智与清醒的代名词。如果世界上有什么感情可以媲美堂吉诃德之于杜尔西内娅的，那就是塞万提斯本人对他的主人公了。塞万提斯在狱中听闻有人非法出版了堂吉诃德历险记第二部，冒犯了作者对自己作品纯粹的真爱，于是妒火中烧，写出了第二部，并安排主人公在结尾死掉。这样一来，再也没有人可以玷污他对忧郁骑士的神圣回忆了。戈雅单枪匹马地对抗王室残暴无能的统治，并奋起反抗宗教法庭。他那恐怖的《随想曲》成了黑暗势力的象征，这股势力令他从鲜明的憎恨转为兽性的愤怒，从毒辣的鄙视变为堂吉诃德式的与疯狂和蒙昧主义的决斗。历史上天才的命运令人吃惊，也教人受益。这些被上帝拣选的受难者，命中注定要以改革和运动的名义进行破坏，他们总处于摇摆之中，一会儿追求幸福一会儿又深信上帝，因为这两者之间的平衡无论在现实中抑或作为一种状态来说并不存在。"}
{"instruction": "文中关于苏联的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 雕刻时光", "output": "观众有自己的好恶。这意味着，不同的艺术家有不同的观众圈。观众的口味差异往往很大。但这之中并没有什么不体面或有害之处：艺术倾向的存在见证了自我意识的成长。导演则更深入地探讨自己感兴趣的现实的观点，随之出现了忠实的影迷和受尊崇的导演——所以，如果有意将当前的电影视为艺术，而不是商业演出的话，就没必要为观众数量焦虑。更何况，当前电影的普及与成功，已经让其不再是艺术，而属大众文化了。今日苏联电影的领导者坚持认为，大众文化只能在西方存在和发展，苏联艺术家的使命是为人民创造真正的艺术，但其实质上关心的是电影的大众需求；他们对苏联电影中“真正现实主义传统”的发展夸夸其谈，而实际上却在慢慢鼓励拍摄远离真实和人民实际问题的电影。他们仍在幻想拥有三十年代电影鼎盛期的庞大的观众，拿各种真实或非真实装模作样，好像自那时起电影和观众的关系就从未改变似的。但幸运的是，过去不能复返——个体的自我意识与独特观念的价值在增长。拜这一切所赐，电影在形式上越来越复杂，能以激烈的性格冲突、不同的人物性情，更有深度地表现迥异的人物性格和命运。如今，即便是所谓毫无争议、深刻鲜明而天才的艺术现象，都无法想象还会让大众产生一致的反应。新生的社会主义集体意识形态在复杂的真实生活的冲击下，不得不让位于个体的自我意识。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对电影给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 雕刻时光", "output": "保持一颗赤子之心。因此，当一个导演说他要拍一部容易通过的电影，以便为他梦想中的电影积聚力量，他只是在骗人，或者更甚，是自我欺骗。他再也拍不出自己的电影了！电影的构思——剧本从事电影工作时，你始终会和数量庞大的人群、各种各样的困难以及无法解决的难题打交道。有时会觉得，一定是有人专门设置了这些状况，好让导演忘记为何要拍这部电影。应当说，对我而言，与构思相关的问题不仅在于构思的产生，还包括如何让构思保持最原初的形态。作为电影工作的推进因素，作为影片的象征，构思总要冒着在生产的混乱中退化的危险，在实现的过程中变形、毁灭。电影从最初构思的诞生到最后的制作完成，会遇到各种各样无尽的复杂性。问题不仅在于电影制作技术的复杂，也在于电影创作的实现过程要依靠很多人。如果导演在与演员合作时没有坚持自己对角色的理解与表演方法，那么在这方面的构思很快就会出现偏差。假如摄像师对人物理解得不准确，即使画面把一些偏离了轴心的表面化符号处理得再光鲜突出，最后还是会缺乏整体性。美术师可以搭建引以为豪的一流布景，但假如它们并不符合导演最初的构思，就会妨碍电影，导致失败。假如导演对作曲者失去掌控，就算他创作出十分精彩的音乐，但若离电影十万八千里也无法实现构思。毫不夸张地说，导演作为见证者，可谓步步惊心。"}
{"instruction": "这一段对道德的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 雕刻时光", "output": "便需要专业的医治和精心照料。无论如何可以肯定地说，电影降低到电视产品的平均水准，不可饶恕地戕害了观众，剥夺了他们接触真正艺术的可能。以追求理想表达为准绳的艺术几乎丧失殆尽。对真与真理的追寻为每个时代留下了印迹。无论这种真理多么严酷，它都有益于人类的健康。真理意识是时代健康的象征，永远也不会与道德理想相对立。假如极力隐藏、掩盖、淹没真理，故意将真理置于扭曲的道德理想的对立面，臆想法度森严的真理能够打消多数人心中的理想，那么这意味着，用于评判艺术的美学概念被赤裸裸的意识形态目的所偷换。只有高度忠于自己的时代，才能反映现实，摒弃做作的宣传式的道德理想。《安德烈·鲁布廖夫》要表达的正是：乍一看，他观察到的生活中的严酷真实与他创作的和谐理念有着激烈冲突，然而实质在于，倘若艺术家不能碰触那血淋淋的伤痛，不能亲自去体验，就很难表达时代的道德理想。在这种为了崇高的精神活动而对严酷或“低下”的真理的全面接纳中，蕴藏着艺术的使命。就实质来说，艺术几乎是宗教性的，因崇高的精神责任感而受人尊崇。没有灵魂的艺术有自己的悲剧。甚至艺术家对其生活所处的没有灵魂的时代的指认，也必须具备一定的精神高度。真正的艺术家永远都在追求永恒——让人与世界不朽。艺术家如果不去尝试追寻绝对真理，只"}
{"instruction": "恩格斯在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 雕刻时光", "output": "这一悲剧性的断裂决定了当代社会人自我感知的反复。在本质上，人的命运当然取决于他的行为，但由于他所受的教育让他错觉自己根本决定不了什么，而且以自身经验他压根没有能力影响未来，于是就慢慢抱定了一种错误而致命的认识，认为他无权决定自己的命运。也就是说，在我们的世界，个人与社会间的种种联系均遭到了如此破坏，以至于目前看来唯一重要的就在于，找一个途径恢复人在自己命运中的角色。为此，人必须回头理解自己的灵魂，承受灵魂的苦痛，并尝试依良知行事。不得不承认，要是意识到一切都与你的想法相悖，良知便无法安生。以灵魂的折磨感知事物的状况，要求自己承担责任，并意识到自己的罪过，这时你就无法用“发生的一切都不是我的错，而是他人不可测的意志”这一救命公式来为自己的安心和懒惰辩白。我深信，重建生活和谐的尝试在于修复个人责任问题。马克思与恩格斯发现历史选择了一条最坏的发展道路。如果仅仅从存在的物质方面来看，这倒没错。他们得出这样一个结论时，历史已经挤出自身最后一滴唯心主义的成分，个人的精神价值在历史进程的背景中便不再有任何意义。他们断言有了这种状况，却没有分析原因。而原因是，人遗忘了自己在个人精神原则上所担负的责任。先是人将历史扭向了某种无灵魂的疏离体系，随后历史的机器需要人类生活得像螺旋桨"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对图书馆的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "否则，我会觉得这样写是不道德的。这种个人约束应该用于各个领域，包括医疗、技术创新和生活中的简单事务。这并不意味着一个人的个人经验就足以构成推导出理念结论的充分样本，只是说，一个人的个人经验是其观点的真实性和真诚性的背书。经验是不会受过滤式选择的影响的，而研究工作却会受影响，尤其是所谓的“观察性”研究，因为存在大量的数据，研究者在观察过去的模型会陷入叙述谬误的陷阱。此外，在写作过程中，如果我不得不在图书馆中搜寻写作主题，并以此作为写作的一部分，那么我觉得这是堕落和不道德的。这条标准可以作为一种筛选方式，并且是唯一的筛选方式。如果我对主题不感兴趣，不足以让我出于自己的好奇心或自己的目的独立进行图书查阅，以前也从没有这样做过，那么我就根本不应该写它。这并不意味着图书馆（实体和虚拟的）是不能接受的，而意味着它们不应该是任何想法的起源。学生付学费在大学里写有关某个主题的论文时，他们必须从图书馆获取知识，作为自我提升的一种练习；一个专业人员则靠写作获得报酬，他写的东西也会被他人认真对待，因此他应该使用一个更有效的筛选方式。只有经过提炼的想法，那些经过长久的时间积淀仍留在我们脑中的想法才是可以接受的，它们也大多来自于现实的想法。现在是时候重振一个不为人所熟知的哲学概念了，这就是信念承诺，它要求摈弃空头支票，秉持某一个信念，乃至个人愿意为其承担风险。"}
{"instruction": "文中关于剂量的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "因此，在怀疑尼禄会杀害自己后，她便采用了米特拉达梯式解毒法，使自己对儿子的下属所能搞到的任何毒药都产生了免疫力。但是，与米特拉达梯一样，阿格里皮娜最终死于冷兵器之下：她的儿子（据说）派刺客杀害了她。这则故事为我们提供了一个小小的但很有意义的教训，人再强壮也不能抵御一切。即使两千年后也没有人能发现一种可以让我们在刀剑的杀戮中变得更为强壮的方法。让我们这样界定米特拉达梯式解毒法：当人们不断地接受小剂量的某种物质，随着时间的推移，对额外的或更大剂量的同类物质逐步产生免疫力的结果。这是在疫苗接种和药物过敏测试中使用的方法。这还不能称作完全的反脆弱性，仍处于较温和的强韧性阶段，但已经逐步接近反脆弱性了。我们已经得到了一个暗示，一旦被剥夺了摄取毒物的权力，我们将变得脆弱，强韧化的道路常始于一点点的伤害。现在考虑这样一种情况，摄取一定剂量的有毒物质使你变得更为强壮，即在强韧性的基础上更进一步。药理学家创造的一个词——毒物兴奋效应——说的就是小剂量的有害物质实际上会有利于机体健康，起到药物的治疗作用。一点点的危害，只要不是很多，只会造福于机体，使其成为更好的整体，因为它会触发一些过度反应。当时的人们更愿意将其解释为“危害的作用与剂量相关”，或者“药物的作用与剂量相关”，而非“从危害中受益”。科学家们的兴趣在于剂量与反应之间的非线性关系。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对伏尔泰给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "据说让·弗雷龙是一位善妒的思想家，也与一般善妒的思想家一样有着平庸的思想，但他却因激怒了原本老于世故的伏尔泰，促使后者写下许多针对他的讽刺诗，从而在思想界扮演了一个颇为重要的角色。伏尔泰自己也是一个钻营的人，非常擅长挑衅别人，并从其反应中受益，但这回轮到他自己，他却忘记这个规律了。伏尔泰的魅力也许就在于不知道该如何保存他的智慧。因此，同样的隐性反脆弱性可以从我们对思想和人的攻击中反映出来：我们害怕这种攻击，也不喜欢负面曝光，但是如果你能挨过这种诋毁，则能大大受益，只要当事人看上去动机充分并足够气愤——就像你听到一个女人在一个男人面前说另外一个女人的坏话（反之亦然）。这里有一个显而易见的选择性偏见：他为什么要攻击你，而不去攻击别人，其他人也有可责之处，难道不值得攻击吗？由于反脆弱性的存在，他攻击或诋毁你的努力反而使你出了名。我的曾外祖父尼古拉斯·戈恩是一个老谋深算的政治家，尽管树敌众多（其中最知名的就是他的克星，我在塔勒布家族这边的高祖父），但是他却成功地长期把持政坛宝座，并大权在握。当我的外祖父，尼古拉斯·戈恩的大儿子开始从事行政工作，并有望从政后，他的父亲在临终前把他叫到面前说：“我的儿子，我对你很失望，”他说，“我从未听到外界对你的指责。你已经证明了自己根本无法激发别人对你的嫉妒。”"}
{"instruction": "这一段对生活的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "我自己在写这些段落时，也尽量避免受控于一个精确的和明确的计划，而是喜欢从未知的内心深处汲取灵感，写出让自己感到惊喜的文字。写作的价值就在于它能给予我们一种冒险的刺激感，这就是为什么我喜欢写书而不喜欢写专栏。即使撇开庸俗的编辑不谈，写专栏也足以让我厌烦得要死。而且，值得注意的是，如果作者的写作过程极其无聊，那么他写出来的作品一定也会让读者感觉极其无聊。如果我能预测我未来每一天的轨迹，那么我会感觉自己身体的一部分已经死了。此外，随机性是真实生活中不可或缺的一部分。在我们先祖的栖息地，人类会受到自然环境的刺激，恐惧、饥饿、欲望等最原始的感受会激励我们探索并适应周围的环境。想想看，如果一个啼哭的孩子被压在了车下，你可能不假思索地就会将汽车抬起来，或者如果你看到一头野兽穿过了公路，你也会立即撒开腿拼命逃跑。拿这些对比一下你按预定计划下午6点去健身房，在被私人教练折腾一番后感到的那种沉重和劳累——当然，除非你迫切地需要自己看起来像一个保镖。再想想，环境的随机性是多么容易让我们少吃一顿饭，仅仅因为食物匮乏，而约束自己执行一个18天的节食计划却是那么困难。世界上有这么一种人，对他们来说，生活就是某种项目。在与他们交谈之后的几个小时内，你都会感觉很不舒服；生活开始变得像寡淡无味的食物。我是一个寻求刺激的人，我有一个刺激探测器，这似乎与我的无聊探测器很匹配，就好像我们天生配备着一个过滤器，天生厌恶无聊。"}
{"instruction": "错误在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "再次强调很重要的一点是，我们所谈论的是局部而非整体的错误，是微小的而非严重的和毁灭性的错误。这有助于我们将好的和坏的系统区分开来。好的系统，如航空业天生就会有些彼此独立的小错误，或者说彼此负相关的错误，一个错误的发生会降低未来犯错的概率。这是区分反脆弱性环境和其他脆弱性环境（在“地球是平的”的时代，内部高度相关的现代经济生活）的一种方式。如果说每一次飞机失事都降低了下一次事故的发生概率，那么每一家银行的崩溃却会提高下一家银行崩溃的概率。要建立一个理想的社会经济系统，我们必须消除第二种类型的错误，即容易蔓延或传染的错误。我们再以大自然为例。自然是在非系统性的错误中学习和改进的。比如我在正常状态下，在搬石头的过程中犯了错，导致自己受了点儿小伤，那么下一次为了免受皮肉之苦，我一定会从中吸取教训，毕竟，那才是忍受疼痛的目的。再来看美洲豹，它的行动敏捷优雅，奔跑起来宛如一曲大自然交响乐，并不需要哪个私人教练指导它怎样以“适当的方式”把鹿叼到树上。人类的建议可能对一些人造运动有效，比如网球、保龄球或射击等，但对自然运动却不起作用。一些企业也很看重自身的错误。专注于承保巨灾风险的再保险公司（保险公司找它们“再保险”那些无法分散的风险），往往会在灾难或给予其重创的尾部事件发生之后做得更好。如果它们幸存下来并作好了充分准备（很少有公司针对此类意外风险制订应急计划），它们就可以通过大幅提高保费来弥补先前的损失——因为客户在灾难后会过度反应，纷纷购买保险。"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的英雄主义是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "有时候，我们在看到人们从考验中生存下来，而且幸存人群比最初人群的身体更强壮时，便会臆想这种考验对他们大有裨益。换个角度说，考验只能说是一场无情的考试，失败者只有死路一条。我们可以看到的是，脆弱性（或者是说反脆弱性）从个体传递到我先前所讨论的系统上。让我换种方式来阐述。幸存的种群显然比最初的种群更强壮——但这不是从个体层面上来说的，因为弱者都死亡了。为了改善系统，有人付出了生命的代价。我和我们这种个体利益和集体利益之间明显的紧张关系在历史上算是新鲜事：在过去，个体几乎与这一问题无关。为了本集团的利益而牺牲的理念支撑着英雄主义：它使部落受益，但对于在战争中死亡的个人则是损失。英雄主义的本能以及为了集体利益牺牲个人利益的理念在自杀式炸弹袭击者身上得到极端的呈现。这些即将赴死的恐怖分子会陷入一种类似欣喜若狂的恍惚中，在这种情绪的驱动下，他们甚至对自己的死亡无动于衷。有人说自杀式炸弹袭击者之所以义无反顾，是因为他们认为死后能进入伊斯兰天堂，这简直是一个谬论。人类学家斯科特·阿特兰曾指出，黎凡特地区的第一个自杀式炸弹袭击者是一个希腊东正教背景的革命家——与我的背景相同——并非伊斯兰教信徒。我们身体里就像有一个开关，每当我们参与集体舞蹈、大规模骚乱或战争，这个为了集体利益而扼杀个体的开关就自动开启了。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述布鲁塞尔？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "灾难在一些情况下是悲剧，但在另一些情况下只不过是一些统计数据。我们的情绪能量让我们无视事件发生的概率，而媒体让事情变得更糟，因为媒体会利用我们对逸闻趣事的痴迷、对耸人听闻事件的渴求来影响我们，并因此造成了很大的不公平。如今，每7秒钟就有一个人死于糖尿病，但媒体更愿意报道被飓风掀掉屋顶的灾难受害者。现在的问题是，官僚机构的建立使得公务员都在抽象的理论基础上作决定，同时却误以为他们是在以合理的、负责任的方式行事。另外，再来看看恼人的游说者吧，这个群体在自治市或小区域中是无法立足的。由于权力（部分）集中在布鲁塞尔的欧盟委员会，欧洲人痛苦地发现，这些游说者为了某些大公司的利益而操控民主制度。只要能影响布鲁塞尔的一项决定或法规，游说者便能得到一大笔钱。这比在自治市获得的回报大得多（成本却很低），因为在自治市议会上需要一大批游说者，才有可能说服与所在社区的利益密不可分的选民。[19] 规模效应的另一方面表现在：小企业一般是不太可能雇用游说者的。这种自下而上的效应，在法律中也很常见。意大利政治兼法律哲学家布鲁诺·莱奥尼就认为基于法官审判的法律（由于有多样性）要比明确而僵化的法典更具强韧性。你可能认为，法官的判决简直像买彩票，但是，它确实有助于防止大规模的错误。我用了瑞士的例子来展现政治制度的自然反脆弱性，以及如何通过管理噪声来实现稳定。"}
{"instruction": "塞梅尔在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "例如，黑客的进攻会使系统更加强大。或者以安·兰德的例子来看，持续的激烈批评反而让一本书的知名度更高。无能是具有双面性的。在梅尔·布鲁克斯自编自导的电影《制作人》中，两名纽约剧院的戏剧编剧惹上了麻烦，是因为他们的新剧成功了，而不是像预期的那样失败了。他们把一部百老汇戏剧同时卖给了多个投资者，他们的计划是，只要该剧失败，他们就可以把多余的投资资金据为己有。因为如果该剧失败，投资人将不会得到任何回报，他们的诡计也不会被戳穿。但问题是，虽然他们竭尽所能地呈现一部糟糕的戏剧——这部剧被称为“希特勒的春天”，但由于他们不按常理进行编剧，他们炮制出的戏剧效果反而极为有趣。在证券交易所，我也常常遇见这种讽刺的事情：一个家伙不满自己的年终奖金数额，因此用雇主的钱下很大的赌注——结果却挣了一大笔钱，比他特地这样做挣得还多。也许资本主义背后的支持理念就是一种反医源性损伤效应，得到一种意料之外但也并非意想不到的后果：这个系统将个人追求私利的目标（确切地说，不一定是良好的目标）转化为对集体有利的结果。更高层面的医源性损伤由于缺乏对医源性损伤的认知而受影响最大的两个领域是：社会经济生活和人类的身体（正如我们在塞梅尔维斯的故事中所见）。这两个领域一直以来都是低能力和高干预并存的领域，人们往往无视自发运作和痊愈的存在，更别提自我成长和改进了。"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里道德究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "如果严重受伤，我也不会拖延就医。此时，我遵循的是非自然的职责和程序。有一次，我背部受伤，但却将手术一拖再拖，后来，我去阿尔卑斯山远足度假了一次，又经过了一段时间的举重锻炼，我的背部就自行痊愈了。我的自然本能让我推迟了一次可有可无的手术，并将侵害我身体反脆弱性的风险降至最低，而这些心理学家和经济学家却要我扼杀自己的这种本能（内在激励机制），泯灭身体的反脆弱性。由于拖延源于我们的自然意志，传递了我们自身动力不足的信息，因此解决方案就是换个环境或者换份工作，让自己不要那么纠结或者压抑。很少有人可以领会这样的逻辑，人们应该过一种视拖延为有益工具的、基于自然风险进行决策的生活。其实我写这本书的时候，也是运用了拖延的方式。如果我在一个章节上一再拖延，那么它肯定会被淘汰。这只是简单的道德问题：如果我在写一个话题时感觉不到一点儿自然冲动的话，那我为什么要写出来糊弄人呢？用我的生态学推理来说，一个人做事拖拖拉拉不是因为他不理性，而是他身处的环境不合理。称这个人不理性的经济学家和心理学家，其实才是不理性的。事实上，人类是非常不擅长过滤信息的，特别是短期信息，而拖延则是帮助我们筛选信息的较好方式，它能避免我们由于冲动而轻信某个信息，我们下面还会就此做出详细讨论。“自然主义”的概念现在有点儿混乱。哲学家常提到一种被称为“自然主义谬误”的错误，暗指自然的事情在道德上并非正确，这一点我也同意，我们将在第4章讨论将达尔文的自然选择应用到现代社会的问题，以及保护一些失败者的必要性，这些都与自然的意志相悖。"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，苏联为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "孟鑫、钱楠筠和皮埃尔·雅尔德研究了各地受灾程度的不同，以了解饥荒的分布情况。他们发现，在饥荒开始前，粮食产量更高的地区在饥荒开始时受灾情况更严重，这意味着政府的粮食分配政策是导致灾难的一个重要原因，具体来说就是缺乏灵活的粮食采购系统。此外，回顾过去一个世纪内发生的饥荒，中央计划经济所导致的饥荒在其中的占比远高于预期。但事实往往是，国家的无能才能帮助我们摆脱中央集权和现代化的桎梏——实现反医源性损伤。富有真知灼见的作者德米特里·奥尔洛夫阐述了苏联那种低效落后、无意识重复栽种的粮食生产，如何在苏联解体后帮助人民逃避灾难，最终促进了国家稳定。斯大林想按自己的主张规划农业，然而却导致了饥荒。他和他的继任者从来没有成功地提高过农业的“效率”，即实现耕种的集中和优化，就像今天的美国一样，所以，苏联的每一个城市周边都种植主要的粮食作物。这当然提高了成本，因为他们无法从专业化中受益。但就是这种缺乏专业化耕种的局面使人们在国家机构严重解体的情况下也能获取各种粮食。你可以想象一下，如果美国（或欧洲）出现食品供应中断事件的话会发生什么情况。此外，由于苏联住宅建设效率低下，因此家族三代往往都住得很近，关系也很亲密，从而确保了彼此邻近、互通有无。人们之间有真正的纽带连接着他们，这可与社交网络不同，他们会给饥饿的朋友送食物，也希望当自己陷入困境时，有些朋友（不一定是他们帮助的那个朋友）能够帮助到他们。"}
{"instruction": "围绕塞内加，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "塞内加提出了完整的培训计划，借助于一些有效的小技巧来妥善掌控生命和控制情绪。罗马时代的斯多葛主义者已经懂得采用一些小技巧来避免自己被愤怒冲昏头脑，做出伤害别人，乃至将来可能后悔的事情，比如遏制自己在奴隶犯错的时候打他的冲动。现代人可能不一定认为这个决定有多么伟大，但是请想想，在那个时代，就连原本做事深思熟虑的哈德良皇帝也在愤怒失控的情况下戳瞎了一个奴隶的眼睛。而当哈德良的怒气消退后，他深感后悔，但造成的后果已经不可挽回了。塞内加也为我们展示了一种社会行为，即对善行进行投资。我们可能会被剥夺一些东西——但是，善行和美德是不会被剥夺的。如何成为主人到目前为止，塞内加的故事已经众所周知了，我们也已经学会了从三元结构的脆弱类转移到强韧类了，但是，塞内加的理论更进了一步。塞内加曾说过，财富是聪明人的奴仆，愚笨者的主人。因此，他打破了一点儿斯多葛学派的传统习惯，即保留了所有有利的因素。在我看来，如果以前的斯多葛主义者声称他们宁愿贫穷也不愿富裕的话，我们就需要对他们的态度表示怀疑，因为这可能只是空谈。由于当时大多数人都是穷人，因此他们需要一些说辞来解释他们的处境（从米利都泰勒斯的故事中，我们就认识到了“酸葡萄”的概念——这种认知游戏实际上就是让自己相信，你摘不到的葡萄就是酸的）。塞内加是用行动来表达自己想法的人，我们也不能忽视他保留着所有财富的事实。"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，阿奎那意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "它在很大程度上指导着中世纪人们的思想。这与主题简单、封闭式题材的书籍大不相同。所有博学者对反脆弱性的诋毁，从《神学大全》中多处重申的主旨语句中就能看出来；其中有一处是这么说的：“代理人若非为了一个明确的结果是绝对不会行动的。”换句话说，代理人应该知道行动的方向，这是一个源于亚里士多德目的论的观点。每个人，包括斯多葛主义者，但不包括怀疑论者，都在思想上倾向于目的论，但在行动上并没有表现出来。顺便说一句，阿奎那引述的还不是亚里士多德的话语，他称后者为哲学家，他所引述的是亚里士多德思想在阿拉伯的集大成者、哲学家伊本·鲁西德，也被称为阿维罗意的话。阿奎那称其为评论家。评论家对这个世界造成的伤害可不小。西方思想在很大程度上受阿拉伯思想的影响，这一点远超我们的认识，而中世纪后期的阿拉伯人已成功地摆脱了中世纪的理性主义。整个思想传承都植根于这句话“代理人若非为了一个明确的结果是绝对不会行动的”，这就是人类最普遍的错误所在，再加上两个或两个多世纪对无条件科学认知的错觉，这个错误就越发复杂了。同时，这个错误也将导致人们陷入最脆弱的状态。目的论谬误我们在此所说的目的论谬误，是指你有个错觉，以为自己确切地知道将来的方向，在过去也确切地知道自己将来的方向，其他人过去所取得的成功也源于清楚地知道自己的方向。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画美索不达米亚？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "（我们说，知识型社会总是会对“复杂的”衍生工具做出奖励，这与从不对简单的头脑做出惩罚形成了对比。）即使这些才华横溢的人用他们那过度发达的头脑来解决这么一个明显和琐碎的问题，他们也可能一无所获。由此可见，我们是如何规划未来的。人类缺乏想象力，甚至不知道明天的重要事情到底会是什么。我们使用随机性来帮助我们一点点地发现新事物——这就是反脆弱性如此必要的原因。轮子本身的故事甚至比旅行箱的故事更令人惭愧：不断有人提醒我们，轮子不是美索不达米亚人发明的，但事实上就是他们发明的。美索不达米亚人发明了轮子，但这些轮子只安装在他们给儿童做的小玩具上。这跟旅行箱的故事如出一辙：玛雅人和萨巴特克人并没有实现将轮子运用到实际生活中的这一飞跃。建造金字塔时，他们耗费了大量的人力、物力和汗水在平地上运输这些巨大的石板，虽然此时用手推车和马车来运输是再合适不过的了。他们甚至懂得把石板放在滚木上来运输，可同时，他们的小孩子已经拉着滚轮玩具在灰泥地上玩耍了（或许他们的小孩子也不玩滚轮玩具，可能这种玩具的唯一用途就是用作陪葬品）。蒸汽机的故事也很相似，希腊人实际上已经制造出来可操作的蒸汽机，遇热会旋转，当然，这只是用来娱乐的：希腊的发明家、亚历山大港的希罗描述过这一装置。但直到工业革命时期，我们才发现以前早已有这种东西。"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把罗盘放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "苏联–哈佛派谬见（给鸟类开设飞行课，并相信这些课程正是这些鸟类具备精湛的飞行技能的原因）属于一种被称为副现象的因果错觉。这种错觉是什么？当你站在船上的驾驶台或者舰长室里，面前放着一个大罗盘时，你很容易形成一种印象，以为罗盘在指引船只行进的方向，而不仅仅是反映船只前进的方向。给鸟类上飞行课的效应就是相信副现象的例子：我们看到富裕和发达国家的学术研究水平很高，这让我们不加批判地认为，研究能创造财富。在一个副现象中，当你看到A时通常都会看到B，所以你很可能认为，是A引起了B，或B导致了A，这取决于文化架构或者当地记者认为哪种解释更合理。我们很少有这样的错觉，即看到男生大多留短发就认为头发的长度决定性别，或者戴上领带就能成为一名商人。但是，我们却很容易陷入其他的副现象，特别是当一个人被淹没在新闻驱动的文化中时。人们很容易掉进这个陷阱：副现象引发社会行为，事后又为行为寻找合理化的解释。独裁者——就像一国政府——会觉得自己是不可缺少的，因为其他的替代方案我们不容易看见，或者被特殊利益集团隐藏起来了。例如，美联储会给经济带来巨大破坏，但人们仍旧确信它的有效性。人们害怕替代方案。同样的，在医源性损伤极度泛滥的年代，医疗仍被视为不可或缺。贪婪是罪魁祸首每当经济危机发生时，贪婪很容易被当作罪魁祸首，这留给我们一个印象，即如果我们可以找到它的根源并将它从生活中连根拔出，那么经济危机就会被消灭了。"}
{"instruction": "作者借论文想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "交易员的交易→交易员发现技术和产品→学术界的经济学家发现公式，并声称交易员在使用它们→新的交易员相信了学者的话→事情搞砸了（因为理论引起的脆弱性）我们的研究论文完稿近7年，才得以在一本经济学学术杂志上发表——在此之前，出现了一个奇怪的现象：它成为经济学历史上下载次数最多的论文，但在前几年的时间却几乎无人引用。没有人想蹚这趟浑水。实践者是不写文章的，他们只会放手去做；飞鸟果然会飞，但那些教导它们飞行的人，正是写故事的人。所以不难看出，历史实际上是由失败者撰写的，他们有大把的时间，学术地位也得到保护。最具讽刺意味的是，我们无意中获得了如何炮制思想叙述的第一手材料，因为我们有幸看到了另一次公然的知识偷窃。当时，我们得到了受人尊敬的《计量财务百科全书》的邀请，发表我们作为期权从业者的观点。所以，我们将我们的上一篇论文结合自己的体验写了一篇文章。让我们大吃一惊的是：杂志历史版的编辑——巴纳德大学的一位教授竟然擅自修改我们的阐述，结果正好被我们发现。这位经济思想史学家改写我们的故事，以至于削弱了甚至扭曲了我们的观点，他改变了知识形成的箭头方向，这就是科学史的形成过程。这个人坐在巴纳德大学的办公室里，对我们作为交易员的所见所闻指手画脚——竟然要求我们按照他的逻辑推翻我们自己亲眼所见的东西。此外，只要在思想史中运用些许逻辑和实证思考，摆脱教育的洗脑，就可以注意到类似的反知识形成过程。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价公司？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "管理学者威廉·斯塔巴克已经发表了多篇论文来反驳规划的有效性——规划使公司无视选择权，因为它的行动方针已经过于僵化以至于无法把握稍纵即逝的机遇了。几乎所有管理理论，从泰勒主义到所有的生产力故事，经实证检验后，都被证明是伪科学——与大多数的经济理论类似，它们都经不起验证。马修·斯图尔特是读哲学出身的，但后来成了管理顾问，他在《管理咨询的神话》一书中揭秘了一个令人厌恶的也很可笑的故事。这与银行家在利己目的的驱动下所使用的方法类似。亚伯拉逊和弗里德曼在他们的经典著作《杂乱并非无章》中也揭穿了许多像整齐、清晰的目的论方法。事实证明，战略规划只不过是像迷信一样的胡言乱语。不管是理性的还是机会主义的企业漂移，下列公司可以告诉我们其中的真相。可口可乐起初是一种医药产品。蒂芙尼珠宝公司是做文具生意起家的。上面的两个例子中，公司的前后业务还算有关联，但再来看看下面这个例子：制造出第一枚导弹制导系统的雷神公司本来是一个冰箱制造商，而创办人之一正是范内瓦·布什，他构建了我们早先看到的目的论科学线性模型。再看更离谱儿的例子：曾经的顶级手机制造商诺基亚，是从造纸起家的（还做过一段时间的橡胶鞋）。杜邦，现在是一家以特富龙不粘锅、可丽耐台面和耐用的卡夫拉纤维闻名的企业，最早其实是一个经营炸药的公司。雅芳化妆品公司，一开始只是一个挨门推销图书的公司。"}
{"instruction": "这段关于苏格拉底的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "柏拉图在《申辩篇》中记录了对苏格拉底的审判，苏格拉底讲述了他是如何仔细盘问诗人却一无所得的：“我从他们自己的作品中挑选了一些辞藻华丽的段落，并要求他们解释其中的含义。谈到这一点我几乎很惭愧，但我仍必须说，在场的任何人评论这些诗歌绝对不会比这些诗人更逊色。” 对定义性知识的重视导致柏拉图得出了这样的结论，如果你不能认识事物的形式，你就不能说你了解事物，因为任何事物都是以定义来说明的。如果我们不能根据特殊性来界定虔诚，那么就让我们从普遍性开始，因为其中包含了特殊性。换句话说，如果你不能根据地形绘出地图，那么就根据地图造出地形。我们也要为苏格拉底辩护一下，他的问题带出了一个重大的结果：如果它们无法让他定义某个事物是什么，至少它们能让他确定某个事物不是什么。误将难以理解当作愚蠢在胖子托尼之前，当然也有很多先驱对苏格拉底提出过质疑。有些先驱的名字我们并没有听说过，这可能是因为哲学的崇高地位，以及哲学通过基督教和伊斯兰教融入日常实践的方式。这里的“哲学”指的是理论化和概念化的知识，也就是所有我们可以写下来的知识。因为，这个词以前在很大程度上指的是我们今天所称的科学——自然哲学，用理论来说明自然，洞察它的逻辑。现代世界中，年轻的尼采针对这一点展开了猛烈的攻击，虽然披上了文学辩论的外衣，谈论的是乐观和悲观，夹杂着对“西方”、“典型的希腊人”和“德国的灵魂”是什么意思的幻觉。"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对智慧的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "但是，哈耶克没有意识到，可选择性可以替代社会规划者。从某种意义上说，他相信人的智慧，但那只是一种分散的或集体的智慧，他并未认识到可以替代智慧的可选择性。人类学家克洛德·列维–斯特劳斯发现，不识字的人也有他们自己的“具体性科学”，这是一种从事物及其替代物的角度来思考他们所在环境的一种全面的思考方法，这种感性方法的质量并不一定比我们的许多科学方法缺乏一致性，相反的，在许多方面它与我们的方法同样丰富，甚至更丰富。同样，这又是绿色木材谬误。最后，我们要说说当代政治哲学家和散文家约翰·格雷，他反对人类的傲慢，也反对启蒙运动是万能的这种普遍观点，他将某些思想家归为启蒙运动的保守主义思想家。格雷反复说明，我们所说的科学进步可能只是海市蜃楼。当他与我和作家布赖恩·阿普尔亚德共进午餐时，我预先准备了一些想讨论的话题，并提出了自己的主张。让我感到惊喜的是，这是我一生中最有收获的一次午餐。共同的思想让我们三个人心照不宣地在很多理念问题上达成共识，并开始讨论应用的问题——一些世俗的问题，比如如何用贵金属取代我们目前持有的货币，因为贵金属不是政府所拥有的。格雷曾经在哈耶克办公室的隔壁工作，并告诉我哈耶克是相当沉闷的人，他缺乏趣味性——因此缺乏可选择性。愚蠢的人和不愚蠢的人的区别让我们回头讨论炼金石。苏格拉底关心的是知识，但胖子托尼不是这样，他根本不知道什么是知识。"}
{"instruction": "文中关于项目的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "我记得有几次航班提前大约20分钟到达目的地，但也有几次航班延误了两三个小时才到，我还碰到过延迟了两天多才到达目的地的情况。因为旅行时间不会真的为负值，因此不确定性往往造成延误，导致飞行时间的增加，而几乎从来不会减少。或者，有时可能会提前几分钟到达，但延误的时间却有可能是几个小时，两者明显不对称。任何意外、任何冲击、任何波动都更有可能延长飞行时间。这在某种程度上也解释了时间的不可逆性，如果你认为混乱的程度往往会随时间的推移而增加的话。现在，让我们将这个概念应用于项目。就像飞行中增加了不确定性后，航班往往会延迟，而非提前到达一样（这些物理定律是如此普遍，甚至在俄罗斯也不会改变），当项目中增加了不确定性，那么竣工的成本往往会更高，时间也会更长。这适用于许多情况，实际上适用于几乎所有的项目。我过去对这一问题的解释是，心理偏见是低估世界上随机结构的背后原因——项目之所以花费了更长的时间，是因为原来的估计过于乐观。对于这种偏见，也即过度自信，我们不乏证据。决策科学家和商业心理学家对被称为“规划谬误”的概念进行了理论化，他们试图从心理因素的角度解释，项目花费的时间往往会比预期的更长，很少出现提前完成的情况。但令人困惑的是，在过去的约一个世纪里似乎并不存在这样的低估，虽然我们面对的是同样的人类，具有相同的偏见。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对恩培给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "被视为“原创”的东西，往往是根据当时是新的但如今已经不新的东西设计的，因此对许多科学家来说，成为“爱因斯坦”就意味着解决一个与爱因斯坦解决的问题相类似的问题，但实际上，当年爱因斯坦解决的也根本不是标准问题。成为物理学领域的爱因斯坦这个理念本身，也不具有原创性。我在风险管理领域发现过类似的错误，因为科学家们总试图以标准的方式创新。数量金融学界的人只将过去伤害过他们的事认作高风险的事情（鉴于他们对“证据”的关注），而没有意识到，在这些事件发生之前，也完全没有先例，无法以标准来衡量。我个人曾努力劝他们摆脱固有的思维，以二阶思维模式来考虑问题，但是我没能说服他们——我也曾努力让他们认识到脆弱性的概念，但也没有成功。恩培多克勒的狗在亚里士多德的《大伦理学》一书中，有一则可能是杜撰的故事，有关苏格拉底之前的哲学家恩培多克勒。有人问恩培多克勒，为什么狗总是喜欢睡在同一块瓷砖上，恩培多克勒回答道，这条狗和这块瓷砖之间应该有一些相似性（其实这个故事甚至可能被杜撰了两次，因为我们也不知道《大伦理学》是否就是亚里士多德本人写的）。想想狗和瓷砖之间的匹配性。这是一种自然的、生物的、可解释的或不可解释的匹配性，因为长期循环出现而得到了肯定，取代了理性主义。回过头来看看历史事实就知道了。这便让我能够对本章所做的关于先知的讨论下一个结论。"}
{"instruction": "这一段对预期寿命的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "因此，有关预期寿命的论点有很多微妙的差别。人类预期寿命的增加是因为许多因素的结合：卫生、青霉素、犯罪率的降低，以及挽救生命的手术的出现，当然，也归功于一些医学执业者对危重病患生命的拯救。我们活的时间更长，这是由于那些患了致命疾病、病情严重的患者能从医药和治疗中受益，因为此时的医源性损伤非常低。正如我们所看到的，这属于凸性效应的情况。所以，如果因为医疗能帮助我们活得更长，我们就推断说所有的医疗护理都能使我们的寿命更长，那是严重的错误。此外，考虑到“进步”的净效果，我们需要从医疗带来的收益中扣除文明病带来的成本（原始社会没有心血管疾病、癌症、龋齿、经济理论、酒吧音乐和其他现代疾病）；肺癌治疗的进步需要与吸烟的效果相抵消。从研究论文中我们可以估计，医疗实践也许确实使人类的平均寿命延长了几年，但是，这在很大程度上仍然取决于病情的严重性（癌症医生的预先干预肯定对可治愈的癌症病患带来了积极的作用，但是私人医生的干预却明显带来了副作用）。我们需要考虑到医源性损伤（也可以说医疗）在很多情况下（即凹性效应的情况，这种情况我们很容易看到）减少了预期寿命的遗憾事实。我们还收集到了一些医院罢工期间的数据，在罢工期间医院只做几台手术（为最危急的患者），其他可推迟的手术则一律被推迟。我们发现，在这些情况下，患者的预期寿命延长了，或者至少没有缩短，当然这取决于你站在辩论的哪一方。"}
{"instruction": "隆戈在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "这对无视实证的现代营养学家来说可不是新理论了——比如在司汤达的不朽小说《红与黑》中，我就看到了这样一段对话，主人公于连被告知“今天的活儿很重，要干到很晚，所以，让我们好好吃这第一顿午餐来增强体力吧”（当时法语中将早餐称为“第一顿午餐”）。首先，将谷物和其他类似食材作为早餐主食的想法正逐渐被证明有害于人类健康，我不知道为什么过了这么长的时间才有人意识到，这种非自然的想法需要进行测试；其次，测试表明，这种方式是有害的，或者吃早餐并不能带来什么好处，除非你在吃早餐前已经辛苦工作过。让我们记住，我们最早可不是从送餐员手上获取食物的，在大自然中，我们必须费些力气才能弄到吃的。狮子要靠狩猎才有食物，它们可不是为了取乐而去狩猎的。因此，在人们还没有辛苦工作之前就供应食物，无异迷惑了他们的身体信号系统。我们有充分的证据表明，间歇性（只能间歇性）地剥夺食物可以对许多肌体功能产生有益的影响——比如瓦尔特·隆戈注意到，集中营的囚犯们在食物限制的第一阶段反而很少生病，进一步限食才导致他们的崩溃。瓦尔特·隆戈做了实验后发现，老鼠在饥饿的初始阶段能承受高剂量的化疗，没有出现明显的副作用。科学家们也常常说，饥饿会导致基因对一种被称为蛋白质的基因进行编码，从而带来延年益寿等功效。人类的反脆弱性往往会在饥饿的压力下通过某些基因的升级来显现。"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的论文是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "或者，如果他在大自然中，那么他的基因会因此灭绝——对概率产生这种误解的人终将从我们的基因库中被淘汰。让我觉得恶心的是，政府却还雇用了他的一个合著者。我其实并不情愿用斯蒂格利茨的名字来命名这种综合征，因为我觉得他已经是最聪明的经济学家了，就理论化的知识来看，他已经非常优秀了，只是他对系统的脆弱性没有认识。而且斯蒂格利茨代表了经济界对小概率事件有害且错误的理解。这是一种严重的疾病，它解释了为什么经济学家会将我们带入万劫不复之地。斯蒂格利茨综合征对应于一种过滤式选择，这是最糟糕的，因为一个人犯了过错却不知道他在做什么。在这种情况下，这个人不仅不能识别危险，还会促使危险的发生，事后他还要让自己以及其他人相信相反的事情，即他预测到了危险，并警告人们要防范风险。这相当于将卓越的分析能力、无视脆弱性、选择性记忆，以及缺乏切身利益集于一身。斯蒂格利茨综合征=（可能出发点是善意的）脆弱推手+事后过滤式选择我们还可以看到，其他一些因为缺乏惩戒而带来的教训。但斯蒂格利茨综合征是最严重的一种纯纸上谈兵式的学者综合征（除非他们心口合一）。比如，许多学者在一篇论文中提出一种观点，在另一篇论文中又提出另一种观点，而并没有因为在第一篇论文中的错误观点而遭受惩罚，好像他的论点只需贯穿于一篇论文，而无须在不同的论文间保持一致。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述生活？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "所以，我像一个白痴一样相信了他的话。但大约一年以后，我听说他马不停蹄地到处演讲赚钱。这对我来说，是比他的论文被引用成千上万次更充分的证据。香槟式社会主义这是绝缘问题的另一个典型案例。有时一个人的“言论”与其生活的隔离是显而易见的：一些人希望其他人过某种生活，但是自己却并不喜欢这种生活。千万不要听信一个从来不放弃自己财富或者从不践行他希望别人追求的生活方式的“左翼”人士。法国人所说的“鱼子酱式左派”，或者是被盎格鲁–撒克逊人称为香槟式社会主义者的人就是那些崇尚社会主义，有时甚至是共产主义意识形态，或一些倡导节俭的政治制度，但却公开过着奢靡生活的人。他们往往靠继承下来的丰厚财产过活，从没有意识到这其中的矛盾之处——他们自己的生活方式正是他们希望别人避免的。这与追逐女色的教皇，比如约翰十二世或波吉亚没什么区别。真正的矛盾有时会达到荒诞不经的地步，比如法国总统弗朗索瓦·密特朗在就任社会党第一书记时，其就职典礼被弄得简直像法国君主盛大的加冕仪式。更具有讽刺意味的是，他的死对头——保守党的戴高乐将军，却过着一种旧式的简朴生活，连袜子都是他的妻子帮他缝补的。我亲眼看到过更糟糕的情况。我以前遇到过一个客户，一个似乎很有社会使命感的富裕人士，他试图说服我为一位提倡提高税收的选举候选人捐款。出于道德考虑，被我拒绝了。"}
{"instruction": "产品在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 反脆弱", "output": "那种根据给定规格提供最廉价产品的机制，渗透到了你在货架上看到的任何东西中。当公司卖给你它们称之为奶酪的东西时，它们有充分的动机为你提供制作成本最廉价的一块橡胶，里面含有适当的成分，所以还是可以称之为奶酪，它们还会做足功夫研究如何欺骗你的味蕾。其实，它们不仅有这种动机，它们从结构上也注定极其善于生产符合给定规格的最廉价的产品。商业书籍也是一样：出版商和作者都想抓住你的注意力，把他们可以找到的最易过时的新闻信息凑成一本勉强可以称之为书的东西。这就是优化在最大化（形象和包装）或最小化（成本和努力）等方面的作用。我上面说过，软饮料公司的营销目的是为了最大限度地迷惑消费者。但凡需要大力度营销的产品，不是劣质产品就是邪恶产品。把某个事物吹嘘得比实际上好得多是很不道德的。你可以让其他人知道一个产品的存在，比如说一个新的肚皮舞腰带，但我不知道为什么人们没有意识到，从定义上说，需要营销的东西一定是劣质的，否则就无须为它做广告。营销是一种糟糕的方式，而我则依靠我的自然主义和生态本能进行选择。比方说，你在乘船游览的过程中碰到一个人。如果他开始吹嘘自己的成就，告诉你他有多么富有、魅力过人、才华出众、富有名望、肌肉发达、教育良好、行事高效，还有其他优点，你会怎么做？你肯定会跑掉（或把他介绍给另一个爱说话的人，借机摆脱他们两人）。"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise engineering?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "challenges at each step, and approaches to address them • Explore various model adaptation techniques, including prompt engineering, RAG, finetuning, agents, and dataset engineering, and understand how and why they work • Examine the bottlenecks for latency and cost when serving foundation models and learn how to overcome them • Choose the right model, metrics, data, and developmental patterns for your needs AI Engineering “This book of fers a comprehensive, well-structured guide to the essential aspects of building generative AI systems. A must-read for any professional looking to scale AI across the enterprise.” Vittorio Cretella, former global CIO at P&G and Mars “Chip Huyen gets generative AI. She is a remarkable teacher and writer whose work has been instrumental in helping teams bring AI into production. Drawing on her deep expertise, AI Engineering is a comprehensive and holistic guide to building generative AI applications in production.”"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe engineering?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "for the first time ever condensed her expertise for new AI Engineers entering the field. —swyx, Curator, AI.Engineer AI Engineering is a practical guide that provides the most up-to-date information on AI development, making it approachable for novice and expert leaders alike. This book is an essential resource for anyone looking to build robust and scalable AI systems. —Vicki Reyzelman, Chief AI Solutions Architect, Mave Sparks AI Engineering is a comprehensive guide that serves as an essential reference for both understanding and implementing AI systems in practice. —Han Lee, Director—Data Science, Moody’s AI Engineering is an essential guide for anyone building software with Generative AI! It demystifies the technology, highlights the importance of evaluation, and shares what should be done to achieve quality before starting with costly fine-tuning. —Rafal Kawala, Senior AI Engineering Director, 16 years of experience working in a Fortune 500 company"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term lindy law?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "A real-world system often involves both traditional ML models and foundation models, so knowledge about working with both is often necessary. Preface | xiii Determining whether something will last, however, is often challenging. I relied on three criteria. First, for a problem, I determined whether it results from the fundamental limitations of how AI works or if it’ll go away with better models. If a problem is fundamental, I’ll analyze its challenges and solutions to address each challenge. I’m a fan of the start-simple approach, so for many problems, I’ll start from the simplest solution and then progress with more complex solutions to address rising challenges. Second, I consulted an extensive network of researchers and engineers, who are smarter than I am, about what they think are the most important problems and solutions. Occasionally, I also relied on Lindy’s Law, which infers that the future life expectancy of a technology is proportional to its current age."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about this book?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "entropy. If you don’t know them yet, don’t worry—this book has either brief, high-level explanations or pointers to resources that can get you up to speed. Who This Book Is For This book is for anyone who wants to leverage foundation models to solve real-world problems. This is a technical book, so the language of this book is geared toward technical roles, including AI engineers, ML engineers, data scientists, engineering managers, and technical product managers. This book is for you if you can relate to one of the following scenarios: • You’re building or optimizing an AI application, whether you’re starting from scratch or looking to move beyond the demo phase into a production-ready stage. You may also be facing issues like hallucinations, security, latency, or costs, and need targeted solutions. • You want to streamline your team’s AI development process, making it more systematic, faster, and reliable. • You want to understand how your organization can leverage foundation models"}
{"instruction": "Why does chapters matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "is memory-intensive, and many techniques are developed to allow finetuning better models with less memory. The chapter covers different finetuning approaches, supplemented by a more experimental approach: model merging. This chapter contains a more technical section that shows how to calculate the memory footprint of a model. Due to the availability of many finetuning frameworks, the finetuning process itself is often straightforward. However, getting data for finetuning is hard. The next chapter is all about data, including data acquisition, data annotations, data synthesis, and data processing. Many of the topics discussed in Chapter 8 are relevant beyond finetuning, including the question of what data quality means and how to evaluate the quality of your data. If Chapters 5 to 8 are about improving a model’s quality, Chapter 9 is about making its inference cheaper and faster. It discusses optimization both at the model level and inference service level."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame kyle here?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "executive insights. Vicki Reyzelman helped me ground my content and keep it relevant for readers with a software engineering background. Eugene Yan, a dear friend and amazing applied scientist, provided me with technical and emotional support. Shawn Wang (swyx) provided an important vibe check that helped me feel more confident about the book. Sanyam Bhutani, one of the best learners and most humble souls I know, not only gave thoughtful written feedback but also recorded videos to explain his feedback. Kyle Kranen is a star deep learning lead who interviewed his colleagues and shared with me an amazing writeup about their finetuning process, which guided the finetuning chapter. Mark Saroufim, an inquisitive mind who always has his finger on the pulse of the most interesting problems, introduced me to great resources on efficiency. Both Kyle and Mark’s feedback was critical in writing Chapters 7 and 9. Kittipat “Bot” Kampa, in addition to answering my many questions, shared with me a"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about applications?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "In short, the demand for AI applications has increased while the barrier to entry for building AI applications has decreased. This has turned AI engineering—the process of building applications on top of readily available models—into one of the fastestgrowing engineering disciplines. Building applications on top of machine learning (ML) models isn’t new. Long before LLMs became prominent, AI was already powering many applications, including product recommendations, fraud detection, and churn prediction. While many principles of productionizing AI applications remain the same, the new generation of 1 In this book, I use traditional ML to refer to all ML before foundation models. large-scale, readily available models brings about new possibilities and new challenges, which are the focus of this book. This chapter begins with an overview of foundation models, the key catalyst behind the explosion of AI engineering. I’ll then discuss a range of successful AI use cases,"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about engineering adapting?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "ter descriptions. Using a database to supplement the instructions is called retrievalaugmented generation (RAG). You can also finetune—further train—the model on a dataset of high-quality product descriptions. Prompt engineering, RAG, and finetuning are three very common AI engineering techniques that you can use to adapt a model to your needs. The rest of the book will discuss all of them in detail. The Rise of AI Engineering | Adapting an existing powerful model to your task is generally a lot easier than building a model for your task from scratch—for example, ten examples and one weekend versus 1 million examples and six months. Foundation models make it cheaper to develop AI applications and reduce time to market. Exactly how much data is needed to adapt a model depends on what technique you use. This book will also touch on this question when discussing each technique. However, there are still many benefits to task-specific models, for example, they might be a lot smaller, making them faster"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about coding?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "Coding Coding Coding Image and video production Photo and video editing Design Presentation Ad generation Writing Email Social media and blog posts Copywriting, search engine optimization (SEO) Reports, memos, design docs Education Tutoring Essay grading Employee onboarding Employee upskill training Conversational bots General chatbot AI companion Customer support Product copilots Information aggregation Summarization Talk-to-your-docs Summarization Market research Data organization Image search Memex Knowledge management Document processing Workflow automation Travel planning Event planning Data extraction, entry, and annotation Lead generation Because foundation models are general, applications built on top of them can solve many problems. This means that an application can belong to more than one category. For example, a bot can provide companionship and aggregate information. An application can help you extract structured data from a PDF and answer questions"}
{"instruction": "How is reactive presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "If an app can still work without AI, AI is complementary to the app. For example, Face ID wouldn’t work without AI-powered facial recognition, whereas Gmail would still work without Smart Compose. The more critical AI is to the application, the more accurate and reliable the AI part has to be. People are more accepting of mistakes when AI isn’t core to the application. Reactive or proactive A reactive feature shows its responses in reaction to users’ requests or specific actions, whereas a proactive feature shows its responses when there’s an opportunity for it. For example, a chatbot is reactive, whereas traffic alerts on Google Maps are proactive. Because reactive features are generated in response to events, they usually, but not always, need to happen fast. On the other hand, proactive features can be precomputed and shown opportunistically, so latency is less important. Because users don’t ask for proactive features, they can view them as intrusive or"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about technolo?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "You may decide to build a model in-house because it seems cheaper than paying for model providers, only to find out after three months that model providers have dropped their prices in half, making in-house the expensive option. You might invest in a third-party solution and tailor your infrastructure around it, only for the provider to go out of business after failing to secure funding. Some changes are easier to adapt to. For example, as model providers converge to the same API, it’s becoming easier to swap one model API for another. However, as each model has its quirks, strengths, and weaknesses, developers working with the new model will need to adjust their workflows, prompts, and data to this new model. Without proper infrastructure for versioning and evaluation in place, the process can cause a lot of headaches. Some changes are harder to adapt to, especially those around regulations. Technologies surrounding AI are considered national security issues for many countries,"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on prompt?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "also harder to evaluate. This makes evaluation a much bigger problem in AI engineering. In short, AI engineering differs from ML engineering in that it’s less about model development and more about adapting and evaluating models. I’ve mentioned model adaptation several times in this chapter, so before we move on, I want to make sure that we’re on the same page about what model adaptation means. In general, model adaptation techniques can be divided into two categories, depending on whether they require updating model weights. Prompt-based techniques, which include prompt engineering, adapt a model without updating the model weights. You adapt a model by giving it instructions and context instead of changing the model itself. Prompt engineering is easier to get started and requires less data. Many successful applications have been built with just prompt engineering. Its ease of use allows you to experiment with more models, which increases your chance of finding a model that is unexpectedly good for your applica‐"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat training as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "It also requires understanding how a model learns, including concepts such as gradient descent, loss function, regularization, etc. With the availability of foundation models, ML knowledge is no longer a must-have for building AI applications. I’ve met many wonderful and successful AI application builders who aren’t at all interested in learning about gradient descent. However, ML knowledge is still extremely valuable, as it expands the set of tools that you can use and helps troubleshooting when a model doesn’t work as expected. On the Differences Among Training, Pre-Training, Finetuning, and Post-Training Training always involves changing model weights, but not all changes to model weights constitute training. For example, quantization, the process of reducing the precision of model weights, technically changes the model’s weight values but isn’t considered training. The term training can often be used in place of pre-training, finetuning, and post-"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of inference?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "neering is the focus of Chapter 8. Many people argue that because models are now commodities, data will be the main differentiator, making dataset engineering more important than ever. How much data you need depends on the adapter technique you use. Training a model from scratch generally requires more data than finetuning, which, in turn, requires more data than prompt engineering. Regardless of how much data you need, expertise in data is useful when examining a model, as its training data gives important clues about that model’s strengths and weaknesses. Inference optimization. Inference optimization means making models faster and cheaper. Inference optimization has always been important for ML engineering. Users never say no to faster models, and companies can always benefit from cheaper inference. However, as foundation models scale up to incur even higher inference cost and latency, inference optimization has become even more important."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect engineering to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "in Chapter 6. While the chat interface is the most commonly used, AI interfaces can also be voicebased (such as with voice assistants) or embodied (such as in augmented and virtual reality). These new AI interfaces also mean new ways to collect and extract user feedback. The conversation interface makes it so much easier for users to give feedback in natural language, but this feedback is harder to extract. User feedback design is discussed in Chapter 10. A summary of how the importance of different categories of app development changes with AI engineering is shown in Table 1-6. Table 1-6. The importance of different categories in app development for AI engineering and ML engineering. Category Building with traditional ML Building with foundation models AI interface Less important Important Prompt engineering Not applicable Important Evaluation Important More important AI Engineering Versus Full-Stack Engineering The increased emphasis on application development, especially on interfaces, brings"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on foundation?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "aggregate and summarize all these new updates. But tools can help only to a certain extent. The more overwhelming a space is, the more important it is to have a framework to help us navigate it. This book aims to provide such a framework. The rest of the book will explore this framework step-by-step, starting with the fundamental building block of AI engineering: the foundation models that make so many amazing applications possible. | Chapter 1: Introduction to Building AI Applications with Foundation Models CHAPTER 2 Understanding Foundation Models To build applications with foundation models, you first need foundation models. While you don’t need to know how to develop a model to use it, a high-level understanding will help you decide what model to use and how to adapt it to your needs. Training a foundation model is an incredibly complex and costly process. Those who know how to do this well are likely prevented by confidentiality agreements from dis‐"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with english?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "learn. Given that LLMs are generally good at translation, can we just translate all queries from other languages into English, obtain the responses, and translate them back into the original language? Many people indeed follow this approach, but it’s not ideal. First, this requires a model that can sufficiently understand under-represented languages to translate. Second, translation can cause information loss. For example, some languages, like Vietnamese, have pronouns to denote the relationship between the two speakers. When translating into English, all these pronouns are translated into I and you, causing the loss of the relationship information. | 2 It might be because of some biases in pre-training data or alignment data. Perhaps OpenAI just didn’t include as much data in the Chinese language or China-centric narratives to train their models. Models can also have unexpected performance challenges in non-English languages. For example, NewsGuard found that ChatGPT is more willing to produce misinfor‐"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise attention?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "This intermediate state includes the key and value vectors for all input tokens. Decode The model generates one output token at a time. As explored later in Chapter 9, the parallelizable nature of prefilling and the sequential aspect of decoding both motivate many optimization techniques to make language model inference cheaper and faster. Attention mechanism. At the heart of the transformer architecture is the attention mechanism. Understanding this mechanism is necessary to understand how transformer models work. Under the hood, the attention mechanism leverages key, value, and query vectors: • The query vector (Q) represents the current state of the decoder at each decoding step. Using the same book summary example, this query vector can be thought of as the person looking for information to create a summary. • Each key vector (K) represents a previous token. If each previous token is a page in the book, each key vector is like the page number."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe preference finetuning?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "Technically, you can train a model from scratch on the demonstration data instead of finetuning a pre-trained model, effectively eliminating the self-supervised pretraining step. However, the pre-training approach often has returned superior results. Preference Finetuning With great power comes great responsibilities. A model that can assist users in achieving great things can also assist users in achieving terrible things. Demonstration data teaches the model to have a conversation but doesn’t teach the model what kind of conversations it should have. For example, if a user asks the model to write an essay about why one race is inferior or how to hijack a plane, should the model comply? In both of the preceding examples, it’s straightforward to most people what a model should do. However, many scenarios aren’t as clear-cut. People from different cultural, political, socioeconomic, gender, and religious backgrounds disagree with each"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term compute?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "Test Time Compute The last section discussed how a model might sample the next token. This section discusses how a model might sample the whole output. One simple way to improve a model’s response quality is test time compute: instead of generating only one response per query, you generate multiple responses to increase the chance of good responses. One way to do test time compute is the best of N technique discussed earlier in this chapter—you randomly generate multiple outputs and pick one that works best. However, you can also be more strategic about how to generate multiple outputs. For example, instead of generating all outputs independently, which might include many less promising candidates, you can use beam search to generate a fixed number of most promising candidates (the beam) at each step of sequence generation. A simple strategy to increase the effectiveness of test time compute is to increase the diversity of the outputs, because a more diverse set of options is more likely to yield"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about foundation?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "aliens, and this essay was included in the training data. The model later will probabilistically output that the current US president is an alien. From the perspective of someone who doesn’t believe that US presidents are aliens, the model is making this up. Foundation models are usually trained using a large amount of data. They are aggregations of the opinions of the masses, containing within them, literally, a world of possibilities. Anything with a non-zero probability, no matter how far-fetched or wrong, can be generated by AI.36 This characteristic makes building AI applications both exciting and challenging. Many of the AI engineering efforts, as we’ll see in this book, aim to harness and mitigate this probabilistic nature. This probabilistic nature makes AI great for creative tasks. What is creativity but the ability to explore beyond the common paths—to think outside the box? AI is a great sidekick for creative professionals."}
{"instruction": "Why does number matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "After sourcing the data, model development can begin. While model training often dominates the headlines, an important step prior to that is architecting the model. The chapter looked into modeling choices, such as model architecture and model size. The dominating architecture for language-based foundation models is transformer. This chapter explored the problems that the transformer architecture was designed to address, as well as its limitations. The scale of a model can be measured by three key numbers: the number of parameters, the number of training tokens, and the number of FLOPs needed for training. Two aspects that influence the amount of compute needed to train a model are the model size and the data size. The scaling law helps determine the optimal number of parameters and number of tokens given a compute budget. This chapter also looked at scaling bottlenecks. Currently, scaling up a model generally makes it better. But how long will this continue to be true?"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame evaluation here?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "To validate the quality of a summary, you might need to read the book first. This brings us to a corollary: evaluation can be so | Chapter 3: Evaluation Methodology much more time-consuming for sophisticated tasks. You can no longer evaluate a response based on how it sounds. You’ll also need to fact-check, reason, and even incorporate domain expertise. Second, the open-ended nature of foundation models undermines the traditional approach of evaluating a model against ground truths. With traditional ML, most tasks are close-ended. For example, a classification model can only output among the expected categories. To evaluate a classification model, you can evaluate its outputs against the expected outputs. If the expected output is category X but the model’s output is category Y, the model is wrong. However, for an open-ended task, for a given input, there are so many possible correct responses. It’s impossible to curate a comprehensive list of correct outputs to compare against."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about functional?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "Note that this section focuses on evaluating open-ended responses (arbitrary text generation) as opposed to close-ended responses (such as classification). This is not because foundation models aren’t being used for close-ended tasks. In fact, many foundation model systems have at least a classification component, typically for intent classification or scoring. This section focuses on open-ended evaluation because close-ended evaluation is already well understood. Exact Evaluation | Functional Correctness Functional correctness evaluation means evaluating a system based on whether it performs the intended functionality. For example, if you ask a model to create a website, does the generated website meet your requirements? If you ask a model to make a reservation at a certain restaurant, does the model succeed? Functional correctness is the ultimate metric for evaluating the performance of any application, as it measures whether your application does what it’s intended to do."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about biases?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "This process is discussed further in Chapter 4. All things considered, AI judges are much cheaper than human evaluators. Implementing AI judges in your production pipeline can add latency. If you evaluate responses before returning them to users, you face a trade-off: reduced risk but increased latency. The added latency might make this option a nonstarter for applications with strict latency requirements. Biases of AI as a judge Human evaluators have biases, and so do AI judges. Different AI judges have different biases. This section will discuss some of the common ones. Being aware of your AI judges’ biases helps you interpret their scores correctly and even mitigate these biases. AI judges tend to have self-bias, where a model favors its own responses over the responses generated by other models. The same mechanism that helps a model compute the most likely response to generate will also give this response a high score. In | Chapter 3: Evaluation Methodology"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about responses?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "It might be a lot to expect volunteers to fact-check the responses, so they might unknowingly prefer responses that sound better but are factually incorrect. Some people might prefer polite and moderate responses, while others might prefer responses without a filter. This is both good and bad. It’s good because it helps capture human preference in the wild. It’s bad because human preference in the wild might not be appropriate for all use cases. For example, if a user asks a model to tell an inappropriate joke and a model refuses, the user might downvote it. However, as an application developer, you might prefer that the model refuses. Some users might even maliciously pick the toxic responses as the preferred ones, polluting the ranking. Second, crowdsourcing comparisons require users to evaluate models outside of their working environments. Without real-world grounding, test prompts might not reflect how these models are being used in the real world."}
{"instruction": "How is evaluation presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "which makes evaluation even more important. At the same time, evaluating openended, powerful models is challenging. These challenges make many teams turn toward human evaluation. Having humans in the loop for sanity checks is always helpful, and in many cases, human evaluation is essential. However, this chapter focused on different approaches to automatic evaluation. This chapter starts with a discussion on why foundation models are harder to evaluate than traditional ML models. While many new evaluation techniques are being developed, investments in evaluation still lag behind investments in model and application development. Since many foundation models have a language model component, we zoomed into language modeling metrics, including perplexity and cross entropy. Many people I’ve talked to find these metrics confusing, so I included a section on how to interpret these metrics and leverage them in evaluation and data processing."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about evaluation?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "benchmarks? The model landscape is teeming with proprietary models and open source models. A question many teams will need to visit over and over again is whether to host their own models or to use a model API. This question has become more nuanced with the introduction of model API services built on top of open source models. The last part discusses developing an evaluation pipeline that can guide the development of your application over time. This part brings together the techniques we’ve learned throughout the book to evaluate concrete applications. 1 Recommendations can increase purchases, but increased purchases are not always because of good recommendations. Other factors, such as promotional campaigns and new product launches, can also increase purchases. It’s important to do A/B testing to differentiate impact. Thanks to Vittorio Cretella for the note. Evaluation Criteria Which is worse—an application that has never been deployed or an application that"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on capability?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "An AI application, therefore, should start with a list of evaluation criteria specific to the application. In general, you can think of criteria in the following buckets: domain-specific capability, generation capability, instruction-following capability, and cost and latency. Imagine you ask a model to summarize a legal contract. At a high level, domainspecific capability metrics tell you how good the model is at understanding legal contracts. Generation capability metrics measure how coherent or faithful the summary is. Instruction-following capability determines whether the summary is in the requested format, such as meeting your length constraints. Cost and latency metrics tell you how much this summary will cost you and how long you will have to wait for it. The last chapter started with an evaluation approach and discussed what criteria a given approach can evaluate. This section takes a different angle: given a criterion, what approaches can you use to evaluate it?"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat safety as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "models or for applications involving creative writing and low-resource languages. Fluency and coherence can be evaluated using AI as a judge—asking an AI model how fluent and coherent a text is—or using perplexity, as discussed in Chapter 3. Generative models, with their new capabilities and new use cases, have new issues that require new metrics to track. The most pressing issue is undesired hallucinations. Hallucinations are desirable for creative tasks, not for tasks that depend on factuality. A metric that many application developers want to measure is factual consistency. Another issue commonly tracked is safety: can the generated outputs cause harm to users and society? Safety is an umbrella term for all types of toxicity and biases. There are many other measurements that an application developer might care about. For example, when I built my AI-powered writing assistant, I cared about controversiality, which measures content that isn’t necessarily harmful but can cause heated"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of instruction-following?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "wants to build a system that automatically generates stories for a kid using only the words that they can understand. The model they use needs the ability to follow the instruction to work with a limited pool of words. | Instruction-following capability isn’t straightforward to define or measure, as it can be easily conflated with domain-specific capability or generation capability. Imagine you ask a model to write a lục bát poem, which is a Vietnamese verse form. If the model fails to do so, it can either be because the model doesn’t know how to write lục bát, or because it doesn’t understand what it’s supposed to do. How well a model performs depends on the quality of its instructions, which makes it hard to evaluate AI models. When a model performs poorly, it can either be because the model is bad or the instruction is bad. Instruction-following criteria Different benchmarks have different notions of what instruction-following capability"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect roleplaying to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "they evaluate are different, and they undoubtedly miss many commonly used instructions.7 A model that performs well on these benchmarks might not necessarily perform well on your instructions. You should curate your own benchmark to evaluate your model’s capability to follow your instructions using your own criteria. If you need a model to output YAML, include YAML instructions in your benchmark. If you want a model to not say things like “As a language model”, evaluate the model on this instruction. Roleplaying One of the most common types of real-world instructions is roleplaying—asking the model to assume a fictional character or a persona. Roleplaying can serve two purposes: 1. Roleplaying a character for users to interact with, usually for entertainment, such as in gaming or interactive storytelling 2. Roleplaying as a prompt engineering technique to improve the quality of a model’s outputs, as discussed in Chapter 5 Evaluation Criteria"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on source?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "build or buy. Since most companies won’t be building foundation models from scratch, the question is whether to use commercial model APIs or host an open source model yourself. The answer to this question can significantly reduce your candidate model pool. Let’s first go into what exactly open source means when it comes to models, then discuss the pros and cons of these two approaches. Open source, open weight, and model licenses The term “open source model” has become contentious. Originally, open source was used to refer to any model that people can download and use. For many use cases, being able to download the model is sufficient. However, some people argue that since a model’s performance is largely a function of what data it was trained on, a model should be considered open only if its training data is also made publicly available. Open data allows more flexible model usage, such as retraining the model from scratch with modifications in the model architecture, training process, or the training"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with mistral?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "data may increase. Commercial models may be able to provide certifications, saving companies from the effort. 17 Users want models to be open source because open means more information and more options, but what’s in it for model developers? Many companies have sprung up to capitalize on open source models by providing inference and finetuning services. It’s not a bad thing. Many people need these services to leverage open source models. But, from model developers’ perspective, why invest millions, if not billions, into building models just for others to make money?It might be argued that Meta supports open source models only to keep their competitors (Google, Microsoft/OpenAI) in check. Both Mistral and Cohere have open source models, but they also have APIs. At some point, inference services on top of Mistral and Cohere models become their competitors.There’s the argument that open source is better for society, and maybe that’s enough as an incentive."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise logprobs?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "Model Selection | 18 The companies that get hit the most by API costs are probably not the biggest companies. The biggest companies might be important enough to service providers to negotiate favorable terms. Many of these functionalities are challenging and time-consuming to implement, which makes many companies turn to API providers that provide the functionalities they want out of the box. The downside of using a model API is that you’re restricted to the functionalities that the API provides. A functionality that many use cases need is logprobs, which are very useful for classification tasks, evaluation, and interpretability. However, commercial model providers might be hesitant to expose logprobs for fear of others using logprobs to replicate their models. In fact, many model APIs don’t expose logprobs or expose only limited logprobs. You can also only finetune a commercial model if the model provider lets you. Imagine that you’ve maxed out a model’s performance with prompting and want to fine‐"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe hugging face?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "Model Selection | For inspiration on how to create your own leaderboard from public benchmarks, it’s useful to look into how public leaderboards do so. Public leaderboards. Many public leaderboards rank models based on their aggregated performance on a subset of benchmarks. These leaderboards are immensely helpful but far from being comprehensive. First, due to the compute constraint—evaluating a model on a benchmark requires compute—most leaderboards can incorporate only a small number of benchmarks. Some leaderboards might exclude an important but expensive benchmark. For example, HELM (Holistic Evaluation of Language Models) Lite left out an information retrieval benchmark (MS MARCO, Microsoft Machine Reading Comprehension) because it’s expensive to run. Hugging Face opted out of HumanEval due to its large compute requirements—you need to generate a lot of completions. When Hugging Face first launched Open LLM Leaderboard in 2023, it consisted of"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term benchmarks?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "care about on these benchmarks, you then need to aggregate these scores to rank models. Not all benchmark scores are in the same unit or scale. One benchmark might use accuracy, another F1, and another BLEU score. You will need to think about how important each benchmark is to you and weigh their scores accordingly. As you evaluate models using public benchmarks, keep in mind that the goal of this process is to select a small subset of models to do more rigorous experiments using your own benchmarks and metrics. This is not only because public benchmarks are unlikely to represent your application’s needs perfectly, but also because they are likely contaminated. How public benchmarks get contaminated and how to handle data contamination will be the topic of the next section. Data contamination with public benchmarks Data contamination is so common that there are many different names for it, including data leakage, training on the test set, or simply cheating."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about perplexity?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "training data, the model has likely seen this evaluation sample during training. This evaluation sample is considered dirty. Perplexity Recall that perplexity measures how difficult it is for a model to predict a given text. If a model’s perplexity on evaluation data is unusually low, meaning the | model can easily predict the text, it’s possible that the model has seen this data before during training. The n-gram overlapping approach is more accurate but can be time-consuming and expensive to run because you have to compare each benchmark example with the entire training data. It’s also impossible without access to the training data. The perplexity approach is less accurate but much less resource-intensive. In the past, ML textbooks advised removing evaluation samples from the training data. The goal is to keep evaluation benchmarks standardized so that we can compare different models. However, with foundation models, most people don’t have control"}
{"instruction": "Why does metrics matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "planning. If you know how much gain you can get from improving a certain metric, you might have more confidence to invest resources into improving that metric. It’s also helpful to determine the usefulness threshold: what scores must an application achieve for it to be useful? For example, you might determine that your chatbot’s factual consistency score must be at least 50% for it to be useful. Anything below this makes it unusable even for general customer requests. Before developing AI evaluation metrics, it’s crucial to first understand the business metrics you’re targeting. Many applications focus on stickiness metrics, such as daily, weekly, or monthly active users (DAU, WAU, MAU). Others prioritize engagement metrics, like the number of conversations a user initiates per month or the duration of each visit—the longer a user stays on the app, the less likely they are to leave. Choosing which metrics to prioritize can feel like balancing profits with social"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame models here?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "written about. Not having a reliable evaluation pipeline is one of the biggest blocks to AI adoption. While evaluation takes time, a reliable evaluation pipeline will enable you to reduce risks, discover opportunities to improve performance, and benchmark progresses, which will all save you time and headaches down the line. Given an increasing number of readily available foundation models, for most application developers, the challenge is no longer in developing models but in selecting the right models for your application. This chapter discussed a list of criteria that are often used to evaluate models for applications, and how they are evaluated. It discussed how to evaluate both domain-specific capabilities and generation capabilities, including factual consistency and safety. Many criteria to evaluate foundation models evolved from traditional NLP, including fluency, coherence, and faithfulness. | To help answer the question of whether to host a model or to use a model API, this"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about prompt?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "that many people associate with AI engineering: prompt engineering. Summary | 1 In its short existence, prompt engineering has managed to generate an incredible amount of animosity. Complaints about how prompt engineering is not a real thing have gathered thousands of supporting comments; see 1, 2, 3, 4. When I told people that my upcoming book has a chapter on prompt engineering, many rolled their eyes. CHAPTER 5 Prompt Engineering Prompt engineering refers to the process of crafting an instruction that gets a model to generate the desired outcome. Prompt engineering is the easiest and most common model adaptation technique. Unlike finetuning, prompt engineering guides a model’s behavior without changing the model’s weights. Thanks to the strong base capabilities of foundation models, many people have successfully adapted them for applications using prompt engineering alone. You should make the most out of prompting before moving to more resource-intensive techniques like finetuning."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about chapter how?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "How to evaluate a model’s instruction-following capability is discussed in Chapter 4. How much prompt engineering is needed depends on how robust the model is to prompt perturbation. If the prompt changes slightly—such as writing “5” instead of “five”, adding a new line, or changing capitalization—would the model’s response be dramatically different? The less robust the model is, the more fiddling is needed. You can measure a model’s robustness by randomly perturbing the prompts to see how the output changes. Just like instruction-following capability, a model’s robustness is strongly correlated with its overall capability. As models become stronger, they also become more robust. This makes sense because an intelligent model should understand that “5” and “five” mean the same thing.2 For this reason, working with stronger models can often save you headaches and reduce time wasted on fiddling. Experiment with different prompt structures to find out which"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about template?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "mismatched templates: • When constructing inputs for a foundation model, make sure that your inputs follow the model’s chat template exactly. • If you use a third-party tool to construct prompts, verify that this tool uses the correct chat template. Template errors are, unfortunately, very common.4 These errors are hard to spot because they cause silent failures—the model will do something reasonable even if the template is wrong.5 • Before sending a query to a model, print out the final prompt to double-check if it follows the expected template. Many model providers emphasize that well-crafted system prompts can improve performance. For example, Anthropic documentation says, “when assigning Claude a specific role or personality through a system prompt, it can maintain that character more effectively throughout the conversation, exhibiting more natural and creative responses while staying in character.” But why would system prompts boost performance compared to user prompts?"}
{"instruction": "How is prompt presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "of having one giant prompt for the whole task, each subtask has its own prompt. These subtasks are then chained together. Consider a customer support chatbot. The process of responding to a customer request can be decomposed into two steps: 1. Intent classification: identify the intent of the request. 2. Generating response: based on this intent, instruct the model on how to respond. If there are ten possible intents, you’ll need ten different prompts. The following example from OpenAI’s prompt engineering guide shows the intent classification prompt and the prompt for one intent (troubleshooting). The prompts are lightly modified for brevity: | Chapter 5: Prompt Engineering Prompt 1 (intent classification) SYSTEM You will be provided with customer service queries. Classify each query into a primary category and a secondary category. Provide your output in json format with the keys: primary and secondary. Primary categories: Billing, Technical Support, Account Management, or"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about prompt?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "Iterate on Your Prompts Prompt engineering requires back and forth. As you understand a model better, you will have better ideas on how to write your prompts. For example, if you ask a model to pick the best video game, it might respond that opinions differ and no video game can be considered the absolute best. Upon seeing this response, you can revise your prompt to ask the model to pick a game, even if opinions differ. Each model has its quirks. One model might be better at understanding numbers, whereas another might be better at roleplaying. One model might prefer system instructions at the beginning of the prompt, whereas another might prefer them at the end. Play around with your model to get to know it. Try different prompts. Read the prompting guide provided by the model developer, if there’s any. Look for other people’s experiences online. Leverage the model’s playground if one is available. Use the same prompt on different models to see how their responses differ, which can"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on misinformation?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "An attacker can find ways to get the model to generate malicious code to compromise your system.13 Data leaks Bad actors can extract private information about your system and your users. Defensive Prompt Engineering | 14 Popular prompt lists include f/awesome-chatgpt-prompts (English prompts) and PlexPt/awesome-chatgptprompts-zh (Chinese prompts). As new models roll out, I have no idea how long their prompts will remain relevant. Social harms AI models help attackers gain knowledge and tutorials about dangerous or criminal activities, such as making weapons, evading taxes, and exfiltrating personal information. Misinformation Attackers might manipulate models to output misinformation to support their agenda. Service interruption and subversion This includes giving access to a user who shouldn’t have access, giving high scores to bad submissions, or rejecting a loan application that should’ve been approved. A malicious instruction that asks the model to refuse to answer all the"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat most llms as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "developers continuously work to neutralize known threats while attackers devise new ones. Here are a few common approaches that have succeeded in the past, presented in the order of increasing sophistication. Most of them are no longer effective for most models. Direct manual prompt hacking This family of attacks involves manually crafting a prompt or a series of prompts that trick a model into dropping its safety filters. This process is akin to social engineering, but instead of manipulating humans, attackers manipulate and persuade AI models. In the early days of LLMs, a simple approach was obfuscation. If a model blocks certain keywords, attackers can intentionally misspell a keyword—such as “vacine” instead of “vaccine” or “el qeada” instead of “Al-Qaeda”—to bypass this keyword filter.16 Most LLMs are capable of understanding small input typos and using the correct spelling in their outputs. The malicious keywords can also be hidden in a"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of attacks?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "Azure/PyRIT, leondz/garak, greshake/llm-security, and CHATS-lab/persuasive_jailbreaker. These tools typically have templates of known attacks and automatically test a target model against these attacks. Many organizations have a security red team that comes up with new attacks so that they can make their systems safe against them. Microsoft has a great write-up on how to plan red teaming for LLMs. Learnings from red teaming will help devise the right defense mechanisms. In general, defenses against prompt attacks can be implemented at the model, prompt, and system levels. Even though there are measures you can implement, as long as your system has the capabilities to do anything impactful, the risks of prompt hacks may never be completely eliminated. To evaluate a system’s robustness against prompt attacks, two important metrics are the violation rate and the false refusal rate. The violation rate measures the percentage of successful attacks out of all attack attempts."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect external to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "For a given application, the model’s instructions are common to all queries, whereas context is specific to each query. The last chapter discussed how to write good instructions to the model. This chapter focuses on how to construct the relevant context for each query. Two dominating patterns for context construction are RAG, or retrieval-augmented generation, and agents. The RAG pattern allows the model to retrieve relevant information from external data sources. The agentic pattern allows the model to use tools such as web search and news APIs to gather information. While the RAG pattern is chiefly used for constructing context, the agentic pattern can do much more than that. External tools can help models address their shortcomings and expand their capabilities. Most importantly, they give models the ability to directly interact with the world, enabling them to automate many aspects of our lives. Both RAG and agentic patterns are exciting because of the capabilities they bring to"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on retrieval?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "Embedding-based retrieval Term-based retrieval computes relevance at a lexical level rather than a semantic level. As mentioned in Chapter 3, the appearance of a text doesn’t necessarily capture its meaning. This can result in returning documents irrelevant to your intent. For example, querying “transformer architecture” might return documents about the electric device or the movie Transformers. On the other hand, embedding-based retrievers aim to rank documents based on how closely their meanings align with the query. This approach is also known as semantic retrieval. | 8 A RAG retrieval workflow shares many similar steps with the traditional recommender system. With embedding-based retrieval, indexing has an extra function: converting the original data chunks into embeddings. The database where the generated embeddings are stored is called a vector database. Querying then consists of two steps, as shown in Figure 6-3: 1. Embedding model: convert the query into an embedding using the same embed‐"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with embeddings?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "You then compute the precision and recall score of the retriever on this evaluation set. In production, some RAG frameworks only support context precision, not context recall To compute context recall for a given query, you need to annotate the relevance of all documents in your database to that query. Context precision is simpler to compute. You only need to compare the retrieved documents to the query, which can be done by an AI judge. | If you care about the ranking of the retrieved documents, for example, more relevant documents should be ranked first, you can use metrics such as NDCG (normalized discounted cumulative gain), MAP (Mean Average Precision), and MRR (Mean Reciprocal Rank). For semantic retrieval, you need to also evaluate the quality of your embeddings. As discussed in Chapter 3, embeddings can be evaluated independently—they are considered good if more-similar documents have closer embeddings. Embeddings can also be evaluated by how well they work for specific tasks."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise the ann-benchmarks?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "Embedding, vector storage, and vector search solutions can be expensive RAG | With retrieval systems, you can make certain trade-offs between indexing and querying. The more detailed the index is, the more accurate the retrieval process will be, but the indexing process will be slower and more memory-consuming. Imagine building an index of potential customers. Adding more details (e.g., name, company, email, phone, interests) makes it easier to find relevant people but takes longer to build and requires more storage. In general, a detailed index like HNSW provides high accuracy and fast query times but requires significant time and memory to build. In contrast, a simpler index like LSH is quicker and less memory-intensive to create, but it results in slower and less accurate queries. The ANN-Benchmarks website compares different ANN algorithms on multiple datasets using four main metrics, taking into account the trade-offs between indexing"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe contextual?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "| 9 Some teams have told me that their retrieval systems work best when the data is organized in a question-andanswer format. Contextual retrieval The idea behind contextual retrieval is to augment each chunk with relevant context to make it easier to retrieve the relevant chunks. A simple technique is to augment a chunk with metadata like tags and keywords. For ecommerce, a product can be augmented by its description and reviews. Images and videos can be queried by their titles or captions. The metadata may also include entities automatically extracted from the chunk. If your document contains specific terms like the error code EADDRNOTAVAIL (99), adding them to the document’s metadata allows the system to retrieve it by that keyword, even after the document has been converted into embeddings. You can also augment each chunk with the questions it can answer. For customer support, you can augment each article with related questions."}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term reflexion?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "The authors used the term “trajectory” to refer to a plan. At each step, after evaluation and self-reflection, the agent proposes a new trajectory. Compared to plan generation, reflection is relatively easy to implement and can bring surprisingly good performance improvement. The downside of this approach is latency and cost. Thoughts, observations, and sometimes actions can take a lot of tokens to generate, which increases cost and user-perceived latency, especially for tasks with many intermediate steps. To nudge their agents to follow the format, both ReAct and Reflexion authors used plenty of examples in their prompts. This increases the cost of computing input tokens and reduces the context space available for other information. | Figure 6-13. Examples of how Reflexion agents work. Images from the Reflexion Git‐ Hub repo. Tool selection Because tools often play a crucial role in a task’s success, tool selection requires careful consideration."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about memory?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "web pages might be inefficient for a human agent who can visit only one page at a time, but trivial for an AI agent that can visit all the web pages at once. In this chapter, we’ve discussed in detail how RAG and agent systems function. Both patterns often deal with information that exceeds a model’s context limit. A memory system that supplements the model’s context in handling information can significantly enhance its capabilities. Let’s now explore how a memory system works. Memory Memory refers to mechanisms that allow a model to retain and utilize information. A memory system is especially useful for knowledge-rich applications like RAG and multi-step applications like agents. A RAG system relies on memory for its augmented context, which can grow over multiple turns as it retrieves more information. An agentic system needs memory to store instructions, examples, context, tool inventories, plans, tool outputs, reflections, and more."}
{"instruction": "Why does embedding-based matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "Term-based retrievers, such as Elasticsearch and BM25, are much lighter to implement and can provide strong baselines. Embedding-based retrievers are more computationally intensive but have the potential to outperform term-based algorithms. Embedding-based retrieval is powered by vector search, which is also the backbone of many core internet applications such as search and recommender systems. Many vector search algorithms developed for these applications can be used for RAG. The RAG pattern can be seen as a special case of agent where the retriever is a tool the model can use. Both patterns allow a model to circumvent its context limitation and stay more up-to-date, but the agentic pattern can do even more than that. An agent is defined by its environment and the tools it can access. In an AI-powered agent, AI is the planner that analyzes its given task, considers different solutions, and picks the most promising one. A complex task can require many steps to solve, which"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame concepts here?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "This chapter explores PEFT and how it differs from traditional finetuning; this chapter also provides an overview of its evolving techniques. I’ll focus particularly on one compelling category: adapter-based techniques. With prompt-based methods, knowledge about how ML models operate under the hood is recommended but not strictly necessary. However, finetuning brings you to the realm of model training, where ML knowledge is required. ML basics are beyond the scope of this book. If you want a quick refresh, the book’s GitHub repository has pointers to helpful resources. In this chapter, I’ll cover a few core concepts immediately relevant to the discussion. This chapter is the most technically challenging one for me to write, not because of the complexity of the concepts, but because of the broad scope these concepts cover. I suspect it might also be technically challenging to read. If, at any point, you feel like you’re diving too deep into details that aren’t relevant to your work, feel free to skip."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about vietnamese?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "Similarly, to finetune a model to do book summarization in Vietnamese, you can first finetune it on a large collection of Vietnamese text. Self-supervised finetuning is also called continued pre-training. Finetuning Overview | As discussed in Chapter 1, language models can be autoregressive or masked. An autoregressive model predicts the next token in a sequence using the previous tokens as the context. A masked model fills in the blank using the tokens both before and after it. Similarly, with supervised finetuning, you can also finetune a model to predict the next token or fill in the blank. The latter, also known as infilling finetuning, is especially useful for tasks such as text editing and code debugging. You can finetune a model for infilling even if it was pre-trained autoregressively. The massive amount of data a model can learn from during self-supervised learning outfits the model with a rich understanding of the world, but it might be hard for"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about finetuning?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "In the early days of foundation models, when the strongest models were commercial with limited finetuning access, there weren’t many competitive models available for finetuning. However, as the open source community proliferates with high-quality models of all sizes, tailored for a wide variety of domains, finetuning has become a lot more viable and attractive. Reasons Not to Finetune While finetuning can improve a model in many ways, many of these improvements can also be achieved, to a certain extent, without finetuning. Finetuning can improve a model’s performance, but so do carefully crafted prompts and context. Finetuning can help with structured outputs, but many other techniques, as discussed in Chapter 2, can also do that. First, while finetuning a model for a specific task can improve its performance for that task, it can degrade its performance for other tasks.1 This can be frustrating when you intend this model for an application that expects diverse prompts."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about semantic?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "One behavioral issue is when the model’s outputs are factually correct but irrelevant to the task. For example, you ask the model to generate technical specifications for a software project to provide to your engineering teams. While accurate, the generated specs lack the details your teams need. Finetuning the model with well-defined technical specifications can make the outputs more relevant. Another issue is when it fails to follow the expected output format. For example, if you asked the model to write HTML code, but the generated code didn’t compile, it might be because the model wasn’t sufficiently exposed to HTML in its training data. You can correct this by exposing the model to more HTML code during finetuning. Semantic parsing is a category of tasks whose success hinges on the model’s ability to generate outputs in the expected format and, therefore, often requires finetuning. Semantic parsing is discussed briefly in Chapters 2 and 6."}
{"instruction": "How is memory presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "This calculation is useful in estimating what hardware you’d need to serve or finetune a model. Memory Bottlenecks | Because memory calculation requires a breakdown of low-level ML and computing concepts, this section is technically dense. If you’re already familiar with these concepts, feel free to skip them. Key Takeaways for Understanding Memory Bottlenecks If you decide to skip this section, here are a few key takeaways. If you find any of these takeaways unfamiliar, the concepts in this section should help explain it: 1. Because of the scale of foundation models, memory is a bottleneck for working with them, both for inference and for finetuning. The memory needed for finetuning is typically much higher than the memory needed for inference because of the way neural networks are trained. 2. The key contributors to a model’s memory footprint during finetuning are its number of parameters, its number of trainable parameters, and its numerical"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about techniques?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "using the automatic mixed precision (AMP) functionality offered by many ML frameworks. It’s also possible to have different phases of training in different precision levels. For example, a model can be trained in higher precision but finetuned in lower precision. This is especially common with foundation models, where the team training a model from scratch might be an organization with sufficient compute for higher precision training. Once the model is published, developers with less compute access can finetune that model in lower precision. Finetuning Techniques I hope that the previous section has made clear why finetuning large-scale models is so memory-intensive. The more memory finetuning requires, the fewer people who can afford to do it. Techniques that reduce a model’s memory footprint make finetuning more accessible, allowing more people to adapt models to their applications. This section focuses on memory-efficient finetuning techniques, which centers"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on aghajanyan?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "It’s possible that one day not too far in the future, researchers will develop a way to scale up low-rank pre-training to hundreds of billions of parameters. However, if Aghajanyan et al.’s argument is correct—that pre-training implicitly compresses a model’s intrinsic dimension—full-rank pre-training is still necessary to sufficiently reduce the model’s intrinsic dimension to a point where low-rank factorization can work. It would be interesting to study exactly how much full-rank training is necessary before it’s possible to switch to low-rank training. LoRA configurations. To apply LoRA, you need to decide what weight matrices to apply LoRA to and the rank of each factorization. This section will discuss the considerations for each of these decisions. LoRA can be applied to each individual weight matrix. The efficiency of LoRA, therefore, depends not only on what matrices LoRA is applied to but also on the model’s architecture, as different architectures have different weight matrices."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat recall as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "it requires less data to achieve good performance. 2. Use this finetuned model to generate more training data. 3. Use this new dataset to train a cheaper model. Because finetuning usually comes after experiments with prompt engineering, by the time you start to finetune, ideally, you should have a pretty good understanding of different models’ behaviors. You should plan your finetuning development path based on this understanding. Finetuning methods. Recall that adapter techniques like LoRA are cost-effective but typically don’t deliver the same level of performance as full finetuning. If you’re just starting with finetuning, try something like LoRA, and attempt full finetuning later. The finetuning methods to use also depend on your data volume. Depending on the base model and the task, full finetuning typically requires at least thousands of examples and often many more. PEFT methods, however, can show good performance with a much smaller dataset."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of number?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "model. Thus, batch size is limited by the hardware you use. This is where you see the cost versus efficiency trade-off. More expensive compute allows faster finetuning. As of this writing, compute is still a bottleneck for finetuning. Often, models are so large, and memory is so constrained, that only small batch sizes can be used. This can lead to unstable model weight updates. To address this, instead of updating the model weights after each batch, you can accumulate gradients across several batches and update the model weights once enough reliable gradients are accumulated. This technique is called gradient accumulation.37 When compute cost isn’t the most important factor, you can experiment with different batch sizes to see which gives the best model performance. Number of epochs. An epoch is a pass over the training data. The number of epochs determines how many times each training example is trained on. Small datasets may need more epochs than large datasets."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect curation to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "scape is even more complex, with an ever-growing array of datasets and techniques being introduced. This chapter gives you an overview of the data landscape and considerations to take into account when building your own dataset. It begins with data curation, addressing questions like What data do you need? How much? What does it mean for data to be of high quality? It then discusses techniques for data synthesis and processing. Data curation, generation, and processing don’t follow a linear path. You’ll likely have to go back and forth between different steps. For the same model, different training phases aim to teach the model different capabilities, and, therefore, require datasets with different attributes. For example, data quantity for pre-training is often measured in the number of tokens, whereas data quantity for supervised finetuning is often measured in the number of examples. However, at a high level, their curation processes follow the same principle."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on multi-turn?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "helps train a model to respond to individual instructions. Multi-turn data, on the other hand, teaches the model how to solve tasks—many real-world tasks involve back-and-forth. For instance, when given a query, a model may need to first clarify the user’s intent before addressing the task. After the model’s response, the user might provide corrections or additional information for the next step. Single-turn data is simpler and, therefore, easier to obtain. Multi-turn data often requires purpose-built scenarios or more involved interactions to capture. Data curation isn’t just about creating new data to help a model learn new behaviors but is also about removing existing data to help a model unlearn bad behaviors. Imagine you work on a chatbot like ChatGPT and you hear user complaints that the chatbot is a bit arrogant, annoying users and wasting their tokens. For example, when a user asks it to verify if a statement is factually correct, the chatbot responds with:"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with coverage?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "characteristics means for you. The techniques discussed in this section aim to produce data with these characteristics. Data Coverage A model’s training data should cover the range of problems you expect it to solve. Real-world users often have a wide range of problems, and the way they express those problems can vary significantly. Having data that captures the diverse usage patterns Data Curation | of your application is key for the model to perform well. Coverage requires sufficient data diversity, which is why many refer to this attribute as data diversity. For example, if some users construct detailed instructions with abundant references while some other users prefer short instructions, your finetuning data should include both detailed and short instructions. If user queries typically have typos, you should include examples with typos. If your application works with multiple programming languages, your training data should include the programming languages your users"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise data augmentation?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "generated and human-generated datasets, “LM-written datasets approach the quality of human-written ones, sometimes even exceeding them.” In other words, you can use synthetic data to increase data coverage: generate targeted data to cover the areas where existing data is insufficient. Data Augmentation and Synthesis | 9 One obvious example that I didn’t include in the main text is when you want to train a model to detect AIgenerated content. You need AI-generated content as training examples. To increase data quality Even though the common perception is that synthetic data is often of lower quality than human-generated data, sometimes, the reverse can be true. Sometimes, humans might have fundamental limitations that cause human-generated data to be of lower quality than AI-generated data. One example is tool use data discussed earlier—humans and AI have fundamentally different modes of operations and tool preferences. Another example is in generating complex math"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe synthesis?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "Traditional Data Synthesis Techniques Data synthesis isn’t unique to AI. It has a long history in software testing, gaming, and robotics. Using algorithms to generate data is also called procedural generation, as opposed to manual generation. Procedural generation is commonly used in gaming to generate content such as levels, maps, items, and characters on the fly.10 Most data generation techniques used in these industries can be applied to AI. Traditionally, two approaches for data synthesis and augmentation have been rulebased and simulation. A newer method made possible by advanced AI models is using AI itself to synthesize data. This section gives a quick overview of these two traditional techniques before moving on to AI-powered data synthesis in the next section. Rule-based data synthesis The simplest way to generate data is to use predefined rules and templates. For example, to create a credit card transaction, start with a transaction template and use a"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term synthesis?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "public or a significant bankruptcy to understand their market impacts. Manufacturers can simulate defects in materials or assemblies to generate data to train anomaly detection and quality control models. Similarly, by simulating the Earth’s systems, climate scientists can create variations in temperature changes, precipitation patterns, and extreme weather scenarios. This synthetic data is then fed into AI models, enabling them to learn from a broader spectrum of possible futures. Both rule-based and simulation-based techniques have been useful for many use cases, but it wasn’t until AI become capable of generating realistic and high-quality data that data synthesis really took off. Let’s look into those methods next. AI-Powered Data Synthesis Just as there are virtually infinite ways for humans to generate data, AI can also do so in many ways. The techniques discussed here are not comprehensive, but they should give you a good overview."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about examples?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "the model doesn’t to answer a question, they are effectively teaching the model to hallucinate. • Repetitive examples • Instructions that are too long or too short • Examples with the same instruction but different responses • Examples where the output is a repetition of the input Even though there are many techniques to evaluate synthetic data, evaluation remains challenging. As with other AI applications, the ultimate quality test for AIgenerated data is its real-world performance—whether it can improve the model’s performance—and synthetic data has passed this test for many models. Limitations to AI-generated data Given the increasing usefulness of synthetic data, it’s exciting to imagine the possibility of never having to worry about human-annotated data again. However, while the role of synthetic data will certainly continue to grow in importance over time, AIgenerated data might never entirely replace human-generated data. There are many"}
{"instruction": "Why does high-quality matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "Due to the importance of data, teams are introducing dedicated data roles responsible for acquiring appropriate datasets while ensuring privacy and compliance. What data you need depends not only on your use case but also on the training phase. Pre-training requires different data from instruction finetuning and preferred finetuning. However, dataset design across training phases shares the same three core criteria: quality, coverage, and quantity. While how much data a model is trained on grabs headlines, having high-quality data with sufficient coverage is just as important. A small amount of high-quality data can outperform a large amount of noisy data. Similarly, many teams have found that increasing the diversity of their datasets is key to improving their models’ performance. Due to the challenge of acquiring high-quality data, many teams have turned to synthetic data. While generating data programmatically has long been a goal, it wasn’t"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame inference here?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "This chapter also covers performance metrics and trade-offs. Sometimes, a technique that speeds up a model can also reduce its cost. For example, reducing a model’s precision makes it smaller and faster. But often, optimization requires trade-offs. For example, the best hardware might make your model run faster but at a higher cost. Given the growing availability of open source models, more teams are building their own inference services. However, even if you don’t implement these inference optimization techniques, understanding these techniques will help you evaluate inference services and frameworks. If your application’s latency and cost are hurting you, read on. This chapter might help you diagnose the causes and potential solutions. Understanding Inference Optimization There are two distinct phases in an AI model’s lifecycle: training and inference. Training refers to the process of building a model. Inference refers to the process of"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about inference?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "limited by how quickly your hardware can load data into memory. Decoding is, therefore, memory bandwidth-bound. Figure 9-3 visualizes prefilling and decoding. Understanding Inference Optimization | Figure 9-3. Autoregressive language models follow two steps for inference: prefill and decode. <eos> denotes the end of the sequence token. Because prefill and decode have different computational profiles, they are often decoupled in production with separate machines. This technique will be discussed “Inference Service Optimization” on page 440. The factors that affect the amount of prefilling and decoding computation in an LLM inference server, and therefore its bottlenecks, include context length, output length, and request batching strategies. Long context typically results in a memory bandwidth-bound workload, but clever optimization techniques, such as those discussed later in this chapter, can remove this bottleneck. As of this writing, due to the prevalence of the transformer architecture and the limi‐"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about latency?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "be generated for all users in advance. These precomputed predictions are fetched when requests arrive, e.g., when a user visits the website. However, with foundation model use cases where the inputs are open-ended, it’s hard to predict all user prompts.7 Inference Performance Metrics Before jumping into optimization, it’s important to understand what metrics to optimize for. From the user perspective, the central axis is latency (response quality is a property of the model itself, not of the inference service). However, application developers must also consider throughput and utilization as they determine the cost of their applications. Latency, TTFT, and TPOT Latency measures the time from when users send a query until they receive the complete response. For autoregressive generation, especially in the streaming mode, the overall latency can be broken into several metrics: Time to first token TTFT measures how quickly the first token is generated after users send a query."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about workloads?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "What’s considered good throughput depends on the model, the hardware, and the workload. Smaller models and higher-end chips typically result in higher throughput. Workloads with consistent input and output lengths are easier to optimize than workloads with variable lengths. Even for similarly sized models, hardware, and workloads, direct throughput comparisons might be only approximate because token count depends on what constitutes a token, and different models have different tokenizers. It’s better to compare the efficiency of inference servers using metrics such as cost per request. Just like most other software applications, AI applications have the latency/throughput trade-off. Techniques like batching can improve throughput but reduce latency. According to the LinkedIn AI team in their reflection after a year of deploying generative AI products (LinkedIn, 2024), it’s not uncommon to double or triple the throughput if you’re willing to sacrifice TTFT and TPOT."}
{"instruction": "How is computational presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "memory layout and compute primitives need to be taken into account. A chip’s specifications contain many details that can be useful when evaluating this chip for each specific use case. However, the main characteristics that matter across use cases are computational capabilities, memory size and bandwidth, and power consumption. I’ll use GPUs as examples to illustrate these characteristics. Understanding Inference Optimization | Computational capabilities Computational capabilities are typically measured by the number of operations a chip can perform in a given time. The most common metric is FLOP/s, often written as FLOPS, which measures the peak number of floating-point operations per second. In reality, however, it’s very unlikely that an application can achieve this peak FLOP/s. The ratio between the actual FLOP/s and the theoretical FLOP/s is one utilization metric. The number of operations a chip can perform in a second depends on the numerical"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about model?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "| Chapter 9: Inference Optimization Model compression Model compression involves techniques that reduce a model’s size. Making a model smaller can also make it faster. This book has already discussed two model compression techniques: quantization and distillation. Quantization, reducing the precision of a model to reduce its memory footprint and increase its throughput, is discussed in Chapter 7. Model distillation, training a small model to mimic the behavior of the large model, is discussed in Chapter 8. Model distillation suggests that it’s possible to capture a large model’s behaviors using fewer parameters. Could it be that within the large model, there exists a subset of parameters capable of capturing the entire model’s behavior? This is the core concept behind pruning. Pruning, in the context of neural networks, has two meanings. One is to remove entire nodes of a neural network, which means changing its architecture and reduc‐"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on operator?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "be processed simultaneously on different cores or threads, speeding up the computation. Loop tiling Optimize the data accessing order in a loop for the hardware’s memory layout and cache. This optimization is hardware-dependent. An efficient CPU tiling pattern may not work well on GPUs. Operator fusion Combine multiple operators into a single pass to avoid redundant memory access. For example, if two loops operate over the same array, they can be fused into one, reducing the number of times data is read and written. While vectorization, parallelization, and loop tiling can be applied broadly across different models, operator fusion requires a deeper understanding of a model’s specific operators and architecture. As a result, operator fusion demands more attention from optimization engineers. Kernels are optimized for a hardware architecture. This means that whenever a new hardware architecture is introduced, new kernels need to be developed."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat throughput as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "measured. This chapter started with common efficiency metrics for latency, throughput, and utilization. For language model-based inference, latency can be broken into time to first token (TTFT), which is influenced by the prefilling phase, and time per output token (TPOT), which is influenced by the decoding phase. Throughput metrics are directly related to cost. There’s a trade-off between latency and throughput. You can potentially reduce cost if you’re okay with increased latency, and reducing latency often involves increasing cost. How efficiently a model can run depends on the hardware it is run on. For this reason, this chapter also provided a quick overview of AI hardware and what it takes to optimize models on different accelerators. The chapter then continued with different techniques for inference optimization. Given the availability of model APIs, most application developers will use these APIs with their built-in optimization instead of implementing these techniques them‐"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of architecture?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "right ones can feel overwhelming. To simplify this process, this chapter takes a gradual approach. It starts with the simplest architecture for a foundation model application, highlights the challenges of that architecture, and gradually adds components to address them. We can spend eternity reasoning about how to build a successful application, but the only way to find out if an application actually achieves its goal is to put it in front of users. User feedback has always been invaluable for guiding product development, but for AI applications, user feedback has an even more crucial role as a data source for improving models. The conversational interface makes it easier for users to give feedback but harder for developers to extract signals. This chapter will discuss different types of conversational AI feedback and how to design a system to collect the right feedback without hurting user experience. AI Engineering Architecture A full-fledged AI architecture can be complex."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect sensitive to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "prompt and sends it to a third-party API.1 • An application developer puts the company’s internal policies and data into the application’s system prompt. • A tool retrieves private information from an internal database and adds it to the context. There’s no airtight way to eliminate potential leaks when using third-party APIs. However, you can mitigate them with guardrails. You can use one of the many available tools that automatically detect sensitive data. What sensitive data to detect is specified by you. Common sensitive data classes are the following: • Personal information (ID numbers, phone numbers, bank accounts) • Human faces • Specific keywords and phrases associated with the company’s intellectual property or privileged information Many sensitive data detection tools use AI to identify potentially sensitive information, such as determining if a string resembles a valid home address. If a query is found to contain sensitive information, you have two options: block the entire query"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on guardrails?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "self-hosting means that you don’t need to send requests externally, which reduces the need for many types of input guardrails. Given the many different places where an application might fail, guardrails can be implemented at many different levels. Model providers give their models guardrails to make their models better and more secure. However, model providers have to balance safety and flexibility. Restrictions might make a model safer but can also make it less usable for specific use cases. Guardrails can also implemented by application developers. Many techniques are discussed in “Defenses Against Prompt Attacks” on page 248. Guardrail solutions that you can use out of the box include Meta’s Purple Llama, NVIDIA’s NeMo Guardrails, Azure’s PyRIT, Azure’s AI content filters, the Perspective API, and OpenAI’s content moderation API. Due to the overlap of risks in inputs and outputs, a guardrail solution will likely provide protection for both inputs and outputs."}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with monitoring?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "It’s a big industry with established best practices and many ready-to-use proprietary and open source solutions.4 To avoid reinventing the wheel, I’ll focus on what’s unique to applications built on top of foundation models. The book’s GitHub repository contains resources for those who want to learn more about observability.5 AI Engineering Architecture | The goal of monitoring is the same as the goal of evaluation: to mitigate risks and discover opportunities. Risks that monitoring should help you mitigate include application failures, security attacks, and drifts. Monitoring can help discover opportunities for application improvement and cost savings. Monitoring can also help keep you accountable by giving visibility into your system’s performance. Three metrics can help evaluate the quality of your system’s observability, derived from the DevOps community: • MTTD (mean time to detection): When something bad happens, how long does"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise detect?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "Many of these metrics can be computed using AI judges. If safety is an issue, you can track toxicity-related metrics and detect private and sensitive information in both inputs and outputs. Track how often your guardrails get triggered and how often your system refuses to answer. Detect abnormal queries to your system, too, since they might reveal interesting edge cases or prompt attacks. AI Engineering Architecture | Model quality can also be inferred through user natural language feedback and conversational signals. For example, some easy metrics you can track include the following: • How often do users stop a generation halfway? • What’s the average number of turns per conversation? • What’s the average number of tokens per input? Are users using your application for more complex tasks, or are they learning to be more concise with their prompts? • What’s the average number of tokens per output? Are some models more verbose than others?"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe application?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "While it’s tempting to jump straight to an orchestration tool when starting a project, you might want to start building your application without one first. Any external tool brings additional complexity. An orchestrator can abstract away critical details of how your system works, making it hard to understand and debug your system. AI Engineering Architecture | 7 One key disadvantage of launching an open source application instead of a commercial application is that it’s a lot harder to collect user feedback. Users can take your open source application and deploy it themselves, and you have no idea how the application is used. As you advance to the later stages of your application development process, you might decide that an orchestrator can make your life easier. Here are three aspects to keep in mind when evaluating orchestrators: Integration and extensibility Evaluate whether the orchestrator supports the components you’re already using"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term feedback?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "competitors to catch up. | Chapter 10: AI Engineering Architecture and User Feedback It’s important to remember that user feedback is user data. Leveraging user feedback requires the same cautions needed when leveraging any data. User privacy should be respected. Users have the right to know how their data is being used. Extracting Conversational Feedback Traditionally, feedback can be explicit or implicit. Explicit feedback is information users provide in response to explicit requests for feedback in the application, such as thumbs up/thumbs down, upvote/downvote, star rating, or a yes/no answer to the question “Did we solve your problem?” Explicit feedback is fairly standard across applications—there are only so many ways you can ask a person if they like something. Therefore, explicit feedback is better understood. Implicit feedback is information inferred from user actions. For example, if someone buys a product recommended to them, it means it was a good recommendation."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about gmail?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "One of the biggest challenges of standalone AI applications like ChatGPT and Claude is that they aren’t integrated into the user’s daily workflow, making it hard to collect high-quality feedback the way integrated products like GitHub Copilot can. For example, if Gmail suggests an email draft, Gmail can track how this draft is used or edited. However, if you use ChatGPT to write an email, ChatGPT doesn’t know whether the generated email is actually sent. The feedback alone might be helpful for product analytics. For example, seeing just the thumbs up/thumbs down information is useful for calculating how often people are happy or unhappy with your product. For deeper analysis, though, you would need context around the feedback, such as the previous 5 to 10 dialogue turns. This context can help you figure out what went wrong. However, getting this context might not be possible without explicit user consent, especially if the context might"}
{"instruction": "Why does feedback matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: AI Engineering Building Applications with Foundation Models", "output": "side-by-side comparison, even if the longer response is less accurate—length is easier to notice than inaccuracies. Another bias is recency bias, where people tend to favor the answer they see last when comparing two answers. It’s important to inspect your user feedback to uncover its biases. Understanding these biases will help you interpret the feedback correctly, avoiding misleading product decisions. Degenerate feedback loop Keep in mind that user feedback is incomplete. You only get feedback on what you show users. In a system where user feedback is used to modify a model’s behavior, degenerate feedback loops can arise. A degenerate feedback loop can happen when the predictions themselves influence the feedback, which, in turn, influences the next iteration of the model, amplifying initial biases. Imagine you’re building a system to recommend videos. The videos that rank higher show up first, so they get more clicks, reinforcing the system’s belief that they’re the"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise research?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "University of California, Los Angeles, who, over the years, have taken and contributed to my graduate seminars “Visual Perception” and “Film and the Other Arts: Theories of Spatiality”; their provocative conversation and insights inform many of the essays in this book. I am also extremely grateful that portions of this work were supported by research grants from the UCLA Faculty Senate Committee on Research and by the UCLA Center for the Study of Women. Most personally, however, I want to thank those colleagues and friends who, for many years now, have generously read, commented on, argued with, and inspired the pages to follow; for both their ongoing friendship and their enthusiastic interest I owe a great debt to Scott Bukatman, Elena del Río, Arild Fetveit, Kevin Fisher, Amelia Jones, Kathleen McHugh, Maja Manojlovic, Laura Marks, and Linda Williams. Five of the twelve essays in this book have been revised and expanded from earlier published English-language versions."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe further?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "expression or because we are historically and culturally habituated so that what is given to us in experience is taken for granted rather than taken up as a potentially open engagement with the world and others. Thus, although phenomenology begins its descriptions with an experience as it seems directly given in what is called the “natural attitude” (better called the “naturalized attitude”), it then proceeds to “unpack” and make explicit the objective and subjective aspects and conditions that structure and qualify that experience as the kind of meaningful experience it is. Furthermore, although it may begin with a particular experience, its aim is to describe and explicate the general or possible structures and meanings that inform the experience and make it potentially resonant and inhabitable for others. That is, although in historical and cultural existence particular experiences may be lived idiosyncratically, they are also, and in most cases, lived"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term rosi braidotti?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "more processual, expansive, and resonant materialist logic through which we, as subjects, can understand (and perhaps guide) what passes as our objective historical and cultural existence. Thus, as Rosi Braidotti writes, it is “particularly important not to confuse [the] process of subjectivity with individualism or particularity: subjectivity is a socially mediated process. Consequently, the emergence of new social subjects is always a collective enterprise, ‘external’ to the self while it also mobilizes the self’s in-depth structures.”9 Although many of my colleagues assume that both my interest in embodiment and my use of the autobiographical anecdote began with my experience of cancer surgeries, the amputation of my left leg about ten years ago, and my subsequent incorporation of the prosthetic leg that will make its presence known in several of the following essays, this is not the case. As a female in our culture and often brought up short by the inconsistent and"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about flesh?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "The next two essays move more particularly toward the screen, specifically dealing with cinema. “What My Fingers Knew: The Cinesthetic Subject, or Vision in the Flesh” attempts to understand the embodied structures that allow for more than a merely cognitive or rudimentary knee-jerk cinematic sensibility and attempts to demonstrate how cinematic intelligibility, meaning, and value emerge carnally through our senses. “The Expanded Gaze in Contracted Space: Happenstance, Hazard, and the Flesh of the World” explores the ambiguous and ambivalent nature of the cinematic gaze, not only as it has been theorized in philosophy but also as it has been specifically embodied and enworlded with others and things in the extraordinary materialist metaphysics articulated in the films of Krzysztof Kieslowski. The last two essays in the section explore the phenomenology of what has been called “the signifying scene”—particularly as this is mediated by the literal incorporation of"}
{"instruction": "Why does representation matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "My cancer surgeries, amputation, and prosthetic leg make their inaugural appearance in these first two essays but are foregrounded in the third. “A Leg to Stand On: Prosthetics, Metaphor, and Materiality” looks at the recent “sexiness” of the prosthetic as metaphor and attempts to responsibly—and materially—reembody and reground it in a phenomenological description of both the prosthetic’s figural and literal use—not only by me but by other cultural critics and amputees. The next two essays are related, the one a further extension of the other. “Inscribing Ethical Space: Ten Propositions on Death, Representation, and Documentary” is interested both in what it means to “represent” death on the screen, particularly in documentary, and in how—and in what modalities—such representation also represents the “ethical gaze” of the filmmaker and “charges” an ethical response from the spectator. Indeed, the second and related essay is called “The Charge of the Real: Embodied Knowledge and Cinematic Con-"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame cartesian here?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "he calls the “hyperbolic” curved space of our lived and embodied experience and shows how it is incommensurable with the spaces “engineered” by the Euclidean geometry and Cartesian perceptions of perspectival space that have dominated Western culture since the Renaissance.6 According to Heelan we perceive and navigate both kinds of space, although never at once— even if, in the near mid-distance, the “shape” of both spaces is isomorphic. (Hence, perhaps, my childish mistake about north as simultaneously grounded in my body and motivating a Cartesian sign system.) Exploring the hermeneutic and context-dependent character of embodied visual perception, Heelan’s project is to “show that, despite the fact that we perceive a visual Cartesian world, our natural mode of unaided visual perception is hyperbolic: mediating our everyday perception of a Cartesian world is the carpentered environment that we have learned to ‘read’ like a ‘text’” (xiii)."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about graziella magherini?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "not so much on the horizontal plane as on the vertical. (Vertigo is often described as “the bottom falling out.”) The primary temporal dimension of this form of being lost is the present—but a present into which past and future have collapsed and that is stretched endlessly. Not knowing where you are is, in effect, the “black hole” of being lost: the experience of the unmarked Mesopotamian desert and sandstorms of The Lost Patrol or of the vast landscape of Death Valley in Gerry. This form of disorientation and its resultant existential anxiety also may occur, however, when worldly space and time are “overmarked”—that is, when one’s present spatial and temporal orientation are overlaid and con- flated with other (and equally compelling and vivid) space-times. After the great French novelist who described an unusual condition he experienced while traveling, Florentine psychiatrist Graziella Magherini points to what she has called “Stendhal’s Syndrome”: a temporary set of symptoms that fea-"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about being directed?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "Until the film’s very satisfying resolution, where narrative and destination converge on a plane bound for the tropics, being lost in Quick Change is an exercise not in existential desperation or dissolution but in comic frustration. I’ve drawn out here a very quick sketch of the spatial and temporal morphology, the “imaginary geography,” of three primary forms of being lost in worldly space. There are surely other variants with their own phenomenology. What this brief elaboration demonstrates, however, is that the experience of being lost calls for something more than the only partial descriptions provided by recourse to the traditional coordinates of cartography or geography.30 Being lost in space has a phenomeno-logic that exceeds such descriptions, even as it may normatively depend on them for both its generation and resolution. BEING DIRECTED After about twenty minutes and going around the same block a few times, it was"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about unlike?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "system of potentially alterable and interchangeable relations correlative to the body’s various intentions and projected capacities. Rather, they too have their own places and are anchored in immanence” (153). Materially embedded and positioned in a worldly space usually experienced as discontinuous and not of their own making, women find asking for directions from others a familiar, mundane, and reassuring activity that provokes no existential crisis. Rather, it creates social continuity as a substitute for fragmented spatial contiguity. Furthermore, asking for directions is also consistent with regularly living one’s body in the world as a hermeneutic problem. Men, however, cannot generally accept negotiating space as a hermeneutic problem. They disavow the possibility of being lost, even if they sometimes do admit to being spatially “mistaken.”39 Unlike women, who often view maps as arbitrary in relation to their own bodies (the “You are"}
{"instruction": "How is woodward presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "(if paradoxical) element of a culture increasingly driven—by both desire and technology—to extreme extroversion, to utter disclosure. It is here that cosmetic surgery and the special effects of the cinema converge and are perceived as phenomenologically reversible in what has become our current morphological imagination. Based on the belief that desire—through technology—can be materialized, made visible, and thus “realized,” such morphological imagination does a perverse, and precisely superficial, turn on Woodward’s distinction between the hysterical body that displays symptoms and the surgically youthful body that silences such display. That is, symptoms and silence are conflated as the image of one’s transformation and one’s transformation of the image become reversible phenomena. These confusions and con- flations are dramatized most literally, of course, in the genre of fantasy, where “plastic surgery” is now practiced through the seemingly effortless,"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about 31?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "our bodily response to cinema’s visual (and aural) representations is not only articulated as a continuing mystery, but its eidetic “givenness” to experience is also destabilized by the phrase “as if real”—the phrase itself surrounded by a set of scare quotes that, questioning this questioning of givenness, further plunges us into a mise en abyme of experiential undecidability. This “still unclear sense” of the sensational movement that, “as if real,” provokes a bodily response marks the confusion and discomfort we scholars have not only in confronting our sensual experience of the cinema but also in confronting our lack of ability to explain its somatism as anything more than “mere” physiological reflex or to admit its meaning as anything more than metaphorical description.31 Thus, the language used in the press to describe the sensuous and affective dimensions of the film experience has been written off as a popular version of that imprecise humanist criticism"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on shaviro?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "between the senses and their sense or conscious meaning. In this regard Shaviro is most eloquent: There is no structuring lack, no primordial division, but a continuity between the physiological and affective responses of my own body and the appearances and disappearances, the mutations and perdurances, of the bodies and images on screen. The important distinction is not the hierarchical, binary one between bodies and images, or between the real and its representations. It is rather a question of discerning multiple and continually varying interactions among what can be defined indifferently as bodies and as images: degrees of stillness and motion, of action and passion, of clutter and emptiness, of light and lack. . . . The image cannot be opposed to the body, as representation is opposed to its unattainable referent. For a fugitive, supplemental materiality haunts the (allegedly) idealizing processes of mechanical reproduction. . . . The flesh is intrinsic to the cinematic apparatus, at once its subject, its sub-"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat metaphors as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "of them also have been synaesthetes (novelist Vladimir Nabokov is but one example). Furthermore, in common usage synaesthesia refers not only to an involuntary transfer of feeling among the senses but also to the volitional use of metaphors in which terms relating to one kind of sense impression are used to describe a sense impression of other kinds. This move from an involuntary and immediate exchange within the sensorium to a conscious and mediated exchange between the sensorium and language not only reminds us of the aforementioned “synaesthesia-loving Symbolist movement”53 but also points to a sensual economy of language dependent on the lived body as simultaneously the fundamental source of language, its primary sign producer, and its primary sign. Thus, in Metaphors We Live By linguist George Lakoff and philosopher Mark Johnson argue that figural language emerges and takes its meaning from our physical experience (however disciplined by culture),54"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of alphonso lingis?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "uncanny.65 Nonetheless, this sense of the uncanny is sufficiently occasional to be marked as a figure against the more necessary and continuous ground of our existence in which knowing and feeling are generally undifferentiated and generally lived as commensurable—this because we are incorporated systemically as embodied and conscious subjects who both “have” and “make” sense simultaneously. Indeed, it is an undifferentiated experience of sense that grounds and conjoins body and language, feeling and knowledge—their coincidence so ordinary in our experience that their sudden divergence is marked as frustrating or uncanny or, in the extreme, pathological. Emphasizing this intimate conjunction of the lived body and representation, Alphonso Lingis tells us: “My body as the inner sphere where representations are perceptible . . . and my body as an image seen by rebound from the world, are inscribed the one in [the] other. . . . The density of the body is"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect literal to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "and diffusely. What is more, in this unthought carnal movement of an ongoing streaming toward and turning back of tactile desire, my sense of touch—“rebounding” from its only partial fulfillment on and by the screen to its only partial fulfillment in and by my own body—is intensified. My skin becomes extremely, if generally, sensitized. Indeed, this reflexive and reflective exchange between and diffusion of my “sense” of touch in both the litwhat my fingers knew eral and the figural has opened me to all these fabrics and their textures— indeed, has made the literal touch of even a specific fabric on my skin an overwhelmingly general and intensely extensive mode of being. It bears emphasizing again that the bodily reflexivity I am foregrounding here is not consciously reflective. Indeed, in most sensual experiences at the movies the cinesthetic subject does not think his or her own literal body (or clothing) and is not, as a result, rudely thrust offscreen back into"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on linguistic?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "rocally (albeit not sufficiently) “flesh it out” into literal physicalized sense. It is this same reciprocal relationship between the figural and literal that emerges also in our linguistic descriptions of the film experience. That is, trying to describe this complex reciprocity of body and representation, our phrases turn back on themselves to convey the figural sense of that experience as literally physicalized. For want of any more appropriate or sufficient way to name and convey the structure and meaning of the sensual experience of watching a film, reviewers reflexively turn back on language and apply its sensual figurations literally—both as a way to “flesh out” the image and as a way to adequate reflective description with the sense of actual cinematic experience. It is not particularly strange, then, that in both our film experience and our linguistic attempts to describe it, some ambivalent sense of metaphor and figurality remains—and we are caught"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with kieslowski?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "the screen, and opens language to a reflective knowledge of its carnal origins and limits. This is what, without a thought, my fingers know at the movies. This chapter is about the existential possibilities and contradictions that mark our “gaze” at the world and others—and, more particularly, about these possibilities and contradictions as they have been materially embodied and dramatized in the cinematic vision of the great Polish director, Krzysztof Kieslowski. But this chapter is also about something more— namely, the ambiguous nature of the empirically concrete happenstance to which we, as objective and sensible beings, are always subject. As we—and our gazes—are materially embodied in the space-time of the world with other objective beings and things, we are engaged in incalculable encounters whose scope and consequences exceed not only our vision but also our agency. It is in this regard that Kieslowski’s cinema is exemplary. The ambi-"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise mimesis?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "logic of mimesis systemically incorporates and confuses categorical bifurcations: Mimesis stresses the reflexive, rather than reflection; it brings the subject into intimate contact with the object, or other, in a tactile, performative, and sensuous form of perception, the result of which is an experience that transcends the traditional subject-object dichotomy. Through mimesis the subject is not stabilized or rigidified by means of its identifications. Indeed, mimesis redefines identification as process, a contagious movement that renders indeterminate, fluid, or porous the boundaries between inside and outside.4 Like the spreading ink stain, this indeterminate fluidity, this destabilizing contagion, is visible to us as operating both literally and figuratively in Decalogue 1. Here we might ask if it is only a coincidence, or has it accumulated as the fate of my present discussion that Bachelard tells us: “A philosopher often describes his ‘entry into the world,’ his ‘being in the world,’ using a familiar"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe alphonso lingis?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "in “co-incidence.” Caused and causal but highly complex and nonlinear, the material coincidence of people and people and people and things is far beyond the human powers of calculation—although we are, nonetheless, quite literally responsible for their sum, this merely by virtue of being or not being here or there in a particular network of consequential convergences. In this regard Kieslowski is particularly attuned to the moment in which, as philosopher Alphonso Lingis suggests, “the passage of facts begins also to project ahead like an exigency; what congeals as a form constitutes a matrix for variation. The nascent meaning is pregnant in the facts, it begins in a conjuncture of contingencies.”6 Both chance (“the passage of facts”) and fate (the projection of an “exigency”) emerge and are confused in the concrete space-time of material coincidence, which, in nature and effect, is at once both chaotic and ordered. As in the portentous sequence in Decalogue"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term kieslowski?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "convex lens. Aware, perhaps, of the limits of human vision and his own impossible exteriority, he lifts the icy lens to vaguely look at it, through it, and beyond it into nothingness. Nonetheless, in Decalogue 1 (as elsewhere in Kieslowski’s films), there is also a different world—and a world of difference—existentially revealed and experienced through the nonanthropocentric gaze. This worldview is not menacing but expansive. It is focused on the plenitude of being and existence even as it does not privilege human being and existence. That is, this look back from otherness does not generate Krzysztof’s (or Lacan’s) rather limited—and negative—sense of subjective displacement and annihilation, nor within this view does human being’s recognition of its ultimate exteriority and objectivity lead to its reduction. Rather, this nonanthropocentric gaze is exorbitant: open rather than annihilating, amplifying rather than reductive. Indeed, it articulates astonishment at the endless field of possibil-"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about maurice merleau-ponty?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "anthropocentric gaze that is not negative in consequence. Rather, the toddlers’ vision is dynamically reversible with the world that looks back. Here, the subject is unfixed, is expansive and exorbitant, its diffusion and dissolution premised on the radical materialism that constitutes our—and our vision’s— embodiment in the world with which we share in what philosopher Maurice Merleau-Ponty calls “flesh.” As beautifully glossed by Amelia Jones, flesh is definitely not a determinable, impermeable border between the self and the world (or the self and the other) that fixes this self in a final way. As a physical membrane that sheds and reconstitutes itself continually, the flesh is never always the same material but always a contour in process; the flesh exists provisionally both as a permeable, shifting physical perimeter, a limbic surround of virtual containment, and as the visible trace of the human body (whose contours are never stable in one’s own or an other’s visual field)."}
{"instruction": "Why does pawel matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "often the characters) of the “continuous exfoliation and perturbation of matter.” Primary, of course, is the questionable condition of the lake and whether it is sufficiently frozen to bear human weight and confidence so that Pawel can try out his new skates. When we first see the lake in the film’s opening tracking shot, there is a small flow of water running down the side of the frame that challenges its frozen fixity. Later, all sorts of “tests”—theoretical and practical—contradictorily affirm its solidity. Nonetheless, meteorological statistics, computer calculations, and Krzysztof’s personal inspection of the lake notwithstanding, Pawel (as do all of us) goes skating on thin ice—a surface whose stability is tenuous at best and always ready to suddenly give way and melt into something else. Indeed, throughout Decalogue 1 there is visual and narrative emphasis on liquids and solids in transformation: milk dissolving into coffee, turning sour, or freezing; wax melting, dripping, and hardening"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame computer here?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "For example, now that I use the computer for writing anything more than notes or lists, contemplation of the “bumpy” callus on the third finger of my right hand fills me with a certain wonder. It brings back physical memories from childhood and adolescence: of tightly gripping a pencil or pen, of writer’s cramp, of pressing into different textures of paper to meet various forms of reception and resistance. Even at the moment of composing these present thoughts on a computer (which demands only slight substantial bodily engagement, the light touch of my fingertips on the keys nearly overridden by the intense concentration of my gaze), that callus reminds me of my earlier and more physical connection with writing. Most particularly, I recall the specific feeling of a vague thought gaining force and focus and momentum to take shape and emerge through my arm and in the grip of my fingers in the material form of words—which occasionally surprised even me with"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about typewriter?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "pen to typewriter as my primary technology, I wrote more prose than poetry, and my prose became somewhat more staccato. Moving from typewriter to computer, I, too, tended to form lengthier sentences and found myself using a larger range of emphases—underlining, italics, boldface, different fonts— that corresponded to the inflections of my voice and mood in a way that neither handwriting nor the typewriter could so variously accommodate. Nonetheless, whereas these more modern technologies have amplified certain aspects of writing for me, such as the speed of composition or editorial freedom and fluidity, they have reduced others—particularly the physical sense of writing. The typewriter and, even more so, the computer have diminished my experience of language coursing through my body to make both its—and my—mark on a resistant and resilient worldly surface. Whatever particular aspects of experience are amplified or reduced through various writing technologies, the point to be made here is that my"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about annette michelson?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "functions, from the transparent perspective and legacy of Enlightenment (white male) humanism, as both self-aggrandizing and self-congratulatory. Indeed, as Annette Michelson writes of another and more “accomplished” female automaton “invented by Edison” in a fiction, the white girl, black boy, and furry teddy bear all sit at their writing desks as a “palimpsest of inscription”—each not only inscribing but also inscribed as both an “unreasoning and reasonable facsimile, generated by reason” itself.18 Thus far, I have scrupulously avoided discussion of writing as a discrete form of symbolic communication—nor have I yet discussed it as acculturated through an embodied technique. My emphasis has been instead on the radical physical activity and experience of the lived body in the act of writing and its entailment of material and technological means to make some “thing” that matters out of no “thing” at all. Indeed, closer phenomenological"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about catherine?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "of the singular” and is, in relation to the original moment of writing, its “posthumous after- Catherine Legrand’s (and Monique Wittig’s) writing lessons with her dip pen elaborately flesh out, yet also serve as ironic commentary on, Ihde’s adult encounter with the same writing instrument when he is in France with his school-age children. Certainly, Catherine’s writing lessons dramatize the materiality and technique that ultimately ground Ihde’s adult understanding and valuation of the art and craft of belles lettres, but their extreme objecti- fication (as well as hers by Mademoiselle) disallows her the pleasure of making her mark.27 In Electric Language Heim writes: “The resistance of materials in handwriting enhances the sense of felt origination. . . . The stamp of characteristic ownership marks written thought as my own, acquired through the struggle with experience and with recalcitrant materials. Handwritten formulation thereby enhances a sense of personal experience or an integrity"}
{"instruction": "How is enlightenment presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "syncrasy and the valuation of “originality” and “spontaneity” amidst the institutionalized and technological management of our lives, unlike some of our historical predecessors we tend to think that “painstaking penmanship betrays a deficient imagination.”36 Indeed, as Thornton suggests, since the onset of mechanical typography and print culture there has been an essential ambiguity about the relationship between the technological and mass production of writing and the lived body engaged in writing as an act of selfexpression. Ever more troubling in highly technologized cultures that depend on standardization, an ongoing argument exists “between the forces of conformity and those of individuality” about “the nature of the self.”37 In this sense, however much we may deny it, we are hardly yet post- Enlightenment or postindustrial, even as we are post-postmodern. “Susie Scribbles” is a concrete extension of the Enlightenment objectification of"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about either?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "Might the machine be lying?”46 Given this question of the animate and the inanimate, the auratic lived body and its uncanny simulation, it is hardly surprising that children are usually so deeply disappointed after they have ripped apart their mechanical but animated playthings and found no objective and technical correlative to the subjective and deeply poetic curiosity they themselves have about the world and human being. Either in animatronic operation or dissected in a childish autopsy, Susie’s robotic writing arm would tell us nothing truly material to either the meaning of writing or the matter of the hand. In fact, our fascination with the anthropomorphic writing machine lies precisely in its inability to tell us anything truly material to writing—even as it writes and “brings forth” meaning in material form. Ripping apart Susie’s signifying scene would reveal nothing significant—either about signifying or about mattering."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on cinematic?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "on personal computers; do our banking and shopping online—we are all part of a moving-image culture, and we live cinematic and electronic lives. Indeed, it is not an exaggeration to claim that none of us can escape daily encounters—both direct and indirect—with the objective phenomena of photographic, cinematic, televisual, and computer technologies and the networks of communication and texts they produce. It is also not an extravagance to suggest that, in the most profound, socially pervasive, and yet personal way, these objective encounters transform us as embodied subjects. That is, relatively novel as materialities of human communication, photographic, cinematic, and electronic media have not only historically symbolized but also historically constituted a radical alteration of the forms of our culture’s previous temporal and spatial consciousness and of our bodily sense of existential “presence” to the world, to ourselves, and to others."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat description as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "discrete techno-logic, each also has been subjectively incorporated, enabling a new and discrete perceptual mode of existential and embodied presence. In sum, as they have mediated and represented our engagement with the world, with others, and with ourselves, photographic, cinematic, and electronic technologies have transformed us so that we presently see, sense, and make sense of ourselves as quite other than we were before each of them existed. The correlation and materiality of both human subjects and their objective artifacts not only suggests some commensurability and possibilities of confusion, exchange, and reversibility between them but also suggests that any phenomenological analysis of the existential relation between human lived-body subjects and their technologies of perception and representation must be semiological and historical even at the microperceptual level. Description must attend both to the particular objective materiality and"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of jonathan crary?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "in a material process that—like the most convincing of scientific experiments—produces the seemingly same results with each iteration, empirically giving weight to and proving in its iterability the relationship between the visible and the real. Furthermore, this material process results in a material form that can be objectively possessed, circulated, and saved, that can accrue an increasing rate of interest over time and become more valuable in a variety of ways. Photography is thus not only a radically new form of representation that breaks significantly with earlier forms, but it also radically changes our epistemological, social, and economic relationships to both representation and each other. As Jonathan Crary tells us: “Photography is an element of a new and homogenous terrain of consumption and circulation in which an observer becomes lodged. To understand the ‘photographic effect’ in the the scene of the screen 15. Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the Observer: On Vision and Modernity in the Nineteenth Cen-"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect through to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "time-travel to the future to get help for his present. After many experiments, the man is able to live briefly in his past images and actually meet and start a sporadic relationship with the woman he remembers, as well as to briefly visit the future. Aware, however, that he has no future in his own present, with the assistance of those in the future the protagonist chooses to return to his past and the woman he now loves. But this final return to the scene of his original childhood memory at Orly airport ultimately reveals, first, that what he watched as a child was himself as an adult being pursued by people from his own present, and, second, that his original memory was, in fact, the vision of his own adult death. imaginatively catalyze—in the parallel but dynamically temporalized space of memory or desire—an animated drama. The cinema presents us with quite a different perceptual technology and mode of representation. Through its objectively visible spatialization of a"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on james joyce?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "and eventually comes to dominate the logic of realism insofar as it represents more adequately the new perceptual experience of an age marked by the strange autonomy and energetic fluidity of, among other mechanical phenomena, the motion picture. Although photographically verisimilar, the motion picture fragments, reorders, and synthesizes time and space as animation in a completely new “cinematic” mode that finds no necessity in the objective teleo-logic of realism. Thus, although modernism has found its most-remarked-on expression in the painting, photography, and sculpture of the Futurists (who attempted to represent motion and speed in static forms) and the Cubists (who privileged and represented multiple perspectives and temporal simultaneity in static forms), as well as in the novels of James Joyce (who articulated the simultaneity of objective and subjective time and the manner in which consciousness “streams”), it is in the cinema"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with despite?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "that is, its narrative. Here, again, La Jetée is exemplary. Despite the fact that the film is made up of what strikes us as a series of discrete and still photographs rather than the “live” and animated action of human actors, even as it foregrounds the transcendental status and atemporal nonbecoming of the photograph, La Jetée nonetheless phenomenologically projects as a temporal flow and an existential becoming. That is, as a whole the film organizes, synthesizes, and enunciates the discrete photographic images into animated and intentional coherence and, indeed, makes this temporal synthesis and animation its explicit narrative theme. What La Jetée allegorizes in its explicit narrative, however, is the transformation of the moment to momentum that constitutes the ontology of the cinematic and the latent background of every film. Although the technology of the cinematic is grounded, in part, in the technology of the photographic, we need to again remember that “the essence"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise cinematic?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "synoptically and synthetically yet also decentered and split, mobile and selfdisplacing. Thus, the cinematic does not evoke the same sense of self-possession generated by the photographic. Indeed, the cinematic subject is sensed as never completely self-possessed, for it is always partially and visibly given over to the vision of others at the same time that it visually appropriates only part of what it sees and also cannot entirely see itself. Furthermore, the very mobility of its vision structures the cinematic subject (both film and spectator) as always in the act of displacing itself in time, space, and the world; thus, despite its existence as materially embodied and synoptically centered (on the screen or as the spectator’s lived body), it is always eluding its own (as well as our) containment. The cinema’s visible inscription of the dual, reversible, and animated visual structure of embodied and mobile vision radically transforms the tem-"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe visible?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "continuous becoming that synthesizes temporal heterogeneity as the coherence of embodied experience, the cinematic thickens the thin abstracted space of the photograph into a concrete and habitable world. We might remember here the sudden animated blinking of a woman’s eyes in La Jetée and how this visible motion transformed the photographic into the cinematic, the flat surface of a possessed picture into the lived space and active possibility of a lover’s bedroom. In its capacity for movement the cinema’s material agency (embodied as the camera) thus constitutes visual/visible space as always also motor and tactile space—a space that is deep and textural, that can be materially inhabited, that provides not merely an abstract ground for the visual/visible but also its particular situation. Thus, although it is a favored term in film theory, there is no such abstraction as point of view in the cinema. Rather, there are concrete situations of viewing—specific,"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term electronic?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "animation of the intentional and prospective vision objectively projected by the cinema. In sum, they exist less as Leon’s experience than as Deckard’s information. Indeed, the electronic is phenomenologically experienced not as a discrete, intentional, body-centered mediation and projection in space but rather as a simultaneous, dispersed, and insubstantial transmission across a network or web that is constituted spatially more as a materially flimsy latticework of nodal points than as the stable ground of embodied experience. Electronic representation and presence thus assert neither an objective and material possession of the world and self (as does the photographic) nor a centered and subjective spatiotemporal engagement with the materiality of the world and others accumulated and projected as materially embodied and intentional experience (as does the cinematic). Digital and schematic, abstracted from materially reproducing the empirical objectivity of nature that"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about subjective?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "nous with it. The modernist period marked by the technological shifts of which cinema was primary split our sense of time in two and made visible— and sensible—the difference between the linearity of objective time and the nonlinearity of subjective time and thus constituted our sense of these as heterogeneous. What is novel—and radical—about temporality as it has been transformed by electronic culture is that while our sense of subjective time has retained its modernist nonlinear structure, our sense of objective time has been reconstituted from its previous constancy as streaming forward in a linear progression into a nonlinear and discontinuous structure that is, to a great degree, now homologous with the nonlinear and discontinuous structure of subjective time. Thus, objective time is no longer at odds with the nonlinear and discontinuous structure of subjective time, and most of the clear distinctions that marked them as separate modalities of temporality"}
{"instruction": "Why does los angeles matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "mobile but also enabling such experience’s transcendent coherence in that literal but global “lattice of coincidence,” the “network” and “web” of the Los Angeles freeway system, which reconnects experience as intelligible at another and less grounded and human order of magnitude. The postmodern and electronic instant, in its break from the modernist and cinematic temporal structures of retention and protension, constitutes a form of absolute presence (one abstracted from the objective and subjective discontinuity that gives meaning to the temporal system past/ present/future). Correlatively, this transformation of temporality changes the nature and qualities of the space it occupies. As subjective time becomes experienced as unprecedentedly extroverted and is homogenized with a transformed sense of objective time as less irrefutably linear than directionally mutable, space becomes correlatively experienced as abstract, ungrounded, and flat—a site (or screen) for play and display rather than an"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame thus egoyan here?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "the simultaneity of heterogeneous spaces in electronically mediated image culture, she writes: “Such coexistence of images has the effect of dispersing the punctual and self-possessed body into a multiplicity of bodies inhabiting different temporal and spatial sites. Thus, rather than sustaining the illusion of a narcissistic ego-logical identity, the electronic screen is able to provide a symbolic paradigm of impermanence and insubstantiality” (109). Nonetheless, she also notes that the more positive aspects of this electronic dispersal and reconfiguration of the lived-body subject are hardly normative—and indeed contradict the dominant logic of recent cybernetic environments that, however futilely, attempt “to shun and erase the body as if its existential and organic weight could simply be wished away” (97). Thus, Egoyan’s “use of the electronic screen” as a new mode of humanization capable of articulating and representing substance and value is “radical” and “does not contradict the"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about electronic?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "tion, electronic representation by its very structure phenomenologically diffuses the fleshly presence of the human body and the dimensions of that body’s material world. However significant and positive its values in some regards, however much its very inventions and use emerge from lived-body subjects, the electronic tends to marginalize or trivialize the human body. Indeed, at this historical moment in our particular society and culture, we can see all around us that the lived body is in crisis. Its struggle to assert its gravity, its differential existence, status, and situation, its vulnerability and mortality, its vital and social investment in a concrete lifeworld inhabited by others, is now marked in hysterical and hyperbolic responses to the disembodying effects of electronic representation. On the one hand, contemporary moving images show us the human body (its mortal “meat”) relentlessly and fatally interrogated, “riddled with holes” and “blown away,” unable to"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about baudrillard?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "not—as Baudrillard would have it—erotically distracting. This critique, however, was leveled at Baudrillard a long time ago—before I actually became a techno-body and experienced the assorted dimensions of prosthetic pleasure. After recurrences of the cancer and three surgeries, my left leg was amputated high above the knee and I learned to use—and enjoy—a prosthetic replacement. Quickly done with pain (even the phantom sensations disappeared after five months), I went out and bought a whole new wardrobe of fancy underwear to don for my biweekly visits to the prosthetist—a quite good-looking young man who was extremely absorbed in me and generally positioned around crotch-level as he knelt to tinker with my titanium knee. I have to say that I learned to love my prosthesis with its sculpted foam cosmetic cover—particularly the thigh that will never get cellulite and is thinner than the thigh of my so-called good leg. With much effort I learned to walk again, the stump (euphemistically, my residual limb)"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about elaine scarry?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "inherent contradiction?—at arm’s length, available for disinterested scrutiny. This alienated yet highly fetishized fascination with the body object (the body that we have) and the devaluation of embodiment and the lived body (the body that we are) is a consequence of an increasingly dangerous confusion between the agency that is “our bodies/ourselves” and the objective power of our incredible new technologies of perception and expression. Referring to this dangerous confusion and its consequences in her relevantly titled The Body in Pain, philosopher Elaine Scarry considers our subjective experience of the lived body and its objective transformation into a technology through the process of what she calls “fetishist animism”: To conceive of the body as parts, shapes, and mechanisms is to conceive of it from outside: though the body contains pump and lens, “pumpness” and “lensness” are not part of the felt-experience of being a sentient being."}
{"instruction": "How is embodied imagination presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "feeling of the human body not merely as a material object one possesses and analyzes among other objects but as a material subject that experiences and feels its own objectivity, that has the capacity to bleed and suffer and hurt for others because it can sense its own possibilities for suffering and pain. If we don’t keep this subjective kind of bodily sense in mind as we negotiate our technoculture, we may very well—and perhaps all too soon—objectify ourselves to death. It is only by embracing the lived body in all its vulnerability and imperfection, by valuing the limitations as well as the possibilities of our flesh, and by accepting the mortality that gives us gravity and grace that we will get out of this—or any—century alive. Is Any Body Home? Embodied Imagination and Visible Evictions The body tends to be brought forward in its most extreme and absolute form only on behalf of a cultural artifact or symbolic fragment or made thing ."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about jack katz?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "alienated object, quite separate from—if housing—the subjective consciousness that would discipline it into visible shape or visibly shape it into a discipline. This disciplining the body into visible shape and shaping it into a discipline is not only attributable to film and media studies and cultural studies; it is pervasive. In a critique by phenomenological sociologist Jack Katz, for example, we read the following: Anyone who briefly glances at the last decade’s literature of social theory and interactionist sociology will see volumes of works on “the body.” But like the writings of both depth and academic psychology, this sociological work is overwhelmingly two-dimensional and rationalistic. The focus is either on the body as represented and read in culture (in ads, in movies and novels, in the content of talk about the body, or more generally, in “discourse”), or the body as manipulated to give off indications about the self or one’s place in an emerg-"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on awareness?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "postcard; rather, however finite, situated, and delimited, they are modes of access and capacities that enable us. At the ontological level, then, it is usually not until we suffer illness, physical incapacity, or social discrimination that our bodies become major hermeneutic problems and that we objectify (rather than merely objectivate) them. Awareness of the gap between the intentionality of our consciousness and the bodies that we are emerges precisely at the moment when our material existence in the objective and always social world nonpluses us, undermines us, overruns us, or stops us short. Usually, however, and in the most mundane ways, our material existence both grounds and motivates us, and we take it so for granted that our own bodies are not lived primarily as visible sights but rather as sense-making sites for constituting meaning and realizing both ourselves and a world. Of course, as I write this, immersed in a culture that marks and discriminates"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat sacks as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "each is a recounting of bodily experience that foregrounds the radical rupture that can occur within the psychosomatic whole that is the generally transparent correlation of “consciousness” and “body.” Furthermore, each provokes us to reflect on the various and ambiguous ways vision operates in this correlation or its rupture. In sum, these anecdotal accounts dramatize the radical eviction of consciousness from the comfortable—and generally unselfconscious—assumption of its material premises. The first narrative, about an ontological dis-ease with one’s body, concerns what clinician (and phenomenologist) Oliver Sacks calls the “neurology of identity.”28 In The Man Who Mistook His Wife for a Hat and Other Clinical Tales, Sacks presents the case of a neurologically damaged patient he calls “the Disembodied Lady.” A victim of a sudden attack of pervasive polyneuritis, Christina loses nearly all her proprioception—that sixth and grounding"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of images?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "movements of my objective body as it is seen and lived from outside by others but rather the form and movements of my subjective body as it is lived from my side as me. These were images simultaneously generated both by me and a computer. These were responsive images, not directive ones—for they led me again and again from their objectively visible surfaces and movements back to my own invisible substance. Represented on the computer screen in the form of two dynamic bar graphs in one instance and two circles moving from quadrant to quadrant in another was not an image of how my body objectively looked but how I subjectively distributed my body’s weight over my legs and how I shifted my balance and center of gravity on a movement-sensitive platform. These, then, were objective images of subjective embodiment. Unlike mirror images that presented the contours and surface of objective embodiment, they were not reversed or confusing as to the"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect christina to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "shadows, leaving their warmth in the winds, their fluids on chairs and tools and in the hands of others, their dreams in the night.42 My bodily imagination of myself has its visible effects and makes itself present not as my epidermis but in my bodily comportment, which is not fixed but is rather a mobile style of always decomposing and recomposing myself in relation, response, and responsibility to the world and others. The reversible pathology of a consciousness evicted from its home body and a home body pithed of its consciousness derealizes one’s comportment in the past and forestalls its imaginative possibilities in the future. To varying degrees the disembodiments and derealizations experienced by Christina, Audre Lorde, and Charles Johnson make the effects of this disembodiment and derealization abundantly clear. Obviously, Christina’s eviction from her body is virtually singular in its ontological extremity (Sacks knows of only one other similar case)."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on helen deutsch?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "However, this return will not be direct—but rather by way of what might be called a “tropological phenomenology.”2 In The Rule of Metaphor Paul Ricoeur writes: “If there is a point in our experience where living expression states living existence, it is where our movement up the entropic slope of language encounters the movement by which we come back this side of the distinctions between actuality, action, production, motion.”3 Thus, in what follows, I will pay as much attention to language as I will to lived bodies. This is because there is not only an oppositional tension but also a dynamic connection between the prosthetic as a tropological figure and my prosthetic as a material but also a phenomenologically lived artifact—the the and the my here indicating differences both of kind and degree between generalization and specificity, figure and ground, aesthetics and pragmatics, alienation and incorporation, subjectivity and objectivity, and between (as Helen Deutsch"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with cultural anthropology?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "There is, then, a certain scandal to this metaphorical displacement and generalization—not because my (or anyone else’s) literal and specific experience of prosthesis is sacrosanct or because the metaphor obliterates the political atrocities of mass amputations by landmines in Cambodia or by civil war in Sierra Leone.15 Rather, the scandal of the metaphor is that it has become a fetishized and “unfleshed-out” catchword that functions vaguely as the ungrounded and “floating signifier” for a broad and variegated critical discourse on technoculture that includes little of these prosthetic realities. That is, the metaphor (and imagination) is too often less expansive than it is reductive, and its figuration is less complex and dynamic in aspect and function than the object and relations from whence it was—dare I say— amputated. As Steven Kurzman (himself an amputee) summarizes in the aforementioned special issue of Cultural Anthropology: Rather than develop a metaphor based on ethnographic material about artifi-"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise prosthetic?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "and imaginative lives. Here, then, I want to stay grounded in (rather than displaced from) the materially, historically, and culturally situated premises of “the prosthetic”— even as “the prosthetic” also engages an experiential and discursive realm larger than that of its merely literal materiality, situation, and logic. As will become particularly evident—and dramatic—in the case of Aimee Mullins’s legs, such grounding of (and taking the scare quotes off) the prosthetic does not disavow figuration (which, in any case, cannot be avoided); rather, metaphor, metonymy, and synecdoche are put in the service of illuminating the nature and experience of our prostheses instead of the prosthetic serving to illuminate something else (and elsewhere). Furthermore, even in my own mundane instance, focusing on the specificity of the prosthetic in its primary context functions also to highlight the contingent and uncanny play of its (and my) tropological and existential possibilities."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe neither?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "gests, possesses a “ferocious reality” that exceeds attempts to repress it or culturally contain it. Indeed, semiologically speaking, we can say that death presents a special problem in—and to—representation. What follows is best identified as a semiotic phenomenology of death as it is represented and made significant for us through the medium and tropes of nonfictional documentary film.2 Such a phenomenology of representa- Inscribing Ethical Space Ten Propositions on Death, Representation, and Documentary At the still point of the turning world. Neither flesh or fleshless; Neither from nor towards; at the still point, there the dance is. —t. s. eliot, “Burnt Norton” Sudden violent death is now a fact of our imaginative existence, crowding out the serene metaphors. —lawrence langer, The Age of Atrocity 2. A semiotic phenomenology sees being and representation as coemergent, both differentiated and yet united in the reversibility (or “chiasmus”) of perception and expression in the"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term western attitudes?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "than as an aberrant, if frequent and highly charged, dramatic event. The particularity of death’s current force and social meaning has been succinctly historicized in Philippe Ariès’s Western Attitudes toward Death, which takes us from the Middle Ages to the relative present, highlighting how the social significance of death and dying has radically changed over the centuries.3 Ariès thus charts a course from the public space of the medieval bedchamber and a natural, “domesticated,” and socially speakable event to the privatized space of the individual bedroom, where—from the sixteenth through the eighteenth century—the parallel paroxysms of sex and death condense to form a major iconography, one that stresses the “undomesticated” and “irrational” behavior of the body as culturally disruptive. He tells us: Like the sexual act, death was henceforth increasingly thought of as a transgression which tears man from his daily life, from rational society, ."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about gorer?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "Removing natural death from public space and discourse leaves only accidental and violent death in public sites and conversation. And, with the emphasis on accident and violence, thus emerges what Gorer has called the “pornography of death”—that is, representation obsessed with and limited to the sensational activity of a sensible body-object abstracted from the latter’s simultaneous existence as an intentional and sensate body-subject. Pointing to the factors that led to this pornographic curiosity about death and an obsession with its bodily inscriptions, Gorer, writing in the 1950s, tells us: During the last half-century public health measures and improved preventive medicine have made natural death among the younger members of the population much more uncommon than it had been in earlier periods, so that a death in the family, save in the fullness of time, became a relatively uncommon incident in home life; and, simultaneously, violent death increased in a man-"}
{"instruction": "Why does subversive art matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "systems,” thus rendering it a taboo subject, then that “ferocious reality” also radically calls into question our culture’s semiological systems. That is, the event of death as it is perceived in our present culture points to and interrogates the very limits of representation in all its forms—including, of course, the cinematic and televisual. Certainly, death is not the only “ferocious reality” to make the camera avert its gaze or despair of representing the existential reality of both human and social being. Vogel points out in Film as a Subversive Art that “the periodic transformation of matter from one state into another continues to evoke all the superstitious alarms and taboos of pre-history.”9 These superstitions and taboos, many of them cross-cultural, all have to do with the ultimately uncontrollable and therefore mysterious and (often) frightening semiosis of the body. Difficult to contain in cultural vision, such acts of human bodily transfor-"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame aristotle here?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "through Aristotle—his four paradoxes involving the objective nature of space and motion (which, of course, also entail both time and stasis). Two of these paradoxes are pertinent to the present discussion: the “racetrack paradox” and the “arrow paradox.” The former has to do with the logical impossibility of a runner ever reaching his or her destination since the runner must get to the midpoint, then the midpoint of the midpoint, ad infinitum—thus never achieving the endpoint. The latter has to do with the fact that at any moment in time, an airborne arrow occu- [T]rauma is just what suspends language and blocks signification. Of course, certain normally traumatic situations can be apprehended in a photographic process of signification; but this is precisely because they are indicated through a rhetorical code which distances them, sublimates them, pacifies them. Strictly traumatic photographs are rare, the trauma is entirely dependent on the certainty that the scene has really occurred: the photographer had to be there"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about 17?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "The inactive and unresponsive corpse, then, does not necessarily quicken us in our own lived bodies to an apprehension of dying and death so much as does the active inscription of the process of mortification on another lived body. This need to signify the active transformation that death visits on the responsive, physical, lived body in a representation that visibly contrasts two extreme states of existence leads to a third proposition. 3. The most effective cinematic signifier of death in our present culture is violent action inscribing signs of mortification on the visibly lived body. This proposition is perhaps the most controversial thus far. Although it is meant as descrip- 17. Although the term sign-vehicle can be seen as equivalent to the term signifier, which would be more familiar to most scholars, it is companion to the term sign-function, which is not equivalent to either the familiar terms signified or sign and is used to clarify and highlight spe-"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about atrocity?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "violence, most effectively serves to signify the phenomenological sense of death in our time. As Langer puts it: “Atrocity, with its emphasis on the grotesqueness of abrupt and violent death, intensifies man’s latent apprehension that dying is an unmanageable event; it erodes culture’s carefully nurtured positions for withstanding this threat, and leaves man with the options of terror or awareness” (64). Linked as it is with atrocity, violence, and abruptness, it seems hardly surprising that, in today’s culture, death has replaced sex as a visual taboo. The subversive action death performs on and in culture and visual representation, its excess and its primary articulation as abrupt and mortifying violence on a lived-body subject, in part explains the particular ethical problems its event poses for nonfiction cinema. If death is kept from cultural sight except when it violently breaks into a public site, how is a visual medium to deal with its representation without breaking a cultural taboo?"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about lmmaker?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "content and its form. At minimum two viewers are ethically implicated in their relations with the viewed event, both the filmmaker viewing the event of death through the camera and the spectator viewing the film that makes that death visible. Thus, responsibility for the representation of death by means of the inscribed vision of cinema lies with both filmmaker and spectator—and in the ethical relationship constituted between the vision of each. In the presence of real death (and its representation) the codification of visual behavior, as that behavior acts to circumscribe the sight of death and bear (bare) its traces, allows both filmmaker and spectator to overcome, or at least to circumvent, the transgression of what in our present culture is a visual taboo. Such codification allows both filmmaker and spectator to view death’s “ferocious reality,” if not from a comfortable position then from a normatively ethical one. Such codification inscribes in the film text what"}
{"instruction": "How is representation presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "The rabbit’s death, however, exceeds the narrative codes that communicate it. It ruptures and interrogates the boundaries (and license) of fictional representation and has a “ferocious reality” that the character’s death does not. Indeed, it is taken as an indexical sign in an otherwise iconic/symbolic representation. That is, it functions to point beyond its function as a narrative representation to an extratextual and animate referent, executed not only by but also for the representation. The rabbit’s death violently, abruptly, punctuates fictional space with documentary space. Non- fictional or documentary space is thus of a different order than fictional space that confines itself to the screen or, at most, extends offscreen into an unseen yet still imagined world. Its constitution is dependent on an extracinematic knowledge that contextualizes and may transform the sign-functions of the representation within a social world and an ethical framework."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about lmmaker?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "spectator alike (particularly insofar as their situations and allegiances may waver or differ), this more ambiguous form of visual behavior can be called the professional gaze.32 Inscribed as the least ethically suspect in its encounter with the event of death, the accidental gaze is cinematically coded in markers of technical and physical unpreparedness. The film gives us visual evidence that death was not the filmmaker’s initial object of scrutiny, that it happened in front of the camera suddenly, randomly, and unexpectedly, surprising the filmmaker’s vision and disallowing any possibility of the filmmaker’s intervention or complicity. Such lack of preparation for the encounter is signified by the camera’s unselective vision in relation to the death, by its conceptual and often literal “oversight” of the event. That is, the filmmaker and camera are not intending toward or focused on the fatal event occurring before them since their intentional interest is clearly located elsewhere."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on vietnamese?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "of death at which it looks, the humane stare usually takes one or the other of two visual forms. In one form it may fix itself in shock and disbelief, its gaze hypnotized by the horror it observes. Atrocity usually generates this response as exemplified in the famous footage of a South Vietnamese officer executinscribing ethical space 35. It should be noted, however, that the event of death in Silverlake Life ends up not being recorded—less by design than by accident. ing a suspected North Vietnamese terrorist in the middle of a Saigon street. In a sense the frozen quality of the stare, the bodily paralysis and inertia it represents in relation to both the camera and the filmmaker, suggests the ethical recognition that there is no tolerable point of view from which to gaze at such a death yet that such horror must be witnessed and attested to. Under other circumstances a second form of the extended humane gaze emerges. Here the gaze may settle in rather than fix itself—engaging itself"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat echoing meu- as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "ton enthusing over NASA’s very real announcement that it might have found microscopic signs of life in a Martian meteorite so as to authenticate the film’s science-fictional discovery of intelligent life in the universe. the charge of the real 2. It is worth emphasizing that this differentiation of two logical types of representation are not dependent on textual signifiers of their difference but rather on the spectator’s extratextual and cultural knowledge and consequent relation to the images on the screen. Echoing Meunier’s phenomenology of cinematic identification, this is to say that what differentiates one logical type (real news footage) from the other (irreal but verisimilar fiction) is the viewer’s relationship to the image and its contents and not solely cinematic cues. 3. There is a certain hysteria evident in both popular and academic writing about people (usually never the writer) not being able to tell manipulated images from unmanipulated ones."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of historically?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "Certainly, we cannot resolve this paradox if we only look to the film as an objective text. Rather, its resolution lies in our recognition that the designations fiction and documentary name not merely objective and abstracted cinematic things distinguished and characterized historically by particular textual features but name also—and perhaps more significantly— distinctive subjective relations to a variety of cinematic objects, whatever their textual features. In sum, what the generic terms fiction and documentary designate are an experienced difference in our mode of consciousness, our attention toward and our valuation of the cinematic objects we engage. Let me begin first with a brief gloss on those traditional generic discriminations (more stable in theory than in actual experience) that would ground an inquiry into the intersection of fiction film with documentary in the presumption of each as a discrete representational form. Historically, the"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect 220 to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "ceptable to the institution within which it is meant to operate, or the reader-actant, if he infringes the institutional determinations that are imposed on him” (220). and documentary, and when both come together in the same film, we enjoy their con-fusion or are jarred by their contact in what emerges as an experienced (if not always intended) heterogeneity of representation. Indeed, those conventional or institutionalized generic discriminations made between fiction and documentary film in their respective forms and contents (albeit not in their cinematic substance) allow both filmmakers and spectators a rich and complex play with their admixture. Furthermore, through their practice, such discriminations also overtly acknowledge (and congratulate) the mutual “communicative competence” of both filmmakers and spectators,11 who make the epistemological distinctions necessary to usually arrive at a given film’s appropriate—that is, institutionally sanctioned—cinematic status and"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on engagement?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "volume. In what follows, then, I want to reconsider the distinctions we usually make between fiction and documentary film from a pragmatic and phenomenological perspective—that is, from a perspective that recognizes the dynamics and contingency of actual viewing experiences and from these experiences goes on to thematize and interpret some of the conditions under which the cinematic image may be “charged” for us with an embodied and subjective sense of what counts as the existential and objective “real.” Although this broader and less determinate reformulation still allows for the differences we experience in our engagement with a variety of cinematic representations, it also suggests a much more labile and dynamic engagement than generic categorization and formal analyses of film texts generally admit or allow. That is, it suggests that our engagement with and determination of film images as fictional or real may be experienced either preconsciously or con-"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with unlike jurieu?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "It is important to emphasize that the knowledge that informs these distinctions between the existential status and fate of both the actor and the rabbit is primarily extracinematic and extratextual—and it is this knowledge and the values entailed by it that allow us to remain engaged with the irreality of fiction or pull us back into the world we inhabit as real not only because we are physically bound to it but also because we are ethically implicated in it. Furthermore, as I have suggested, this extratextual knowledge informs our cinematic experience generally and at a preconscious level—until, that is, it is explicitly raised to consciousness by something so specifically shocking and existentially particular as, in the case of the Renoir film, the death of a rabbit. Unlike Jurieu’s death, the experiential moment of the rabbit’s death gains its specific axiological charge of affects and values from an existential and cultural knowledge that exceeds—and contextualizes—the"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise consciousness?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "The knowledge and care that transform fictional space into existentially shared and ethically invested documentary space simultaneously transform the fictional consciousness of the viewer, in which existence is nonposited and irreal, into documentary consciousness, in which existence and a world are posited in all their specific gravity and shared consequence. Generally incommensurable in structure and investment, both fictional and documentary consciousness and space, then, can be constituted from the same cinematic material and emerge in the same film. Each, however, is of a different axiological order whose existence and value are determined as much— 24. Boredom and disengagement from the narrative world are not equivalent to the kind of distance generated by reflection on the narrative world—the latter, a metalevel engagement with the irreal world onscreen. Thus, we can wonder what will happen next or recognize a thematic recurrence or ponder the meaning of a narrative action within fictional consciousness."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe bill clinton?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "experienced—and evaluated—as documentary space. Conversely, in the instances when we suddenly feel the shock (most often merely the nudge) of the real, what has been our transparent and full engagement in an irreal fictional space is abruptly contextualized and ruptured by our latent extracinematic and extratextual knowledge—whether our recognition that a rabbit or pig has really died before us or that the real Bill Clinton has been mobilized by and for an irreal fiction. In these moments the emotions we feel and judgments we make of the events we see become charged with and informed by our present investments in our own lifeworld. Indeed, this transformation of fictional to documentary consciousness is a more common experience at the movies than we might think—to be sure, it is gentled by its very ordinary and less dramatic occurrence. Here let us the charge of the real remember those moments in our engagement with the autonomous irreal-"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term documentary?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "practice, it is not the stylistically documentary moments that rupture its fiction or arouse the viewer’s documentary consciousness. Formally, the film is heavily marked by vertiginous, handheld, cinema vérité cinematography (about which many spectators complained), interviews that include offscreen questions to the character on camera, direct address of the camera by the characters, some voice-over narration, and a chronological temporal structure interrupted by commentary and choric asides. The film is also marked by well-known performers whose presence as “characters,” to great degree, overrides the film’s style to announce it as an irreal fiction. Thus, in relation to the whole, there were only a few moments or scenes in which I found myself watching Woody and Mia rather than Gabe and Judy—but these moments had relatively little or nothing to do with the film’s documentary style or, indeed, with any differentiation in its mode of representation."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about harrisburg pennsylvania?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "cinematic fiction and documentary is always historical and provisional, prone as much to the vagaries and ephemera of contemporaneous real events, publicity, fashion, and idiosyncrasy as to our habituation to cinematic codes or to prevailing existential verities such as birth, death, bodily excretions, and the difficulty of teaching babies and animals to act in accordance with fictional desire. In the first instances the charge of the real will eventually pass; our proximity to past historical contexts distanced; our ethical interest less focused and less invested; our sense of responsibility for ethical judgment diffused. Consider, for example, The China Syndrome (James Bridges, 1979)—a thriller about a nuclear power plant accident. In a dramatic instance not of “art imitating life” but of “life imitating art,” twelve days after the film’s release an actual nuclear reactor accident and near meltdown occurred at Three Mile Island, near Harrisburg, Pennsylvania."}
{"instruction": "Why does heaven matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "cumb, for, interesting as such a discussion might be (and it would not undermine what I’m arguing here), it would deflect attention from the experiential questions I’ve raised in the present context. Why, when I know for certain it is real, does the wheat seedling in Days of Heaven germinate in a fictional and highly symbolic space? And why does a rabbit, but not a grasshopper, transform my consciousness and my engagement with fiction to die a documentary death? In response, I want to explore further the notion of existential generalization introduced earlier. I have already suggested that, in bracketing existence so it is latent and put “out of play,” our fictional consciousness tends to generalize those particular existents like trees, rabbits, and grasshoppers that make up fiction’s autonomous and specific self-referential world but that— unlike characters—also exceed it. Which is to say that, in fictional experience, unless something happens to specifically particularize these existential"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame particularity here?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "cinematography), the film onscreen spatially and temporally abstracted the seed’s germination from its situation in the world as I humanly live it. At the same time I, the viewer, took up the seedling’s abstracted and minutely scrutinized particularity as typical of all seedlings and judged it a general—and, in this instance, aesthetically symbolic—gloss on the film’s narrative and themes. That is, the time-lapse close-up not only signaled a general comprehension of the seedling’s standing for a change of season and the coming of spring, but also—in the “unnatural” and aestheticized specificity of its temporal and spatial germination—it typified in its particularity the mysteries of nature, of life as a becoming. In effect, the seed germinated more than itself; it germinated a generalization and an aesthetic attitude in the fictional consciousness that took up its typically particular presence and meaning without positing its uniquely particular existence."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about ethical?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "no ethical responsibility for my own disgust, and thus did not fully rupture the fiction for me. At its most potent, then, the charge of the real that moves us from fictional into documentary consciousness is always more than a generalized existential in-formation of the image or the mere “response-ability” of our actual bodies. The charge of the real always is also, if to varying degree, an ethical charge: one that calls forth not only response but also responsibility—not only aesthetic valuation but also ethical judgment. It engages our awareness not only of the existential consequences of representation but also of our own ethical implication in representation. It remands us reflexively to ourselves as embodied, culturally knowledgeable, and socially invested viewers. Thus, in those moments in which fictional space becomes charged with the real, the viewer is also so charged. The charge of the real comprehends both screen and viewer, restructuring their parallel worlds not only as coextensive"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about subjectivity?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "Here we might think, for example, of a devastating tornado or earthquake in which some intentionless external force acts on us with such extremity that we become acutely aware not only of the irrelevance of our subjective will but also of the extreme vulnerability of our material objectivity. We might also think, for example, of certain instances of illness when what seems an external agent seems to deny one’s subjectivity and will even as it occupies and affects one’s own body.4 And, more horrific to contemplate, we might think it. Indeed, in general, illness is an experience that is perceived ambiguously as in excess of our volition but somehow also within our agency. Here questions of intentionality and/or psychosomatism emerge and merge: hence such treatments of subjectivity itself through visualization or “laughing oneself well” or passionate and intense involvement in treatment plans and therapies that restore a sense of intentional agency."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about material?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "might contrast the passionate “suffering” of illness to the (usually) passionate “devotion” of pregnancy—a quite concrete example of a material enfoldedness that is reversible yet differentiated. Without intentional volition but within one’s bodily agency, the pregnant lived body is a material expansion of oneself but also the coming into material being of an other who is not oneself. Although this experience can sometimes lead to a passionate sense of suffering alterity and alienation or the invasion of one’s own body, it most often leads to a passionate sense of devotion—that is, of coming to understand this “other” material body that is as yet still “mine” as an alterity enfolded, if never completely possessed. As with illness, however, the experience of pregnancy tends to be less one of feeling oneself a material object than of being a material subject (although, of course, there are moments when the alternative may be true). For a phe-"}
{"instruction": "How is emergent presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "only interrogates the passionate suffering or passionate devotion of existential subjects in relation to existential objects but also posits the reversible (or, in phenomenological terms, “chiasmatic”) nature of subjects and objects.18 That is, although the body-subject and the objective world are differentiated and noncoincidental in their particular modes of material existence, in that they share in the same “fleshy” manifold of general material existence, Merleau-Ponty suggests both are reversibly capable of acting upon being and being acted upon, and each provides a reversible ground for the figure of the other. Emergent from the manifold that is flesh (the medium that is immanent and yet also transcendently “matters”),19 the dual structure of passion as suffering and devotion is thus inherently both dialectical and dialogical. Thus, although the intertwined and reversible structure of passion and the fleshy reversibility of body and world are experienced primordially before they are"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about unfathomable?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "berger’s experience so richly details—feel not merely a superficial passion for the material (that is always other than ourselves) but feel also the existential passion of the material (that is always also ourselves). It is only by apprehending the unfathomable mystery of our own immanent and egoless “objectness” that we can lose sight of our egological selves enough to be passionately devoted to and transcendently moved by the sublimity of a sunset 22. What I am here calling the unfathomable mystery of our own material being is not meant in any transcendental or religious sense. The mystery here is both materially based and immanent—it is unfathomable because, as discussed later in this chapter, unless we become completely (and, in all likelihood, clinically) alienated from ourselves as subjects, we can never completely experience or know our objectivity qua objectivity; that is, our objectivity is always already experienced to lesser or greater degree through our subjectivity."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on country priest?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "Indeed, here the “transubstantiation” is existential—its sublimity experienced by both body and spirit. Although differently than Babette’s Feast, both Thérèse and The Diary of a Country Priest also heighten our sense of the transcendent alterity of material things—and thus the transcendent alterity of our own subjective selves as worldly objects. Again, we apprehend in these films—and at the insistence of the camera’s attentive gaze—the flesh of the world as something that subtends not only the religious protagonists who, each in their own way, make a habit (a horrible but apt pun) of egological demotion for “something higher” but also the egoless worldly material usually dismissed as “something lower.” In no way making their religious subjects and their transcendental aspirations ridiculous, both films see the material world as already transcendent—equal, that is, in its “primordial obscurity,” its “openness” of things and their “movements which emigrate into other forms,” to those domains"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat egoism as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "scendental in the transcendence of the immanently real: “Where are we to put the limit between the body and the world, since the world is flesh?” What also moved me, an atheist (often considered the supreme egoist), about these films was their parallel interrogation of their characters’ (and my) egoism. Egoism is apprehended not only as a reduction and fixity of being but also in its possibilities as an extroverted expansion of being. Subjectivity is not lost but is decentered and diffused into all “things” in a “comprehension” of the grace of common material being—and its dispersal becomes a deep material knowledge of the reciprocity between subjects and objects that subtends any determinate division we might make between them or any particular privilege we would confer on ourselves. Although other films have also moved me in this way (I think here of certain moments in Michelangelo Antonioni or Terrence Malick’s work, and most of Robert"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of roquentin?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "denominator that both unites and differentiates embodied consciousness and the world’s material density. Early in the novel—and described in as much length as his later encounter with the chestnut tree—Roquentin finds himself enfolded in the world in a mutual embrace of materiality and immanence. Fittingly, it is on a Sunday that he experiences the transcendent (some might say sacred) nature of flesh. On this Sunday the awful contingency of brute materiality and unspeakable immanence are transformed for him into the awesome “grace” of the world’s merely being there in all its expansive fullness. All things—subjects and objects alike—are embraced and comprehended by their mutual enfoldedness in the objective world’s profane illumination and the subjective unity of his look. This experience of materiality and grace also begins in the park. Roquentin tells us: “It was there—on the trees, on the grass, like a faint smile. It couldn’t be described, you would have had to repeat very quickly: ‘This is"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect william pietz to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Carnal Thoughts Embodiment and Moving Image Culture", "output": "to consciousness. Thus a phenomenology of interobjectivity would be both structural and historical in its understanding of the primordial grounds for our reversible relations with objects and in its differentiation of these reversible relations within the context of specific and temporalized cultural practices and reflections on them—hence, for example, those historical and cultural manifestations designated as animism, anthropomorphism, personification, and fetishism, or taken up and explicitly described by psychoanalysis as object relations or paranoid schizophrenia. This is certainly recognized in groundbreaking work on the fetish by William Pietz, for example, who writes: “The fetish might be viewed as the locus of a sort of primary and carnal rhetoric of identification and disavowal that establishes conscious and unconscious value judgments connecting territorialized social things and embodied personal individuals within a series of singular fixations.”50 In this"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise world war?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "By way of illustration, we pick, in chapter 6, one dramatic instance, moreover one that would change the very conception of modern war: the strategic bombing of Germany in World War II. The press the effort received, certainly within the armed forces, was responsible for undertaking similar efforts in virtually every U.S.- led war since. Without question, the thousandbomber raids fl own over German cities were spectacular applications of brute force, but were they effi cacious? That war planners might have done well to respect the economic idea of diminishing returns for the effort introduces a note of caution. Any student studying into the wee hours of the night knows that, although the effort may help to pass an upcoming exam, merely putting in more hours will not commensurately increase the exam score. As the saying goes, what counts are not the hours one puts in but what one puts in the hours. The same holds for bombing: merely throwing more bombers at Berlin might win the"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe drawing?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "these fi elds of study, history might be viewed as a series of case studies in applied theory. Although the record is not bad, economics itself is not of course a body of impeccably successful theory. We ask the reader to relax and have some fun. Even if one harbors misgivings about economics, one may nonetheless enjoy what can be done with it.5 We should state clearly that while the book is written with the generalinterest reader foremost in mind, each of the substantive chapters nonetheless preface [ xviii ] makes a genuine contribution to the development of scholarly knowledge. For example, regarding the chapter on the condottieri, historical scholarship focuses on the complex politics and developing military technology of the time, to the neglect of the labor contracts after whom the condottieri are named. Drawing attention to these contracts, albeit from an economic viewpoint, marks a new contribution to that literature. Likewise, the chapter on Ger-"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term moltke?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "the slowly mobilizing Russians. The plan was breathtakingly bold, simple to the point of genius—and risky. Its attempt and subsequent failure dramatically reshaped the world, and therefore some regard its implementation as the single most important operation in modern military history. Almost a century later, the Schlieffen Plan still generates a lot of ink, scholarly and otherwise. Plenty of room for analysis remains, but as is so often the case of controversy in military history, and historical debate in general, many of the arguments are akin to treading water. For example, General Helmuth chapter one [ 2 ] von Moltke, the leader of the invasion, was criticized even during the war for his failure to carry out the plan precisely as intended. The debate about Moltke still continues, with the pros and cons not much changed. In this book, we use ideas from economics to help illuminate decision making in war. Moltke and his fellow generals might have appreciated this."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about germany?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "to allow them to go on the attack. This was done—and foiled by the French. Addition upon addition of German troops to the left wing provided fewer and fewer commensurate military benefi ts. Economists know this phenomenon well, under the forbidding label of diminishing marginal returns. (And we apply the principle of diminishing marginal returns to the case of the strategic bombing of Germany in World War II in chapter 6.) As is true for America’s involvement in Middle Eastern wars today, and as has been true for all warriors in the past, one reason why Germany launched a war based on assumptions was that certain factual information was either lacking or inaccurate. On the one hand, Germany assumed that France would attack in case of a German- Russian war, but there is evidence now that this may not have happened. Certainly the Russian government did not consult with its French ally in any way that suggests that Russia was expecting unthinking"}
{"instruction": "Why does economic matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "of economic theory to noneconomic disciplines.3 Just as economics has been “invaded” by insights from other fi elds of study, economic thinking in turn has been applied to fi elds as diverse as law, sociology, health care, biology, political science, human resource management, and military strategy.4 Explicit economic reasoning has been applied to history, certainly economic history, but rarely to military history as a fi eld.5 Procedurally, as mentioned, we select a chapter one [ 6 ] number of economic principles and apply them to illustrative cases of military history. But our larger purpose, by means of these illustrations, is to demonstrate that economics can usefully illuminate military history and to show that new insights can be gained by the application of a well developed theory to a fi eld that generally lacks theoretical rigor. The basic argument is simple enough. Planning and prosecuting war requires choices. But the provenance of economics, at least of the neoclassical"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame theories here?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "Theories are structures of thought, alive in the minds of their users. There is now evidence that theories get codifi ed as behavioral routines, hardwired into brains and central nervous systems (“lions eat zebras; zebras smell lions; zebras run”). Emotions may be little more than codifi ed rational behavior.9 Codifi ed rational behavior is not necessarily contemporaneously rational: what may have been rational in the past may not be rational today, but we continue to act on it. Without contradicting theory, observed behavior may thus deviate from that postulated by theory.10 Even so, theories are not always internally consistent, and rarely do they completely explain all observed behavior and events. (For example, the Standard Model in physics struggles to unify general relativity with quantum physics.) Consequently, theories meet constant challenge and debate, and from time to time they need to be amended, or even overthrown altogether.11"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about provocatively?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "rational decision about costs incurred to be weighed against benefi ts received. Indeed, rational decision making itself is assumed, even as the reasoning skills required of decision makers may lie far beyond their intellectual powers. The models further assume the presence of well functioning institutions such as well defi ned property rights and the frictionless enforcement of such rights. They assume that when buyer and seller engage in trade, they do so without affecting anybody else who is not party to the deal. They assume, that is, that spillover or side effects on other people’s wellbeing do not exist. The list of assumptions goes on. Provocatively, one may say that this cartoon version of pure economics constructs and studies situations in which perfectly rational economic agents trade in a frictionfree, spaceless, and timeless world. It is then also a perfectly useless world—or so proponents of classical political economy would argue."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about opportunity?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "somed versions of economic models. Never mind time, space, and rationality: more fundamental than even these are a set of underlying principles. In the following sections, we discuss six of these—opportunity cost, expected marginal costs and benefi ts, substitution, diminishing returns, and the matter of incomplete or asymmetric information (which comes in two fl avors). The operation of each of these is matched with a case from military history later in the book. There is no universal agreement on what the principles of neoclassical economics are, but few economists would dispute that the ones we have chosen would be among them. principle i: opportunity cost The cliché has it that we live in a world of limited resources and unlimited wants. Many point out that humanity need only reduce its wanton craving for a materialist lifestyle for earth’s limited material resources to stretch much further. As regards economic science this is illinformed on a number of counts,"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about why the?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "future (deferred consumption). Money is merely a means of transmission between two possible actions. Even more important, one of the alternatives is not to buy anything at all but to donate the money to a charitable cause so that the recipients can make decisions of their own. We learn that economics is not a material science at all; it is not physics or engineering. Instead, it is a science of decision making, concerning material and immaterial matters. It is a science of decision making under conditions that are frequently illspecifi ed, nebulous, and uncertain: shall I marry you, or someone else? The focus on decision making and opportunity cost can lead to surprising answers to innocuous questions. To use one of Heyne’s examples: regarding intercity travel, we know empirically that poor people tend to take buses and rich people tend to take airplanes. Why? The “obvious” answer is that the empirical regularity is observed because poor people do not have the"}
{"instruction": "How is economists presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "our mistakes; we make better decisions; we win more often than we lose. We grow more cautious, we become cleverer, we collect better information about costs and benefi ts to be expected. Economists do not deny that people make mistakes but they generally do deny that any one person will make the same mistake over and over again. One might eat a rotten apple but one is not likely to eat a second rotten apple. One will not ordinarily buy another novel of an author whose fi rst novel one could not stand, and one will become more judicious about watching football games when one’s spouse objects. How does one form expectations of benefi ts and costs in the fi rst place? Obviously, information is critical, and we address this in another section. For now, consider the troika of factors that an elementary economics textbook would list: preferences, resources, and prices. At fi rst blush, prices of various goods and services are easy enough to establish."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about new guinean?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "Papua New Guinean highland cultures? What benefi t does one assign? How does one convert each of these into monetary equivalents, so that one can compare the value of whale sharks to the other items on the list of unlimited wants? If we were to survey the public, and asked how much money it would be willing and able to pay to ensure the sustainable survival of whale sharks, how would we ascertain whether it offered a considered and truthful reply? There is no need here to enter into the mysteries of the literature on preference elicitation, revelation, and economic valuation. Suffi ce it to wonder how a military commander might arrive at valuations of expected marginal benefi ts and costs of various possible courses of action to make a determined, rational decision on a course of action to take. And suffi ce it to note that, in military and nonmilitary contexts alike, decisions are rarely made in isolation. Thus, a ruler may decide to engage in war, but his commander may decide not to."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on substitution?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "esteemed colleague. Whereas this is not usually a problem that arises in the college classroom it is much more of a problem in the nation’s elementary, middle, and high schools where, each morning, thousands of frantic phone calls are made to fi nd a “substitute” teacher for a biology or math or English class. The production of education suffers. In the extreme, the coeffi cient of substitution is zero. Neither white nor brown eggs can be substituted for the fl our, a milliondollar carpetweaving machine cannot be substituted to serve as the truck that transports the carpet, and even though either Tiger Woods or Anika Sorenstam can be employed to hawk golf balls and golf clubs, neither will model for the other sex the latest in fashionable golf clothing. Substitution is a matter of degree.31 The possibility of substitution can induce fi erce struggles, full of cunning, passion, and intrigue. Girls can choose from and substitute among a selection"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat america as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "from among which to choose. Poor, desperate populations of peasants understand incentives and options just as well as do rich, spoilt, bratty children in suburban America, as indeed does every living creature. We illustrate the operation of the principle of substitution in military history in chapter 7 with a look at France’s substitution of strategic nuclear forces for its increasingly expensive conventional armed forces. principle iv: diminishing marginal returns Combined with the ceteris paribus clause, the notion of the marginal leads straight to the notion of diminishing returns. If nothing in the world has changed except that one is now eating a second plate at the allyoucaneat diner, one will experience a diminishing sense of satisfaction as one compares the enjoyment of the fi rst to that of the second plate (because one is already somewhat satiated from having eaten the heap of food on the fi rst plate). Granted, some may be so hungry that the second plate feels as good as the"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of credit?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "age is believed to be relatively productive may be cheaper than incurring more chapter one [ 32 ] intensive, and therefore more expensive, search costs to ferret out the hidden characteristic. Even if there is no discriminatory intent, the problem of fi nding lowcost means of signaling and screening can lead to adverse (discriminatory) selection. Solutions to the problem obviously revolve around lowering search costs (better signals, better screens). Credit companies rely on local, personal, or community knowledge of the applicant to get a sense of creditworthiness. They also employ computerized, formulaic approaches such as creditrisk scores to assess whether an applicant is a good or bad credit risk. Employers increasingly use computerized application procedures, at least as a fi rst screen. Another option of dealing with the problem is risksharing. Insurance companies do this to some degree by requiring waiting periods, copayments, and by"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect insurance to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "pose a penalty for noncompliance, that enable better contract observation at low cost, that limit commitment by the potentially defrauded or damaged party or make that commitment revocable, that share risktaking, or anything else that helps align the interests of the contracting parties. Insurance copayments are a device to shift some of the risk back to the purchaser of insurance so that medical services are accessed only in case of nontrivial health needs. Low base salaries combined with volumebased bonuses encourage sales effort. Sometimes customers can be made accomplices in fi rms’ search for lowcost information. For example, pizza chain stores offer pizza delivery in thirty minutes or “it’s free!” Here, customers tell the franchise owner whether pizza delivery is on time or not and thus provide lowcost observation of employee effort. Student evaluations feed back to merit pay increases and help keep professors’ economics [ 35 ]"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on contracts?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "risk of committing sitespecifi c capital. Solutions to minimize or prevent all these sorts of problems revolve around incentive alignment, that is, around the design of contracts. This, in turn, brings with it the arena of contract enforcement, which, itself, raises a multitude of problems. Contracts include, of course, the legal sort: a labor contract, a real estate contract, and so on. Less well appreciated is that habits, customs, and cultures all are forms of contract, albeit informal ones, that complement incomplete formal contracts. Indeed, something as innocuous as mutual trust is an excellent costreduction device, whether it applies to families, businesses, or nationstates. This book, for instance, is coauthored. Each author needs to trust the other to do his share of the thinking, researching, and writing. It is inconceivable to write this book on the basis of a completely specifi ed formal contract. Negotiating and writing the contract would take as long as research-"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with another?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "the third topic, contemporary private military and security companies, is very slim. Nonetheless, it illuminates the opportunities for and limits to the use of these companies. Readers may object to our project in at least two ways. First, that for the cases we have chosen we understand the historical material poorly and apply the economics to the wrong facts or that our history is correct but that the economic analysis is carried out wrongly. In either case, it should be straightforward to correct the factual or analytical record. But second, and more seriously, one may deny the very premise of our venture and say that we selected the illustrative cases to fi t our views, that our cases are insuffi ciently representative of the sweep of years we cover, that our case selection is fl awed, and that we therefore claim too much for the role of economic analysis in military history. Another selection of cases might show that economic prin-"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise opportunity?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "Then we assess the cost of castle building and show why, despite the truly enormous cost, the advantages outweighed the cost. Armies were not irrelevant but their cost was high and the advantages slight. Finally we point to where economic principles other than the principle of opportunity cost may be seen in the history of castle building. opportunity cost and warfare Opportunity cost is a fundamental principle of economics. This cost refers not to what one pays for a purchase, but rather to the highestvalued alternative purchase one could have made. For example, reading this chapter now implies foregoing the opportunity of doing something else with your time—such as reading something else, cooking, cleaning, working for money, enjoying one’s family, or just savoring a quiet moment. Anything you do involves giving up the opportunity of doing something else. That is the opportunity cost. The principle of opportunity cost is at once easy to understand and diffi cult"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe middle ages?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "different types of war should be considered,11 as indeed the opportunity to choose nonwar options of waging, or resolving, confl ict. Then there are the different opportunity costs for different “choosers” in a military system. For ruler, supreme commander, subordinate military leaders, and the rank and fi le, an aggressive—or any other—military strategy involves different opportunity costs. The potential complexity of the application of this seemingly simple principle is virtually limitless. Even restricting the application of the principle of opportunity cost to just one facet, such as castle building in the High Middle Ages, involves many diffi culties. Taxation, budgeting, and spending in the Middle Ages can only be described as haphazard, or at least they appear so because of the paucity of records. It would be very interesting to know the sums spent by medieval monarchs on fortifi cations in their countries. It is known that cities gave enormous sums for"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term castles?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "Castles had to be adapted, modifi ed, improved, or even replaced if they became obsolete. Improvements in siege warfare required design changes. The square stone keep was suffi ciently expensive that Norman castleowners sought simply to reinforce their motte and bailey castles to hold costs down. Increasing costs of fortifi cations drove increases in military expenditure throughout the eleventh century. The crusaders further stimulated the process by bringing back innovations from the Middle East. The motte and bailey castles mutated from inexpensive palisaded hills to costly stone fortifi cations as powerful concentric walls replaced the palisade. The outer “curtain wall” became more sophisticated in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries as towers were added for fl ank fi re. By the time castle building reached its peak toward the end of the thirteenth century, the twowall system, with a “killing ground” in between, had become a standard design."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about construction?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "porated every possible feature—double walls, moat, access to the ocean, a profusion of towers—that could add to its strength. Construction of Edward’s castles frequently included huge round towers that were doubly advantageous because they were harder to assault and gave the castle an especially imposing visage. This method of building was expensive because for structural reasons the walls consisted of multiple layers of materials, as erosion and age now reveal. The appearance of the castles was more than a matter of aesthetics or ego. As is shown by the elaborate and complicated interiors, these buildings were also the residences of high offi cials—and sometimes the monarch himself. The castle was wasted expense if it were mere vanity, but sensible expenditure if viewed from the perspective of occupation politics.37 For the expansionminded magnate the castle was the best, perhaps only, means of laying permanent claim to disputed, threatened, or rebellious land."}
{"instruction": "Why does france louis matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "because he “had been forced to recognize that taking the castle was too demanding in time and resources.” And this medieval ruler, more than most of chapter two [ 66 ] his contemporaries, was able to assemble and maintain the obvious alternative to the castle, a trained and reliable fi eld army.52 Whether the castle could have survived much longer once gunpowder became prevalent is actually a moot point. Its very strength was a barrier to the growth of great national governments. Monarchs regarded private castles as an inherent threat. Legal and other measures were taken to eliminate them. In Britain, the Tudors were particularly effective in eliminating great noble castles as part of a well designed program to establish the state’s monopoly on violence. In France, Louis XIII probably destroyed more castles than he built. This trend was actually a paean to the military virtues of the castle. the cost of armies For most of the twentieth century the explanation for the domination of the"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame feudal here?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "The soldiers were responsible to their own lords, not the king. The lords themselves preferred serving over transmutation to pay, because in this way they retained more independence. Feudal service was limited. The length of English feudal service was only forty days. Edward I began paying troops, sometimes even before their feudal service was completed, in order to retain them and their loyalty.70 Relying on feudal levies at least saved money. We have already seen the cost of campaigning, which included the hiring of soldiers. The brevity of feudal service was compensated somewhat by the brevity of campaigns. Only when the crops were up was it feasible to campaign for any distance. For fi ghting closer to home a yearround army might have had advantages, but this was not possible. “There was never a royal standing army.” The military equipment for a mounted soldier just before the millennium equaled in value some twenty oxen, “the ploughteams of at least ten peasant families.” In an age when a"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about second?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "ers to move from a secure to a threatened spot becomes more complicated. A larger garrison is required to counteract thinning forces. Second, larger castles often consisted of series of structures linked by walls, and the defenders of one structure—a tower, say—sometimes could not help defend the other. There was also a fi nancial issue: in most cases, larger castles took longer to build. A castle under construction has limited military value until at least the keep or the curtain wall has been completed. Rather than being a deterrent, a castle under construction might invite attack. Scaling up the argument, it is obvious that populating the landscape from a sprinkling to a dotting to a drenching with castles will yield at fi rst increasing, but eventually decreasing military advantages. How designers, advisors, and rulers decided how big each castle was to be, and how many of them to build in their realm, would go toward addressing the diminishing marginal returns principle."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about castles?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "rison small supply of builders diffi cult but supply of fort itself less so investment in improved construction techniques yields better castles, greater deterrent strategic location can deter attacker castles and fortifi ed towns provide bases for aggressive moves Substitution a wall has a multiplier effect castles’ limited needs make it easier to supply than invading force advancements in construction make castle close to invulnerable by 14th century a chain of castles may be more realistic than an occupation force as a method of harassment, castle superior to raiding force (consider Alfonso VI) Diminishing marginal returns a castle designed for a bigger garrison is not necessarily more defensible a larger garrison consumes more supplies and might be forced to surrender sooner larger castles are not necessarily easier to defend; complexity sometimes interferes with defensibility too many castles create problems, including"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about contract?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "way. For purposes of collective bargaining, troops could and did engage in various forms of labor unrest, including mutiny (a form of labor strike). The principalagent problem is but one of a number of hidden action– related asymmetric information problems that cannot readily be observed and thereby pose a threat to contract fulfi llment. Other such problems include the diffi culties of dealing with teams of agents (when a city signs more than one mercenary company), of subcontracting (condottiere to his men), of contract holdup (holding out for more pay once the enemy stands before the city gates), or of altogether reneging on a contract when battle is near (desertion). If more than one agent is involved, the contract(s) must somehow provide incentives to avoid freeriding on other team members’ effort, for instance, by the costly observation of each member’s effort or by an incentive structure that encourages each to put forth his best effort while maintaining a cooperative"}
{"instruction": "How is italy presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "Italy in particular refl ected “good contracts and rich booty. . . . But there was also the question of the lack of opportunity elsewhere in Europe; economic recession and unemployment in Germany made Italy peculiarly attractive to German soldiers and these were the predominant race amongst Italy’s mercenaries,” at least until 1360. One reason was the opportunity for knightly combat—to gain honor—but another the opportunity for bonus pay: ransom and loot from Italy’s riches. The knights generally came from nobility, in many cases second, third, and fourth sons, those unable to inherit landed wealth. In other cases, consolidation of power in Germany diminished landed wealth and forced knights to gain honor elsewhere, perhaps even to regain lost riches. Some nobles sold their landed wealth and other possessions to invest in warhorses and equipment, an indication of investment in war with the attendant hope of an adequate return. Selzer fi nds that by far the majority of German knights stayed for only one or"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about italian?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "With one signifi cant exception it is not entirely clear by what criteria recruiters and employers selected their hired menatarms. The exception concerns reputation effects. The successful and reputable condottiere, one on whose word one could rely to fulfi ll a given contract in letter and in spirit, could always count on being wooed for future contracts and campaigns. Much recruitment appears to have taken place via marriage, family, and social ties between Italian and German nobles of greater and lesser rank. For example, as the condottiere himself would need to do his own subcontracting, he would often seek recourse to his own regional social ties.28 The primary recruiter would need to advance sometimes considerable sums to enable a condottiere to go about the subcontracting. Even with an advance payment, subcontracting could involve taking up large amounts of credit, mortgaging one’s holdings and obtaining cosignatures as collateral for creditors."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on contracts?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "ployees agree upfront not to join, upon contract termination, a directly competing fi rm for a set period of time. The variety and changes in the contracts amply suggest that the parties were addressing disputes by writing their next contract differently. The number of disputes can certainly be lowered by increasing the number of contingencies covered in contracts. But this runs into the problem of bounded rationality, a concept that suggests that since knowledge and rationality are limited, contracts cannot capture all contingencies. Contracts can only reduce likely disputes; they cannot eliminate them. An example is provided by historian C. C. Bayley. He writes that it was established practice, incorporated into Florentine code in 1337, that conquered “lands, castles, and other immovables should fall to the share of the republic,” whereas “harness, armour, and mobilia in general were claimed by the soldiery.” But disputes arose, for example, “on the disposi-"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat troops as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "reductions in their tax obligations. Lack of cash frequently led soldiers to pawn their equipment and horses in exchange for food and supplies, an undesirable circumstance for almost all concerned: soldiers without equipment are of no use to warlords; when necessary, condottieri then simply required citizens to supply equipment without recompense. This left local peasants holding the bag, put revenue pressure on communal leaders, and required of them to negotiate tax reductions with their overlords. Consequently, the tax revenue that the Sforzas were able to extract from their widespread possessions oscillated drastically over the years.49 Troops employed for a threemonthlong war season had to be paid more (per month) than those employed on longerterm contracts, and troops had to be compensated for their moving expenses as well. Combined, certainty and chapter three [ 98 ] stability resulted in a lower total wage bill and made for more loyal soldiers"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of contract?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "musters, of the need to hunt a contract for the next season of war, the necessity of despoiling someone’s countryside even in peace time, and of the general restlessness of life. Longerterm arrangements with states offering income, status, and continuity in exchange for loyal service became attractive. “Thus we see emerging in the greater continuity and permanence of military organisation, in the emphasis on discipline and fi delity to the state, in the development of hierarchical structures within longserving companies, and in the implications for training and the improvement of skills, a substantial move towards professionalism.” With loyalty and permanence, “very few condottieri were actually dismissed and therefore the traditional problem of demobilised companies holding the countryside to ransom did not arise” anymore. Contract incentives had become better aligned for mutual benefi t.63 Yet if that is the case, why should the employing power still need to rely on"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect italian to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "soldiers who were not part of the condotta system.” These came from stranded soldiers, members of the lanze spezzate, who were in wide usage by all Italian states by the mid- fi fteenth century.75 The name means broken lances and clearly the origins of such troops were individual cavalrymen who for various reasons had become detached from condottiere companies and their traditional lance formation, and had taken service directly with a state. . . . Some men presumably enrolled in lanze spezzate as a gesture of independence, but on the whole these troops were made up of deserters from other armies, and particularly of groups of soldiers whose condottiere had been killed. A standard way in which a state could retain the services of a good company whose commander had died, was to enrol them as lanze spezzate, appoint a new commander of its choice, and thus build up a nucleus of permanent cavalry.76 To treat payment problems by direct pay addressed not only undesirable"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on condottiere?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "which once “equated service in arms with tenure of land” broke as the “frequency of war called for the professional soldier; and the professional soldier called for continuous employment.”86 But as the trecento and quattrocento wore on, the link between arms and land was reestablished: Lands granted to foreign Condottieri normally represented a pledge for debts that could not be paid. The bestowal of fi efs upon an Italian suggests something more—a reviving relation between military service and the ownership of land, the desire for a settled home and base. It furnished the state with a hold upon the allegiance of its military commander more concrete and more precious than the paper upon which the terms of his condotta were recorded. It pointed the way towards the further stabilization of a military career, which might draw the fangs of the mercenary system and make the Condottiere an instrument of policy rather than a menace to his employer.87"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with opportunity?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "barbuta to the lancea formation.107 In the planning arena, opportunity costs played a role when weighing the relative advantages and disadvantages of the use of civic militia as opposed to professional, if mercenary, forces, a topic one can surely explore at length. The principle of opportunity cost also was seen at work in the operations arena: battles were far from bloodless but this did not mean that a condottiere would sacrifi ce men, horses, and equipment thoughtlessly. While the men might be replaced, and while even horses and equipment might be replaced with a new employer’s money, a major opportunity cost lay in the potential loss of reputation and therefore a rash condottiere’s future income stream. The opportunity cost principle is closely related to that of expected marginal costs and benefi ts. To say that a man’s economic opportunities back home frequently were slim and that not much was lost by crossing the Alps to sign on with a mercenary company is to say that the expected benefi t from"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise state?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "Why the employment of these forces eventually fell into disuse was the key question addressed in this chapter. Much of the literature emphasizes that the nature of warfare changed or that the nature of alliancemaking among the citystates changed. For example, Janice Thomson writes: State rulers want power and wealth. To achieve those ends, they chose to exploit nonstate violence—a choice that produced the desired results. It also generated unintended consequences in the form of nonstate violent practices that states did not authorize, could not control, and themselves fell victim to. State preferences did not change; rulers’ knowledge of the unintended consequences of their early attempts to realize those preferences did.109 What we suggest is that the economics of contracting usefully supplements and rounds out the explanations offered by military science (war making) and international relations theory (alliance making). Mercenary forces continued"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe national?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "port war efforts dovetailed with the introduction of gunpowder. In the 1400s the birth of national budgets coincided with the appearance of effective gunpowder weapons. This in turn required new types of fortifi cations that could stand up to cannon. Private warfare became fi nancially impossible. Instead, the state combined two monopolies—military and taxation—and it could also borrow. National debts arose largely from borrowing for and during wars. the age of battle [ 121 ] Taxation became broader and more innovative, and this in turn required increased surveillance of economic activity and also greater monetization.3 In other words, taxes could not effectively be paid or collected in kind anymore and hence the role of cash became more important. But there were many impediments to modernization. While feudalism became obsolete many of its traditions remained, including a wildly confusing array of special rights and privileges for nobles, the church, individual towns,"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term individual?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "not be justifi ed by the dollar cost to be paid; but for van Tuyll the dollars put down for the seventh slice are a cost smaller than the benefi t gained from acquiring and eating that slice. Van Tuyll’s choice of the seventh slice is the result of his perception of the additional benefi t as against the additional cost. The psychological or behavioral economics approach studies the perceptions, while the traditional economist merely notes that the action taken is a result of those perceptions. How the individual evaluates and reacts to a specifi c situation (economic perspective) is the result of how that individual processes information related to that situation (psychological perspective). Individual idiosyncrasies can be magnifi ed by the pressures of command, as noted by historian Barbara Tuchman: “It [is] said that senior command in battle is the only total human activity because it requires equal exercise of the physical, intellectual, and moral"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about british?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "a “defeated” army can regroup. A more manifest physical objective of giving battle included to infl ict unacceptable losses and attrition. In the American Revolutionary War, for example, Nathaniel Greene defeated the British army in the South even though he did not win a single battle. Ingeniously, he simply relied on the fact that every British regular shot down was an irreplaceable loss. Few generals claim attrition as their strategy in wartime, but it fi gures in the outcome of so many wars that it is probably more often deliberate than is admitted. Among tactical benefi ts of battle one may count “push back”—forcing an enemy to retreat can cost him a favorable position, good encampments with plenty of supplies, and other advantages; even a small advance can give the successful army a claim to success. To save, liberate, and gain territory procures at least temporary military advantage, which might compel the enemy into ill considered counterstrikes."}
{"instruction": "Why does france matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "seventeenth century that one begins to see an increasing emphasis on observation, datagathering, and evaluation of battles, on rationality and calculation in warfare, often from the pens of successful military commanders. The changing political situation in the seventeenth century also affected the calculus of warfare. Most important, the modern nationstate was born. Today we take its existence and dominance for granted, but it represents only a small proportion of human history. A nationstate basically is what we call a “country” today. It contains a group that considers itself bound together by something greater than blood or tribal ties—the “nation”—and which now resides in a unifi ed political entity—the “state.” France, Spain, and England were the fi rst major European nationstates. Monarchy played a somewhat ambivalent role. On the one hand, rulers such as Louis XIV in France deliberately and effectively moved France in the direction of being a nationstate."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame complexity here?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "efi t calculations. Complexity in operations created complexity in calculations. Waging war by the early 1600s had indeed become more complicated. In the Middle Ages, the real skill in warfare was concentrated at the point of siege. But now fi eld armies had developed into complicated articulated instruments utilizing large and small gunpowder weapons spread among all arms (cavalry, infantry, and artillery); this meant that commanders had much more to think about, both regarding their own possibilities, and those of the adversary. But there was an even greater problem that affected expectations about likely costs and benefi ts of engaging the next battle: the option of safe withdrawal was signifi cantly reduced. A small medieval army could always fall back on its castle, provided it was not too far away. This was no longer a useful option. Armies were too big. The greater fortifi cations built in this age could provide a line of defense but not one as impenetrable as the medieval castle which, if properly"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about mobility?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "country (we cannot speak of patriotism quite yet) might be reluctant to undertake actions that would be benefi cial to the monarch but not to the nation. Another potential cost of offering battle associated with the seventeenth century was loss of mobility. Mobility was much more important now. In the age of sieges armies existed mostly to attack or protect castles, and this often involved long stays in one place. Enemy armies would attempt to dislodge besieger or protector. Now fi eld armies had to protect lands, arsenals, and cities while simultaneously threatening the enemy’s. Battle threatened to deprive the army of the mobility to execute these multiple missions. Grappling with the enemy could turn into a lengthy series of fi ghts and skirmishes as a result of close proximity. Of course this made eliminating enemy mobility a potential benefi t of battle. To analyze the actual mechanics of decision making in this century we examine the cases of two of the most famous military leaders and thinkers of"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about battle?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "added benefi ts of battle might be calculated as advantageous if one’s own costs of battle plus loss of any strategic advantages were expected to be less than the enemy’s costs of battle plus the strategic gains made by giving battle if successful. This may strike a modern reader as crude but the overriding point is that Montecuccoli, like Gustavus, calculated with some deliberation whether to offer or to decline any given battle at hand. Here was a way to deal with capricious decision making, a way to arrive at monumentally important decisions in a more ordered, more methodical way than hitherto had been the case. It bears emphasizing once more not to confuse whether generals made the militarily correct decision regarding a particular battle—after all, once engaged, at least one general lost—with how the decision was arrived at. The point we make is only that battle in the Age of Battle had become too important for a general to fail to calculate the likely consequences beforehand."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about marlborough?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "capacity. Rising costs imposed some peculiar problems at the margin. For one thing, the monarchies of the age could not afford too many defeats. While public opinion had not the place it has today, abdication was often discussed after a serious military setback. A routed army lost not only the fi eld of battle, but its weapons and its men. The former were often thrown away by running soldiers—cannon had to be abandoned anyway—and the running soldiers frequently deserted. Paradoxically, the latter problem inhibited pursuit as well, for it is diffi cult to chase the dispersed. Therefore, the possible benefi t of totally defeating an enemy was effectively reduced in value: total defeat did not equal total destruction. Not all rulers and generals seem to have appreciated the impact of rising cost. Marlborough’s enormous losses undermined his alliance, his government, and fi nally, his position. Frederick the Great weakened himself almost fatally through his offensive approach."}
{"instruction": "How is national presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "In many countries, however, noblemen continued to dominate the offi cer ranks until after World War I. The effects of the French Revolution on armies were far reaching. National universal military duty, for all men irrespective of class, meant that the recruitment system was vastly changed. The state arrogated unto itself legal power to conscript forces that the absolute monarchs of the past had not had. The revolutionary armies began a pattern of vast growth. Smaller professional armies were replaced by larger forces with many conscripts. While the overall size of military establishments had been growing, now the size of individual armies—the number of soldiers who maneuvered and fought as a unit—grew as well (fi g. 4.6).38 Far more than before, these new armies were “national” in character as almost their entire complement was drawn from inside the country. The means of motivation changed. Enlistment bonuses and harsh discipline did not dis-"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about napoleon?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "is gained except through calculation.” Later he went further and claimed that he had “the habit of thinking about what I ought to do four or fi ve months in advance.”50 It is interesting—and relevant—to note how differently some of Napoleon’s chapter four [ 154 ] interpreters treated his views on calculations. Clausewitz shared the view that many problems of generals were problems of mathematical calculation. Jomini, often accused of presenting too orderly and geometric a version of Napoleon’s style of warfare, nevertheless notes the problem of collisions and unexpected battles. Clausewitz did not ignore chance, nor did Jomini propose reckless aggressiveness (if anything, he tended toward the opposite). While Napoleon had broken with his eighteenthcentury predecessors on many points, he shared their desire to calculate before battle, and his careful choosing of circumstances reveals his attention to the marginal benefi t (or cost) that might accompany fi ghting on any particular day."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on returns?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "Now a mass of young recruits representative of the whole nation and (ideally) bound together by patriotism replaced the smaller paid, professional armies of the eighteenth century. Although there was and remains disagreement on this point, this system apparently worked well enough and is beginning to disappear only in our own age. The economic principle of diminishing returns at fi rst glance confl icts with a wellknown military principle with which few would quarrel: concentration of force. If concentration is required because a smaller force cannot do the job at hand, superfi cially, diminishing returns do not seem to occur. But they do. In war, if two divisions are needed for a successful attack, increasing the attacking force from one to two is valuable because it produces the desired overall result. Yet diminishing returns still occur: the fi repower of two chapter four [ 156 ] eighteenthcentury divisions would not double the effect of one such division."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat the prussian as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "misfortunes. Those were the very times that soldiers were the most needed, and the most likely time for them to fl ee. Keeping them together so that they could be watched (or watch each other) was essential. And even though it was often not enough, a public shooting of recaptured deserters undoubtedly served as a means of stimulating troops’ loyalty, at least to each other. Another aspect of asymmetric information concerns not principal and agent within the same party but that between opposing forces, especially the problem of uncovering, prior to battle, hidden characteristics of an enemy force. To deal with this, one development in the eighteenth century was that of war gaming. This did not provide information as such about the adversary but did create a systematic way of studying possible outcomes and thereby began to reveal potential hidden characteristics an enemy (or oneself!) might possess. the age of battle [ 157 ] The Prussian army was particularly farsighted in developing this methodology."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of asymmetric?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "mer due to information asymmetries before an action is taken, the latter to asymmetries that emerge after an action is taken. Market participants learn from mistakes, and in chapter 3 we saw that Italian citystates attempted to overcome hidden action problems stemming from contracts with condottieri. Elaborate contracts were written, inspections held, contracted payments deferred, performance benefi ts and bonuses offered, titles of nobility awarded, and so on and so forth, all for the purpose of prevailing over those who would renege on the military services contract. The theory of asymmetric information, at least the economic part of it, provides a rich tapestry by which to read history. In this chapter we examine elements of the hidden characteristics aspect of asymmetric information. One note of caution must be issued at the outset, and that is not to confuse asymmetric information with asymmetric warfare! The latter deals with"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect united states to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "assembly of very observant bystanders, as any schoolchild knows. Cunning animals also know this and may not necessarily reveal the whole of their might in any given fi ght.3 The human animal is cunning. The very essence of human contest involves sending signals to mislead and deceive the opponent, just as it may involve, on occasion, sending true signals. May Day parades in Moscow during the reign of the Soviet empire quite literally involved the “strutting” of military men and their machines, the aim being to dissuade the United States and its allies from heedless attack. Similarly, the United States “strutted” underground nuclear explosions whose seismic waves could correctly be read in Moscow. This sending and receiving of correct signals secured the continued existence of life on earth. The inadequacy of signaling and screening, however, explains just why the Cuban missile crisis in 1962 resulted in so precarious a standoff. In private markets, mutual disclosure can increase confi dence and increase the"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on antietam fredericksburg?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "although more for logistical than informational reasons. Their effect on information fl ow was that large numbers of soldiers and civilians could move over much longer distances. This meant that information carried by word of mouth now moved across the country to a much greater extent than was true before. An experiment with forward artillery observers was not repeated. Civil War gunners did not use indirect fi re much and hence did not really need forward artillery observers. More useful were signal corps observation stations and scouts. The stations were originally intended for signaling but evolved toward two other functions: intercepting enemy messages and observing movements. The stations were placed on high ground and contained powerful telescopes. Both sides used some of their stations exclusively for observing the enemy. Confederate generals relied signifi cantly on observations from the towers at First and Second Bull Run, Antietam, Fredericksburg, and the Wilderness."}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with magruder?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "end of June, he had withdrawn after heavy fi ghting and referred to “such great odds against us,” of “contending at several points against superior numbers,” and about being “attacked by greatly superior numbers in all directions on this side.”24 McClellan found himself on the downside of a onesided information asymmetry: the Confederacy knew his strength far better because Magruder, Lee, and Jackson worked diligently to deceive and mislead McClellan. Magruder, at onetosix the hopelessly outnumbered commander at Yorktown, had his small columns march in circles with only one side visible to the Union and ordered his men to go into the woods at night and shout instructions to nonexistent brigades and divisions. Meanwhile, McClellan’s own information security was porous. He complained about newspaper reports detailing his movements and positions and noted a specifi c instance in which a set of his orders was published a week later in the Baltimore American."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise hooker?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "informational advantage he became paralyzed and lost the initiative as well. Hooker paid a great deal of attention to prebattle information gathering. His establishment of the Bureau of Military Information gave him a regular fl ow of intelligence. He carefully studied information from deserters, contrabands, and regular citizens, as well as from balloon observation and newspapers (although that fl ow was sometimes cut off). He corresponded with Union of- fi cers commanding coastal enclaves in Virginia to deduce Confederate movements. He evaluated reports intelligently. When told that the enemy was evacuating Richmond, he responded astutely that this “will never be until he is compelled to.”34 Like any competent general, Hooker worked to turn information to his advantage (or prevent disadvantage), and he succeeded. In the Chancellorsville campaign of April and May 1863, Lee did not have any idea where Hooker might cross the Rappahannock, and Lee’s correspondence reveals no certainty"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe sedgwick?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "under John Sedgwick had remained behind at Fredericksburg. A smaller Confederate force under Jubal Early occupied the heights above the city to prevent a Union advance. Early, who had roomed with Sedgwick as a cadet, believed that his old friend would be cautious and not attempt to assault the heights. Early was absolutely right; Sedgwick had no intention to attack except that, unbeknownst to Early, Sedgwick had received unequivocal orders to carry the Confederate positions. Obedient, he attacked, and with considerable diffi - culty drove Early off the heights. This disrupted Lee’s plans and saved Hooker from worse.37 But it could not save him from the public relations disaster of having gained the advantage of surprise, crossed the most formidable geographic obstacle on the road to Richmond, and then given the initiative. His behavior is explained by the principle of expected marginal cost and benefi t (chap. 4) but the mental or emotional arithmetic that underlies this calculus"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term grant?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "his information was more accurate. Lee knew he was outnumbered and that defense would both protect his smaller army as well as take advantage of his adversary’s aggressiveness. He was always prepared to return to the offensive but—except for Gettysburg—refused to do so blindly, for he also knew that one more defeat could be the end. Petersburg and Appomattox In the wake of the Cold Harbor fi asco, Grant’s behavior changed. Predictable, straightahead assaults would not bring him victory. He would have to mislead Lee. He did. He managed a swing to the southeast, eventually reaching Petersburg, cutting Virginia off from most of the Confederacy. True information asymmetry existed, because Lee did not know where Grant was going until it was too late. Grant helped create this uncertainty. He strengthened his trenches in front of Cold Harbor, and one of his corps demonstrated noisily just to the south, as if the Yankees were preparing a relatively minor repositioning."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about civil war?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "same experiences afterward, fi ghting on the frontier and against Mexico. Perhaps one reason that the Civil War lasted so long, with neither side’s armies able to destroy the other’s until the very end, is that in some ways they were mirrors of each other and therefore had an incredible amount of information about each other. Unfortunately for the Confederacy, it was the smaller mirror. the american civil war and the other principles of economics In reviewing the American Civil War in relation to the other principles examined in our study, it becomes apparent that there is fertile ground for research. Some examples are suggested below and are summarized with the entries in the matrix appended to this chapter. These examples are not intended to be exhaustive. The following discussion merely suggests possible applications of some aspect of each principle to the American Civil War case. the age of revolution [ 191 ] Opportunity cost in military decision making involves the awareness that"}
{"instruction": "Why does union matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "gic and tactical advantages greater than the costs to the secessionists’ slim human and material resources. One example of this occurred during the planning for the Gettysburg campaign. In the spring of 1863 Lee and Stonewall Jackson discussed invading the north, the potential costs of which had already been made clear at Antietam (1862). Their thinking went beyond the usual considerations, however. They thought that an invasion of eastern Pennsylvania would disrupt the fl ow of anthracite coal to the north’s great coastal cities and cripple their industries. The risks of fi ghting on Yankee soil would be counterbalanced by the damage done to Northern war production and logistics—the trains ran on coal, the Union armies were dependent on the trains, and so on. This was an especially important consideration as the Union had an overwhelming preponderance both in industry and railroads. In warfare, substitution usually involves different types of forces or different"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame union here?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "city. Second, the eastern and western theaters could be used for comparative study. For this chapter, we chose to center on the eastern theater. Because two armies fought over increasingly familiar terrain within a relatively constricted geographical area, ceteris paribus conditions more easily apply: every Union general had to cross the Rappahannock, for example. It is too early to draw defi nitive conclusions regarding the other principles. Our brief coverage of them is illustrative and is intended to whet readers’ appetite, not satisfy it. The thirty entries in the Civil War matrix appended to this chapter certainly suggest a number of hypotheses worth examining. By way of example, we spell out three hypotheses here. First, with regard to substitution and manpower, was Confederate use of slave labor an effective substitution strategy which prolonged the confl ict (a “strict” draft that slaves could not escape)? Likewise, did the Union’s “soft” draft—permitting draft escape by"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about strategic?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "or on the surface of the ocean, usually in cooperation with those forces, strategic air power usually works in relative independence of armies and navies.9 In the hope that military efforts will be starved, strategic bombing, the fi rst defi nition suggests, is about the bombing of essentially nonmilitary assets, that is, production sites. One shoots at the economic cow that would (re)fi ll the military’s pail. The focus on the ultimate objective—the opponent’s ability to prosecute the war—is operationally vague and is at any rate restricted to the physical inputs to warmaking, the perceived potential bottlenecks or chokepoints, neglecting human capital and institutional aspects. The second defi nition helps to separate out strategic from tactical bombing and identifi es three operational targets: (a) the opponent’s actual arms production; (b) the enemy’s economy as a whole that forms the supply chain to and from arms industry facilities; and (c) the morale of the adversary’s civilian"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about world war?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "myriad other complementary inputs to bombing tonnage as the Germans worked to negate any advantage that might spring from their opponents’ efforts. It is crucial to understand the following point. Virtually all of the strategic bombing debate that ensued during and after World War II is cast in terms of bombing’s total destructive effect, of whether or not strategic bombing contributed decisively to Germany’s collapse and war loss. In contrast, the aim chapter six [ 204 ] here is to think about the incremental destructive effect of additional bombing tonnage applied, the marginal effect as economists refer to it. And there is some tantalizing evidence that we show later, suggesting that the marginal effects of bombing were in fact declining, just as production theory predicts. Regrettably for economists and other mathematicallyminded scholars, it is not possible to establish the coeffi cients of the strategic bombing production function."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about strategic?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "straints. Another way to think about strategic forces—a way that perhaps reconciles the contrasting views—is to think of them not in isolation of other inputs but conjointly. Just as targeting technology helped shift the effectiveness of strategic bombing to a higher production function (fi g. 6.2), so tactical air power may be seen as just a different technology. Once the “technology” of tactical air power had advanced, it shifted strategic bombing onto a higher production function and above the victory threshold—only that it then became conquest bombing rather than strategic bombing. Although the data do not permit quantitative analysis in a statistical sense, it is quite clear that as envisioned by the air war planners strategic bombing did not have a signifi cant impact on Germany’s war production. Manufacture of weaponry did not fall, but actually rose in the last year of the war. Such effects as strategic bombing did have were due primarily to shift factors"}
{"instruction": "How is asymmetry presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "example of successful enemy infi ltration by spies. Once a person is a spy (has taken an action), how does one overcome the problem of hidden action (e.g., monitoring that the spy does not become a doublespy)? One must overcome asymmetries in information about intentions. One way to do this is by designing oneway gateways by which information fl ows only in the desired direction, that is, by placing spies in a position to collect and transmit information from target to home without putting them in a loop that would permit them also to transmit from home to target. A rereading of spy history would probably reveal a number of mechanisms by which the asymmetry problem was addressed, if perhaps not solved. Likewise, we would expect that successful doubleagency revolves around the failure of overcoming the asymmetry problem. A different example of overcoming hidden action asymmetry is given by an insidious form of bonding that leads people to police themselves."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about germany?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "of what to expect. Likewise, German soldiers on the receiving end could be surer of their unhappy fate, and this prompted a serious break in the cultural compact between the Nazi state and its troops. Aerial bombardment and disruption now made it harder for offi cers to keep track of their underlings, to report them to the higherups, to punish the laggard, to pursue the deserter. Hidden action (the pursuit of the troops’ real intentions) became more evident but there was not much the Nazis could do anymore. Units and fi ghting morale disintegrated. In the arena of logistics, things began to break down internally. The principle of diminishing marginal returns is illustrated more narrowly than in the main sections of this chapter by examining the initial bombing runs into Germany. Only with the catastrophic failure of the bombing run on Schweinfurt in August 1943 did the Allies fi nally conclude that sending swarms of unescorted bomber planes to Germany territory was folly."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on american?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "of successful runs. Under conditions of uncertainty and setbacks, expected costs and benefi ts were debated back and forth until this or that commander spoke the fi nal word and set the force on a new course, only to be corrected when the costs proved high and the benefi ts slim. The returns diminished to such an extent that Arthur Harris abandoned strategic bombing altogether and for the remainder of his career took to obsessively bombing German cities and towns. In return, the Americans gave up on him. There was no way, no tool, no incentive, by which to convince him to change his behavior and stop splitting the limited resources of the air force. The situation would not change until the creation of a combined RAF / USAAF force under American command. This helped to mitigate an incentive alignment problem between British and American forces. Operations Finally, we take a look at the operations side of the strategic bombing of Germany."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat strategic as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "action, Headache, by developing a countermeasure suitably called Aspirins: develop transmitters that fake the Knickebein beam and confuse the German pilots.70 As with the other chapters in this book, the main idea in this section is not to fully develop the story of how one can see the operation of economic principles in the strategic air war on Germany in World War II. Rather, it is to provide enough background and fl avor to provoke the hypothesis that a fuller account for each one of the items in this section would be worth an article or chapter or book in its own right, that infusing the telling of history with economics may be a productive endeavor. conclusion Reconsider an early quote in this chapter: “Strategic bombing bears the same relationship to tactical bombing as does the cow to the pail of milk. To deny immediate aid and comfort to the enemy, tactical considerations dictate upsetting the bucket. To ensure eventual starvation, the strategic move is to kill"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of weapons?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "until almost the time of Regane, for most the fundamental differences between nuclear and conventional weapons manifested themselves immediately after Hiroshima. Quite apart from the moral dimension of any use, even in operational terms such weapons are diffi cult to integrate into warfare or warfare gaming scenarios. For example, tactical nuclear weapons might invite a strategic response, giving them a characteristic not found in any conventional weapon. Atomic weapons’ capacity for instant and widespread destruction has no equal. A city, even an entire country, can be eliminated in a fl ash. French military strategist and nuclear force proponent André Beaufre considered the threat of nuclear war an entirely new level of confl ict, “a new and overriding factor in the international balance and a form of armed contest at once possible and morally inadmissible.” This moral dimension places special limitations on their use, limitations not found with conventional weapons."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect france to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "bombs, but in reality the project had been underway for some time, though without a fi nal decision from the top. “France drifted toward the possession of an atomic bomb without the project ever receiving offi cial sanction at the cabinet level.” Instead, and quite typically, planning and discussions proceeded among France’s soldiers and powerful fonctionnaires. A foreign ministry offi cial and member of the Atomic Energy Committee suggested that the bomb was “a sort of byproduct of an offi cially peaceful effort.”15 “In the face of vacillation and indecisiveness by the government, and unawareness and abdication of responsibility by Parliament, policy issues were debated and resolved at another level, and the elaboration of a military atomic program was guided by a small group of persons from the CEA [Commissariat à l’Énergie Atomique], the military and the Government.”16 In fact, several sets of decision processes were going on, perhaps less confusing in reality than they appear in retrospect"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on american?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "manufacturing site at Marcoule. Security was so tight that the engineer who had designed the control mechanisms was not permitted to see them because his father was a communist. Ironically, this was the time that American law forbade the sharing of nuclear secrets with France because of the presence of communists in the French government. Naturally this further increased Franco- American friction and the French desire for an independent deterrent—overcoming some military objectors.26 Military support for nuclear weapons increased in 1954, although it was not unanimous, as Mendès- France discovered. The valid fear that nuclear development would cut conventional spending was strong in an army that not only had many overseas commitments but was being defeated in Indochina. The military calculated that the bomb could be developed in fi ve years, a very reasonable estimate as it turned out. But what may have turned the most uniformed heads were not the inherent problems exposed by Dien Bien Phu and"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with gaulle?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "structures, presenting these, by ingenious arguments, as being integral parts of deterrence, thus as having the same priority.” De Gaulle’s concern was never with the abstractions of nuclear doctrine. In public, his offi cials seemed to share this view. The offi cial military doctrines for the force de frappe “hardly developed in offi cial statements beyond the most general propositions.”33 The Evolution of the Force in the De Gaulle Era It is commonly accepted that doctrine should determine weapons selection and that it should justify specifi c decisions made. Military doctrine was necessary to sort out the services’ competing claims for deterrent roles (or, in the army’s case, for tactical nuclear capacity). In some ways doctrine appeared quite stable. For example, the doctrine of proportional deterrence remained in force throughout the 1960s and not only gave the force more credibility but furnished justifi cations for its limited size."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise gaullist?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "ent from any of its predecessors. It favored the status quo, did not completely give up on American guarantees for Europe, but retained its own deterrent force. There was an “impressive continuity irrespective of president or government.” Policy fell well within Gaullist norms, keeping the nuclear forces while starving the conventional ones. “The Gaullist model was maintained by all of de Gaulle’s successors.” During the last years of the Cold War the administration remained resolutely Gaullist in its thinking even when changing technology (such as antimissile systems) overtook doctrine. And because of the threat of proliferation that followed, even the fall of the Soviet bloc did not lead to signifi cant nuclear policy changes. Gaullism was present also in the chapter seven [ 260 ] government’s view of America. The force was and remained partly a substitute for overreliance on the United States. While Mitterand’s government in some ways appeared close to the United States at certain times, mistrust, nonethe-"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe gaullist?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "Yet the basic nuclear ideal of the Fourth Republic was different from de Gaulle’s: The central importance of the force de frappe to the Gaullist conception of strategic threat cannot easily be exaggerated. It was intended to be responsive to internal and external strategic threats, both national and systemic, projected by the de Gaulle government. It was to be a tool of French diplomacy and grandeur. It was to foster internal cohesion and economic and social progress. It was, ultimately, a challenge to superpower rule. It was essential to the Gaullist critique of the instability and illegitimacy of the present international system. Its creation was not only evidence that France was a great power but proof that the nationstate was still a viable human agency, materially capable of defending its citizens and, therefore, morally competent to claim their fi nal allegiance. With the stakes so high, there is little wonder that Gaullist France should have"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term gallois beaufre?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "An admirer of the British strategist Basil Liddell Hart, he adapted the latter’s “indirect approach” to the use of nuclear weapons, particularly their use to create superpower uncertainty by multiplying the number of independent centers of decision making. An independent force would become a help, not a hindrance, to allies. Justifi ably he was called “by far the most creative and interesting French nuclear strategist” of the Gaullist era.54 Where generals like Gallois, Beaufre, and Ailleret may have played their most important role, however, was in justifying the new approach to its most important audience: the military. De Gaulle inherited a military establishment that was defeated, embittered, demoralized, and hostile. Elements within it participated in two coup attempts and a lengthy campaign to kill him. The armed forces had to be reorganized and streamlined and be made loyal to the state. Establishing the force and cutting many NATO ties gave the military"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about france?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "opposition to the force. France’s conventional arms acquisition was not the only trouble. Henry Kissinger commented on the “amazing conclusion” that nuclear parity meant that conventional manpower forces should be cut, but he also suggested, as will we, that the interest in the nuclear deterrent was a function of the political impossibility of raising adequate regular forces.64 France’s limited resources meant that the impact of nuclearization was bound to be quite signifi cant. Raymond Aron had estimated that the nuclear deterrent would cost about 20 percent of the defense budget, and 40 percent of arms procurement, and that the secondgeneration deterrent would be even more costly. He described his own calculations as conservative, “yet even these low estimates jeopardize programs regarded as minimal in the area of conventional arms.” Half or more of the program budgets of the fi rst two programs were spent on nuclearization, and the share of actual spending was"}
{"instruction": "Why does french matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "found that frequently a single overriding solution was applied; once it had been “the continuous front and the power of the defensive; today it is the nuclear weapon,” he wrote. In the view of another author, psychologically, the bomb was not so different from the Maginot Line: “both are concerned with the protection of French boundaries from invaders.”77 But this refl ects the viewpoint of the Fourth Republic more than that of de Gaulle, who, as we noted, saw France’s independence more endangered than its territorial integrity. Those who would analyze nuclear for conventional arms substitution have to consider not only the different areas in which it took place but also its time dimension. De Gaulle sought independence, refused subordination to America, searched for grandeur, believed in the primacy of the French nationstate, and stressed the importance of national defense. In analyzing the extent to which nuclear weapons were substituted for conventional weapons or other"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame conventional here?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "conventional forces. chapter seven [ 274 ] In the realm of deterrence comparability is more complicated. Can conventional forces deter? In theory, of course, they can, but not in the same way that nuclear weapons do. The amount of punishment that conventional forces can infl ict is obviously much smaller. Strong conventional forces can threaten the attacker with defeat, or at least deny the chance of a quick victory; they threaten quagmire. Conventional forces can also threaten a counterattack, although this becomes less believable if only the original aggressor has nuclear arms. But the credibility of the nuclear deterrent threat is less than that of the conventional kind. Suppose that the Soviet Union threatened an invasion of the West, and assume France could threaten to throw either its conventional or its nuclear forces into the battle. How credible would France’s implied threat be? Not very. The Soviet Union had already made it clear that any French"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about hiroshima?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "hordes” that one’s conventional forces could not reasonably withstand. In this case, substitution took place. But the reverse is the case when the different arms are compared regarding the ability to strike the enemy. Conventional forces can do that but at costs so immensely greater that comparability is brought into question. For example, the destruction of Tokyo and the killing there of more civilians than at Hiroshima was accomplished by a conventional force—but of 279 airplanes as compared with one at Hiroshima, and this with complete air superiority. The air fl eet that destroyed Tokyo was small compared with the ones that could not disable Nazi Germany’s cities (see chap. 6). With atomic weapons, air superiority was unnecessary. Only one bomber has to penetrate in order to destroy a city. Primitive missiles can cheaply carry atomic bombs. If fi fteen Mirage IVs attacked Moscow with conventional weapons (a perfectly plausible number), the results would be derisory even"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about france?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "Finally, did substitution take place with regard to France’s foreign policy? Before de Gaulle, the Fourth Republic thought nuclear weapons would prevent Dien Bien Phu and Sueztype situations, where France was too weak to avoid international humiliation. De Gaulle went further, wishing to ensure France’s greatpower status. Could this be achieved with conventional forces? Gaullists would say no, thereby denying comparable benefi ts; otherwise justifi cation for the force would be undermined. Yet even a casual review of the international situation beginning with the 1950s shows that global power did not automatically fl ow from possession of nuclear weapons. A large, wellequipped conventional military could engage in any number of interventionist exercises, and the use of such a force might give a country more power and prestige than the possession of an atomic bomb of doubtful practical utility. Indeed, France showed plenty of willingness to get involved in foreign crises,"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about gallois?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "tactical weapons—although, interestingly, they were secretly returned.86 All this did not decrease French mistrust of dependence on outsiders, which had now been reinforced by Gallois’s arguments about the impossibility of one country extending its deterrent to another. This mistrust manifested itself in many ways. It was extended to Britain, which had collapsed during the Suez crisis. For some, it extended to Germany. Gallois, for example, believed Germany wished to denuclearize France. It even extended to the French Community (France’s answer to the British Commonwealth); the former empire was no longer seen as a source of strength. Overseas bases, once the sine qua non of global military force, were no longer signifi cant because it did not matter from whence the force would be launched. Of course, an integrated military command with all NATO nuclear forces included might have been an alternative—but was this feasible? The United States would never have given up"}
{"instruction": "How is french presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "proportionately more—but this does not mean that the smaller ones should be punished for spending less. The spending patterns of the large and small nations are “solidly grounded in their national interests.”91 Nor is this a bad thing, as the French claimed: A fi nal implication of our model is that alliances and international organizations, as presently organized, will not work effi ciently, or according to any common conception of fairness, however complete the agreement and community of interest among the members. Though there is obviously a point beyond which dissension and divergent purposes will ruin any organization, it is also true that some differences of purpose may improve the working of an alliance, because they increase the private noncollective benefi ts from the national contributions to the alliance, and this alleviates the suboptimality and disproportionality. How much smaller would the military forces of the small members of"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about nuclear?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "session of the bomb. The bomb was merely a tool. Whether it was ever more than that depends on the extent to which the nuclear force justifi cations and doctrine were a true foreign policy in which substitution can be said to have occurred or if they were merely additional support for existing foreign policy in which case substitution did not occur. the force de frappe and the other principles of economics The case of the force de frappe presents unusual challenges for the application of our economic principles. Whereas wartime actions come with a large quantity of operational decisions to study, with nuclear weaponry there only exist budgetary decisions as well as nuclear warfare theory, simulations, and peacetime maneuvers about which there is limited information accessible. As a result, there is a good deal of overlap among the examples used to illustrate the various principles. opportunity cost. The nuclear era obviously did not free decision makers"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on gallois?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "By institutionalizing this, he helped to overcome the hidden action problem and encouraged selfrevelation. Nuclearizing the military was a way to motivate the innovators and move them from the back row to the front and give them an incentive to continue nuclearizing. hidden characteristics. The hidden characteristics aspect of the principle of asymmetric information also has an application to the threat of nuclear warfare. To quote Gallois, “use belongs in the realm of the imaginary” and “the ‘force’ aspect of grand strategy includes only what you see.”97 Almost all nuclear strategy is based on the threat posed by the weapons, which means that the mindset of potential adversaries lies at the core of everything. For this reason information has to be given to the enemy, but not too much, and sometimes the enemy must be misled. Denying the enemy all information is counterproductive as that would undermine deterrence. Giving the enemy too"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat substitution as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "degraded emphasis on deterrence means absence of fl exible response strategy tous azimuts means a lack of concentration of force Expected marginal costs / benefi ts fewer conscripts better for the economy ‘vital targets’ may include logistical targets aerospace industry city targeting provides greatest deterrent effect Regane: better to test outside homeland Substitution small number of technicians instead of large numbers of draftees rockets and planes are better than overseas bases more ‘bang for the buck’ (more ‘frappe for the franc’) proportional deterrence makes up for limited force size submarines replace more vulnerable delivery systems Diminishing marginal returns increasing number of infantrymen does not increase power more weapons and people do not automatically strengthen strategic forces larger bomb does not automatically increase effect given proportional deterrence, no value to increasing force beyond country’s value to ag-"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of france?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "In the absence of modern mathematical chapter eight [ 288 ] tools to help think through a particular game, how secure was the logic of their conclusions? What did the great military strategists of the past see that escaped their less fortunate counterparts? Indeed, might game theory reveal that certain prominent strategists might have been lucky rather than having been strategic? We have said little in this book that would involve principles of public fi nance; we have touched on this in the case of Italy’s condottieri and France’s budgetary problems fi nancing its force de frappe, for example, but we have not directly addressed principles of taxation and public expenditure. Nor have we dealt squarely with socalled public goods, even though defense is usually economists’ prime textbook example of a public good—a good that, once produced for one, can yield benefi ts to additional users without additional cost and from whose value fl ow these additional benefi ciaries cannot feasibly"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect colombia farc to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "it can associate with specifi c acts of terror. But to focus on individuals is myopic. The primary objective is not to “take out” individuals but to undermine the organization within which they operate. Indeed, acts of terror “without a face” are more numerous than those “with a face.” Few will recall any Basque terrorist’s name, or that of any member of the IRA, or of Japan’s Red Army, of Colombia’s FARC, or of the countless, nameless Tamil suicide bombers in Sri Lanka, or of those setting off improvised explosive devices in Iraq. Basing counterterrorist policy on terrorists, rather than terrorism, would be like basing industrial policy on labor alone without also understanding the fi rms and industries within which labor works. What counts are not just the workers but their recruitment, their training, their productivity, and how they are fi nanced and supported. Economists analyze markets on the assumption that its participants—peo-"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on economies?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "a further round of attacks. Fourth, terror organizations may be expected to improve the effi ciency of their operations, which also lowers average costs. For example, economies of scale can be achieved by sharing fi xed costs of planning across a greater terror effort for a given time period. Economies of scope can be achieved by sharing fi xed costs across a larger set of products, that is, not more attacks but more types of attacks. Economies of agglomeration may be achieved when terror groups locate in close proximity to each other, and economies of learning can take place when a successful attack by one group signals to other groups what works. To some degree, all of these behaviors have been observed and may be anticipated in future, and all of these result in effi ciency gains. Fifth, terror organizations can and do change their product mix. Already mentioned was the product substitution from one attack mode to another, say from skyjackings to assassinations to hostagetaking events."}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with terror?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "A certain honor among thieves prevailed. But the new terror associated with socalled Islamic fundamentalism does not share an ideological commonality with the old terror groups and therefore does not particularly care about spillover effects that might drive the old terror organizations out of business. What does any or all of this imply for government policy, and what are the prospects for successful counterterrorism?11 Unfortunately, the prospects are not particularly good because it can be shown that governments tend to overinvest in defensive measures and underinvest in offensive measures. To see why, consider a set of asymmetries between terror organizations and their targets (table 8.1). These asymmetries provide a tactical advantage to terror the twenty-first century [ 295 ] organizations, and it is within the scope of these (and other) asymmetries that government must choose between offensive and defensive measures. Offensive measures include actions such as infi ltration, preemptive strikes, and"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise governments?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "This implies that going after the fi nancing that funds hitech events will induce a terror organization to recruit more labor to switch to lowtech events. The organization will attempt to stay on the same “isoquant,” that is, produce the same amount of damage but with a different combination of labor, capital, and other inputs, given its overall resource constraint. Again, for government it is important to go after “everything, everywhere, all the time” in order to make the overall resource constraint more biting, but that is exactly what governments by all accounts have not yet been able to achieve. Fourth, one potential counterterrorist measure that has not received much attention is that before a person joins a terror organization—and even thereafter—that person has an option of choosing to participate in a terror action or a nonterror action. Governments’ counterterror activities almost always are “sticks” to counter the terror choice, whereas the “carrots” of offering an"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe united states?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "economics of military manpower Since the United States’ 1973 switchover from a conscript army to an allvolunteer force, a relatively small band of economists has made substantial progress in comprehending the economics of military manpower. Although data availability has restricted empirical applications primarily to the United States, the advances in theoretical work underlying the empirical work are applicable to any country or statelike entity at any time in history. There is the initial decision any government has to make, namely, how much of its resources to expend on war- fi ghting capabilities.14 This is not independent of its ability to tax, nor independent of the country’s underlying economic strength. A second decision pertains to how many of its people to bring into the armed forces, both in absolute as well as in percentage terms. Of those brought in, a portion will be front line and another will be support personnel, the result of"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term conscription?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "shift has taken place, one needs to understand certain pros and cons of both conscripted and volunteer forces. Conscription—involuntary service, whether in the armed forces or for “alternative,” civilian purposes—imposes an unequal exchange. The recruit is coerced to surrender labor services in exchange for which he receives something (e.g., subsistence) he would not otherwise have taken. This contrasts starkly with the way economic relations ordinarily work. No one is compelled to purchase a fi ve-dollar bag of apples at the grocery store. Instead, consumers can choose when, where, and how to expend their resources. And as employees, people can freely choose when, where, and to whom to hire out their capacity to work. The very fact that conscription amounts to an involuntary trade suggests that it is an unequal trade, and that is something economists tend to frown upon: limitations placed on the freedom of choice can generally be"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about turkey?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "dents while other groups mostly escape it. This gives the lie to the notion that conscription serves to pull a representative sample of society into service. In Turkey, all males are subject to conscription—short enough so that all must serve, that is, a draft lottery need not be used—with temporary deferment for those wishing to complete university education.16 This has the undesirable effect that just as graduates would convert school knowledge into labor market experience and expertise, they are pulled off the private labor market. Upon reentry months or years later, knowledge has depreciated and needs chapter eight [ 302 ] to be recouped before it can be put to good use. Given the fi ndings for the United States referred to earlier, it is therefore likely that Turkey permanently lowers the productivity of its (male) citizens and thereby harms the entirety of its economy and standing in the world. Meanwhile, the common practice of purchasing exemption (commutation or buyout) from military service is well"}
{"instruction": "Why does united states matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "Regarding productivity, too, to effectively employ ever more sophisticated weaponry requires a stabler, more mature, and longerserving force—professionals, in a word—again giving the advantage to volunteer forces. This would appear to explain the observed shift from conscription to allvolunteer forces in NATO Europe in the post–Cold War years, a shift that still continues as several states have announced conversion of their recruitment system toward volunteers to take place in the next few years. Decisions regarding enlistment and retention are major supplyside issues affecting the management of the allvolunteer force of the United States, especially in the wake of its largescale involvement in Afghanistan and Iraq since 2001 and 2003, respectively. These issues have been compounded in that widespread media reporting regarding extended duty tours negatively affect both the initial enlistment decision and the reenlistment decision."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame united states here?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "corporate chieftain hiring the services of a bodyguard. Economists refer to this as a private good, not because the provider is a private person or fi rm but because the character of service is that it applies to only one person at each moment in time (i.e., high rivalry) and because one can be excluded from protection if one does not pay the bodyguard for services rendered. Note that the president of the United States is surrounded by bodyguards employed by the U.S. government. Thus, bodyguarding can be either privately or publicly provided, but in either case it is a private good as regards its underlying character (high rivalry, high exclusion). Knowing this, an assassin might try to divert a bodyguard by fi rst attacking an individual located close to the ultimately intended target. If, in negligence of duty, the bodyguard reacts to defend the decoy, the guard’s service becomes “private” to the defended person, thereby providing the opening to the real target the assassin was seeking."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about department?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "The slaughterhouse would be built by the chickenprocessor and become part of the latter’s overall operation. A potential market transaction becomes internal to the hierarchy of a single organization. With regard to a government’s foreign transactions, for example, its diplomatic relations with other sovereign states, Williamson argues that the risk of handing this function to a private fi rm via the market outweighs the additional administrative cost that internalizing this function to a government offi ce or public bureau, such as the Department of State, implies. In particular he argues that it is important that diplomats and associated offi cials have “lowerpowered incentives, more rules and regulations, and greater job security than are associated with a counterpart private bureau.” Although these increase the cost, they are the cost of mitigating the hazards that arise when there are highpowered incentives, few rules, and little job security—as ordinarily would be"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about reserve?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "accounts for the successful emergence of PMCs and PSCs? One argument is that public activeduty forces, whether conscripted or volunteer, are expensive. Like electricitygenerating plants, they need to be large enough to meet even improbable contingencies, or else “the lights go out.” Electric utilities deal with demand surges by building economiesofscale basegeneration capacity that supplies most of the need and top this off with expensive peakload generation capacity that kicks in on an asneeded basis. Militaries, certainly that of the United States, avail themselves of this concept by having a large activeduty force supplemented with a large reserve force. Reserve forces are expensive. They need uptodate equipment, they must train regularly, they need to be paid, retained, and provided with benefi ts beyond the paycheck. The advantage of idealtype footloose PMCs and PSCs is that they can be hired at will, fully equipped, trained, and ready to go."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about military?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "ment agencies. Current and former members of the armed forces understandably take an intense interest in unit histories, battle accounts, and campaign chronicles; their superiors are interested in history serving the goal of “lessons learned” to be applied to the next clash of arms; and politicians and civilian overseers still order up massive offi cial histories of this or that war engagement. Ironically, the academy feeds this tendency by marginalizing military history. A danger is that military history becomes appropriated, becomes the military’s history rather than military history, a history that seeks to understand the military in the context of nonviolent antecedents that somehow give rise to organized violence and preparation therefor. Not always welcomed by traditional military historians, the socalled New Military History school tends to the twenty-first century [ 321 ] be much informed by gender, race, and cultural studies and by postmodern,"}
{"instruction": "How is castle presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "of choosing one form of military preparation (the castle) was the other form (the army). Some rulers could, of course, raise sizable armies, but doing so represented such a huge investment that the army could not ordinarily be risked in battle. Even just keeping it operational implied an ongoing cost that far exceeded the ongoing cost of maintaining a castle. Castle building, despite the enormous expense, emerged as the most costeffective strategy. It is true that the very strength of castles could be turned against their builders if they were taken by opposing forces or a rebellious castellan, but then, as many a ruler found out, armies could turn as well. Medieval monarchs became reluctant to experiment with armies, and the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries were to be dominated by the castle, politically as well as militarily. For a time, it was the most highly valued among the militarily viable alternatives considered by the rulers of the age."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about decisions?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "Inasmuch as such decisions always concern the next battle, rather than past ones, these are “marginal” decisions. Decisions at the margin are those taken at the frontier of where one is. At the frontier of time, a marginal decision refers therefore to the next time period, the immediate future; it refers to a decision concerning the next battle, the impending battle. By necessity, the future is unknown and thus all such decisions involve uncertainty. It follows that the decision of offer battle involves expected additional costs to be incurred—in addition to those already incurred up to that point—to be weighed against expected additional benefi ts to be gained—in addition to benefi ts already obtained. It further follows that expectations will be disappointed, for in all cases chapter eight [ 324 ] where both opposing commanders opted for battle at least one, and possibly both, must have miscalculated. Still, even miscalculation is calculation."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on information?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "chain, proper interpretation of what usually were only pieces of the overall puzzle, and implementation of an action to be taken on account of the information collected. But more than that we emphasized not just that information was crucial or that there are stages to it but just how deliberate were the efforts to create or undo information asymmetries so as to obtain tactical and strategic advantages. The age cannot be blamed for the absence of modern tools such as completely computerized topographic maps that can be displayed realtime on rugged, solarpowered laptops, GPSbased force location analysis, and instantaneous communications among multiple parties (human and machine). No age has the future available for its use, but each invents its own novel means of collecting, dispersing, and using information. For the American Civil War the telegraph, the railroad, the newspapers, even the balloon, and the creation of the Bureau of Military Information count among these."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat france as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Castles, Battles, and Bombs How Economics Explains Military History", "output": "Yet for the casualties, on all sides, it would have been best had it been possible for the lesson of theory to be heard and heeded and the war been brought to an earlier end. The application of the principle of substitution to the acquisition of nuclear weapons by France during the early Cold War years depends on whether one wishes to focus on the bombs’ incredible fi repower as opposed to conventional weapons—their “use value”—or on their diplomatic and political value. Substitution is easier to establish in the former case than the latter. The French force de frappe was a substitute for both ground and air power. The decline in French conventional strength cannot be explained as a result of a shrinking colonial empire because France historically maintained virtually separate colonial and metropolitan armies, and the latter’s size was not linked to colonial problems. The Soviet threat should have caused it to grow, but the army shrank and the atomic bomb was obtained instead."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about developing?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "is highly unlikely for any meaningful tasks, your model is going to make mistakes. ML is especially suitable when the cost of a wrong prediction is low. For example, one of the biggest use cases of ML today is in recommender systems because with recommender systems, a bad recommendation is usually forgiving — the user just won’t click on the recommendation. If one prediction mistake can have catastrophic consequences, ML might still be a suitable solution if the benefits of correct predictions outweighs the cost of wrong predictions. Developing self-driving cars is difficult because an algorithmic mistake can lead to death. However, many companies still want to develop selfdriving cars because they can save many lives if self-driving cars are statistically safer than human drivers. 3. It’s at scale ML solutions often require non-trivial upfront investment on data, compute, infrastructure, and talent, so it’d make sense if we can use these solutions a lot."}
{"instruction": "Why does data matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "Mind vs. Data Progress in the last decade shows that the success of an ML system depends largely on the data it was trained on. Instead of focusing on improving ML algorithms, most companies focus on managing and improving their data. Despite the success of models using massive amounts of data, many are skeptical of the emphasis on data as the way forward. In the last three years, at every academic conference I attended, there were always some debates among famous academics on the power of mind vs. data. Mind might be disguised as inductive biases or intelligent architectural designs. Data might be grouped together with computation since more data tends to require more computation. In theory, you can both pursue intelligent design and leverage large data and computation, but spending time on one often takes time away from another. On the mind over data camp, there’s Dr. Judea Pearl, a Turing Award winner best known for his work on causal inference and Bayesian networks."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame latency here?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "most production prioritizes fast inference. Latency vs. throughput One corollary of this is that research prioritizes high throughput whereas production prioritizes low latency. In case you need a refresh, latency refers to the time it takes from receiving a query to returning the result. Throughput refers to how many queries are processed within a specific period of time. TERMINOLOGY CLASH Some books make the distinction between latency and response time. According to Martin Kleppmann in his foundational book Designing Data-Intensive Applications, “the response time is what the client sees: besides the actual time to process the request (the service time), it includes network delays and queueing delays. Latency is the duration that a request is waiting to be handled — during which it is latent, awaiting service.” In this book, to simplify the discussion and to be consistent with the terminology used in the ML community, we use latency to refer to the response time, so the latency of a"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about service?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "stored on machines. We’ll continue to discuss data storage engines, also known as databases, for the two major types of processing: transactional and analytical. When working with data in production, you usually work with data across multiple processes and services. For example, you might have a feature engineering service that computes features from raw data, and a prediction service to generate predictions based on computed features. This means that you’ll have to pass computed features from the feature engineering service to the prediction service. In the following section of the chapter, we’ll discuss different modes of data passing across processes. During the discussion of different modes of data passing, we’ll learn about two distinct types of data: historical data in data storage engines, and streaming data in real-time transports. These two different types of data require different processing paradigms, which we’ll discuss in the"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about document?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "The latest movement against the relational data model is NoSQL. Originally started as a hashtag for a meetup to discuss nonrelational databases, NoSQL has been retroactively reinterpreted as Not Only SQL as many NoSQL data systems also support relational models. Two major types of nonrelational models are the document model and the graph model. The document model targets use cases where data comes in self-contained documents and relationships between one document and another are rare. The graph model goes in the opposite direction, targeting use cases where relationships between data items are common and important. We’ll examine each of these two models, starting with the document model. Document Model The document model is built around the concept of “document”. A document is often a single continuous string, encoded as JSON, XML, or a binary format like BSON. All documents in a document database are assumed to be encoded in the same format."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about extract?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "Offline means data is not immediately available, and requires some human intervention to become online. ETL: Extract, Transform, and Load In the early days of the relational data model, data was mostly structured. When data is extracted from different sources, it’s first transformed into the desirable format before being loaded into the target destination such as a database or a data warehouse. This process is called ETL, which stands for Extract, Transform, and Load. Even before ML, ETL (extract, transform, load) was all the rage in the data world, and it’s still relevant today for ML applications. ETL refers to the general purpose processing and aggregating data into the shape and the format that you want. Extract is extracting the data you want from data sources. Your data will likely come from multiple sources in different formats. Some of them will be corrupted or malformatted. In the extracting phase, you need to validate your data and reject the data that doesn’t meet your"}
{"instruction": "How is service presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "The driver management service that predicts how many drivers will be available in the next minute in a given area. The ride management service that predicts how many rides will be requested in the next minute in a given area. The price optimization service predicts the optimal price for each ride. The price for a ride should be low enough for riders to be willing to pay, yet high enough for drivers to be willing to drive and for the company to make a healthy profit. Because the price depends on supply (the available drivers) and demand (the requested rides), the price optimization service needs data from both the driver management and ride management services. Each time a user requests a ride, the price optimization service requests the predicted number of rides and predicted number of drivers to predict the optimal price for this ride . The most popular styles of requests used for passing data through networks are REST (Representational State Transfer) and RPC (Remote Procedure Call)."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about broker?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "predicted number of drivers for the next minute, what if whenever the driver management service makes a prediction, this prediction is broadcasted to a broker? Whichever service wants data from the driver management service can check that broker for the most recent predicted number of drivers. Similarly, whenever the price optimization service makes a prediction about the surge charge for the next minute, this prediction is broadcasted to the broker. Figure 2-11. With a broker, a service only has to communicate with the broker instead of with other services. Technically, a database can be a broker — each service can write data to a database and other services that need the data can read from that database. However, as mentioned in the Data Passing Through Databases session, reading and writing from databases are too slow for applications with strict latency requirements. Instead of using databases to broker data, we use in-memory storage to broker data?"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on unstructured?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "Even though the relational model is the most well-known given the popularity of SQL, all three models are widely used today, and each is good for a certain set of tasks. One model can be emulated in terms of another model, and we went through an example to show how a relational database can be represented using the document model. However, the wrong data model can make it difficult to do our job. When talking about the relational model compared to the document model, many people think of the former as structured and the latter as unstructured. Even though the discussion of structured vs. unstructured data can get quite heated, the division is quite fluid. Some people even argue that there’s no such thing as unstructured or structured data. The question is who has to shoulder the responsibility of assuming the structure of data. Structured data means that the code that writes the data has to assume the structure. Unstructured data means that the code"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat non-probability as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "For example, when considering a new model, you might want to do a quick experiment with a small subset of your data to see if it’s promising first before running this new model on all the data you have . Understanding different sampling methods and how they are being used in our workflow can, first, help us avoid potential sampling biases, and second, help us choose the methods that improve the efficiency of the data we sample. There are two families of sampling: non-probability sampling and random sampling. We will start with nonprobability sampling methods, followed by several common random methods. We’ll analyze the pros and cons of each method. Non-Probability Sampling Non-probability sampling is when the selection of data isn’t based on any probability criteria. Here are some of the criteria for non-probability sampling. Convenience sampling: samples of data are selected based on their availability. This sampling method is popular because, well, it’s convenient."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of galactic?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "This means Galactic Emperor of the First Galactic Empire instead of Galactic Emperor and First Galactic Empire. Second, you need to incorporate that definition into training to make sure that all annotators understand the rules. Data Lineage Indiscriminately using data from multiple sources, generated with different annotators, without examining their quality can cause your model to fail mysteriously. Consider a case when you’ve trained a moderately good model with 100K data samples. Your ML engineers are confident that more data will improve the model performance, so you spend a lot of money to hire annotators to label another million data samples. However, the model performance actually decreases after being trained on the new data. The reason is that the new million samples were crowdsourced to annotators who labeled data with much less accuracy than the original data. It can be especially difficult to remedy this if you’ve already mixed your data and can’t"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect semi-supervision to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "A semi-supervision method that has gained popularity in recent years is the perturbation-based method. It’s based on the assumption that small perturbations to a sample shouldn’t change its label. So you apply small perturbations to your training samples to obtain new training samples. The perturbations might be applied directly to the samples (e.g. adding white noise to images) or to their representations (e.g. adding small values to embeddings of words). The perturbed samples have the same labels as the unperturbed samples. We’ll discuss more about this in the section Perturbation later in this chapter under Augmentation. In some cases, semi-supervision approaches have reached the performance of purely supervised learning, even when a substantial portion of the labels in a given dataset has been discarded . Semi-supervision is the most useful when the number of training labels is limited. One thing to consider when doing semi-supervision is how"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on tomek?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "A popular method of undersampling low-dimensional data that was developed back in 1976 is Tomek links . With this technique, you find pairs of samples from opposite classes that are close in proximity, and remove the sample of the majority class in each pair. While this makes the decision boundary more clear and arguably helps models learn the boundary better, it may make the model less robust by removing some of the subtleties of the true decision boundary. A popular method of oversampling low-dimensional data is SMOTE. It synthesizes novel samples of the minority class through sampling convex combinations of existing data points within the minority class. Both SMOTE and Tomek Links have only been proven effective in low-dimensional data. Many of the sophisticated resampling techniques, such as Near-Miss and one-sided selection , require calculating the distance between instances or between instances and the decision boundaries, which can be expensive or"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with algorithms?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "Summary Training data still forms the foundation of modern ML algorithms. No matter how clever your algorithms might be, if your training data is bad, your algorithms won’t be able to perform well. It’s worth it to invest time and effort to curate and create training data that will enable your algorithms to learn something meaningful. In this chapter, we’ve discussed the multiple steps to create training data. We first covered different sampling methods, both non-probability sampling and random sampling, that can help us sample the right data for our problem. Most ML algorithms in use today are supervised ML algorithms, so obtaining labels is an integral part of creating training data. Many companies rely on human annotators to annotate their data. However, hand labeling comes with many drawbacks. For example, hand labels can be expensive and slow. To combat the lack of hand labels, we discussed alternatives including weak supervision, semi-supervision, transfer learning, and"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise features?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": ". Many features can be automatically learned and extracted by algorithms. However, we’re still far from the point where all features can be automated. This is not to mention that, as of writing, the majority of ML applications in production aren’t deep learning. Let’s go over an example to understand what features can be automatically extracted and what features still need to be handcrafted. Imagine that you want to build a sentiment analysis classifier to classify whether a comment is spam or not. Before deep learning, when given a piece of text, you would have to manually apply classical text processing techniques such as lemmatization, expanding contraction, removing punctuation, and lowercasing everything. After that, you might want to split your text into n-grams with n values of your choice. As a refresher, an n-gram is a contiguous sequence of n items from a given sample of text. The items can be phonemes, syllables, letters, or words."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe leakage?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "different scan machine procedure if you don’t know about different scan machines or that the procedures at the two hospitals are different. There’s no foolproof way to avoid this type of leakage, but you can mitigate the risk by keeping track of the sources of your data, and understanding how it is collected and processed. Normalize your data so that data from different sources can have the same means and variances. If different CT scan machines output images with different resolutions, normalizing all the images to have the same resolution would make it harder for models to know which image is from which scan machine. Detecting Data Leakage Data leakage can happen during many steps, from generating, collecting, sampling, splitting, processing data to feature engineering. It’s important to monitor for data leakage during the entire lifecycle of an ML project. Measure how each feature or a set of features are correlated to the target variable (label)."}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term feature?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "regularization should reduce that feature’s weight to 0. However, in practice, it might help models learn faster if the features that are no longer useful (and even possibly harmful) are removed, prioritizing good features. You can store removed features to add them back later. You can also just store general feature definitions to reuse and share across teams in an organization. When talking about feature definition management, some people might think of feature stores as the solution. However, not all feature stores manage feature definitions. There are two factors you might want to consider when evaluating whether a feature is good for a model: importance to the model and generalization to unseen data. Feature Importance There are many different methods for measuring a feature’s importance. If you use a classical ML algorithm like boosted gradient trees, the easiest way to measure the importance of your features is to use built-in feature"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about algorithms?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "algorithms such as decision trees, K-nearest neighbors, and different types of neural networks. This chapter will discuss techniques surrounding algorithms but won’t explain these algorithms. Because this chapter deals with ML algorithms, it requires a lot more ML knowledge than other chapters. If you’re not familiar with them, I recommend taking an online course or reading a book on ML algorithms before reading this chapter. Readers wanting a quick refresh on basic ML concepts might find the section Basic ML Reviews in Appendix helpful. Before using ML algorithms to solve your problem, you first need to frame your problem into a task that ML can solve. We’ll start this chapter with how to frame your ML problems. Once you’ve had an ML problem, you might want to develop an ML model to tackle it. The section that follows discusses different aspects of model development, including model selection, debugging, experiment tracking and versioning."}
{"instruction": "Why does classification matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "useful. In hierarchical classification, you have a classifier to first classify each example into one of the large groups. Then you have another classifier to classify this example into one of the subgroups. For example, for product classification, you can first classify each product into one of the four main categories: electronics, home & kitchen, fashion, and pet supplies. After a product has been classified into a category, say fashion, you can use another classifier to put this product into one of the subgroups: shoes, shirt, jeans, accessories. Multiclass vs. Multilabel Classification In both binary and multiclass classification, each example belongs to exactly one class. When an example can belong to multiple classes, we have a multilabel classification problem. For example, when building a model to classify articles into four topics: [tech, entertainment, finance, politics], an article can be in both tech and finance. There are two major approaches to multilabel classification problems."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame logistic regression here?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "replacing classical ML algorithms. However, even though deep learning is finding more use cases in production, classical ML algorithms are not going away. Many recommendation systems still rely on collaborative filtering and matrix factorization. Tree-based algorithms, including gradient-boosted trees, still power many classification tasks with strict latency requirements. Even in applications where neural networks are deployed, classic ML algorithms are still being used in tandem, either in an ensemble or to help extract features to feed into neural networks. When selecting a model for your problem, you don’t choose from every possible model out there, but usually focus on a set of models suitable for your problem. For example, if your boss tells you to build a system to detect toxic tweets, you know that this is a text classification problem — given a piece of text, classify whether it’s toxic or not — and common models for text classification include Naive Bayes, Logistic Regression,"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about gradient?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "solution, given that the community around this solution is welldeveloped enough to help you get through any problems you might encounter. However, you might still want to experiment with simpler solutions, if you haven’t already, to make sure that pretrained BERT is indeed better than those simpler solutions for your problem. 3. Avoid human biases in selecting models Imagine an engineer on your team is assigned the task of evaluating which model is better for your problem: a gradient boosted tree or a pretrained BERT model. After two weeks, this engineer announced that the best BERT model outperforms the best gradient boosted tree by 5%. Your team decides to go with the pretrained BERT model. A few months later, however, a seasoned engineer joins your team. She decides to look into gradient boosted trees again and finds out that this time, the best gradient boosted tree outperforms the pretrained BERT model you currently have in production."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about assumptions?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "Another example of tradeoff is compute requirement and accuracy — a more complex model might deliver higher accuracy but might require a more powerful machine, such as a GPU instead of a CPU, to generate predictions with acceptable inference latency. Many people also care about the interpretability and performance tradeoff. A more complex model can give a better performance but its results are less interpretable. 6. Understand your model’s assumptions The statistician George Box said in 1976 that “all models are wrong, but some are useful”. The real world is intractably complex, and models can only approximate using assumptions. Every single model comes with its own assumptions. Understanding what assumptions a model makes and whether our data satisfies those assumptions can help you evaluate which model works best for your use case. Below are some of the common assumptions. It’s not meant to be an exhaustive list, but just a demonstration."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about experiment?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "The process of logging all the details of an experiment for the purpose of possibly recreating it later or comparing it with other experiments is called versioning. These two go hand-in-hand with each other. Many tools originally set out to be experiment tracking tools, such as Weights & Biases, have grown to incorporate versioning. Many tools originally set out to be versioning tools, such as DVC, have also incorporated experiment tracking. Experiment tracking A large part of training an ML model is babysitting the learning processes. Many problems can arise during the training process, including loss not decreasing, overfitting, underfitting, fluctuating weight values, dead neurons, and running out of memory. It’s important to track what’s going on during training not only to detect and address these issues but also to evaluate whether your model is learning anything useful. When I just started getting into ML, all I was told to track was loss and"}
{"instruction": "How is features presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "converge. The model is a great fit for your data, and its implementation is correct, but a poor set of hyperparameters might render your model useless. Data problems: Many things that could go wrong in data collection and preprocessing that might cause your models to perform poorly, such as data samples and labels being incorrectly matched, label inaccuracies, features normalized using outdated statistics, and more. Poor choice of features: There might be many possible features for your models to learn from. Too many features might cause your models to overfit to the training data. Too few features might lack predictive power to allow your models to make good predictions. Debugging should be both preventive and curative. You should have healthy practices to minimize the opportunities for bugs to proliferate as well as a procedure for detecting, locating, and fixing bugs. Having the discipline to follow both the best practices and the debugging procedure"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about hyperparameters?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "in utilities or have third-party utilities for hyperparameter tuning, e.g. scikitlearn with auto-sklearn , TensorFlow with Keras Tuner, Ray with Tune. Popular methods for hyperparameter tuning including random search , grid search, Bayesian optimization. The book AutoML: Methods, Systems, Challenges by the AutoML group at the University of Freiburg dedicates its first chapter to hyperparameter optimization, which you can read online for free. When tuning hyperparameters, keep in mind that a model’s performance might be more sensitive to the change in one hyperparameter than another, and therefore sensitive hyperparameters should be more carefully tuned. WARNING One important thing is to never use your test split to tune hyperparameters. Choose the best set of hyperparameters for a model based on its performance on a validation split, then report the model’s final performance on the test split. If you use your test split to tune hyperparameters, you risk overfitting your model to the test split."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on optimizer?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "You can train your learned optimizer on the same dataset you’re training the rest of your neural network on, but this requires you to train an optimizer every time you have a task. Another approach is to train a learned optimizer once on a set of existing tasks — using aggregated loss on those tasks as the loss function and existing designed optimizers as the learning rule — and use it for every new task after that. For example, Metz et al. constructed a set of thousands of tasks to train learned optimizers. Their learned optimizer was able to generalize to both new datasets and domains as well as new architectures . And the beauty of this approach is that the learned optimizer can then be used to train a better-learned optimizer, an algorithm that improves on itself. Whether it’s architecture search or meta-learning learning rules, the upfront training cost is expensive enough that only a handful of companies in the world can afford to pursue them."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat confidence as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "calibration and how to calibrate neural networks, Lee Richardson and Taylor Pospisil have an excellent blog post based on their work at Google. Confidence Measurement Confidence measurement can be considered a way to think about the usefulness threshold for each individual prediction. Indiscriminately showing all model’s predictions to users, even the predictions that the model is unsure about, can, at best, cause annoyance and make users lose trust in the system, such as an activity detection system on your smartwatch that thinks you’re running even though you’re just walking a bit fast. At worst, it can cause catastrophic consequences, such as a predictive policing algorithm that flags an innocent person as a potential criminal). If you only want to show the predictions that your model is certain about, how do you measure that certainty? What is the certainty threshold at which the predictions should be shown? What do you want to do with predictions"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of mobile?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "trust your ML models. To track your model’s performance on critical slices, you’d first need to know what your critical slices are. You might wonder how to discover critical slices in your data. Slicing is, unfortunately, still more of an art than a science, requiring intensive data exploration and analysis. Here are the three main approaches: Heuristics-based: slice your data using existing knowledge you have of the data and the task at hand. For example, when working with web traffic, you might want to slice your data along dimensions like mobile versus desktop, browser type, and locations. Mobile users might behave very differently from desktop users. Similarly, Internet users in different geographic locations might have different expectations on what a website should look like . This approach might require subject matter expertise. Error analysis: manually go through misclassified examples and find patterns among them. We discovered our model’s problem"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect learning deployment to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "The way we categorize a system into batch prediction vs. online prediction and edge computing vs. cloud computing provides an anchor to think about the requirements and limitations of different systems. It’s not a guide. Seemingly different ways of doing things might be fundamentally similar, and the choices don’t have to be mutually exclusive. For example, you don’t have to do only batch predictions or only online predictions -- you can do both. If you’re doing batch predictions, switching to online predictions might be easier than you think. Putting things in buckets might cause organizations to get stuck in one way of doing things without realizing that the other way isn’t that different but can provide much more value. Machine Learning Deployment Myths As discussed in the first chapter, deploying an ML model can be very different from deploying a traditional software program. This difference might cause people who have never deployed a model before to either"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on prediction?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "detecting it at all, but being able to detect it in real-time can prevent it from going through. Batch prediction is a workaround for when online prediction isn’t cheap enough or isn’t fast enough. Why generate 1 million predictions in advance and worry about storing and retrieving them if you can generate each prediction as needed at the exact same cost and same speed? As hardware becomes more customized/powerful and better techniques are being developed to allow faster, cheaper online predictions, online prediction might become the default. In recent years, companies have made significant investments to move from batch prediction to online prediction. To overcome the latency challenge of online prediction, two components are required. A (near) real-time pipeline that can work with incoming data, extract streaming features (if needed), input them into a model, and return a prediction in near real-time. A streaming pipeline with real-time transport and a stream computation engine can help with"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with knowledge?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "Compact convolutional filters in MobileNets. The standard convolutional filters in (a) are replaced by depthwise convolution in (b) and pointwise convolution in (c) to build a depthwise separable filter. Image by Howard et al. This method has been used to develop smaller models with significant acceleration compared to standard models. However, it tends to be specific to certain types of models (for example, compact convolutional filters are specific to convolutional neural networks) and requires a lot of architectural knowledge to design, so it’s not widely applicable to many use cases yet. Knowledge Distillation Knowledge distillation is a method in which a small model (student) is trained to mimic a larger model or ensemble of models (teacher). The smaller model is what you’ll deploy. Even though the student is often trained after a pre-trained teacher, both may also be trained at the same time . One example of a distilled network used in production is"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise optimization?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "Optimization engineers are hard to come by and expensive to hire because they need to have expertise in both ML and hardware architectures. Optimizing compilers (compilers that also optimize your code) is an alternative solution as they can automate the process of optimizing models. In the process of lowering ML model code into machine code, compilers can look at the computation graph of your ML model and the operators it consists of — convolution, loops, cross-entropy — and find a way to speed it up. There are two ways to optimize your ML models: locally and globally. Locally is when you optimize an operator or a set of operators of your model. Globally is when you optimize the entire computation graph end-toend. There are standard local optimization techniques that are known to speed up your model, most of them making things run in parallel or reducing memory access on chips. Here are four of the common techniques. vectorization: given a loop or a nested loop, and instead of"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe natural?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "more theoretical than the rest of the book. Before we dive into this chapter, however, I want to emphasize that detecting data distribution shifts, monitoring model performance, updating models, and evaluating them in production are all so much easier if your tasks have natural ground truth labels. We’ll start by discussing what natural ground truth labels mean. When discussing many topics throughout this chapter and the next, two of the first things we should consider are whether a task has natural ground truth labels and when these natural labels will become available. Natural Labels and Feedback Loop Tasks with natural ground truth labels are tasks where the model’s predictions can be automatically evaluated or partially evaluated by the system. An example is the model that estimates time of arrival on Google Maps. By the end of a trip, Google Maps knows how long the trip actually took, and thus can evaluate the accuracy of the predicted time of arrival."}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term english?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "A failure happens when one or more expectations of the system is violated. In traditional software, we mostly care about a system’s operational expectations: whether the system executes its logics within the expected operational metrics such as the expected latency and throughput. For an ML system, we care about both its operational metrics and its ML performance metrics. For example, consider an English-French machine translation system. Its operational expectation might be that given an English sentence, the system returns a French translation within a second latency. Its ML performance expectation is that the returned translation is an accurate translation of the original English sentence 99% of the time. If you enter an English sentence into the system and don’t get back a translation, the first expectation is violated, so this is a system failure. If you get back a translation that isn’t correct, it’s not necessarily a system failure because the accuracy expectation"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about reliable?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "the data pipeline e.g. where data from multiple sources is joined incorrectly or the wrong data structures are being used. Addressing software system failures requires not ML skills, but traditional software engineering skills, and addressing them is beyond the scope of this book. Because of the importance of traditional software engineering skills in deploying ML systems, the majority of ML engineering is engineering, not ML . For readers interested in learning how to make ML systems reliable from the software engineering perspective, I highly recommend the book Reliable Machine Learning, also published by O’Reilly with Todd Underwood as one of the authors. A reason for the prevalence of software system failures is that because ML adoption in the industry is still nascent, tooling around ML production is limited and best practices are not yet well developed or standardized. However, as toolings and best practices for ML production mature, there are reasons to believe that the proportion of"}
{"instruction": "Why does distribution matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "from the same distribution. The assumption is that the unseen data comes from a stationary distribution that is the same as the training data distribution. If the unseen data comes from a different distribution, the model might not generalize well . This assumption is incorrect in most cases for two reasons. First, the underlying distribution of the real-world data is unlikely to be the same as the underlying distribution of the training data. Curating a training dataset that can accurately represent the data that a model will encounter in production turns out to be very difficult . Real-world data is multi-faceted, and in many cases, virtually infinite, whereas training data is finite and constrained by the time, compute, and human resources available during the dataset creation and processing. There are many different selection and sampling biases, as discussed in Chapter 3, that can happen and make real-world data diverge from training data."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame system here?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "used to extract natural labels to evaluate the model’s performance. A degenerate feedback loop can happen when the predictions themselves influence the feedback, which is then used to train the next iteration of the model. More formally, a degenerate feedback loop is created when a system’s outputs are used to create or process the same system’s inputs, which, in turn, influence the system’s future outputs. In ML, a system’s predictions can influence how users interact with the system, and because users’ interactions with the system are sometimes used as the inputs to the same system, degenerate feedback loops can occur and cause unintended consequences. Degenerate feedback loops are especially common in tasks with natural labels from users, such as recommender systems and ads click-through-rate prediction. To make this concrete, imagine you build a system to recommend to users songs that they might like. The songs that are ranked high by the system are shown first to users."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about distribution?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "The second model doesn’t concern positions at all. Data Distribution Shifts In the previous section, we’ve discussed common causes for ML system failures. In this section, we’ll zero in onto one especially sticky cause of failures: data distribution shifts, or data shifts for short. Data distribution shift refers to the phenomenon in supervised learning when the data a model works with changes over time, which causes this model’s predictions to become less accurate as time passes. The distribution of the data the model is trained on is called the source distribution. The distribution of the data the model runs inference on is called the target distribution. Even though discussions around data distribution shift have only become common in recent years with the growing adoption of ML in the industry, data distribution shift in systems that learned from data has been studied as early as in 1986 . There’s also a book on dataset distribution shifts by Quiñonero-Candela et al."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about label?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "to preemptively train your models to make them robust to new, unknown distributions. There has been research that attempts to help models learn representations of latent variables that are invariant across data distributions, but I’m not aware of their adoption in the industry. Label Shift Label shift, also known as prior shift, prior probability shift or target shift, is when P(Y) changes but P(X|Y) remains the same. You can think of this as the case when the output distribution changes but for a given output, the input distribution stays the same. Remember that covariate shift is when the input distribution changes. When the input distribution changes, the output distribution also changes, resulting in both covariate shift and label shift happening at the same time. Consider the breast cancer example for covariate shift above. Because there are more women over 40 in our training data than in our inference data, the percentage of POSITIVE labels is higher during training."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about metrics?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "compute the median and variance of the values of a feature during inference and compare them to the metrics computed during training. As of October 2021, even TensorFlow’s built-in data validation tools use only summary statistics to detect the skew between the training and serving data and shifts between different days of training data. This is a good start, but these metrics aren’t sufficient. Mean, median, and variance are only useful with the distributions for which the mean/median/variance are useful summaries. If those metrics differ significantly, the inference distribution might have shifted from the training distribution. However, if those metrics are similar, there’s no guarantee that there’s no shift. A more sophisticated solution is to use a two-sample hypothesis test, shortened as two-sample test. It’s a test to determine whether the difference between two populations (two sets of data) is statistically significant. If the difference is statistically significant, then the probability that the difference is a random fluctuation due to"}
{"instruction": "How is distribution presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Designing Machine Learning Systems An Iterative Process for Production", "output": "statistics chunks into daily views. More advanced monitoring platforms even attempt a root cause analysis (RCA) feature that automatically analyzes metrics across various time window sizes to detect exactly the time window where a change in data happened . Addressing Data Distribution Shifts To make a model work with a new distribution in production, there are three main approaches. The first is the approach that currently dominates research: train models using massive datasets. The hope here is that if the training dataset is large enough, the model will be able to learn such a comprehensive distribution that whatever data points the model will encounter in production will likely come from this distribution. The second approach, less popular in research, is to adapt a trained model to a target distribution without requiring new labels. Zhang et al. (2013) used causal interpretations together with kernel embedding of conditional and marginal distributions to correct models’ predictions for both covariate shifts and label shifts without using labels"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise cotton?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "more particularly of this district.” Their discussions were expansive, touching on the aʃairs of Manchester, Great Britain, Europe, the United States, China, India, South America, and Africa. Cotton manufacturer Henry Ashworth added superlatives of his own, celebrating “a degree of prosperity in business which has probably been unequalled in any previous time.”1 These self-satisɹed cotton manufacturers and merchants had reason to be smug: They stood at the center of a world-spanning empire—the empire of cotton. They ruled over factories in which tens of thousands of workers operated huge spinning machines and noisy power looms. They acquired cotton from the slave plantations of the Americas and sold the products of their mills to markets in the most distant corners of the world. The cotton men debated the aʃairs of the world with surprising nonchalance, even though their own occupations were almost banal—making and hawking cotton thread and cloth."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe americas european?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "with world-changing energy, and then used it as a lever to transform the world. Capturing the biological bounty of an ancient plant, and the skills and huge markets of an old industry in Asia, Africa, and the Americas, European entrepreneurs and statesmen built an empire of cotton of tremendous scope and energy. Ironically, their shocking success also awakened the very forces that eventually would marginalize them within the empire they had created. Along the way, millions of people spent their lives working the acres of cotton that slowly spread across the world, plucking billions of bolls from resistant cotton plants, carrying bales of cotton from cart to boat and from boat to train, and working, often at very young ages, at “satanic mills” from New England to China. Countries fought wars for access to these fertile ɹelds, planters put untold numbers of people into shackles, employers abbreviated the childhoods of their operatives, the introduction of new machines led"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term enlightenment?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "structure today’s world, the divide between those countries that industrialized and those that did not, between colonizers and colonized, between the global North and the global South. Grand arguments are easily made, some deeply pessimistic, some hopeful. In this book, however, I take a global and fundamentally historical approach to this puzzle: I begin by investigating the industry that stood at the very beginning of the “great divergence.”5 A focus on cotton and its very concrete and often brutal development, casts doubt on several explanations that all too many observers tend to take for granted: that Europe’s explosive economic development can be explained by Europeans’ more rational religious beliefs, their Enlightenment traditions, the climate in which they live, the continent’s geography, or benign institutions such as the Bank of England or the rule of law. Such essential and all too often unchangeable attributes, however, cannot account for the history of"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about european?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "We usually think of capitalism, at least the globalized, massproduction type that we recognize today, as emerging around 1780 with the Industrial Revolution. But war capitalism, which began to develop in the sixteenth century, came long before machines and factories. War capitalism ɻourished not in the factory but in the ɹeld; it was not mechanized but landand labor-intensive, resting on the violent expropriation of land and labor in Africa and the Americas. From these expropriations came great wealth and new knowledge, and these in turn strengthened European institutions and states—all crucial preconditions for Europe’s extraordinary economic development by the nineteeth century and beyond. Many historians have called this the age of “merchant” or “mercantile” capitalism, but “war capitalism” better expresses its rawness and violence as well as its intimate connection to European imperial expansion. War capitalism, a particularly important but"}
{"instruction": "Why does united matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "economy. Yet even as the construction of industrial capitalism, beginning in the United Kingdom in the 1780s and then spreading to continental Europe and the United States in the early decades of the nineteenth century, gave enormous power to the states that embraced it and to capitalists within them, it planted the seeds of further transformation in the empire of cotton. As industrial capitalism spread, capital itself became tied to particular states. And as the state assumed an ever more central role and emerged as the most durable, powerful, and rapidly expanding institution of all, labor also grew in size and power. The dependence of capitalists on the state, and the state’s dependence on its people, empowered the workers who produced that capital, day in and day out, on the factory ɻoor. By the second half of the nineteenth century, workers organized collectively, both in unions and political parties, and slowly, over multiple decades, improved their wages and working"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame cotton here?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "the political activities of recently freed slaves in the United States aʃected the lives of rural cultivators in India.12 From these volatile opposites, we see how cotton made possible both the birth of capitalism and its subsequent reinvention. As we explore the twinned paths of cotton and capitalism across the world, and the centuries, we are reminded again and again that no state of capitalism is ever permanent or stable. Each new moment in capitalism’s history produces new instabilities, and even contradictions, prompting vast spatial, social, and political rearrangements. Writing about cotton has a long history. Indeed, cotton might be the most fully researched of all human industries. Libraries are ɹlled with accounts of slave plantations in the Americas, the beginnings of cotton manufacturing in Britain, France, the German lands, and Japan, and the merchants who connected one to the other. Much less common are eʃorts to link these diverse histories; in fact, what"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about neolithic?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "The history of clothing is diɽcult to reconstruct, because most cloth has not survived the ravages of time. We know that ever since Homo sapiens moved from the African savanna into colder climes, about one hundred thousand years ago, they had to protect themselves from the elements. The spotty archaeological record that we have tells us that humans ɹrst used furs and skins to clothe themselves. There is evidence that they spun and wove ɻax as early as thirty thousand years ago. Such cloth production expanded signiɹcantly about twelve thousand years ago, once humans settled down and began to engage in agriculture and animal husbandry. Then men and women began to experiment more widely with diʃerent ɹbers to spin and to weave cloth for protection against the cold and the sun.4 The methods for transforming plants into cloth were invented independently in various parts of the world. In Europe, people began to weave various grasses and also linen during the Neolithic"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about cotton?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "barbadense, the African G. herbaceum, and the Asian G. arboretum. These four species, in turn, have sprouted hundreds of further variations, of which only a few would come to dominate commercial cotton production. Today, more than 90 percent of the world’s cotton crop is G. hirsutum cultivars, also known as American upland. Human domestication has changed the plant even further. Over a ɹve-thousand-year period, according to one expert, our forebears transformed it “from undisciplined perennial shrubs and small trees with small impermeable seeds sparsely covered by coarse, poorly diʃerentiated seed hairs, to short, compact, annualized plants with copious amounts of long, white lint borne on large seeds that germinate readily.” Cotton growers carefully experimented with the plant, gradually forging it into something that supported their growing need for cloth. They adapted the plant to particular environmental niches, transported it over long distances, spread its reach, and"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about cotton?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "cultivation expanded into Japan. By the seventeenth century it had become an important commercial crop there, as small farmers grew cotton to earn extra income for tax payments, often in rotation with rice.21 With cotton’s arrival in Japan, the original Indian cotton culture had now spread over most of Asia. Fashioned by African, American, and Asian peasants, spinners, weavers, and merchants over at least ɹve millennia, this cotton world was vibrant and expanding. Despite its diversity across three continents, the centers of this huge manufacturing industry had many things in common. Most important, cotton growing and manufacturing almost always remained small-scale and focused on households. While some growers sold their raw cotton into markets, including long-distance markets, and many rulers forced cultivators to part with some of their crop as tribute, no growers depended on their cotton crops alone; instead they diversiɹed their economic"}
{"instruction": "How is southeast presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "spinning tools. With weaving, on the other hand, no such stark gender divisions emerged. While men tended to dominate the weaving industry in places such as India and southeast Africa, there were many cultures in which women wove as well, such as in Southeast Asia, China, and North and West Africa. Yet even in societies in which both women and men wove, they usually specialized in diʃerent designs, produced distinct qualities, and worked on diʃerent types of looms. This gendered division of labor was reproduced in the emerging factory system as well, making gender relations in the household an important factor in the emergence of factory production.24 Embedded within households and their particular strategies for survival, this premodern cotton industry was also characterized by slow technological change in ginning, spinning, or weaving. As late as the eighteenth century, a woman in Southeast Asia, for example, needed a month to spin a pound of cotton and another month to"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about african?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "and Asia all developed increasingly sophisticated networks of trade, connecting growers, manufacturers, and consumers over long, eventually even transcontinental distances. In Iran, the ninthand tenth-century cotton industry led to signiɹcant urbanization, drawing raw cotton from the surrounding countryside, spinning, weaving, and tailoring it to sell into long-distance markets, especially in what is today Iraq. In precolonial Burkina Faso one author ɹnds that “cotton was at the center of trade.” Gujarati cotton cloth, as early as the fourth century BCE, came to play a very signiɹcant role in the trade between the various lands bordered by the Indian Ocean, and large quantities were sold along the East African coast, to be traded far into the African hinterland. In all of these exchanges, traders, especially if far removed from the polities they originated from, had to adjust to local tastes, and had to oʃer their products at prices attractive to local consumers.28"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on india?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "by destination (illustration credit 11.10) In the middle of the nineteenth century, millions of people still spun and wove by hand, as they had done for centuries. Competition from industrially produced yarn and cloth had begun to undermine that production in the ɹrst half of the century, especially in Europe and North America, and it had eʃectively destroyed cloth production for export in India. In the centers of the old worlds of cotton, however, where people produced yarn and cloth within households for local consumption, these changes still seemed remote. But now in the last third of the nineteenth century this was about to change. Usually these changes unfolded slowly and were at ɹrst hardly noticeable—a new railroad line opened bringing in yarns from faraway factories, for example—but sometimes they could also occur quite suddenly. In India the American Civil War was such an event. During that war, many spinners found themselves unable to compete with the market price for their crucial"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with egypt?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "When in the summer of 1863 disease killed nearly all of Egypt’s cattle, a food crisis emerged in which tens of thousands of felaheen perished.38 The increasing world market orientation of cotton cultivators also had signiɹcant eʃects on social structures. Throughout western India’s Maharashtra, for example, British eʃorts to increase revenue and encourage peasants to participate in distant markets led to the undermining of the collective nature of villages, making individual peasants instead of villages as a whole responsible for taxes, and handing judicial power to distant courts instead of village-based and peasant-dominated tribunals. The market now increasingly subsumed all aspects of society, not just in Lancashire or Alsace, but in Berar and Lower Egypt as well. In Anatolia, “a large-scale transition to a cash-crop economy” took place in response to the cotton boom, with cotton replacing food crops, the abolition of feudal social relations in the countryside, and the ɹnancing of the"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise farmers?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "destroyed land records and refused to pay taxes they could no longer aʃord in the wake of the global fall of cotton prices. In 1899, widespread grain riots occurred again, often drawing in hundreds of people even in small villages. At the same time, cotton farmers in the southern United States also organized. They formed the Farmers Alliance and launched a political movement, Populism, demanding that the state relieve them of some of the economic pressures that had wreaked havoc in their lives, a movement that reared its head again during the ɹrst decade of the twentieth century when several hundred thousand farmers joined the Southern Cotton Association and the National Farmers’ Union. Cotton populism spread as far as Egypt, where Wady E. Medawar in 1900 formulated a program of agrarian reform much like the one advanced by cotton farmers in the United States, including cooperative societies, agricultural improvement associations, mechanisms to provide cheap credit to"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe japanese?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "In March 1912, “the Governor-General issued…an instruction to the Provincial Governments of the southern part…concerning encouragement of the planting of upland cotton.” Both Japanese cotton capitalists and imperial administrators worried that Japan’s dependence on cotton imports might endanger the growth of its manufacturing industry. They especially hoped to disentangle themselves from the British Empire, given that by 1909, 62 percent of Japanese cotton imports arrived from India.3 Cotton from colonial Korea, and from Japan’s other colonial possessions, Manchuria and Taiwan, was one potential solution. Korean farmers had traditionally produced cotton alongside other crops such as beans and vegetables on their smallholdings, often in the same ɹelds. Most of the ɹber was consumed in the domestic manufacture of cloth. Japanese colonialists hoped to recast this indigenous cotton industry just like their British peers had done in India: by cultivating new lands, persuading farmers to convert more"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term japan the?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "At the same time, the general notion of “raw material independence” became an increasingly important political goal for policy makers and capitalists in Europe and Japan. The idea of securing cotton on lands controlled by imperial states gained traction. As a result, the global cotton “commodity frontier” was pushed into even more numerous areas of the world, intensifying what one historian has so aptly termed “the great land rush.”8 The expansion of the empire of cotton, as we know, was hardly a new development. Yet the eʃort at its more “national” organization was a true departure, considering how deeply the cotton industry had been embedded within global trade networks that crossed national and imperial boundaries, and that rested on the connections crafted by merchants. As industrial capital, not merchant capital, became ever more important to states, and as these states became ever more important to national capitalists, the old merchant-dominated order became less relevant, and statesmen"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on cotton?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "expansion of cotton production. Such agitation had a long history, and the connection between territorial expansion and cotton growing had been an important strand of discussions among northern economic elites in the antebellum decades. Massachusetts cotton manufacturer Edward Atkinson, an enthusiastic believer in what he called “free labor cotton,” had pointed out during the 1860s the great potential for expanded cotton production in Texas, called upon the government to remove native peoples from areas that could be used for cotton agriculture, and pushed for the construction of railroads to transport cotton to the coast. These sentiments became ever more prominent after the Civil War. In 1868, New England manufacturers, including Atkinson, in cooperation with southern cotton planters, created the National Association of Cotton Manufacturers and Planters, which sought to promote the expansion of cotton agriculture, primarily in Mississippi"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise social?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "an added beneɹt could prevent a repeat of the market disruption they had experienced during the cotton famine of the 1860s.34 With that scarcity in mind, manufacturers feared that demand for U.S. cotton by newly emerging manufacturing nations, especially Japan, would further diminish their supplies. And in a strategic move meant to secure broad political support for their agenda, cotton manufacturers argued that a prosperous cotton industry was essential to combatting working-class upheaval. Karl Supf invoked the terrible social eʃects of the American Civil War, and concluded that “it [was] obvious that a crisis…in the cotton industry would include a social danger whose results are unpredictable.” Even the generally anticolonial Social Democrats expressed their hope that colonial cotton would break the “cotton monopoly” of the United States. The fantastic plan of these cotton industrialists was to grow cotton for German manufacturers on German-controlled soil under"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame russian here?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "The raw cotton for this thriving industry was harvested on small family farms as one crop among many, often sharing the same ɹeld with rows of wheat. Most of the cotton grown by family labor was used for the production of textiles within the household, while local merchants bought small quantities to be worked up for trade in more distant markets.44 Central Asia was thus a source of manufactured cotton textiles for Russia. In the last decades of the nineteenth century, however, after Russia captured these territories, it became, as we have seen, a supplier of raw cotton for the factories in Moscow and Saint Petersburg, and a market for Russian cotton cloth. To eʃect that transition, Russian entrepreneurs and colonial bureaucrats rapidly and radically reshaped the cotton-growing countryside. At ɹrst, as elsewhere in the empire of cotton, metropolitan merchants and agents of Russian textile ɹrms arrived, purchasing cotton from small farmers and providing them with credit, enabling them to specialize"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about tuskegee?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "For the African-American planters, for example, it was unimaginable to run a successful cotton farm without draft animals, but the rural cultivators around Tove, reported John Robinson in astonishment, “were as afraid of a horse or cow as a common American youth is of a ‘mad dog.’ ” Not only were they unfamiliar with using draft animals, but the animals themselves did not survive long in the local disease environment. Unanticipated patterns of rainfall also created problems. When the rains started in July, the cotton that the Tuskegee experts had planted right after their arrival rotted. They could have learned as much from local cultivators, but their ɹrm belief in the superiority of their own methods and their inability to communicate in the local language precluded such lessons. The Tuskegee experts also faced nearly insurmountable problems relating to the lack of infrastructure. In order to get their ginning equipment from the beach near Lomé, where they had left it upon arrival a few months"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about german?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "local growers. Their goal from the beginning was to make cotton production in Togo a “Volkskultur,” a people’s culture, and not, as elsewhere in the German colonial empire, a “Plantagenkultur,” a plantation culture.56 This choice was partly based on the tremendous problems German cotton interests had encountered with the mobilization of labor for their plantations in German East Africa. These plantations, many of them run by German textile industrialists, had had trouble securing a suɽcient number of African laborers, who by and large were not willing to work there. Though local German planters had tried to persuade the colonial administration to raise taxes in order to force rural producers to work for wages, the government had been reluctant to do so, fearing open rebellion.57 Such German experiences paralleled those of other colonial powers. In British East Africa it was clearly understood by experts that “the dearth of labour is the most serious diɽculty…."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on baghdad mosul?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "In contrast to the subsistence weavers, the long-distance tradesmen were geographically concentrated: Bengal was known for its ɹne muslins, the Coromandel coast for its chintzes and calicoes, and Surat for its strong but inexpensive fabrics of every kind. Though weavers could occupy very diʃerent positions within India’s caste system, in some parts of the subcontinent they found themselves in the upper reaches of social hierarchies, prosperous enough to be among the leading donors to local temples. Groups of full-time cotton manufacturers emerged in other parts of the world as well: In fourteenth-century Ming China, for example, higher-quality textiles were worked up in “urban loom houses,” which collectively employed many thousands of workers. In the Ottoman city of Tokat, highly skilled weavers produced signiɹcant quantities of cotton textiles. Baghdad, Mosul, and Basra, among other cities in the Islamic world, had large cotton workshops, and indeed the word"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about togo?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "number of policies to promote their common goals: to encourage Ewe cotton growers to produce more well-ginned and -packed cotton and move it speedily to market. First, to improve the quality of cotton, the Colonial Economic Committee, along with private German investors such as the Deutsche Togogesellschaft, set up gins throughout the cotton-growing areas of Togo. Growers thus did not need to gin the cotton themselves nor to transport the much heavier raw cotton over long distances. Purchasers, in turn, gained control of the cotton much earlier in the production process. Second, the colonial government tried to make the cotton more uniform in appearance by distributing seeds to growers. Here, the studies of the Tuskegee experts mattered a great deal, as they had experimented with Egyptian, American, Peruvian, and Brazilian seeds and had also cataloged existing seeds in Togo. After 1911, an American variety, mixed with Togo strains, was marketed under the name"}
{"instruction": "How is african presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "industries of spinning thread, weaving and dyeing aʃord… occupation to many thousands who may possibly become additional producers of raw cotton.” Deindustrialization, in his eyes, was the prerequisite for incorporating this African territory and its people into the orbit of Manchester.68 Last but not least, the very fact that most African cultivators remained far removed from world markets and experienced little if any commercialization of their lives meant that they felt little economic pressure to produce cash crops, unlike, for example, upcountry farmers in the United States. Thus the Ewe could back up their preference for mixed farming with their ability to maintain it. In precolonial Togo, the Ewe had bought and sold some goods on markets and engaged in long-distance trade. But even after the arrival of the Germans, capitalist social relations had only very marginally penetrated Togo; rural cultivators resisted the logic of long-distance markets in favor of long-established local exchanges"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about robinson?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "further and now included corporal punishment for indigenous growers who violated them. As time went by, force, violence, and coercion became ever more central to German policy.71 Such emphasis on coercion increasingly brought conɻicts between the Tuskegee teachers and the German colonists. Most pointedly, Robinson believed in the importance of growing subsistence crops along with cotton. He advocated the joint development of cotton and food crops in “harmonious ways,” and his teachings reɻected Washington’s concern that rural African Americans focused too much on the growing of cotton and too little on providing their own subsistence. In fact Robinson brought with him the memory of the defeated struggles of freedpeople in the United States. In an exceptionally wide-ranging letter, Robinson opined that “the source and life of all governments are its people, and the ɹrst duty of the government is to maintain this life and source. Consequently, the"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on american?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "as the planters in the American South had enjoyed before 1865. After the American Civil War, in fact, cotton growers throughout the world had become politically and economically marginalized—a new global periphery had emerged in which millions of farmers, sharecroppers, peasants, and agricultural laborers toiled to keep up industrial capitalism’s awe-inspiring advances, while themselves not sharing in them. The particular ways in which regions, countries, and even entire continents were integrated into this new industrial capitalism drastically sharpened global inequalities and cemented them through much of the twentieth century. Yet despite the enormously more important role of nation-states and empires—a direct result of the overcoming of war capitalism— the cotton empire remained as global as ever. By 1910, for example, it included Indian merchants selling Ugandan cotton to Japan. Former American slaves advised German colonialists in Togo."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat workers as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "Massachusetts state representative: “Why is it that the working people of Fall River are in constant turmoil?”9 Workers’ militancy was in part driven by the conditions in which they worked and lived. Cotton mills, just as in Ellen Hootton’s time a century earlier, remained noisy, polluted, and dangerous places. Factories, now often powered by steam instead of water, had increased in size and often combined spinning and weaving operations. The movements of bobbins and shuttles, power transmission belts, and metal parts assaulted the ears of children, women, and men, cotton dust ɹlled the air and their lungs, and all too often pieces of clothing, hair, or limbs got stuck in machines, grotesquely injuring workers. The workday was harshly regimented and seemingly unending, providing spinners and weavers with little time oʃ. The eʃects of such work regimes continued to be profound: Among the textile workers of the German city of Aachen, for example, an estimated half of all children died before celebrating"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of manufacturers?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "imperialism that had arisen out of the ashes of the nineteenthcentury “second slavery” now paid dividends—for some. It paid, for a while, for Catalan manufacturers, who gained in the 1880s more protected access to the remaining Spanish colonies, including a monopoly in the Cuban market. It supported the interests of Russian cotton industrialists in gaining access to the Central Asian territories. It protected British manufacturers from Indian competition. Even in the United States, following the demands of cotton manufacturers such as Edward Atkinson, the government aggressively helped manufacturers gain access to markets abroad, especially in Latin America, the destination of half of U.S. cotton exports.24 Despite the frantic eʃorts of European and New England cotton manufacturers to secure their exalted position within the global empire of cotton, rising labor costs were a powerful countervailing force. The result of the opportunities and constraints created by the"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect carl scheibler to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "home markets, having often sold imported cotton wares for decades. Like the entrepreneurs of Ahmedabad, they understood that to be proɹtable, industrial capitalism needed strong states to build infrastructures, protect markets, enforce property rights, and maintain an advantageous labor market. They encountered in their state-building projects more and more activists who, with the rise of national independence movements, appreciated the power latent in a vibrant industrial economy. The model of industrial capitalism so successfully forged in Europe and North America during the ɹrst decades of the nineteenth century now took wing in the global South—tantalizing the imagination of capitalists and state builders, and reshaping the geography of the global economy.34 Searching for cheap labor: German industrialist Carl Scheibler invests in the Lodz cotton industry, late nineteenth century. (illustration credit 13.5) Ideas about industrial capitalism, inspired by the British example,"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on japan?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "interests. Capitalists and rulers were able to implement these lessons because they defeated the visions of rival elites but faced no signiɹcant democratic mass movements to contest their control over the state.49 A strong state dedicated to the political economy of domestic industrialization mattered tremendously to Japan, but in ways quite diʃerent from Brazil. Tariʃs at ɹrst played no role in Japan’s industrialization because the international treaties that had been forced on the nation by Western powers precluded protectionism, and there was indeed no tariʃ protection before 1911. The state, however, played a key role in importing the new technology, and, perhaps more importantly, helped Japanese capitalists gain access to foreign markets that could be served competitively because of Japan’s extremely low labor costs. Prefectural author ities set up “industrial laboratories” that investigated the special needs of foreign markets and provided weaving companies with blueprints as"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with lancashire?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "about the low productivity of their workers and arguing that “any restrictive legislation sought to be imposed on us at the insistence of our friends of Lancashire will have to be resisted in a strenuous manner.” Yet confronted with British textile workers’ self-serving protests against “the excessive working hours in the Bombay mills and the employment of children” and with Lancashire mill owners fearing for their export markets, they failed. Subduing labor under conditions of colonialism proved diɽcult.66 Most striking, however, was the exceptional character of the colonial state in India when it came to the question of market access. Its greatest success, in many ways, was to facilitate the vast inɻux of British cotton goods, making India into Lancashire’s most important market, and severely damaging its handicraft industry.67 Industrialization and deindustrialization thus intersected on the Indian subcontinent—and it was the Janus-faced nature of the"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise china?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "growers of cotton globally, nearly all of which was manufactured into yarn and cloth domestically. In turn, the spinning and weaving of cotton were China’s most important manufacturing activities.69 Despite such ideal preconditions for cotton industrialization, mechanization only began at the end of the nineteenth century. To some extent the very vibrancy of Chinese traditional cotton manufacturing made industrialization more diɽcult. As with much of the cotton belt prior to the nineteenth century, millions of peasants in China’s countryside produced cottons for their own use or for nearby markets, with little pressure to do otherwise. As late as midcentury, 45 percent of peasant households may have produced cloth. Moreover, Western imperialists began to put pressure on China’s port cities, deluging the country in the second half of the nineteenth century with yarn and cloth. European merchants and European governments (along with those from the United States)"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat cotton as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "The greatest innovations occurred in the domestication of the cotton plant itself, indeed so much so that the cotton picked by slaves in the nineteenth century would be nearly unrecognizable to Indian farmers of two thousand years earlier. Human selection made cotton compatible with highly varied environmental conditions and rendered its ɹber ever more applicable to the production of textiles. Rural cultivators in China, Japan, Southeast Asia, North and South America, western Africa, and Anatolia brought cottonseeds from adjacent territories and added cotton to their crop mix. Through the centuries, this process of domestication drastically altered the physical properties of cotton, creating plants that produced longer and brighter ɹbers (later-day cotton experts would refer to the length of the ɹber as “staple”), ever more plentiful and easier to remove from the ɹlbertlike shell. Moreover, advances in irrigation techniques and agronomy allowed for the expansion of production"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe indian?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "British colonialism on Indian cotton industrialization. The Mahratta, published in Poona by militant nationalist Bal Gangadhar Tilak, consistently expressed opposition to colonial tariʃ policies. It favored mass protests against the cotton duties bill and accused the colonial government of “sacriɹcing” India for Lancashire through the “cotton duties crime.” A year later, the colonial government sent Tilak to jail for sedition. Even Gopal Krishna Gokhale, founder of the Servants of India Society and a leader of the Indian National Congress, who could not agree on much with Tilak, was opposed to the tariʃ policies of the British in regard to cotton. When the Imperial Legislative Council was enlarged in India in 1911, mill owner Ratanji Dadabhoy Tata demanded abolition of the excise duties, supported by ɹfteen of the sixteen Indian members. For freedom ɹghter Mahatma Gandhi, these duties were “an instance of ɹscal injustice…unparalleled in any civilized country of modern"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term swadeshi?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "various places to advocate the necessity of using native cloth and thus ousting Lancashire and Manchester from the Indian market,” and the increasingly inɻuential Indian National Congress, founded in 1885, supported the Swadeshi movement. Indian entrepreneurs agreed: Ahmedabad textile pioneer Ranchhodlal Chhotalal, along with others, created the Swadeshi Udhyam Vardhak Mandli (Organization for the Promotion of Indigenous Industry); Jamshetji Nusserwanji Tata named one of his mills the Swadeshi Mill; and Ambalal Sakarlal Desai, of the Ahmedabad Merchants Spinning Company, strongly supported Swadeshi. As the Chairman of the Bombay Millowners’ Association, Vithaldas Damodar Thackersey remarked at the annual meeting in 1907, he was “glad to see…the increased interest which the public take in indigenous industries under the impulse of the Swadeshi movement.” Hopes ran high that domestic industrialization would restore India’s former importance"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about capitalists?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "Indeed, decolonialization almost always rested on mass mobilization, and thus the construction of nation-states in the formerly colonial world looked drastically diʃerent from their constitution in Europe and North America a century and a half earlier. Capitalists’ dependence on workers and peasants in their struggle to create a state conducive to the interests of national capital, however, weakened those same capitalists in the long run. Not surprisingly, global South cotton capitalists remained quite ambivalent about popular anticolonial mobilizations. Indeed, at times fear drove them into the arms of the colonizing power. In Korea, the Japanese colonialists observed in 1919 that “wealthy Koreans have recently grown extremely fearful of the radicalization of popular sentiment.” Indian industrialists were generally on the moderate side of agitation as well, not least because they feared the militancy of their workers; “the truculence of the mill-hands needs"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise cotton association?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "marvelously productive and frighteningly violent system of production, the empire itself persisted. Indeed, while today’s cotton industry would be nearly unrecognizable to the nineteenth-century members of the Liverpool Cotton Association or the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, the world today creates and consumes more cotton than ever before.2 Chances are the shirt or pants or socks you are wearing as you read this are made out of cotton. Those pieces have found their way to you, just as cotton has clothed your parents and grandparents and great-grandparents, thanks to the eʃorts of growers, spinners, weavers, tailors, and merchants in distant parts of the globe, each inhabiting a world quite diʃerent from one another. Yet while a century ago your shirt would have likely been sewn in a shop in New York or Chicago, using fabric spun and woven in New England, from bolls grown in the American South, today it is probably made of cotton grown in China, India, Uzbekistan, or Senegal, spun and"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe north american?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "workings of the antiquated machines, holding their ears to block the noise of power looms and staring at photographs of children— prematurely aged, as if from a diʃerent planet—who not too long ago worked sixty-hour weeks on those same machines. Cotton plantations, too, have been reshaped for tourists. Here, though, the horrors of slave labor are downplayed or hidden—often intentionally overpowered by the sights of magniɹcent mansions, beautiful vistas, and well-tended gardens. But none of these historic curiosities can display the greatest invention of the empire of cotton: the globe-spanning network that connected growers, manufacturers, and consumers, a network, that, though radically altered and far from these museums, persists to this day. As European and North American tourists gaze at the remnants of the empire of cotton, and communities and workers from Fall River to Oldham struggle with the aftereʃects of postindustrial devastation, millions of workers stream into textile mills in China,"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about unlike?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "But these merchants also grew more powerful as an unintended result of one of the state’s great successes. By the mid-twentieth century, governments had transformed the global countryside; the capitalization of everyday life had reached an unprecedented level. Most of the world’s people were now inextricably tied to both commodity production and consumption. As a result, capitalists no longer needed the state to turn rural cultivators into cotton growers, a reservoir of factory labor, and consumers of those textiles. That process was already far advanced, meaning that these new merchants can now proɹt from a larger market of consumers and a larger labor reservoir than has ever existed in human history. But their successes were also due to their ability to organize production globally, and to create branded goods and the sales channels to oʃer them for purchase all over the world. Unlike in the nineteenth century, these modern merchants focus not on the trade"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about capitalists?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "the very essence of capitalism. As capitalists search for ever cheaper labor, better infrastructure, and greater markets, they combine and recombine the world’s workers and consumers, and the world’s lands and its raw materials, in ever new ways.17 In that process, the collective action (or lack thereof) of workers matters a great deal, as do the policies (or lack thereof) of states. We have seen that the history of capital and cotton can only be understood if we consider the history of many diʃerent places and groups of people. Looking at just one part of the empire leads to vast misunderstandings, for example the characterization of the past ɹfty years as a world of deindustrialization (as some European and North American social scientists have described it), when exactly the opposite is true, as the greatest wave of industrialization ever has overtaken the globe. Capitalists, from the Barings of the eighteenth century to the titans of today’s global retailers, forged many of the connections"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about slavery?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "reveals that the global countryside should be at the center of our thinking about the origins of the modern world. Although our historical imaginations are usually dominated by cities, factories, and industrial workers, we have seen that much of the emergence of the modern world occurred in the countryside—by the often violent turning of rural people into the creators and consumers of commodities made or used elsewhere. This emphasis on the countryside allows for an equally important emphasis—the importance of coercion and violence to the history of capitalism. Slavery, colonialism, and forced labor, among other forms of violence, were not aberrations in the history of capitalism, but were at its very core. The violence of market making—forcing people to labor in certain locations and in certain ways—has been a constant throughout the history of the empire of cotton. This emphasis calls into question some of the most ingrained insights into the history of the modern world—for example,"}
{"instruction": "How is archives presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "French city of Mulhouse opened the door to a room ɹlled to the ceiling with eighteenthand nineteenth-century cotton textile samples. And I will never forget sitting in the courtyard of the bar of the Colònia Vidal in the Llobregat valley of Catalonia in Spain imagining the lives that generations of workers spent in this company town, serving the needs of a voracious cotton mill. This book has been researched on every continent and I am grateful to the librarians and archivists who, under often diɽcult circumstances, have protected the materials on which this book is based and made them accessible to me. I speciɹcally thank those who helped me at the archives of the Japanese Spinners Association in Osaka, the National Archives of Australia, the National Archives and Library of Egypt, the rare books collection at the American University of Cairo, the National Archives of India, the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library in New Delhi, the Maharashtra State"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about new delhi?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "their small corner store selling newspapers and sweets; to Dieter Plehwe in Berlin for our endless conversation about capitalism, and his friendship; to Christine Desan at Harvard Law School for having helped make capitalism studies respectable; to Gilles Palsky in Paris, who helped me get access to some extraordinary maps about the global cotton trade; to Uta Beckert for her leads on Mesopotamian cotton; to Neus Santamaria of the Consorci del Parc Fluvial del Llobregat for helping me understand the extraordinary story of Catalonian industrialization; to Aditya and Mridula Mukerjee, Prabhu Mohapatra, and all my friends in New Delhi for including me in their never-ending conversations on the great inequalities that characterize the world and India; and to Irfan Habib in New Delhi, Sakae Tsunoya in Sakai, Eric Foner in New York, Jürgen Osterhammel in Konstanz, and Ibrahima Thioub in Dakar for engaging with my ideas and for being such inspiring historians."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of europe?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "cotton.38 So tight was the association between Islam and cotton that most western European languages borrowed their words for the ɹber from the Arabic qutun. French coton, English cotton, Spanish algodón, Portugese algodão, Dutch katoen, and Italian cotone all derive from the Arabic root. (The German Baumwolle and the Czech bavlna—translated roughly as “tree wool”—are the exceptions that prove the rule.) While the Christian Reconquista of Iberia in the ɹrst half of the second millennium seriously contracted the region’s cotton production, the centuries-long exposure to Arab technology and culture left behind a familiarity with and appreciation for cotton textiles in large areas of Europe. The vegetable lamb: Europeans imagine the cotton plant. (illustration credit 1.2) By the twelfth century, small pockets of Europe—particularly northern Italy—returned to the world of cotton production, and this time to stay. While Europe’s climate was largely unsuited for cotton"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect european to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "heart of the ancient cotton centers.44 Not only did the Mediterranean networks give Italian manufacturers relatively easy access to raw cotton, but they also provided them with access to “Eastern” technologies. Northern Italian entrepreneurs appropriated technologies from the Islamic world—some of which had in turn come from India and China. The twelfth century witnessed a “massive infusion of outside technology into the European textile industry”—most importantly the spinning wheel. Before the spinning wheel was introduced into Europe in the middle of the thirteenth century, Europeans, like Americans and Africans, had spun with hand spindles. It was a slow process: A skilled spinner produced about 120 meters of thread per hour. At that rate, it took about eleven hours to spin enough yarn for one blouse. The spinning wheel increased the output of European spinners tremendously, tripling productivity. Thus the availability of a new material—cotton—led to the embrace of the new"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on augsburg memmingen?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "distance traders with suɽcient capital to fund a new industry. But these traders also had access to cheap labor, northern European markets, and the ability to enforce regulations guaranteeing the quality of their products. As a result, cities such as Ulm, Augsburg, Memmingen, and Nuremberg became major centers of fustian production. The industry eventually spread east along the Danube and south to Switzerland.49 The control of a rural workforce was crucial. In Ulm, for example, one of the most important manufacturing centers, only about two thousand people were busy with cotton production in the city itself, while eighteen thousand workers labored on cottons in the hinterland. Indeed, most of the weaving was done in the countryside, not the city, as merchants provided money, raw materials, and even tools to spinners and weavers—another puttingout network like the ones that characterized the Indian countryside. This organization of production was much more ɻexible than urban"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with europeans?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "quantity of cotton cloth for that continent, spread a taste for cotton fabrics, and established widespread knowledge about the principles of cotton manufacturing—all factors that eventually became exceedingly important. But for now those small shifts were irrelevant to the global cotton industry, because Europeans lacked the ability to compete in transoceanic markets, not least because the quality of their output was much inferior to that of India. Unlike Indian or Chinese producers, moreover, Europeans depended on the import of raw cotton from distant regions of the world—regions over which they enjoyed little control. And in 1600, most Europeans continued to clothe themselves in linens and woolens. Over the next two hundred years, however, all that was to change. The change was slow, at ɹrst hardly perceptible, but the momentum built, faster and faster and then exponentially. The ultimate result was a radical reorganization of the world’s leading"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise indian?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "Now Europeans could for the ɹrst time access the products of Indian weavers—the world’s dominant producers—without having to rely on the numerous middlemen who had transported Indian cloth by ship across the Indian Ocean, by camel across Arabia, and then by boat to European ports. Europeans began establishing formal trade relations on the Indian subcontinent when da Gama obtained permission from local rulers to trade in Calicut in 1498. By the early sixteenth century, the Portuguese had established a series of trading outposts on India’s west coast, most enduringly in Goa. At the end of the sixteenth century, the Netherlands and Great Britain began to challenge Portugal’s monopoly on trade with Asia by chartering joint-stock companies, hoping to catch a share of the highly proɹtable spice trade. After a series of Anglo-Dutch wars, the Dutch and the British agreed to divide their spheres of interest in Asia, with the Indian textile trade falling mostly into British hands."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe banias?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "such as Madras, Surat, Dhaka, Cossimbazar, and Calicut, where their agents placed orders with banias for cloth and received the wares ready for shipment. Hundreds of leather-bound books, many of which are still extant, recorded each one of these transactions.5 In 1676, the factory of the British East India Company in Dhaka detailed the mechanisms through which cloth was purchased, testifying to its dependence on indigenous traders. The English merchants subcontracted the task of securing cloth to a number of banias eight to ten months before the trading ships arrived, specifying the qualities, designs, prices, and delivery dates they desired. African and European consumers of cotton textiles demanded very particular goods at particular prices. Banias then advanced cash to various middlemen, who would travel from village to village to advance funds and contract for ɹnished cloth with individual weavers.6 Eventually the cloth traveled the same chain"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term europe?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "they also established themselves in the East African markets; as a result, on both sides of the Indian Ocean, Europe’s dominance grew. With the eighteenth-century decline of Surat and the rise of British Bombay, merchants in western India became even more dependent on British power.10 The growing inɻuence of European merchants and their sponsoring states in India eventually began to have important repercussions in Europe itself. As much larger quantities of Indian cottons traveled to Europe, new markets and fashions emerged. Beautiful chintzes and muslins attracted the attention of the growing class of Europeans who had the money to purchase them and the desire to ɻaunt their social status by wearing them. As Indian cottons became ever more fashionable in the eighteenth century, the desire to replace these imports was a powerful incentive to ramping up cotton production in England and eventually to revolutionize it.11 Moreover, domination in Asia dovetailed with expansion into the"}
{"instruction": "How is european presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "emergence of capitalism. They combined with one other feature of this new world: states that backed these merchant and settler ventures, but that only weakly asserted their sovereignty over the places and peoples in distant territories. Instead, private capitalists, often organized in chartered companies (such as the British East India Company) asserted sovereignty over land and people, and structured connections to local rulers. Heavily armed privateering capitalists became the symbol of this new world of European domination, as their cannon-ɹlled boats and their soldier-traders, armed private militias, and settlers captured land and labor and blew competitors, quite literally, out of the water. Privatized violence was one of their core competencies. While European states had envisioned, encouraged, and enabled the creation of vast colonial empires, they remained weak and thin on the ground, providing private actors the space and leeway to forge new modes of trade and production."}
{"instruction": "Why does english matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "name of George Arnould, fustian weaver of Bolton, appears in the records of quarter sessions.” The industry grew, and by 1620 British cotton manufacturers exported their wares to France, Spain, Holland, and Germany. Cotton manufacturing thrived especially in the northern English county of Lancashire, where both the lack of guild control and the proximity to Liverpool, an important slaving port, became key to producers who supplied the African trade in slaves and plantations in the Americas.17 This slowly emerging English cotton industry drew on earlier experiences with the production of linen and woolens. As on the continent, cottons were at ɹrst manufactured in the countryside. Merchants, many of them Puritans and other dissenters, advanced raw cotton to peasants, who employed family labor seasonally to spin and weave, before returning the cloth to the merchants who sold it. As cotton cloth demand exploded, spinning and weaving became ever more important to smallholding peasants, and some of"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame company here?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "company. Already by the middle of the eighteenth century, European companies sent these agents deep into the manufacturing centers in the countryside near Dhaka, agents who increasingly set the terms of production and thus succeeded in lowering prices. In the 1790s the East India Company even encouraged weavers to relocate to Bombay and produce cloth there—all with the goal of being able to supervise them better “without being extorted by the Servants of the Rajah of Travancore.”31 The encroachment of British power on the subcontinent meant that weavers increasingly lost their ability to set prices for cloth. According to the historian Sinnappah Arasaratnam “they could not produce for any customer they chose; they had to accept part of their payment in cotton yarn; they were subject to a strict supervision of the process of manufacture by the Company’s servants who were located in the village.” Weavers were now often compelled to take advances from particular merchants."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about india?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "important or dynamic infant cotton industry. How could the English, French, Dutch, and other producers possibly compete against India’s fabrics, which were both superior in quality and cheaper? And yet it appears that the European industry expanded even as India exported more cloth. Ironically, imports from India helped the European cotton textile industry by creating new markets for cotton fabrics and by continuing Europe’s appropriation of relevant technologies from Asia. In the long run, moreover, imports from India inɻuenced Europe’s political priorities. As we will see, Great Britain, France, and others emerged as newly powerful states, with a vocal group of capitalists; for states and individuals alike, replacing Indian cotton cloth imports with domestically manufactured cloth became an important, albeit diɽcult-to-realize priority. Protectionism played a key role in this process, testifying again to the enormous importance of the state to the “great divergence.” By"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about indian?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "reported in minute detail on Indian manufacturing techniques, in the hopes of enabling French artisans to copy them: “All the weaving combs in France should be made according to the model used in Bengal,” he advised, among other things. “Then we will succeed in equaling the Indians in the manufacture of their muslin.”46 Other European manufacturers followed suit. In the late eighteenth century, Danish travelers ventured to India to understand and appropriate Indian technology. And throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, English cotton printers collected and then copied Indian designs using Indian cotton printing expertise. Publications such as the “Account of the Manufactures carried on at Bangalore, and the Processes employed by the Natives in Dyeing Silk and Cotton,” or the similarly oriented “The Genuine Oriental Process for giving to Cotton Yarn, or Stuʃs, the fast or ingrained Colour, known by the Name of Turkey or Adrianople-Red,”"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about british?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "the emerging cotton industry, and cotton merchants in Liverpool provided ever more credit to manufacturers to enable them to work up the cotton. London merchants, in turn, who sold the yarn and cloth coming from British producers advanced credit to Lancashire manufacturers. In fact, they provided the very important and very signiɹcant working capital, as proɹts from trade were redirected toward manufacturing, “a ɻow of capital inwards from commerce.” Moreover, as these merchants gained wealth in long-distance trade, they could demand political protections from a government increasingly dependent on extracting revenue from them.53 Last but not least, war capitalism also nourished the emerging secondary sectors of the economy such as insurance, ɹnance, and shipping, sectors that would become exceedingly important to the emergence of the British cotton industry, but also public institutions such as government credit, money itself, and national defense."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on european?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "of how things were produced, both in time and in space, and the social and political ramiɹcations of that production.56 India and China, or, for that matter, the Aztec and Inca empires, had not even come close to such global dominance, and even less so to reinventing how people produced things in the far-ɻung corners of the globe. And yet starting in the sixteenth century, armed European capitalists and capital-rich European states reorganized the world’s cotton industry. It was this early embrace of war capitalism that was the precondition for the Industrial Revolution that eventually created an enormous further push toward global economic integration and continues to shape and reshape our world today. What happened was a swift transition from the older world of cotton—discontinuous, multifocal, horizontal—to an integrated, centralized, and hierarchical empire of cotton. As late as the mideighteenth century, it would have seemed unlikely to contemporary"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about greg?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "colonial domination, militarized trade, and land expropriations provided the fertile soil from which a new kind of capitalism would sprout. Greg’s genius lay in realizing that risk-taking English entrepreneurs like him could build upon this material and institutional heritage and generate unprecedented wealth and power by embracing the heretofore ungentlemanly world of manufacturing. Greg had deep roots in war capitalism, its violent appropriation of territory and slave labor, as well its reliance on the imperial state to secure new technologies and markets. He had secured his part of the family fortune through Hillsborough Estate, a proɹtable sugar plantation on the Caribbean island of Dominica, where he held hundreds of enslaved Africans until the ɹnal abolition of slavery in British territories in 1834. Greg’s uncles Robert and Nathaniel Hyde, who had raised him from age nine and also provided much of the capital for the building of Quarry Bank Mill, were also textile"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on british?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "Most crucially, by the second half of the eighteenth century, that heritage allowed British merchants to assume commanding roles at many vital nodes of the global cotton industry—even though British workers produced only a tiny percentage of global output and Britain’s farmers grew no cotton whatsoever. England’s domination of these global networks, as we will see, was essential to recast production and become the unlikely source of the cotton-fueled Industrial Revolution. While certainly still revolutionary, industrial capitalism was the oʃspring of war capitalism, the previous centuries’ great innovation.3 Samuel Greg and his fellow innovators knew that the global reach and power of the British Empire gave them a tremendous advantage over their fellow merchants and artisans in Frankfurt, Calcutta, or Rio de Janeiro. Having started out as a merchant in the employ of his uncles, he had already organized a large putting-out network of cotton spinners and weavers in the Lancashire and Cheshire"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat british as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "Now industrial capitalism was creating an ever-changing world, and cotton, the world’s most important industry, was the mainspring of this unprecedented acceleration of human productivity.7 In retrospect, late-eighteenth-century England seemed ripe for a reinvention of cotton manufacturing. British capitalists looked back on two centuries of cotton textile production, had access to investable capital, and employed ever more peasants to spin and weave at home. Also, British textile producers based in households had withstood the pressures of imports from India for decades, an experience that schooled them in the importance of being able to compete with Indian manufacturers to capture their markets. And last but not least, workers were available to staʃ the new factories, workers who did not have the ability to resist the process of being turned from rural cultivators or artisans into wage laborers. These factors provided the necessary conditions for a radical reimagining"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of british?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "point improved machinery meant that productivity per cotton worker in Britain was already two to three times higher than in India, that multiplier was still not suɽcient to level the playing ɹeld. War capitalism had created a fundamentally new set of opportunities for British cotton capitalists, but it had no answer to the question of how to enter cotton cloth markets in a globally signiɹcant way. Protectionism had been a workable answer to a point, and was deployed to great success, but the tantalizing possibility of global exports could not be preserved by such prohibitions. What British cotton capitalists needed was a dynamic combination of new technologies to lower costs, the further growth of elastic markets that already had begun to expand on the tails of British expansion, and a supportive state with the ability not just to protect global empire but to transform society in Britain itself.10 Since labor costs were the primary obstacle to grasping the new"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect mokyr patrick to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "half a century after 1786. From then on, technical progress became a constant: Proɹts were made by increasing the productivity of human labor. This would in fact become a deɹning feature of industrial capitalism. These new machines, the “macro inventions” celebrated by historians Joel Mokyr, Patrick O’Brien, and many others, not only accelerated human productivity, but also altered the nature of the production process itself: They began to regulate the pace of human labor.19 Dependent on central energy sources and requiring large spaces, production moved out of the home and into factories. Along with the machines, workers assembled in unprecedented numbers in central locations. While putting-out merchants had traversed the countryside searching for laborers, now workers sought out manufacturers in search of employment. The mechanization of cotton spinning created a novel entity: the cotton mill. Although mills could vary tremendously in size, they"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on british?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "a second industrial revolution. But cotton was the vanguard. As historian Fernand Braudel has argued, the Industrial Revolution in cottons aʃected the “entire national economy.”31 As late as the midnineteenth century, the Industrial Revolution was still, numerically, the story of cotton. The spectacular take oʃ of the British cotton industry allowed British capitalists—along with the British state—to retain even more of the wages of war capitalism. With cheaper production costs thanks to the unprecedented productivity of their new machines and the new organization of production, with wage workers in large factories, British manufacturers, as expected, broke into new markets. Domestic markets expanded as cottons became cheaper and as cotton fabrics became ever more fashionable as their changing designs mattered increasingly to the self-presentation of middle-class consumers.32 British cotton manufacturers also moved decisively into the all-"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with manufacturers?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "persisting for centuries in the system of protection and prohibition.”37 Indeed, in the end, it was not so much the new machines that revolutionized the world, impressive and important as they were. The truly heroic invention was the economic, social, and political institutions in which these machines were embedded. These institutions came to further deɹne industrial capitalism and increasingly set it apart from its parent, war capitalism.38 The creation of such a state at the core of industrial capitalism was a complicated dance between various interests. A rising group of manufacturers pressed for a recognition of their interests, while statesmen and bureaucrats came to understand that their own exalted position in the world rested on Great Britain’s rapidly expanding manufacturing capacity. Manufacturers fought competing interests—the East India Company, for example—and competing elites, such as aristocratic landowners. And as merchants and"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise capitalism?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "had indeed been solved by war capitalism in the Americas, Africa, and Asia. And it was again a strong state (a state fortiɹed by the institutional and ɹnancial accumulations of war capitalism) that was the root cause of the ability to externalize some of the labor, land, and resource mobilization. This state could in fact enforce diʃerent kinds of institutions in diʃerent parts of the world, with slavery and wage labor coexisting, for example. Manufacturers, merchants, and statesmen constructed a new form of capitalism—a capitalism that would dominate much of the world by the late nineteenth century. The modern state at its core was sometimes less “visible” than autocratic monarchical rule, and thus seemed “weaker” as its power was increasingly embedded in impersonal rules, laws, and bureaucratic mechanisms. Paradoxically, industrial capitalism made state power less visible as it ampliɹed it. No longer did the personal authority of the king, the lord, or the master, or age-old custom,"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe british?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "on the plantations of the Americas and seemed to show the way toward the reorganization of production. Yet in Britain itself, war capitalism provided only the foundation, not the nature, of capitalism. To dominate production, workers were neither enslaved nor populations murdered, for capitalists were not fulɹlling frontier fantasies beyond the reach of the state. This was revolutionary, but in our world, in which the institutional foundations of industrial capitalism have become commonplace, it is hard to appreciate just how revolutionary it was. And the relationship between the expansion of manufacturing and the strengthening of the state was mutually reinforcing. Just as the British state undergirded the economic dynamism of the cotton industry, that industry’s many progeny became ever more important to the British state. To fuel the wars of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries that established British hegemony in the Atlantic, according to Edward Baines, Britain relied heavily on its"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term british?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "Yet by projecting the world he lived in both backward and forward, Danson missed both the novelty of slavery’s essential role and the possibility that it could come to an end. For millennia, as we have seen, cultivators had grown cotton in Asia, Africa, and the Americas. But while the cotton plant found a favorable environment in large stretches of the world’s arable lands, Lancashire, or anywhere else in the British Isles for that matter, was not among them. Outside of the greenhouses at the Royal Gardens at Kew (which to this day showcase the core commodities on which the British Empire rested), Britain and much of Europe was too cold and wet for cotton. Among European leaders, only French revolutionaries, with their fervent belief in inventing the world anew, seriously tried to outwit the local climate and grow cotton— and even they failed.5 Indeed, British cotton manufacturing—and later, manufacturing across Europe—seemed a poor bet, for it was the ɹrst major"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about caribbean?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "so had Ottoman and Indian farmers. The soil and climate of the Caribbean was well suited to cotton—but so was the soil of western Anatolia or central India. Caribbean merchants moved large quantities of cotton easily to European markets—but so did the merchants of Izmir and Surat. Yet Caribbean planters, unlike Ottoman and Indian farmers, faced few constraints on land and labor. With the native population decimated and slaves arriving on an almost daily basis from West Africa, Caribbean planters’ ability to respond rapidly to newly emerging markets set them decisively apart from all other cotton growers. While powerful Ottoman and Indian landlords also resorted to coercion to force peasants to work on their cotton estates, plantation slavery, as such, never took root.21 Moreover, the infusion of capital that enabled the rapid reallocation of resources in the Caribbean was hampered elsewhere by the lack of private ownership of land and the continued political"}
{"instruction": "Why does united states matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "Great Britain and rising prices of West Indian cotton in the wake of the uprising in Saint-Domingue, he urged that “this article must be worth the attention of the southern planters.” He was encouraged by British industrialists such as Stockport cotton manufacturer John Milne, who embarked in the late 1780s on the long journey across the Atlantic to persuade North Americans to grow cotton.3 As predicted by these self-interested observers, cotton production would soon dominate vast swaths of the United States. Indeed, the crop would become so intrinsic to American enterprise that the earlier reality—the dominance of cotton from the Ottoman Empire, the West Indies, and Brazil—has largely been lost. It turned out that Peel, Yates & Co. had anticipated one of the nineteenth century’s most consequential dynamics.4 The rapid expansion of cotton in the United States was partly possible because planters used the experience that their colonial ancestors had accumulated in the cultivation of the white gold."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame native here?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "States from virtually every other cotton-growing area in the world was planters’ command of nearly unlimited supplies of land, labor, and capital, and their unparalleled political power. In the Ottoman Empire and India, as we know, powerful indigenous rulers controlled the land, and deeply entrenched social groups struggled over its use. In the West Indies and Brazil, sugar planters competed for land, labor, and power. The United States, and its plentiful land, faced no such encumbrances. Ever since the ɹrst European settlers stepped oʃ their boats, they had pushed inland. The land’s native inhabitants had to reckon with what these boats brought—ɹrst germs, later steel. In the late eighteenth century, Native Americans still controlled substantial territories only a few hundred miles inland from the coastal provinces, yet they were unable to stop the white settlers’ steady encroachment. The settlers eventually won a bloody and centuries-"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about american?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "successfully committing the federal government to a policy of expropriating Native Americans.27 In a roundabout way, American independence had turned out to be a blessing for the European, especially the British, cotton industry. Bowing to a century of abolitionist persuasion, Britain in 1834 outlawed slavery within its empire. Some American revolutionaries envisioned a similar extinction of slavery as their own nation evolved, only to see the institution become the engine of the most important cotton-growing region of the world. And independence removed restraints from expropriating Native Americans as well, with the relationship between white settlers and North American Indians now removed from the complex negotiations of European politics. The disjunction of political from economic spaces in fact proved to be crucial for the world’s most dynamic industry—with cotton-growing slave owners dominating regional governments and exerting signiɹcant inɻuence on the"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about united states?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "conventions, all spread information about how to select seeds, how to organize a labor force, how to read the market, how to hoe and plant, and where to invest—in short, how to perfect a “Practical Plantation Economy.”32 The Industrial Revolution in Europe also actively inɻuenced the evolution of slavery in the American South. Gang labor, by no means new but never so prevalent as on cotton plantations, exempliɹed the new rhythm of industrial labor, or what one author has called “military agriculture.” The systematic mobilization of slave women and children on cotton farms further expanded their output. As a result, cotton production in the United States increased much faster than the number of slaves employed on farms. Some of that increase was related to the embrace of diʃerent cotton plants, but there was also a systematic intensiɹcation of exploitation. Plantation slavery in the nineteenth-century United States allowed for an organization of labor unlike what was possible in the world’s"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about london?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "easier.34 The rhythm of industrial production also entered the plantation in other ways. Since the expansion of cotton agriculture depended on the advance of credit, sometimes secured by mortgages on slaves, most of which derived from the London money market, its patterns now followed the competitive logic of markets rather than the whimsy of personal aspiration and regional circumstance—capital moved to wherever cotton could be produced in the greatest quantities and at the cheapest cost. To the great lament of southern planters, the factor—a merchant who would sell a planter’s cotton, supply him with goods, and provide credit—and with him the London money market, was a decisive source of their wealth and power. But the London money market and the Lancashire manufacturers depended just as much on the local experts in the violent expropriation of land and labor. The old paternalism of East Coast planters, shielded partially by the mercantilist logic of"}
{"instruction": "How is cotton presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "Indian cotton pickers, of cotton stolen from their farms, that workers went on strike, forcing them to give in to demands for higher wages, and that capital was lacking, soils were poor, and they “did not succeed in obtaining labor.” Eventually they decided that wage labor did not work, with one of the planters stating categorically that “cultivation by paid labor could, under no circumstances, be proɹtably applied to Cotton in that part of the country.”57 The experiences in India indeed seemed to conɹrm cotton’s dependence on coercion. Yet slavery, manufacturers began to understand, could not be completely trusted. And since manufacturers’ own capital and their own institutions were insuɽcient to create alternative systems, they turned to the state: They demanded new laws regarding land tenure to secure investments in cotton. They demanded even more investment in experimental farms and the accumulation of agricultural knowledge, more state investment in infrastructure, and a tax on the cultivators"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about indian?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "Lancashire and the rhythms of economic life in India’s cottongrowing countryside. War capitalism had succeeded in bridging this gap by resorting to bodily coercion elsewhere, but not in India.61 Perhaps more important than the lack of adequate infrastructure was that the pattern of production of Indian cultivators did not articulate well with the needs of production for export. Indian peasants were still deeply embedded in a cotton economy separate from the cotton upstarts in Europe. They produced cotton for domestic consumption, and more often than not produced their own clothing. What Britain saw as a “failure” is more usefully viewed as evidence for the vast diʃerences in the possibilities and the priorities of cotton production. The monocultural production of cotton, so prevalent in the American South, was unknown. Indian cultivators gave preference to subsistence crops, because they feared they would starve if their market crop did not succeed—one"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on india?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "Indeed, the example of the great slave-based American system of cotton growing led one commercial resident to ask in 1831 if it might not be better if the company would engage in “a little gentle coercion.” Another writer similarly suggested that Europeans should employ “apprentices from the Orphan Schools,” while others favored the use of prison and convict labor. All these came to naught—and with them European-run cotton plantations. Instead, the East India Company had to engage constantly with local rulers, local power structures, local property ownership patterns, and local ways of producing things. British diɽculties in India clarify the decisive diʃerence from the United States. Though settler conɻicts with Native Americans were costly, both in lives and treasure, the result left settlers in full control of the land and its resources. Indigenous ways of doing things were no longer. The local was simply obliterated.67 Indian peasants, like their counterparts in Anatolia, western"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat africa as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "unexpected quarters, for unexpected reasons: from the slow but steady collapse of competing circuits of cotton manufacturing in Asia. Throughout the ɹrst half of the nineteenth century, local cotton craft networks remained a powerful presence in the world. In Africa, Latin America, and throughout Asia, the growing of cotton for household use or local markets remained important; indeed, it is entirely possible that as late as midcentury more cotton entered such limited circulation than entered industrial production. In large parts of Africa, observed Thomas Ellison as late as 1886, “indigenous Cotton has from time immemorial been both grown and manufactured, and the natives are for the most part clothed in fabrics of their own production.”75 In China as well, using traditional methods of production, spinners and weavers, working mostly in their houses and drawing on the labor of their dependents, continued to serve their very large domestic market."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of wiesental?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "Basel and returned the ɹnished cloth to its merchants, who in turn delivered the goods to the burgeoning cotton printing factories located in Mulhouse, an independent city-state just across the Rhine. So massive was Swiss investment that one historian has called the attendant economic restructuring of the area the “colonialization of the Wiesental.”3 Already in the eighteenth century, these Swiss entrepreneurs and their Baden subcontractors had put some spinners and weavers to work in nonmechanized workshops in order to better supervise production. Montfort himself had created as early as 1774 a bleaching workshop in nearby Staufen. Once workers left their homes to labor in workshops, it was only a question of time when mechanical devices for the spinning of cotton, recently invented in England, would come to the Wiesental. Indeed, in 1794—only ten years after Greg’s venture in Styal—entrepreneurs erected the ɹrst mechanized spinning mill, although government agents forced its"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect cotton to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "of success, such prior experience was all but required for cotton industrialization. Spinning mills almost always arose in areas that had already sustained vibrant textile industries—no matter if in woolens, ɻax, or cottons, urban or rural, home-based or in workshops. In the area around Ghent, for example, a long tradition of ɻax spinning and weaving had trained labor to cotton manufacturing. In the Mexican city of Puebla, mechanical cotton spinning built upon a centuries-long history of cotton spinning and weaving so established that its workers had a cotton producers’ guild, and indeed large workshops had emerged even before the advent of mechanization. The situation in the German lands was no diʃerent: One economist found that “the modern cotton industry nearly everywhere is building on older home industries.” In Russia, the cotton manufacturing industry emerged from eighteenth-century linen and woolen manufacturing; in the United States, New"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on capital?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "access to that other ingredient essential for industrial production: capital. Without access to capital, the new ways of producing cotton were impossible: buildings had to be erected, streams diverted, machines built, workers hired, raw materials secured, and expertise recruited, often from long distances and across national boundaries. The merchants’ most common strategy was reinvesting capital accumulated in the organization of household production of cotton yarn and cloth into small factories. In Switzerland, for example, former putting-out merchants ɹnanced the wave of mechanized spinning mills built after 1806. They began with small factories of a few mules and slowly enlarged them. In Catalonia, by the late eighteenth century, artisan producers had accumulated capital in the nonmechanized and household-based textile industry and then used it to expand and mechanize production. In Alsace, the industry drew its capital and entrepreneurial skills from the older merchant"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with british?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "the new manufacturing techniques. Yet some parts of Asia— including India, China, and the Ottoman Empire—did not mechanize despite devastating pressures from British yarn imports. When so many regions did industrialize, what explains their seeming twins that did not? We need to search for an answer elsewhere. One easy explanation for the uneven development is the salutary eʃect of war capitalism on European economies. The British case, after all, reveals how important colonial expropriation and slavery and the violent insertion into global networks had been for the radical recasting of the local cotton industry. If industrial capitalism was built on the wages of war capitalism, then perhaps it was the ability to embrace war capitalism that was the fundamental precondition for cotton industrialization. Not only British, but also French, Dutch, and Spanish capitalists could and did draw on colonial raw materials and colonial markets. Still, this is too facile a"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise europe?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "mechanics to the United States and Europe to study the techniques of cotton production and to buy machines.35 Yet monopolies, subsidies, and the provision of expertise all proved to be fairly minor interventions, suɽcient to allow the building of one factory or another, but not enough to embark upon the creation of a signiɹcant domestic cotton industry. Indeed, without the novel and powerful state in the heart of industrial capitalism, as we will see later, these eʃorts could easily ɹzzle. Much more important was a state’s ability to isolate its domestic manufacturing eʃorts from competition, especially from Britain. But only a few states in the early nineteenth century enjoyed the capacity to police their external borders. Tellingly, the ɹrst wave of mechanized cotton spinning came to continental Europe as a direct result of the ability of the expanding French revolutionary republic to keep British manufactured goods from the continent."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe ottoman empire?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "in the Ottoman Empire. Mexico’s unusually consistent and forceful political commitments to import substitution thus created a position unlike any of its peers in the global South.44 The successful forging of industrial capitalism thus rested as much on the capacity of states to create a framework in which manufacturing could thrive as on entrepreneurial initiative. Beyond protectionism, states also played a crucial role in market making by removing internal duties. The Catalonian industry beneɹted from the removal of internal tariʃ barriers in the Spanish market, as did the industry in the German lands after the creation of the Zollverein in 1834, which removed the myriad border crossings and tariʃ payments that had characterized trade in that part of the world. Sometimes the state also became an important customer, as for example in Russia, mostly to equip their militaries. But most important of all was the road building, canal digging, and railway"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect british to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "The capitalists who managed to follow the British example usually worked within states that embraced the industrialization project and saw national manufacturing as a way to strengthen the state, forging in the process a new relationship between economic activity and national territory. In these states, rulers, bureaucrats, and capitalists could penetrate bounded territories legally, bureaucratically, infrastructurally, and militarily to create conditions that allowed for long-term capital investments, the mobilization of labor, expanding domestic and foreign markets, and protection for national industries from the uncertainties of the global economy. For statesmen in burgeoning nation-states, the calculations about whether to build an industrial society on the British model were straightforward: Industry was a source of wealth, and also of vastly superior tools of warfare. To survive in a competitive state system, prosperity was imperative, and embracing industrial capitalism seemed like a sure"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about egypt?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "the Anglo-Ottoman Tariʃ Treaty went into force, setting import duties at only 8 percent ad valorem (that is, a percentage on the value of the product), and in eʃect forcing free trade upon Egypt, it “destroyed its ɹrst mechanized textile industry.” Combined with the state’s diɽculties running cotton mills and the problem of securing suɽcient fuel for steam-powered production, a system of “free trade” dominated by Britain made it practically impossible for Egypt to industrialize. Egypt’s cotton industry was devastated from two sides: its domestic embrace of war capitalism and its ultimate subjugation to British imperialism. The Egyptian state was powerful domestically, but weak when it came to deɹning Egypt’s position within the global economy, no match for British interests and designs.64 The negative impact of war capitalism on industrialization can be seen in one other example: Brazil. At ɹrst glance, Brazil was a lot like Egypt. It had a long history of cotton production, and Brazil"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about united states?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "edge cotton industrialization never resulted. Cuba, for example, relied on a massive number of enslaved workers, and yet did not have a single cotton mill during the entire nineteenth century.69 The state of war between private parties at the heart of war capitalism contradicted the emerging imperatives of industrial capitalism. It was thus not just the capacity of states that explains the spread of cotton manufacturing, but also the distribution of power within them. Slave states were notoriously late and feeble in supporting the political and economic interests of domestic industrializers. This was also the case in the slave territories within the United States, the only country in the world divided between war and industrial capitalism, a unique characteristic that would eventually spark an unprecedentedly destructive civil war. In the southern United States, one of the world’s most dynamic slave economies, there was little cotton industrialization before the 1880s."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame capitalism here?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "and industrial capitalism. From the 1860s on, capital backed by state power rather than masters backed by expropriation and private physical coercion, would colonize territories and people. The spread of cotton industrialization in the ɹrst half of the nineteenth century, to continental Europe and a few places beyond, showed that slavery and colonial exploitation were not essential to capitalism.74 Capitalism reinvented itself ongoingly, and the lessons and capabilities of one moment were subsumed in the next. The connections between the global and the local, and among diʃerent places, changed constantly. To be sure, the demise of war capitalism stretched out for a century—from the Haitian revolution to the slow decline of slavery in the Americas. But industrial capitalism’s institutional innovations facilitated war capitalism’s death due to its own contradictions, as strong states, which would spread to more regions of the world, would enable labor mobilization in the global"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about cotton?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "especially wages in manufacturing, was tiny. The rhythm of work was determined by many things—by the climate, by custom, by the cycles of nature—but not by machines. People worked because they were compelled to do so as slaves, or because they were the feudal dependents of worldly or ecclesial authorities, or because they produced their own subsistence with tools they owned on land to which they had some rights. The new world of making yarn and cloth, as one of the innumerable cogs in the empire of cotton, was utterly, fundamentally diʃerent. Cotton manufacturing rested on the ability to persuade or entice or force people to give up the activities that had organized human life for centuries and join the newly emerging factory proletariat. Though the machines themselves were stunning and world-altering, this shift in the rhythm of work would be even more consequential. They may not have known it, but as Ellen Hootton and untold others streamed into the factory, they"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about coercion?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "in starting his mill was to attract a suɽcient number of workers.8 These hopeful employers had help, however, especially from the transformation of the countryside that was already decades—and in some places, centuries—in the making. Bonds of mutual obligation between lords and peasants had begun to break down. In Europe, landowners had enclosed huge areas of land, making independent farming less accessible to peasants, and the wave of proto-industrial work had already made manufacturing, and even wage payments, a normal part of many peasants’ subsistence.9 Moreover, the bureaucratic, military, ideological, and social penetration of a bounded territory by newly consolidating states aided mill owners. Coercion had almost always been a central element in getting people to perform labor for others, a staple for feudal lords and colonial masters alike. Yet one of industrial capitalism’s signal features was that coercion would now be increasingly accomplished by the state, its bureaucrats and judges,"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about black forest?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "countryside as far away as the Black Forest provided a huge potential labor reservoir, and indeed many of them eventually moved into factory production. With the rapid expansion of the Alsatian cotton industry and its signiɹcant labor needs, entrepreneurs looked to the mountainous areas of the Vosges and the Black Forest for that labor. There, the survival of families still rested on agricultural pursuits and continued to do so even after the onset of factory production: Nearly all workers in the spinning and weaving mills of Wesserling, for example, a small town high above the city of Mulhouse, still owned their own land and supplemented their income by farming as late as 1858. In the search for spinners and weavers, capital moved ever deeper into the countryside, allowing manufacturers to pay extremely low wages because workers could still draw on the unpaid reproductive labor of family members—child rearing and the growing of food among them."}
{"instruction": "How is maryland louisiana presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "ɹrst, and instead entrepreneurs resorted to coercing people to work, drawing upon “prostitutes, criminals, beggars, and others—some of whom were sentenced to work for life in industry.” In the United States, prisoners in Maryland, Louisiana, and Rhode Island spent their days weaving cotton. Even cotton workers who agreed to a wage labor contract often were tied to factories through “some manner of bondage.” The management in Knoop’s huge Krenholm factory was described by a local Estonian paper as taking “no more care of the people than does a slave-owner of his Negro slaves.” The factory not only had its own police force, but also regularly brutalized workers by corporal punishment. In Puebla, Mexico, workers were just as much subject to severe supervision: If they lived in factory compounds, they were sometimes not allowed to have friends or relatives visit, and sometimes even the reading of newspapers was outlawed. And in the Habsburg Empire, cotton"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about forest wiesental?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "The expansion of the world’s mechanized cotton industry thus not only rested on the deployment of new technologies and access to capital and markets, but also on the ability of capitalists to turn thousands and eventually millions of people into proletarians—and, importantly, to break resistance to the imposition of a radically new way of living and working. As a contemporary observed in England in 1795, “The several modes of accelerating labour have been always stoutly resisted by the labouring class, when the diʃerent machinery was ɹrst introduced.”34 This was, as one historian has remarked in regard to the Black Forest’s Wiesental, a process of “inner colonializations”—the colonialization and domination by capital of ever more territories and social relations. Yet in the face of weakened feudal elites, such a transition was possible—and consolidating states played a key role enabling it. Indeed, the state became exceedingly important in the repression"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on liverpool situated?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "business sector whose impact on the material and social conditions of both hemispheres emerges so evidently.… While on the far side of the ocean signiɹcant and until recently undeveloped tracts of land are transformed into fertile plains, enabling an increasing population and expanding cultivation, they provide our native land an inexhaustible source of national welfare, wages and employment, utilize large capitals, and become the leverage of a magniɹcent trade whose products will supply the markets of all the zones, combining the most diverse activities transforming raw materials into ɹnished goods. —Neue Bremer Zeitung, JANUARY 6, 18501 For Walter Benjamin, Paris was the capital of the nineteenth century. For once and future cotton lords, however, the true center of the world was Liverpool. Situated in England’s rainy northwest, the city rose from the banks of the river Mersey and the Irish Sea. There, at one of global commerce’s most signiɹcant crossroads,"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat liverpool as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "cloth and distributed them through their hinterlands. None of these cities, however, competed seriously with Liverpool. The channels through which cotton ɻowed were not evenly distributed across the world. They narrowed and widened at certain points, and the volume and velocity of the ɻow was a direct expression of the distribution of inɻuence; the deeper and faster the network, the greater the power. While Liverpool enjoyed a torrent of trade and information connecting it to many places, hinterland towns in Mississippi or Buenos Aires saw but a lazy, gentle ɻow to and from very few places. To be at the very beginning or the very end of a “commodity chain” thus was usually a position of relative weakness. The focus of the cotton network on one city, Liverpool, led to new hierarchies of power—an innovative development that replaced older cotton networks and older merchant groups in cities such as Ahmedabad or Surat or Oaxaca. The rise of Liverpool’s"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of indian?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "exporting merchants in the port of New Orleans, who would sell it to importing merchants in Liverpool, who would also provide insurance on the bales and organize their shipment to Europe. Once in Liverpool, the importing merchant would ask a selling broker, another type of merchant, to dispose of the cotton. As soon as a buying broker found the cotton to his liking, he would forward it to a manufacturer. The manufacturer would work up the cotton, and then provide it to a merchant who would organize its shipping to a representative in a distant port, for example in Calcutta. Once there, the yarn would be sold to Indian merchants, who would distribute it into the countryside, where it would eventually be bought by an Indian weaver, who would sell it yet again to other traders who would deliver it to the retail merchants in villages and towns. Thus slave-grown Mississippi cotton manufactured into yarn in Lancashire might be woven into a shirt somewhere in the Indian countryside."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about cotton?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "a network of actors whose ɹeld of vision was often, though not always, quite provincial, and who at times did nothing more than move the logic of industrial capitalism one step closer to rural cotton producers. By merely connecting various places and stages in the process of cotton manufacturing to one another, however, the merchants, often unwittingly, created something quite new. For the ɹrst time in history, they drew upon the full diversity of labor regimes, a hallmark of the emerging capitalism—slaves growing cotton, wage workers manufacturing yarn, and slaves as well as wage workers ginning, pressing, loading, and moving cotton bales. In doing so, they helped Europe overcome its resource constraints. Watching these merchants in action, in all their mundane and seemingly inconsequential activities, helps us solve the puzzle of how industrial and war capitalism came to be connected. Considering their importance in forging the world of modern"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on brokers?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "and touched.14 When the trade in cotton exploded in the ɹrst decades of the nineteenth century, this system came under strain. Brokers hurried around the port of Liverpool inspecting hundreds of bags and bales, trying to match speciɹc lots of cotton to the needs of speciɹc manufacturers—manufacturers who needed particular qualities to produce particular kinds of yarn. Soon this became all but impossible. Pushed by manufacturers’ needs, brokers sought new institutional solutions. First, they moved from physically inspecting each sack of cotton to buying by sample.15 A small batch of ɹber was drawn from each bale and on the basis of that sample a price was determined and a sale eʃected. These samples, unlike the bales themselves, could easily be carried around and even mailed. In a second step, brokers developed clear standards and a precise vocabulary for cotton; eventually, manufacturers would acquire cotton without even inspecting samples."}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with merchants?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "economic and cultural institutions that endured well beyond abolition in 1865.35 Whether in New York or Le Havre, Bremen or Liverpool, the vast majority of the cotton acquired and shipped by these merchants came from territories conquered by force and cultivated by slave labor—ɹrst the West Indies and Brazil, eventually the southern United States. Indeed, merchants built particularly dense connections to these apparently remote, rustic, and thinly developed parts of the world. Strikingly, territories dominated by slave labor, in contrast to so many long-settled cotton lands in South Asia and Africa, proved to be uniquely malleable by European capital and capitalists, and particularly adaptable to the patterns of machine production. Merchants’ most signiɹcant tool in building these connections was capital in the form of credit. Credit was the magic wand that allowed merchants to recast nature, clear lands, remove native inhabitants, purchase labor, produce crops in deɹnite qualities and"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe cotton?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "merchant had begun as a clerk or partner in another merchant’s house and then used the accumulated proɹts to go into trade under his own name. Other merchants, as we have seen, moved their assets from a diʃerent line of trade into the cotton business. The Barings did just that, transferring capital from their government loan business and East India engagements into the cotton trade. So did the Browns, who used the capital accumulated in the linen trade to go into cotton; the Rathbones, who used the proɹts from their diversiɹed trade to specialize in cotton; Nathan Rothschild, who used his father’s proɹts in banking and general trade to invest massively in the textile business; and Bombay merchant Jamsetjee Jejeebhoy, who used proɹts from the opium trade to get into the cotton export business. Other merchants accumulated riches in the slave trade—Liverpool merchants sometimes shifted into cotton after Britain abolished the slave trade in 1807."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe australia macassar?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "begin to revolutionize the global countryside in India, Egypt, and, eventually, Central Asia and Africa. Despite its failure to integrate peasant producers into the empire of cotton, the signal characteristic of the world’s ɹrst modern manufacturing industry was its global nature. This globalization required globalizers, people who saw the opportunities of the new order and inspired their business communities and their states to collective action to secure it. The principal globalizers were neither the planters nor manufacturers, many intensely local in their mindset, but instead, as we have seen, the traders who specialized in creating networks that connected cultivators, manufacturers, and consumers. Forging such global networks took courage and imagination. When Johannes Niederer tendered his services to the Swiss merchant house of Volkart in 1854, he oʃered to scout market opportunities in Batavia, Australia, Macassar, and Mindanao, Japan,"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term reliability?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "the advent of capitalism. What set merchants apart was not just their ability to accumulate and deploy capital, or even their privileged access to information, but their ability to build and draw upon these networks, networks of trust based on extended family ties, geographical proximity, and shared religious beliefs, ethnic identities, and origin. In a world in which trade was extremely risky and the survival of a ɹrm could depend on the trustworthiness of just one correspondent, reliability was essential. Reliability, however, came more easily when people who had ways of enforcing trust embedded in social connections, creating in eʃect what one historian has called a “relational capitalism.” The importance of these networks was such that Olivier Pétré-Grenouilleau, the leading French historian of merchant communities, concludes that “the characteristics of Atlantic trade did not depend only on the rules of the market.” Cotton markets rested more than most on such extra-"}
{"instruction": "Why does european matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "course keen politicians.”73 As merchants became “keen politicians” and realized the state’s importance for their grand project of integrating cotton cultivators, cotton manufacturers, and cotton consumers, they encountered rulers and bureaucrats who shared many of their inclinations. European states had become increasingly dependent for their very existence on the wealth generated by rapid capital accumulation, including in cottons. Statesmen were thus solicitous toward capitalists, and often submissive when these patrons of the state organized collectively. What set European states apart from other contemporary states such as Japan and China was not just their capacity, but also their responsiveness to the needs of industrial capital.74 Though merchants lobbied their governments about anything and everything, among the most important issues was the infrastructure of trade. The construction of docks, storage facilities, railways, and waterways was high on the merchants’ agenda, since they directly"}
{"instruction": "Why does british matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "Indian cotton trade. “The cotton legislation was not only chronologically the earliest economic legislation of British rule, it was also perhaps the most advanced legislation in the contemporary economic world,” observed one chronicler of the Indian cotton trade. The rules of the market, and thus the market itself, emerged at the intersection of merchant collective action and the state. Yet ironically, the more merchants succeeded in their project of extending the authority of the state, the less trade depended on the networks of trust that they had forged over prior generations.77 As the law increasingly infused the global countryside, and as state-sponsored infrastructure projects accelerated the movement of goods, merchants mobilized collectively to use state power to shape global markets to their beneɹt in other ways as well. Their industrial policy, in eʃect, was global. And it was the most global for British merchants and manufacturers."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame european here?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "industrial capitalism on some of the earlier mechanisms of war capitalism—especially the wholesale expropriation of native peoples and the mobilization of labor through slavery. With a greater capacity to lay down market-directed infrastructure, and a legal apparatus geared toward infusing European capital into the global countryside and mobilizing workers, merchants redoubled their eʃorts to reorient peasant agriculture toward the production of cotton for world markets. As states grew stronger, merchants were able to infuse unprecedented ɻows of capital, and with it the logic of industrial production, into heretofore independent hinterlands. The British merchant house of Baring by the 1840s diversiɹed the sources of its cotton supply by importing from Bombay. European capitalists also entered the trade with the Egyptian cotton-producing fellaheen. In the late 1840s and early 1850s, with the weakening of the governmental monopoly on the internal cotton trade, merchants,"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about barings?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "Low entry barriers created a cotton market that included a very large number of smaller operators, eventually pushing wealthier traders into emerging, even more proɹtable lines of business, that had greater capital requirements. Joining the Browns, foreign capitalists like the Barings also increasingly diversiɹed, especially into railroads, coal mining, and manufacturing. They understood better than others that with the state’s capacity expanding, the role of merchant capital was diminishing, and that a future beckoned in which industrialists, in conjunction with the state, would be able to burrow even further into the global countryside to ɹnd still more land and labor for the production and consumption of cotton. The most forward-looking manufacturers and merchants discerned that such new forms of domination would decisively weaken the power of commodity producers, and thus eliminate one of the most threatening sources of instability in the"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about merivale?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "Herman Merivale, British colonial bureaucrat, noted that Manchester’s and Liverpool’s “opulence is as really owing to the toil and suʃering of the negro, as if his hands had excavated their docks and fabricated their steamengines.” Capital accumulation in peripheral commodity production, according to Merivale, was necessary for metropolitan economic expansion, and access to labor, if necessary by coercion, was a precondition for turning abundant lands into productive suppliers of raw materials.5 Whether celebrating the material advances generated from slavery or calling for slavery’s abolition, many contemporaries agreed by the 1850s that global economic development required physical coercion. Karl Marx sharpened the arguments made all around him by concluding in 1853 that “bourgeois civilization” and “barbarity” were joined at the hip. But such an argument was simply common sense in elite circles. French geographer Élisée Reclus, writing in the"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about republican party?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "on their own, gambling that their European partners would intervene to preserve the world economy and with it their own exceptionally proɹtable role. Southern planters understood that their cotton kingdom rested not only on plentiful land and labor, but also upon their political ability to preserve the institution of slavery and to project it into the new cotton lands of the American West. Continued territorial expansion of slavery was vital to secure both its economic, and even more so its political viability, which was threatened as never before by an alarmingly sectional Republican Party. Slave owners understood the challenge to their power over human chattel represented by the new party’s project of strengthening the claims of power between the national state and its citizens—an equally necessary condition for its free labor and free soil ideology. Yet from a global perspective, the outbreak of war between the Confederacy and the Union in April 1861 was a struggle not only"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on cotton?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "Herzog personally pleaded with Napoleon for an audience to have him support colonial cotton-growing eʃorts and even traveled to Algeria to investigate the opportunities for cotton production there.21 Pressured by manufacturers and concerned about the suʃering and mobilization of cotton workers, government bureaucrats expressed concerns as well. Cotton, after all, was central to their national economies and ultimately to the maintenance of social peace. Some European oɽcials advocated recognition of the Confederacy and breaking the Union blockade to secure that urgently needed cotton. Others hoped for new sources of cotton from places outside the United States—especially the two European powers that had both substantial cotton industries and large colonial holdings, Britain and France. Even before the outbreak of the war, British foreign secretary Lord John Russell had hastened to assure the cotton manufacturers of Manchester that his government would"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about british?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "and Bombay throughout the war. Charles Wood, the British foreign secretary for India, saw the urgency as well, recommending “to get as much as possible from India.” British colonial oɽcials wrote dozens of reports to investigate the cotton-growing potential of this or that area of India.27 The British government and manufacturers agreed that the administrative, legal, and infrastructural capacity of the imperial state needed to be pushed into the Indian countryside. Perhaps most important was manufacturers’ pressure to create a new kind of legal environment in order to facilitate European investment in and domination of cotton production. Cotton capitalists wanted to change Indian contract law to make “penal the breach of contract where advances have been made,” giving “the advancer an absolute lien upon the crop he advances upon to the extent of his advances,” allowing for penalties including prison at hard labor. If merchants could secure such an absolute claim on cotton grown with the"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise british?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "mere Lancashire question—it is a question of great national importance.” These sentiments became so strong that Lancashire manufacturers eventually complained publicly about Charles Wood, and members of the Cotton Supply Association demanded nothing less than “the impeachment of the incompetent Minister.” The British government replied in kind, with Wood regularly expressing his annoyance with “the Manchester people.” The manufacturers’ and the government’s interests never entirely converged, because Charles Wood and other British government oɽcials were acutely aware of the dangers of upsetting India’s fragile social order in the wake of the Rebellion of 1857, which had severely challenged British rule in India. They understood, unlike many manufacturers, that the transformation of the Indian countryside was a gigantic project that entailed great risks.30 Yet like no other crisis before it, the cotton famine opened new vistas on colonial raw material production."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat indian as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "leisure to accumulation, resulting in lower production when prices were high. India needed state reform and coercion if it hoped to replace the American South in the cotton economy. The crisis of slavery forced the imperial states to insert themselves in new ways into the global cotton-growing countryside.32 The eʃectiveness of government interventions was furthered by rapidly rising prices that lubricated the often balky transition to world market production. The value of Indian cotton more than quadrupled during the ɹrst two years of the war. As a result, Indian cultivators began planting cotton on newly cleared land as well as on land once devoted to food crops. This unprecedented dedication to export agriculture, according to the U.S. consul in Calcutta, created “supplies of unanticipated magnitude.” It paid handsomely during the war years and helped European cotton manufacturers secure some of the raw material they needed to keep their factories"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of cotton?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "Their experience during the cotton famine, moreover, had opened bold new vistas of colonial adventure and state involvement in commodity markets. While private investment and lobbying of the state had characterized the antebellum eʃorts of cotton merchants and manufacturers, the cotton famine sharply raised the dependence of these cotton capitalists on the state and on their own political sophistication. Colonialism had become a matter of urgent self-interest, as capitalists grasped how vulnerable their global networks and huge capital investments were to local disruption and how unstable slavery had become. Yet the question of the future role of American cotton in the global economy remained. Would it return to market? And if so, would slaves still be growing it? “The biggest commercial catastrophe in the world.” French engineer Charles Joseph Minard maps the impact of the Civil War on the global cotton industry. (illustration credit 9.3)"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about british?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "Social upheaval, including demonstrations, riots, and strikes (more than ɹfty in France alone) in the cotton manufacturing regions increased the anxiety of state bureaucrats and capitalists. Before becoming prime minister of Great Britain, William Gladstone, among others, cited this fear of social upheaval in Lancashire as a reason for European intervention in the American conɻict. In 1862, in a public speech, Gladstone drew a dire picture of the social and ɹnancial impact of the cotton famine, though lauding the patience of England’s workers, comparing the importance of the cotton famine to the other two calamities that had befallen the British Empire, the Irish famine and the Indian mutiny.44 Cotton interests constantly pressured the Lincoln administration to keep the needs of European cotton consumers in mind. The diplomatic correspondence between the British Foreign Oɽce and the British embassy in Washington, D.C., suggests that Foreign"}
{"instruction": "Why does cotton matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "about freedpeople were further ampliɹed by developments in the Caribbean, such as the 1865 Morant Bay Rebellion in Jamaica, when a group of black Jamaicans revolted against the harsh punishment the colonial administration had inɻicted on a group of squatters, a rebellion that was suppressed by an orgy of violence by British troops. Landowners, manufacturers, merchants, and statesmen concluded from this reading of past experiences that emancipation was potentially threatening to the well-being of the world’s mechanized cotton industry. Consequently, they worked zealously to ɹnd ways to reconstruct durably the worldwide web of cotton production, to transform the global countryside without resorting to slavery. Already during the war itself, in articles and books, speeches and letters, they belabored the question of if and where cotton could be grown by nonslave labor. Edward Atkinson, for example, contributed to this debate as early as 1861 with his Cheap Cotton by"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with cotton?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "Yet cotton capitalists and government bureaucrats also had learned much broader lessons during the war. Most important, they understood that labor, not land, constrained the production of cotton. Members of the Manchester Cotton Supply Association, the world’s leading experts on such matters, understood that land and climate of a “quality equal and in many cases superior to that” of America was available in many diʃerent parts of the globe. But these experts on global cotton found that “the very ɹrst requisite, which was labor” was more diɽcult to ɹnd. As the British ɹnance minister for India, Samuel Laing, remarked, “The question of the abolition of slavery over the world, depends probably upon the question whether cotton produced by free labor in India can undersell cotton the produce of slavery in America.”63 But where should this labor come from? During the Civil War, as we have seen, the eʃorts of cotton interests focused squarely on"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term cotton?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "The world indeed had become smaller, and the way cotton held parts of it together had changed signiɹcantly. If the Civil War was a moment of crisis for the empire of cotton, it was also a rehearsal for its reconstruction. Cotton capitalists were conɹdent from their triumphs in recasting industrial production at home. As they surveyed the ashes of the South, they saw promising new levers that might move the mountain of free labor into cotton cultivation with new lands, new labor relations, and new connections between them. But perhaps most important, cotton capitalists had learned that the lucrative global trade networks they had spun could only be protected and maintained by unprecedented state activism. Meanwhile, statesmen understood that these networks had become essential to the social order of their nations and hence a crucial bulwark of political legitimacy, resources, and power. Thus the French observer was correct when he predicted in 1863, “The"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe americas?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "goods produced in all kinds of distinctly noncapitalist ways—by serfs and within households, for example. Now the wealth and coercive might of globalizing entrepreneurs and imperial statesmen was transforming the production regimes of people around the globe by commodifying both their labor and their land—as they had done in previous centuries in the Americas, albeit in diʃerent forms. In Asia and Africa the “great transformation” reached, for the ɹrst time, into areas remote from port cities. The logic of industrial capitalism in eʃect brought about a new form of global economic integration. The rising power of manufacturers, and the particular form of capital they controlled, created a new relationship between capital and territory as well as the people who dwelled on it, and allowed for new ways to mobilize their labor. New forms of labor—including new forms of coercion, violence, and expropriation—spread over ever larger areas of the cotton-"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term united states?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "cotton plantations and tried to implement their vision of “free labor.” They foresaw a world in which freedpeople would continue to grow export crops for wages, a project they embraced with infectious enthusiasm. Because freedpeople often had a diʃerent idea as to what freedom entailed—namely, land ownership and control over their labor—there, as elsewhere, the Union army obliged freed slaves to work for wages on plantations. Such measures did not bode well for the freed slaves’ hopes and aspirations.13 It took a multiyear struggle on plantations, in local courthouses, in state capitols, and in Washington to determine the outlines of a new system of labor in the cotton-growing regions of the United States. That struggle began the moment the ɹghting ended, when plantation owners, devastated by the economic and political eʃects of defeat in war, sought to restore a plantation world as close to slavery as possible. To be sure, contracts now had to be made and"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about consequently?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "Consequently, slaves managed to negotiate somewhat better contracts. Contracts in the Delta, for example, paid higher wages and oʃered better conditions than those of the previous year. Moreover, freedwomen, who had an increasingly diɽcult time ɹnding a place for themselves and their children in a plantation world that favored physically strong men, struggled and mobilized for their own inclusion into the world of labor contracts. Such were the “weapons of the weak.”20 Even more important, freedpeople demanded to work independently, in family units, and with access to subsistence crops. Planters were now unable to unilaterally dominate work arrangements. Freedpeople, in turn, were still unable to own land. By 1867, neither was able to impose their will entirely on the other. Consequently, a social compromise emerged, in which African- American families worked particular plots of land without day-today supervision, received supplies from landlords, and would then"}
{"instruction": "Why does landowners matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "falling prices. While it was perfectly rational for each farmer to embrace cotton, such a concentration was self-defeating for the region as a whole.24 As the economic situation of cotton growers deteriorated, and as northern willingness to intervene on behalf of the freedpeople waned, their political strength diminished as well. Landowners violently repressed black collective action, increasingly reasserting their own political power. They captured control of state legislatures, and these newly constituted “redeemer” legislatures proceeded to disenfranchise black cotton growers, ensured that their children would be crippled by poor-quality schooling, and refused them access to legal protection. Landowners backed up their return to political dominance over the governmental institutions of the South with an unprecedented campaign of violence expressly designed to curtail cotton growers’ political activities: Lynchings in the Mississippi Delta alone numbered a hundred between 1888 and"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame american south here?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "Yet, as in the American South, which in many ways came to serve as a model of how such a transition could be eʃected, the precise ways in which rural cultivators became growers of cotton for world markets varied widely and were the outcome of drawn-out conɻicts among labor, landowners, providers of capital, and imperial bureaucrats. What all these struggles to recast the global countryside had in common was that states now played an important role. New forms of coercion, instituted and carried out by the state, replaced the outright physical violence of masters that had been so important to slave labor. This does not mean that physical violence was absent, but it was secondary compared to the pressures that came from contracts, the law, and taxation. As states developed new sovereignty over territory they also extended their sovereignty over labor, testifying to the new institutional strength of industrial capitalism. Khamgaon was a small city, a town really, in Berar, the center of the"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about egyptian?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "usually shared among various individuals, communities, religious authorities, and the state.43 Such multifaceted claims eʃectively hindered the purchase and sale of land; by the later decades of the nineteenth century such property rights stood in the way of a further commercialization of agriculture. As a result, the Egyptian government, motivated by its desire to extract more taxes to pay for the expansion of the nation’s infrastructure and the mushrooming service on its enormous debt, as well as its desire to better control its people, moved toward conferring property rights in very large estates to well-placed individuals. At ɹrst these estates were merely “tax responsibilities” of their owners, but by the 1870s they became their outright private property, much of which consisted of land taken, usually forcibly, from villages. Now that the cotton-growing estates increasingly were held as the outright property of large landowners, the villagers who"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about british?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "and consumers of commodities. As an anonymous British writer on Indian cotton explained, “Where there is no intelligent population to lead the way, a Government must do what in more civilized countries can safely be left to private enterprise.”49 The creation of private property in land became yet another stateled project, in India and elsewhere. British cotton manufactures, demanding that the colonial government “set its colonial house in order,” called for new forms of land tenure, as they perceived the old system of communal ownership as “obstructive to the rights of individual ownership, and to its eʃective cultivation.” They saw private property in land as a precondition for increasing production of cotton. Individuals were to gain clear title in land that then could be bought, sold, rented, or mortgaged. These new property rights were quite a departure: In precolonial Berar, for example, relations between various social groups had been characterized by a “master-"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about civil war?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "thirty years after the Civil War, this mass of “modernizing” farmers were thrust into more and more desperate circumstances; many of them would eventually perish in famines that swept the cottongrowing districts of India during the 1890s.53 New infrastructures, new laws, and new property rights invaded the global countryside on the trails of strengthening and expanding states, making the kind of transformations possible that still had been unimaginable a few decades earlier. State involvement in cotton was furthered in many other ways. Perhaps the most comprehensive endeavor was the systematic eʃort to collect and disseminate information about all aspects of cotton agriculture. Huge compilations about climate and soil conditions, production trends, patterns of land ownership, seed qualities, and labor systems increasingly ɹlled governmental oɽce ɹles, much of the same information that in previous decades merchants had laboriously gathered and transmitted via letters or circulars."}
{"instruction": "How is british presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "an argument made by colonial oɽcials the world over. In Burma, a British bureaucrat regretfully observed “the indiʃerence shown to cotton-growing as a paying industry by the Burmese peasantry themselves, who look upon it as of very secondary importance and are not likely to take much interest in cotton while they can make, with much less trouble, handsome proɹts in their paddy crops.”59 The signiɹcance of these struggles can perhaps best be seen in an area where production failed, despite decisive eʃorts: Australia. Starting in the early twentieth century, the British colonial administration made eʃorts to grow cotton in a continent with virtually unlimited supplies of land perfectly suited for cotton agriculture. Despite these eʃorts, cotton production expanded only slowly. The Adelaide Advertiser understood the reasons well: While abundant land was suitable for the growing of cotton, what was missing was cheap labor to plant, hoe, and harvest the crop."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about egypt?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "struggled over the shape of the new empire of cotton and the forms of labor within it, constrained by the startling imbalances of power in particular locales and the unequal relationship between various parts of the world. By the end of the nineteenth century, sharecropping and tenant farming had become the dominant mode of mobilizing labor for similar reasons that they dominated in the United States: Rural cultivators preferred the autonomy of working without day-to-day supervision, and they generally resisted being turned into wage workers. In Berar, sharecropping tenants worked the land of khatedar landowners, receiving their working capital from moneylenders. In Egypt, most of the crop was grown not by “hired labor,” but instead by “small occupiers themselves,” some sharecroppers, some owners, all of whom were able to draw upon the labor of their families; indeed, most cotton in Egypt was picked by children. In Brazil, sharecropping, along with small family farms,"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on manchester chamber?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "and merchants incorporated ever more people and ever more areas of the world into the global economy in general, and in the production of cotton for world markets in particular. By the late nineteenth century, the dynamics of industrial capitalism had accelerated to such an extent that capitalists and statesmen made a concerted eʃort to speed up the collapse of noncapitalist social formations, or at the very least to connect them to the capitalist world market. To break the reluctance of people to embrace these new and revolutionary arrangements of work and social relations, they at times embraced coercion. They were unwilling to wait, as cotton manufacturer Henry Ashworth had put it so well in front of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce in 1863, “until price has done it.” For labor to be turned into a commodity, workers had to be “liberated” from the matrix of mutual obligations that had historically sustained them. They believed, at the same"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat tanganyika these as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "reach deeply into once remote parts of the world. The agents of industrial capitalism rode railways that penetrated Berar, sent cotton prices over telegraph cables that crossed the Atlantic, and followed behind military expeditions that “paciɹed” Tashkent and Tanganyika. These cotton kings riding on the coattails of a strengthened state furthered a double process of creative destruction. They pushed metropolitan capital closer to cotton producers outside the world’s slave areas, in the process often destroying older merchant networks that had moved cotton from ɹeld to factory prior to the 1860s. And they undermined hand spinning and handloom weaving, eʃecting the world’s most signiɹcant wave of deindustrialization ever. Millions of people, especially women, gave up their spinning and weaving, work that had structured their societies for centuries or even millennia. In the last third of the nineteenth century, metropolitan capital and manufactured goods moved into ever greater areas of the world’s"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of united states?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "exceptional as the only major cotton-growing area in the world dependent on and receptive to European capital. But in the United States, unlike, for instance, India, merchants had played a relatively subordinate role vis-à-vis the powerful growers of cotton—the planters. That changed in the late nineteenth century, as merchants gained new powers and capital entered the southern countryside in new ways.10 The slow disappearance of factors was at the core of the recasting of the cotton trade in the United States. Where factors had typically advanced capital to planters, sold their crops, and provided them with supplies, now they were displaced by merchants who settled in interior towns. As transportation and communication access to the southern hinterland improved dramatically in the wake of the Civil War, and as the empire of cotton moved farther into the West, growers sold their cotton directly to merchants or mill agents, or even to foreign buyers, instead of entrusting it for sale to a factor in"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about cotton?", "input": "Source: Empire of Cotton A Global History", "output": "impossible to handle and thus was ɹctitiously reduced to just one —“middling upland”—and contracts were standardized to speciɹc lot sizes of this quality. These standards, as we have seen, had been deɹned in the years before the American Civil War by the Liverpool Cotton Brokers’ Association. In the 1870s its successor organization, the Liverpool Cotton Association, took over this deɹnition of quality and the implementation of standards—a direct consequence of the city’s central position in the global cotton empire. Detailed rules for the classiɹcation of cottons, and mechanisms for the arbitration of disputes between sellers and buyers, made both the knowledge and the trust networks of previous generations of merchants much less central. As historian Kenneth Lipartito notes, the “speculation in futures helped to impose worldwide supply and demand conditions on local markets, thus moving the entire cotton trade towards the ideal of a single market with a single, internationally determined"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about vienna?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "In this essay, I return to Vienna 1900 and take up some of those fruitful interactions, beginning with Carl von Rokitansky, an influential and liberal leader of the modernist movement in Vienna, who openly defended the position of Jews and other foreigners in the University of Vienna School of Medicine. In exploring these interactions, I emphasize how greatly they benefited the emergence of modernism in the world in general and in Vienna in particular. The Origins of Modernism Modernism in Vienna, as elsewhere, was a mid-nineteenth-century response not only to the restrictions and hypocrisies of everyday life, especially as they related to women, but also to the Enlightenment idea that human action is governed by reason and that our mind can control our emotions and feelings. The immediate catalyst for the Enlightenment, the Age of Reason, in the eighteenth century was the scientific revolution of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, which included three momentous discoveries in astronomy: Johannes Kepler’s delineation of the rules that govern the movement of the planets, Galileo Galilei’s discovery that the sun is at the center of the universe, and Isaac Newton’s discovery of gravity."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about darwin?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "Sexual attraction and mate selection are critical in evolution: males compete with each other for females, and females choose some males rather than others. These ideas later found expression in Sigmund Freud’s emphasis on the sexual instincts as the driving force of the unconscious and on the central role of sexuality in human behavior. Darwin also held that since we evolved from simpler animals, we must have the same instinctual behaviors they do, not only in regard to sex but also in regard to eating and drinking. Freud saw in Darwin’s concept of instinctual behavior a way of explaining much of our innate behavior. Finally, in his last great work, The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals , published in 1872, Darwin points out that our emotions are part of a primitive, virtually universal approach-avoidance system that is designed to seek out pleasure and decrease exposure to pain. This system exists across cultures and is conserved throughout evolution, and it is the basis of Freud’s pleasure principle—the hedonistic seeking of pleasure and avoidance of pain."}
{"instruction": "How is vienna presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "Vienna’s seminal ideas—that research and clinical practice are inseparable and inspire each other; that the patient is an experiment of nature and the bedside is the doctor’s laboratory; and that the teaching hospital of the university is nature’s school—are the basis of modern scientific medicine. Rokitansky emerged as a leader of and public spokesman for science. In this role, he brought his liberal and humanitarian beliefs to bear on the resolution of conflicts among the university, the government, and the church. Moreover, his insistence on seeking the truth below surface appearances was an essential influence in the rise of modernist thinking. But another aspect of his character—and his actions—was equally important. Felicitas Seebacher documents this in her book Das Fremde im ‘deutschen’ Tempel der Wissenschaften ( The Foreigner in the “German” Temple of Sciences ) (2011). The University of Vienna in Rokitansky’s era tended toward a purely German version of academic life, largely as a result of the incendiary writings of Theodor Billroth, an extraordinary physician and the greatest surgeon of the time, who helped raise the University of Vienna School of Medicine to an even higher level of scientific excellence."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about riegl?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "Not only does the viewer collaborate with the artist in transforming a two-dimensional likeness on a canvas into a three-dimensional depiction of the visual world, the viewer also interprets what he or she sees on the canvas in personal terms, thereby adding meaning to the picture. Riegl called this phenomenon the “beholder’s involvement.” (Gombrich later elaborated on this concept and referred to it as the “beholder’s share.”) Based on ideas derived from Riegl and from contemporaneous schools of psychology and psychoanalysis, Kris and Gombrich devised a new approach to the mysteries of visual perception and incorporated that approach into art criticism. Kris studied ambiguity in visual perception, and those studies led him to elaborate on Riegl’s insight that the viewer completes a work of art. Kris argued that every powerful image is inherently ambiguous because it arises from experiences and conflicts in the artist’s life. The viewer responds to this ambiguity in terms of his or her own experiences and conflicts."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on gombrich?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "The Brain as a Creativity Machine As Gombrich’s fascination with visual perception deepened, he became intrigued by Kris’s ideas about ambiguity in art and began to study the ambiguous figures and illusions made famous by Gestalt psychologists. Simple illusions allow for two distinctly different readings of an image. Such illusions are uncomplicated examples of the nature of ambiguity, which Kris held was the key to all great works of art and to the beholder’s response to great art. Other illusions contain ambiguous images that can lure the brain into making perceptual errors. Gestalt psychologists used these errors to explore the cognitive aspects of visual perception. In the process, they deduced several principles of the brain’s perceptual organization before neuroscientists discovered them. Ambiguous figures and illusions intrigued Gombrich because he knew that in viewing a portrait or a scene, the viewer has multiple choices. Often, several ambiguities are embedded in a great work of art, and each may present the beholder with a number of different decisions."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat kreisky as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "This was and is an extraordinary accomplishment, and Kreisky has justifiably been recognized as Austria’s most important chancellor in the postwar era. In this sense, Kreisky is an extraordinary example of a productive interaction between a Jew and his largely Christian countrymen. But Kreisky also had less exemplary qualities, and occasionally his attitude toward his own Judaism was an example. As a young leader of the Socialist Party of Austria, Kreisky was convicted of high treason and imprisoned for fifteen months by Engelbert Dollfuss’s Austrofascist government, which had outlawed all other political parties. In September 1938, shortly after Hitler annexed Austria, Kreisky escaped to Sweden, where he spent World War II safe from the anti-Semitic onslaught raging in Austria. He undoubtedly suffered in prison as a socialist; however, to declare, as Kreisky did after the war in a dispute with Simon Wiesenthal, that he found it more difficult to be a socialist in Austria than to be a Jew is simply astounding."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of jewish?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "Early examples of Jewish art in the Diaspora appear on sarcophagi in Roman catacombs of the second century A.D., some of which are decorated with a menorah or even an image of the deceased. The most impressive examples of Jewish art in the Diaspora are twenty-eight frescoes depicting fifty-eight biblical scenes in a third-century-A.D. synagogue in Dura-Europos, Syria, on the eastern border of the Roman Empire. Later, in the Middle Ages, Jews produced illuminated manuscripts, especially Haggadahs, with human and animal images. Some of the Jews who left the Holy Land settled in northeastern Europe and became a distinct cultural group, the Ashkenazim. They initially lived along the Rhine River in what is now Germany, but during the first century A.D. the Ashkenazi people and their culture spread from the banks of the Rhine to France, and from there east to Poland, Lithuania, and Russia. Czarist Russia treated its Jewish population with utter contempt."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect jewish to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "Moreover, he depicted none of the mysticism and magic of Jewish thought, as Chagall did. Instead, Soutine approached his art from the opposite end of the Jewish ideological spectrum, concerning himself with the underlying uncertainty and existential anxiety that characterized Jewish existence in Europe and that were particularly evident at the beginning of the twentieth century. Thus, in contrast to Chagall’s romantic fantasies of life, love, and marriage in the shtetl, Soutine dwelled on the tragic, lonely, and melancholy anxiety of the Jewish experience in the Diaspora. The nature of this anxiety-laden existence is captured in Yiddish, the language of the Ashkenazi Jews. A polyglot tongue of the Diaspora with roots in Hebrew and medieval German, Yiddish developed during a time of great deprivation. Abraham Joshua Heschel, a leading twentieth-century Jewish theologian, wrote of Yiddish in the following terms: The East European Jews created their own language, Yiddish, which was born out of a will to make intelligible, to explain and simplify the tremendous complexities of the sacred literature."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on ernst kris?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "As social animals, we communicate our ideas and plans, as well as our emotions, to one another in large part through facial expressions. Thus, you can attract another person by smiling seductively or you can repel that person by looking foreboding. Our brain treats faces differently from all other objects. Computers that can solve complex mathematical and logical problems have great difficulty with face recognition, yet the human brain is extraordinarily good at it. Moreover, we can readily recognize a line drawing of a face; in fact, a slight exaggeration of facial features makes it easier for us to recognize a person. One reason for this is that the human brain processes faces in unusual ways, as we shall see. In the early 1930s, the Viennese art historian Ernst Kris became interested in the scientific analysis of facial expression. This interest formed the basis of his pioneering attempts to combine art history with psychoanalytic insights."}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with tsao freiwald?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "They found that responses increased with the number of contrast-defined features. Specifically, the cells did not respond optimally to real faces containing only four contrast-defined features, although they did recognize them as faces, but they responded well to faces containing eight or more contrast-defined features. Tsao, Freiwald, and their colleagues had found earlier that cells in the face patches respond selectively to the shape of some facial features, such as noses and eyes. Ohayon’s findings now showed that the preference for a particular facial feature depends on its luminance relative to other parts of the face. Importantly, most of the cells in the middle face patches respond both to contrast and to shape. This fact leads us to an important conclusion: contrast is useful for face detection, and shape is useful for face recognition, two of the many characteristics that Soutine used extensively. These studies have shed new light on the nature of the templates that the brain uses to detect faces."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise visual?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "One particularly important region is the lateral occipital complex, a region of the cortex that responds to both the sight and the touch of an object. The textures of objects also activate neurons in a neighboring area, the medial occipital cortex, whether those objects are perceived by the eye or the hand. This is why we can easily identify and distinguish between different materials—skin, cloth, wood, or metal—and can do so at a glance. Brain-imaging studies have revealed that the way visual information about materials is coded changes gradually. In the early stages, visual processing of a painting or any other object is completely and solely visual. Further processing results in a multisensory representation of the object in our brain (specifically, in the fusiform gyrus and collateral sulcus) that enables us to categorize different materials. In these higher regions of the brain, perception of texture, which is so central to Soutine’s paintings, is intimately tied to visual discrimination, because this part of the brain’s visual system has a robust and efficient set of mechanisms for processing textured images."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe kokoschka?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "Finally, Freud thought that there is no noise in the machine; that is, no mental event occurs by chance. Mental events adhere to scientific laws and follow the principles of psychic determinism. These ideas gave rise to our modern propensity for seeking meaning beneath the surface of behavior. One of the defining characteristics of Viennese life in 1900 was the free and easy interaction of artists, writers, and scientists. Through these interactions, the ideas of Darwin and of Freud came to the attention of the three great Viennese modernist artists—Gustav Klimt, Oskar Kokoschka, and Egon Schiele—whose depictions of women are the focus of this exhibition. All three artists were very much taken with Darwin’s emphasis on the role of facial expression and bodily movements in conveying emotion, and with Freud’s view of the mind and its unconscious processes. Oskar Kokoschka The artist who appears to have been most aware of his unconscious mental processes and most profoundly influenced by them is Kokoschka."}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term science?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "Chapter 4 Portraiture and the Beholder’s Share A Brain Science Perspective T he central challenge of science in the twenty-first century is to understand the human mind in biological terms. The possibility of meeting that challenge opened up in the late twentieth century, when cognitive psychology, the science of mind, merged with neuroscience, the science of the brain. The result was a new biological science of mind that has allowed us to address a range of questions about ourselves: How do we perceive, learn, and remember? What is the nature of emotion, empathy, and consciousness? This new biological science of mind is important not only because it provides a deeper understanding of what makes us who we are but also because it makes possible a meaningful series of dialogues between brain science and other areas of knowledge. In a larger sense, these dialogues could help make science part of our common cultural experience. I would like to take up this scientific challenge by focusing on how the new biological science of mind has begun to engage with figurative art."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about middle ages?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "The Greeks of the early seventh century B.C. also undertook portraiture, mostly in the form of sculpture, but their portraits represented people of power and influence as well as gods—the idea being that art elevates people to the status of gods. This tradition was continued in Rome in the first century B.C. Portraiture declined in the Middle Ages, however, when the only portraits were religious depictions of Jesus, Mary, and Joseph. In the transition from the Middle Ages to the Renaissance, the portrait began to be used as a stand-in for the living person, representing the sitter when he or she was absent. In this role, portraits converted transience into permanence, conjuring the self that might survive even death. The task of a great artist was to ennoble both himself and his subject by depicting the sitter’s permanent significance. This was done most commonly by painting the sitter in profile. During the Renaissance, portraiture depicted the noble and the affluent, presenting not only their physical and psychological appearance and their personality but also the objects and surroundings that characterized them."}
{"instruction": "Why does gombrich matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "The Beholder’s Share: The Beginning of a Scientific Approach to Portraiture and Art The idea of relating portraiture to science came from the art historian Alois Riegl. He and two of his students at the Vienna School of Art History, Ernst Kris and Ernst Gombrich, attained international renown at the end of the nineteenth century for their efforts to establish art history as a scientific discipline by grounding it in psychology and sociology. Riegl discovered a new, psychological aspect of art: namely, that art is incomplete without the perceptual and emotional involvement of the viewer. The viewer collaborates with the artist in transforming a two-dimensional likeness on a canvas into a three-dimensional depiction of the visual world and interprets what he or she sees on the canvas in personal terms, thereby adding meaning to the picture. Riegl called this phenomenon the “beholder’s involvement.” (Gombrich later elaborated on this concept and referred to it as the “beholder’s share.”) Based on ideas derived from Riegl and from contemporaneous schools of psychology and psychoanalysis, Kris and Gombrich devised a new approach to the mysteries of visual perception and incorporated it into art criticism."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame helmholtz here?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "When, for example, we see a person growing larger and larger, we typically conclude that he or she is not rapidly expanding but merely walking toward us. Although we tend to draw such conclusions automatically, they require our brain to do some guesswork that is not based on the visual stimulus alone. We must guess, based on experience, what the image in front of us is. Since we are not normally aware of constructing visual hypotheses and drawing conclusions from them, Helmholtz called this top-down process of hypothesis testing unconscious inference . Helmholtz’s remarkable insight is not restricted to perception: top-down processing applies to emotion and empathy as well. The noted cognitive psychologist Chris Frith of the Wellcome Center for Neuroimaging at University College London has summarized this insight: “We do not have direct access to the physical world. It may feel as if we have direct access, but this is an illusion created by our brain.”"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about shakespeare beethoven?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "That dialogue continued to develop in the 1930s, with the contributions of cognitive psychology and the Gestalt psychology of visual perception. This bold and successful advance provided the impetus for applying the insights of cognitive psychology to the biological study of perception, emotion, empathy, and creativity, thus leading to the new dialogue that is under way today. Important insights into mind have come from writers and poets as well as from artists, psychologists, and scientists. Each kind of creative endeavor has made and continues to make specific contributions to our full conception of mind. If we disregard one in favor of another, our conception will be incomplete. After all, it took a psychologist like Freud to explain what unconscious processes are , but artists like Shakespeare, Beethoven, and the Austrian modernists to show us how some of those unconscious processes feel . Scientific analysis represents a move toward greater objectivity, toward a closer description of the actual nature of things."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about europe?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "We have also seen how much brain science can gain from trying to explain the beholder’s share. But the grand vision of unity must be balanced with a strong appreciation of historical reality. Rather than seeing a unified language and a useful set of concepts connecting key ideas in the humanities and the sciences as an inevitable outcome of progress, we should treat the attractive idea of consilience as an attempt to open a dialogue between restricted areas of knowledge. In the case of art, this dialogue might involve a modern equivalent of the famous salons in Europe, in which artists, art historians, psychologists, and brain scientists exchanged ideas with one another—only today, ideas would be exchanged in the context of new interdisciplinary centers at universities. Much as the modern science of mind emerged from discussions between cognitive psychologists and brain scientists, so now modern students of the science of mind can engage in dialogue with artists and art historians."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about henderson?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "Moreover, the argument against Einstein’s theory—that it is not consistent with the reality of our visual perception—was overturned by the discovery of X-rays, which demonstrated that our perception is extremely limited. Thus, beyond showing the limitation of the human eye—indeed, as Linda Dalrymple Henderson described it more broadly, “the inadequacy of human sense perception”—X-rays offered a view of a reality beneath the surface of objects (1988). Like Freud’s psychology, these radical ideas from physical science were commonly discussed in intellectual circles and written about in newspapers and magazines. They undoubtedly stimulated Picasso and Braque to liberate themselves from certain artistic traditions that had scarcely changed since the Renaissance (Henderson 1988). We see these new conceptions of mental processes in three papier collé works by Picasso in the Leonard A. Lauder collection at the Metropolitan Museum of Art: Composition with Violin"}
{"instruction": "How is violin presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "He combined elements not as visual reproductions but as parts of or clues to how we conceptualize objects: a collage of a musical instrument becomes a reflection of our brain as much as of our eyes. As we can see in Composition with Violin , Picasso held on to the idea of illusionistic representation, even as he challenged the process itself. For example, he used traditional chiaroscuro modeling to cast the right side of the pasted-paper shape into relief. The pasted materials used in papier collé images add novel tactile as well as visual elements. Paradoxically, the introduction of a second aesthetic element—touch—comes close to creating an illusionary effect in these works. In Composition with Violin the profile of the newspaper segment (cut from Le Journal ) does not follow the profile of the violin, yet it is shaped somewhat like a violin. It seems to represent the violin as seen from another perspective. Moreover, the curved sides of the violin resemble the outlines of a curved face, and the tailpiece resembles a mouth."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about sculpture?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "This multisensory representation is the key to how we experience art. Because of sculpture’s three-dimensional form, we have a more visceral reaction to its qualities—delicate or aggressive, flowing or taut, relaxed or dynamic. By exploiting the expressive qualities of form, sculpture is able to create images in which form and subject matter reinforce each other. Such images go beyond the mere presentation of facts. Thus sculpture, like painting, has been used to express a vast range of subtle and powerful human emotions and feelings, from the most tender and delicate to the most violent and ecstatic. But sculpture can activate a more direct physical and bodily response than painting. Rather than hanging flat against the wall, sculpture intrudes on the surrounding space. It encourages us to interact with it physically, by walking around it rather than just looking at it. We relate to it as a thing, an object, or even a being. How does sculpture do this?"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on antico?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "Indeed, the small size of the sculpture gives the viewer a feeling of intruding. Although his face—the mouth and eyes inlaid with silver—can best be appreciated from below, his self-contained form is beautiful from any angle, as is the contrast between his smooth skin and the nubbly tree stump he sits on. The three textures—the glossy, striated gold hair; the smooth skin; the knottiness of the tree trunk—almost beg us to reach out and touch the sculpture, creating a powerful example of the brain’s ability to process touch and vision together into a multisensory perception. The original Spinario , on which Antico based this work, is one of the few Roman bronze sculptures that has been preserved in excellent shape. An alloy of copper and tin, bronze is a durable material that can take various patinations, such as gilding. Antico’s sculpture is unusual in that he adds to the patina of a Roman bronze the blond hair prized in his own day, thereby transforming an ancient masterpiece, descended from an essentially foreign culture, into a contemporary treasure."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat england as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "Art Resource, artres.com The Burghers of Calais celebrates a historical event in which Calais, a French port on the English Channel, was under siege by Edward III of England. Starvation eventually forced the residents to negotiate a surrender. Edward offered to spare the people of the city if six of its top leaders would surrender themselves to him, presumably to be executed. He demanded that each man go forth barefooted, with a noose around his neck, and that they bring him the keys to the city. Eustache de Saint-Pierre was the first to volunteer, and he led the other five men to the city gates. It is this moment, with its poignant mix of defeat, heroic self-sacrifice, and willingness to face imminent death, that Rodin captured in his larger-than-life-sized sculpture. The queen of England later compelled her husband to spare the men’s lives, fearing that otherwise, bad luck might befall her unborn child. Despite their common purpose, each figure in this sculpture faces in a different direction and conveys a distinctly different emotion, ranging from grim determination to terror."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of sculpture?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "As modern painters were moving toward Cubism and abstraction, modern sculpture, pioneered by Rodin, was emphasizing that its distinctive greatness lies in its three-dimensional form, which invites the viewer to look at it again and again from different vantage points. These six comparisons illustrate the differences in how our brain responds to sculpture and to painting. Sculpture’s unique features are its three dimensionality, which encourages the beholder to walk around it and interact with it physically and emotionally, and the interaction of its tactile qualities with its visual form, creating a multisensory representation in the brain. The result is that we want to touch and at times to embrace sculpture. Usually we do not act on this impulse, but the areas of the mirror neuron system in the brain that encode simulation, and the theory of mind areas that are concerned with empathy, are likely to be actively recruited. By contrast, painting is panoramic and can depict large natural scenes, as we see in Cezanne’s painting of men drying themselves after a swim."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect differences to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "Transcranial Magnetic Stimulation has shown two additional differences between our responses to figurative and abstract art. The lateral occipital area, a brain region that is key to object recognition (15), plays a causal role in our aesthetic appreciation of representational art but not abstract art (16). The V5 visual area, which is thought to process implied motion (17), affects our aesthetic appreciation of abstract art but not representational art (18). While this research underscores the fact that the brain processes abstract art differently than figurative art, it does not quantify the differences in our subjective experiences. Measuring Differences in Subjective Experience We know that art affects us in many ways, but we do not know how art recruits the cognitive processes underlying our subjective experience or how that experience differs between abstract and representational art. One way to quantify these subjective differences is by measuring the mindsets, or cognitive states, evoked by different types of art."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on psychological?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "Data from the study suggest that abstract and representational art do in fact have different effects on cognition and that Construal-Level Theory is a useful new empirical approach to the analysis of the beholder’s share. Psychological Distance Psychological distance, or distance from oneself, determines how abstractly our brain represents an object or event: the farther away in time or space an object or event is, the more likely we are to mentally represent it by its abstract components. This relationship between abstraction and distance aids us in decision making. When making decisions about an event occurring far away in space or time, we are more likely to consider higher-level, more abstract components, because those components are more likely to still be relevant in a distant setting. When making a choice about something close by, we are more likely to consider concrete details, because they provide immediate relevance (20–23). Construal-Level Theory has revealed a bidirectional relationship between psychological distance and abstraction: not only are psychologically distant objects and events represented more abstractly in our brain, but also abstract construals of objects and events are felt to be more psychologically distant (21, 24–26)."}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with experiment?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "Experiment 2: Abstract Art and Spatial Distance We designed Experiment 2 to replicate the first experiment, using spatial rather than temporal distance. The viewers in Experiment 2, drawn from Mechanical Turk, were different from those in Experiment 1. To measure spatial distance, each person was shown one painting, asked to imagine that he or she was an art consultant, and asked to assign the painting to a gallery opening “around the corner” or “in another state.” We found a statistically significant relationship between the level of abstraction of a painting and spatial distance: viewers were more likely to place abstract art in a gallery in another state. These results indicate that abstract art, when compared to representational art, elicits more abstract mental representations. Moreover, the results were not solely due to the viewers’ confounding temporal distance and the later historical development of abstract art. We then wondered whether the viewers’ distance judgments in the first two experiments were influenced by their liking of art or their experience with art."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise abstract?", "input": "Source: Essays on Art and Science", "output": "Novices and enthusiasts did not differ in distance response; nor did subjects who spent more hours per week with art. As in the first two experiments, abstract art was more likely than representational art to be placed in a distant condition. Although liking was a predictor of a participant’s choice, we found that when controlling for liking, the effect of abstraction on distance remained. This suggests that abstract art elicits more psychological distance than representational art and thus evokes a more abstract cognitive state in the beholder. Conclusion Art is designed to engineer a state of mind in the beholder (31), but how does the state of mind differ when elicited by abstract versus representational art? My colleagues and I used psychological distance as a theoretically and empirically based indicator of construal level (20–23). In each of the three experiments we conducted, we found that participants were more likely to assign abstract art to the more distant temporal or spatial situation."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise eurasia?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "All those ingredients are just proximate factors, not ultimate explanations. Why didn’t capitalism flourish in Native Mexico, mercantilism in sub-Saharan Africa, scientific inquiry in China, advanced technology in Native North America, and nasty germs in Aboriginal Australia? If one responds by invoking idiosyncratic cultural factors – e.g., scientific inquiry supposedly stifled in China by Confucianism but stimulated in western Eurasia by Greek or Judaeo-Christian traditions – then one is continuing to ignore the need for ultimate explanations: why didn’t traditions like Confucianism and the Judaeo-Christian ethic instead develop in western Eurasia and China, respectively? In addition, one is ignoring the fact that Confucian China was technologically more advanced than western Eurasia until about AD 1400. It is impossible to understand even just western Eurasian societies themselves, if one focuses on them. The interesting questions concern the distinctions between"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe europeanized america?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "results. What use one makes of a historical explanation is a question separate from the explanation itself. Understanding is more often used to try to alter an outcome than to repeat or perpetuate it. That’s why psychologists try to understand the minds of murderers and rapists, why social historians try to understand genocide, and why physicians try to understand the causes of human disease. Those investigators do not seek to justify murder, rape, genocide, and illness. Instead, they seek to use their understanding of a chain of causes to interrupt the chain. Second, doesn’t addressing Yali’s question automatically involve a Eurocentric approach to history, a glorification of western Europeans, and an obsession with the prominence of western Europe and Europeanized America in the modern world? Isn’t that prominence just an ephemeral phenomenon of the last few centuries, now fading behind the prominence of Japan and Southeast Asia?"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term aborigines?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "consciously. In Japan and many other countries, such explanations are still advanced publicly and without apology. Even educated white Americans, Europeans, and Australians, when the subject of Australian Aborigines comes up, assume that there is something primitive about the Aborigines themselves. They certainly look different from whites. Many of the living descendants of those Aborigines who survived the era of European colonization are now finding it difficult to succeed economically in white Australian society. A seemingly compelling argument goes as follows. White immigrants to Australia built a literate, industrialized, politically centralized, democratic state based on metal tools and on food production, all within a century of colonizing a continent where the Aborigines had been living as tribal hunter-gatherers without metal for at least 40,000 years. Here were two successive experiments in human development, in which the environment was identical and the sole variable was the"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about new guineans?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "been trained to perform since childhood and that New Guineans have not. Hence when unschooled New Guineans from remote villages visit towns, they look stupid to Westerners. Conversely, I am constantly aware of how stupid I look to New Guineans when I’m with them in the jungle, displaying my incompetence at simple tasks (such as following a jungle trail or erecting a shelter) at which New Guineans have been trained since childhood and I have not. It’s easy to recognize two reasons why my impression that New Guineans are smarter than Westerners may be correct. First, Europeans have for thousands of Prologue: Yali’s Question years been living in densely populated societies with central governments, police, and judiciaries. In those societies, infectious epidemic diseases of dense populations (such as smallpox) were historically the major cause of death, while murders were relatively uncommon and a state of war was the exception rather than the"}
{"instruction": "Why does new guineans matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "irreversible mental stunting associated with reduced childhood stimulation. This effect surely contributes a non-genetic component to the superior average mental function displayed by New Guineans. That is, in mental ability New Guineans are probably genetically superior to Westerners, and they surely are superior in escaping the devastating developmental disadvantages under which most children in industrialized societies now grow up. Certainly, there is no hint at all of any intellectual disadvantage of New Gui- Prologue: Yali’s Question neans that could serve to answer Yali’s question. The same two genetic and childhood developmental factors are likely to distinguish not only New Guineans from Westerners, but also hunter-gatherers and other members of technologically primitive societies from members of technologically advanced societies in general. Thus, the usual racist assumption has to be turned on its head. Why is it that Europeans,"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame eurasian here?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "ate Eurasian civilizations of the last 5,000 years; they have a very brief treatment of pre-Columbian Native American civilizations, and an even briefer discussion of the rest of the world except for its recent interactions with Eurasian civilizations. Since Toynbee’s attempt, worldwide synthesis of historical causation have fallen into disfavor among most historians, as posing an apparently intractable problem. Specialists from several disciplines have provided global synthesis of their subjects. Especially useful contributions have been made by ecological geographers, cultural anthropologists, biologists studying plant and animal domestication, and scholars concerned with the impact of infectious diseases on history. These studies have called attention to parts of the puzzle, but they provide only pieces of the needed broad synthesis that has been missing. Thus, there is no generally accepted answer to Yali’s question. On the one hand,"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about yali?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "ogy, as applied to domestic animals and their wild ancestors; molecular biology Prologue: Yali’s Question of human germs and related germs of animals; epidemiology of human diseases; human genetics; linguistics; archaeological studies on all continents and major islands; and studies of the histories of technology, writing, and political organization. This diversity of disciplines poses problems for would-be authors of a book aimed at answering Yali’s question. The author must possess a range of expertise spanning the above disciplines, so that relevant advances can be synthesized. The history and prehistory of each continent must be similarly synthesized. The book’s subject matter is history, but the approach is that of science – in particular, that of historical sciences such as evolutionary biology and geology. The author must understand from firsthand experience a range of human societies, from huntergatherer societies to modern space-age civilizations."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about homo?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "claims of earlier X. It often takes decades of searching before archaeologists reach a consensus on such questions. By about half a million years ago, human fossils had diverged from older Homo erectus skeletons in their enlarged, rounder, and less angular skulls. African and European skulls of half a million years ago were sufficiently similar to skulls of us moderns that they are classified in our species, Homo sapiens, instead of in Homo erectus. This distinction is arbitrary, since Homo erectus evolved into Homo sapiens. However, these early Homo sapiens still differed from us in skeletal details, had brains significantly smaller than ours, and were grossly different from us in their artifacts and behavior. Modern stone-tool-making peoples, such as Yali’s great-grandparents, would have scorned the stone tools of half a million years ago as very crude. The only other significant addition to our ancestors’ cultural repertoire that can be documented with confidence around that time was the use of"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about clovis?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "last Ice Age? Hence I suspect that Clovis hunters did it, but the debate remains unresolved. Whichever theory proves correct, most large wild mammal species that might otherwise have later been domesticated by Native Americans were thereby removed. Also unresolved is the question whether Clovis hunters really were the first Americans. As always happens whenever anyone claims the first anything, claims of discoveries of pre-Clovis human sites in the Americas are constantly being advanced. Every year, a few of those new claims really do appear convincing and exciting when initially announced. Then the inevitable problems of interpretation arise. Were the reported tools at the site really tools made by humans, or just natural rock shapes? Are the reported radiocarbon dates really correct, and not invalidated by any of the numerous difficulties that can plague radiocarbon dating? If the dates are correct, are they really associated with human products,"}
{"instruction": "How is polynesian presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "dependent tribal or village units, up to multi-island proto-empires that devoted standing military establishments to invasions of other islands and wars of conquest. Finally, Polynesian material culture varied from the production of no more than personal utensils to the construction of monumental stone architecture. How can all that variation be explained? Contributing to these differences among Polynesian societies were at least six sets of environmental variables among Polynesian islands: island climate, geological type, marine resources, area, terrain fragmentation, and isolation. Let’s examine the ranges of these factors, before considering their specific consequences for Polynesian societies. The climate in Polynesia varies from warm tropical or subtropical on most islands, which lie near the equator, to temperate on most of New Zealand, and cold subantarctic on the Chathams and the southern part of New Zealand’s South Island. Hawaii’s Big Island, though lying well within the Tropic of Cancer, has"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about polynesian?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "produced. Ancestral Polynesians brought with them three domesticated animals (the pig, chicken, and dog) and domesticated no other animals within Polynesia. Many islands retained all three of those species, but the more isolated Polynesian islands lacked one or more of them, either because livestock brought in canoes failed to survive the colonists’ long overwater journey or because livestock that died out could not be readily obtained again from the outside. For instance, isolated New Zealand ended up with only dogs; Easter and Tikopia, with only chickens. Without access to coral reefs or productive shallow waters, and with their terrestrial birds quickly exterminated, Easter Islanders turned to constructing chicken houses for intensive poultry farming. At best, however, these three domesticated animal species provided only occasional meals. Polynesian food production depended mainly on agriculture, which was impossible at subantarctic latitudes because all Polynesian crops were tropi-"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on social?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "In those societies each household made what it needed; there was little or no economic specialization. Specialization increased on larger, more densely populated islands, reaching a peak on Samoa, the Societies, and especially Tonga and Hawaii. The latter two islands supported hereditary part-time craft specialists, including canoe builders, navigators, stone masons, bird catchers, and tattooers. Social complexity was similarly varied. Again, the Chathams and the atolls had the simplest, most egalitarian societies. While those islands retained the original Polynesian tradition of having chiefs, their chiefs wore little or no visible signs of distinction, lived in ordinary huts like those of commoners, and grew or caught their food like everyone else. Social distinctions and chiefly powers increased on high-density islands with large political units, being especially marked on Tonga and the Societies. Social complexity again reached its peak in the Hawaiian Archipelago, where"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat chatham islanders as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "As for the types of artifacts made, the Chatham Islanders required little more than hand-held clubs and sticks to kill seals, birds, and lobsters. Most other islanders produced a diverse array of fishhooks, adzes, jewelry, and other objects. On the atolls, as on the Chathams, those artifacts were small, relatively simple, and individually produced and owned, while architecture consisted of nothing more than simple huts. Large and densely populated islands supported craft specialists who produced a wide range of prestige goods for chiefs – such as the feather capes reserved for Hawaiian chiefs and made of tens of thousands of bird feathers. The largest products of Polynesia were the immense stone structures of a few islands – the famous giant statues of Easter Island, the tombs of Tongan chiefs, the ceremonial platforms of the Marquesas, and the temples of Hawaii and the Societies. This monumental Polynesian architecture was obviously evolving in the"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of spaniards?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "of those times (so-called harquebuses) were difficult to load and fire, and Pizarro had only a dozen of them. They did produce a big psychological effect on those occasions when they managed to fire. Far more important were the Spaniards’ steel swords, lances, and daggers, strong sharp weapons that slaughtered thinly armored Indians. In contrast, Indian blunt clubs, while capable of battering and wounding Spaniards and their horses, rarely succeeded in killing them. The Spaniards’ steel or chain mail armor and, above all, their steel helmets usually provided an effective defense against club blows, while the Indians’ quilted armor offered no protection against steel weapons. The tremendous advantage that the Spaniards gained from their horses leaps out of the eyewitness accounts. Horsemen could easily outride Indian sentries before the sentries had time to warn Indian troops behind them, and could ride down and kill Indians on foot. The shock of a horse’s charge, its maneuverabil-"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect atahuallpa to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "human behavior and history. By contrast, not only did Atahuallpa have no conception of the Spaniards themselves, and no personal experience of any other invaders from overseas, but he also had not even heard (or read) of similar threats to anyone else, anywhere else, anytime previously in history. That gulf of experience encouraged Pizarro to set his trap and Atahuallpa to walk into it. Thus, Pizarro’s capture of Atahuallpa illustrates the set of proximate factors that resulted in Europeans’ colonizing the New World instead of Native Americans’ colonizing Europe. Immediate reasons for Pizarro’s success included military technology based on guns, steel weapons, and horses; infectious diseases endemic in Eurasia; European maritime technology; the centralized political organization of European states; and writing. The title of this book will serve as shorthand for those proximate factors, which also enabled modern Europeans to conquer peo-"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on farmer power?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "The resulting fixed abode contributes to denser human populations by permitting a shortened birth interval. A hunter-gatherer mother who is shifting camp can carry only one child, along with her few possessions. She cannot afford to bear her next child until the previous toddler can walk fast enough to keep up with the tribe and not hold it back. In practice, nomadic hunter-gatherers space their children about four years apart by means of lactational amenorrhea, sexual absti- Farmer Power nence, infanticide, and abortion. By contrast, sedentary people, unconstrained by problems of carrying young children on treks, can bear and raise as many children as they can feed. The birth interval for many farm peoples is around two years, half that of hunter-gatherers. That higher birthrate of food producers, together with their ability to feed more people per acre, lets them achieve much higher population densities than hunter-gatherers. A separate consequence of a settled existence is that it permits one to store"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with united states?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "Since those areas of nonindependent origins were suitable for prehistoric food production as soon as domesticates had arrived, why did the peoples of those areas not become farmers and herders without outside assistance, by domesticating local plants and animals? Among those regions where food production did spring up independently, why did the times at which it appeared vary so greatly – for example, thousands of years earlier in eastern Asia than in the eastern United States and never in eastern Australia? Among those regions into which it was imported in the prehistoric era, why did the date of arrival also vary so greatly – for example, thousands of years earlier in southwestern Europe than in the southwestern United States? Again among those regions where it was imported, why in some areas (such as the southwestern United States) did local hunter-gatherers themselves adopt crops and livestock from neighbors and survive as farmers, while in other areas (such as Indonesia"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise southwest asian?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "farming sites in western Europe. In contrast, the wild ancestors of most Southwest Asian crops and animals were absent from western Europe. Thus, it seems clear that food production did not evolve independently in western Europe. Instead, it was triggered there by the arrival of Southwest Asian domesticates. The resulting western European farming societies domesticated the poppy, which subsequently spread eastward as a crop. Another area where local domestication appears to have followed the arrival of Southwest Asian founder crops is the Indus Valley region of the Indian subcontinent. The earliest farming communities there in the seventh millennium BC utilized wheat, barley, and other crops that had been previously domesticated in the Fertile Crescent and that evidently spread to the Indus Valley through Iran. Only later did domesticates derived from indigenous species of the Indian subcontinent, such as humped cattle and sesame, appear in Indus Valley farming communities."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe khoi?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "species after their arrival (except for macadamia nuts in Australia). In the Cape of South Africa the arriving Europeans found not only Khoi hunter-gatherers but also Khoi herders who already possessed only domestic animals, not crops. The result was again the start of farming dependent on crops from elsewhere, a failure to domesticate local species, and a massive modern replacement of human population. Finally, the same pattern of an abrupt start of food production dependent on domesticates from elsewhere, and an abrupt and massive population replacement, seems to have repeated itself in many areas in the prehistoric era. In the absence of written records, the evidence of those prehistoric replacements must be sought in the archaeological record or inferred from linguistic evidence. The best-attested cases are ones in which there can be no doubt about population replacement because the newly arriving food producers differed markedly in their skeletons from"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term farm?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "In gathering wild yams, they cut offmost of the edible tuber but replaced the stems and tops of the tubers in the ground so that the tubers would regrow. Their digging to extract the tuber loosened and aerated the soil and fostered regrowth. All that they would have had to do to meet the definition of farmers was to carry the stems and remaining attached tubers home and similarly replace them in soil at their camp. From those precursors of food production already practiced by hunter-gatherers, it developed stepwise. Not all the necessary techniques were developed within a short time, and not all the wild plants and animals that were eventually domesticated in a given area were domesticated simultaneously. Even in the cases of the most rapid independent development of food production from a huntinggathering lifestyle, it took thousands of years to shift from complete dependence To Farm or Not to Farm on wild foods to a diet with very few wild foods."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about farm?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "sities because it yields more edible calories per acre than does hunting-gathering. On the other hand, human population densities were gradually rising throughout the late Pleistocene anyway, thanks to improvements in human technology for collecting and processing wild foods. As population densities rose, food production became increasingly favored because it provided the increased food outputs needed to feed all those people. That is, the adoption of food production exemplifies what is termed an autocatalytic process – one that catalyzes itself in a positive feedback cycle, going faster To Farm or Not to Farm and faster once it has started. A gradual rise in population densities impelled people to obtain more food, by rewarding those who unconsciously took steps toward producing it. Once people began to produce food and become sedentary, they could shorten the birth spacing and produce still more people, requiring still more food."}
{"instruction": "Why does plants matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "Instead, strawberry plants evolved through natural selection. The greener and more sour the young strawberry, the fewer the birds that destroyed the seeds by eating berries before the seeds were ready; the sweeter and redder the final strawberry, the more numerous the birds that dispersed its ripe seeds. Countless other plants have fruits adapted to being eaten and dispersed by particular species of animals. Just as strawberries are adapted to birds, so acorns are adapted to squirrels, mangos to bats, and some sedges to ants. That fulfills part of our definition of plant domestication, as the genetic modification of an ancestral plant in ways that make it more useful to consumers. But no one would seriously describe this evolutionary process as domestication, because birds and bats and other animal consumers don’t fulfill the other part of the definition: they don’t consciously grow plants. In the same way, the early unconscious stages of crop evolution from wild plants consisted of plants evolving in ways that attracted"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame almond here?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "grow/harvest/sow would have selected immediately and unconsciously for the mutants. Like the changes in seed dispersal, these changes in germination inhibition characterize wheat, barley, peas, and many other crops compared with their wild ancestors. The remaining major type of change invisible to early farmers involved plant How to Make an Almond reproduction. A general problem in crop development is that occasional mutant plant individuals are more useful to humans (for example, because of bigger or less bitter seeds) than are normal individuals. If those desirable mutants proceeded to interbreed with normal plants, the mutation would immediately be diluted or lost. Under what circumstances would it remain preserved for early farmers? For plants that reproduce themselves, the mutant would automatically be preserved. That’s true of plants that reproduce vegetatively (from a tuber or root of the parent plant), or that are hermaphrodites capable of fertilizing themselves."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about british?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "and then chose certain progeny seeds each year to grow in the next year’s garden. But much of the transformation was also effected as a result of plants’ selecting themselves. Darwin’s phrase “natural selection” refers to certain individuals of a species surviving better, and/or reproducing more successfully, than competing individuals of the same species under natural conditions. In effect, the natural processes of differential survival and reproduction do the selecting. If the conditions change, different types of individuals may now survive or reproduce better and become “naturally selected”, with the result that the population undergoes evolutionary change. A classic example is the development of industrial melanism in British moths: darker moth individuals became relatively commoner than paler individuals as the environment became dirtier during the 19th century, because dark moths resting on a dark, dirty tree were more likely than contrasting pale moths"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about native americans?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "wanted. Those same problems of slow growth and fast squirrels probably also explain why beech and hickory trees, heavily exploited as wild trees for their nuts by Europeans and Native Americans, respectively, were also not domesticated. Finally, perhaps the most important difference between almonds and acorns is that bitterness is controlled by a single dominant gene in almonds but appears to be controlled by many genes in oaks. If ancient farmers planted almonds or acorns from the occasional nonbitter mutant tree, the laws of genetics dictate that half of the nuts from the resulting tree growing up would also be nonbitter in the case of almonds, but almost all would still be bitter in the case of oaks. That alone would kill the enthusiasm of any would-be acorn farmer who had defeated the squirrels and remained patient. As for strawberries and raspberries, we had similar trouble competing with thrushes and other berry-loving birds. Yes, the Romans did tend wild strawberries"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about mediterranean?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "wild ranges stretching far beyond the eastern Mediterranean, where they appear to have been first domesticated: the olive, grape, and fig occurred west to Italy and Spain and Northwest Africa, while the date palm extended to all of North Africa and Arabia. These four were evidently among the easiest to domesticate of all wild fruits. Why did peoples outside the Fertile Crescent fail to domesticate them, and begin to grow them only when they had already been domesticated in the eastern Mediterranean and arrived thence as crops? Other striking examples involve wild species that were not domesticated in areas where food production never arose spontaneously, even though those wild species had close relatives domesticated elsewhere. For example, the olive Olea europea was domesticated in the eastern Mediterranean. There are about 40 other species of olives in tropical and southern Africa, southern Asia, and eastern Australia, some of them closely related to Olea europea, but none of them was ever"}
{"instruction": "How is fertile crescent presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "cated a productive mutant plant, its offspring would cross-breed with other plant individuals and thereby lose their inherited advantage. As a result, most crops belong to the small percentage of wild plants that either are hermaphrodites usually pollinating themselves or else reproduce without sex by propagating vegetatively (for example, by a root that genetically duplicates the parent plant). Thus, the high percentage of hermaphroditic selfers in the Fertile Crescent flora aided early farmers, because it meant that a high percentage of the wild flora had a reproductive biology convenient for humans. Selfers were also convenient for early farmers in that they occasionally did become cross-pollinated, thereby generating new varieties among which to select. That occasional cross-pollination occurred not only between individuals of the same species, but also between related species to produce interspecific hybrids. One such hybrid among Fertile Crescent selfers, bread wheat, became the most"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about new guineans?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "Such studies have concentrated especially on the world’s few surviving huntinggathering peoples, and on farming peoples who still depend heavily on wild foods ant natural products. The studies generally show that such peoples are walking encyclopedias of natural history, with individual names (in their local language) for as many as a thousand or more plant and animal species, and with detailed knowledge of those species’ biological characteristics, distribution, and potential uses. As people become increasingly dependent on domesticated plants and animals, this traditional knowledge gradually loses its value and becomes lost, until one arrives at modern supermarket shoppers who could not distinguish a wild grass from a wild pulse. Here’s a typical example. For the last 33 years, while conducting biological exploration in New Guinea, I have been spending my field time there constantly in the company of New Guineans who still use wild plants and animals extensively."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on new guinea?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "higher yields per acre cultivated and per hour of labor. The result of the sweet potato’s arrival was a highland population explosion. That is, even though people had been farming in the New Guinea highlands for many thousands of years before sweet potatoes were introduced, the available local crops had limited them in the population densities they could attain, and in the elevations they could occupy. In short, New Guinea offers an instructive contrast to the Fertile Crescent. Like hunter-gatherers of the Fertile Crescent, those of New Guinea did evolve food production independently. However, their indigenous food production was restricted by the local absence of domesticable cereals, pulses, and animals, by the resulting protein deficiency in the highlands, and by limitations of the locally available root crops at high elevations. Yet New Guineans themselves know as much about the wild plants and animals available to them as any peoples on Earth today."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat production as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "local peoples promptly took advantage of them, intensified food production, and increased greatly in population. By extension, I suggest that areas of the globe where food production never developed indigenously at all – California, Australia, the Argentine pampas, western Europe, and so on – may have offered even less in the way of wild plants and animals suitable for domestication than did New Guinea and the eastern United States, where at least a limited food production did arise. Indeed, Mark Blumler’s worldwide survey of locally available large-seeded wild grasses mentioned in this chapter, and the worldwide survey of locally available big mammals to be presented in the next chapter, agree in showing that all those areas of nonexistent or limited indigenous food production were deficient in wild ancestors of domesticable livestock and cereals. Recall that the rise of food production involved a competition between food production and hunting-gathering."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of australia?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "correspondingly in the date when local food production arose, and that food production had not yet arisen independent in some fertile regions as of modern times. Australia, supposedly the most “backward” continent, illustrates this point well. In southeastern Australia, the well-watered part of the continent most suitable for food production, Aboriginal societies in recent millennia appear to have been evolving on a trajectory that would eventually have led to indigenous food production. They had already built winter villages. They had begun to manage their environment intensively for fish production by building fish traps, nets, and even long canals. Had Europeans not colonized Australia in 1788 and aborted that independent trajectory, Aboriginal Australians might within a few thousand years have become food producers, tending ponds of domesticated fish and growing domesticated Australian yams and small-seeded grasses. In that light, we can now answer the question implicit in the title of this chapter."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect animals to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "wild elephants that were captured and tamed; they were not bred in captivity. In contrast, a domesticated animal is defined as an animal selectively bred in captivity and thereby modified from its wild ancestors, for use by humans who control the animal’s breeding and food supply. That is, domestication involves wild animal’s being transformed into something more useful to humans. Truly domesticated animals differ in various ways from their wild ancestors. These differences result from two processes: human selection of those individual animals more useful to humans than other individuals of the same species, and automatic evolutionary responses of animals to the altered forces of natural selection operating in human environments as compared with wild environments. We already saw in Chapter 7 that all of these statements also apply to plant domestication. The ways in which domesticated animals have diverged from their wild ancestors include the following."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on eurasian?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "ticated them and gained great advantage from them, just as they benefited from the Eurasian domestic animals that they immediately adopted when those became available. For instance, consider all the peoples of sub-Saharan Africa living within the range of wild zebras and buffalo. Why wasn’t there at least one African hunter- Zebras, Unhappy Marriages, and the Anna Karenina Principle gatherer tribe that domesticated those zebras and buffalo and that thereby gained sway over other Africans, without having to await the arrival of Eurasian horses and cattle? All these facts indicate that the explanation for the lack of native mammal domestication outside Eurasia lay with the locally available wild mammals themselves, not with the local peoples. A second type of evidence for the same interpretation comes from pets. Keeping wild animals as pets, and taming them, constitute an initial stage in domestication. But pets have been reported from virtually all traditional human societies"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with california?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "ticates of large mammals beyond the Ancient Fourteen, which were domesticated by at least 4,500 years ago. Yet scientists today could undoubtedly, if they wished, fulfill for many species that part of the definition of domestication that specifies the control of breeding and food supply. For example, the San Diego and Los Angeles zoos are now subjecting the last surviving California condors to a more draconian control of breeding than that imposed upon any domesticated species. All individual condors have been genetically identified, and a computer program determines which male shall mate with which female in order to achieve human goals (in this case, to maximize genetic diversity and thereby preserve this endangered bird). Zoos are conducting similar breeding programs for many other threatened species, including gorillas and rhinos. But the zoos’ rigorous selection of California condors shows no prospects of yielding an economically useful product."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise mesoamerica?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "There were also great differences in the completeness with which suites of crops and livestock spread, again implying stronger or weaker barriers to their spreading. For instance, while most of Southwest Asia’s founder crops and livestock did spread west to Europe and east to the Indus Valley, neither of the Andes’ domestic mammals (the llama/alpaca and the guinea pig) ever reached Mesoamerica in pre-Columbian times. That astonishing failure cries out for explanation. After all, Mesoamerica did develop dense farming populations and complex societies, so there can be no doubt that Andean domestic animals (if they had been available) would have been valuable for food, transport, and wool. Except for dogs, Mesoamerica was utterly without indigenous mammals to fill those needs. Some South American crops nevertheless did succeed in reaching Mesoamerica, such as manioc, sweet potatoes, and peanuts. What selective barrier let those crops through but screened out llamas and guinea pigs?"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe evidence?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "single domestication. What does it imply if the same crop has been repeatedly and independently domesticated in several different parts of its wild range, and not just once and in a single area? We have already seen that plant domestication involves the modification of wild plants so that they become more useful to humans by virtue of larger seeds, a less bitter taste, or other qualities. Hence if a productive crop is already available, incipient farmers will surely proceed to grow it rather than start all over again by gathering its not yet so useful wild relative and redomesticating it. Evidence for just a single domestication thus suggests that, once a wild plant had been domesticated, the crop spread quickly to other areas throughout the wild plant’s range, preempting the need for other independent domestications of the same plant. However, when we find evidence that the same wild ancestor was domesticated independently in different areas, we infer that the crop spread too"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term fertile crescent?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "ones that became domesticated. Some of those related beans and barleys were indeed domesticated independently in the Americas or China, far from the early site of domestication in the Fertile Crescent. But in western Eurasia only one of several potentially useful wild species was domesticated – probably because that one spread so quickly that people soon stopped gathering the other wild relatives and ate only the crop. Again as we discussed above, the crop’s rapid spread preempted any possible further attempts to domesticate its relatives, as well as to redomesti- Spacious Skies and Tilted Axes cate its ancestor. Why was the spread of crops from the Fertile Crescent so rapid? The answer depends partly on that east–west axis of Eurasia with which I opened this chapter. Localities distributed east and west of each other at the same latitude share exactly the same day length and its seasonal variations. To a lesser degree, they also tend to"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about china?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "A corresponding example within Eurasia involved the eastern limit of Fertile Crescent crops, which spread rapidly westward to the Atlantic Ocean and eastward to the Indus Valley without encountering a major barrier. However, farther eastward in India the shift from predominantly winter rainfall to predominantly summer rainfall contributed to a much more delayed extension of agriculture, involving different crops and farming techniques, into the Ganges plain of northeastern India. Still farther east, temperate areas of China were isolated from western Eurasian areas with similar climates by the combination of the Central Asian desert, Tibetan plateau, and Himalayas. The initial development of food production in China was therefore independent of that at the same latitude in the Fertile Crescent, and gave rise to entirely different crops. However, even those barriers between China and western Eurasia were at least partly overcome during the second millennium BC, when West Asian wheat, barley, and"}
{"instruction": "Why does microbes matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "Basically, microbes evolve like other species. Evolution selects for those individuals most effective at producing babies and at helping them spread to suitable places to live. For a microbe, spread may be defined mathematically as the number of new victims infected per each original patient. That number depends on how Lethal Gift of Livestock long each victim remains capable of infecting new victims, and how efficiently the microbe is transferred from one victim to the next. Microbes have evolved diverse ways of spreading from one person to another, and from animals to people. The germ that spreads better leaves more babies and ends up favored by natural selection. Many of our “symptoms” of disease actually represent ways in which some damned clever microbe modifies our bodies or our behavior such that we become enlisted to spread microbes. The most effortless way a germ could spread is by just waiting to be transmitted passively to the next victim."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame ashkenazi jews here?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "of a higher proportion of individuals with those genes for resistance – just because unfortunate individuals without the genes were less likely to survive to pass their genes on to babies. Fat consolation, you may be thinking again. This evolutionary response is not one that does the genetically susceptible dying individual any good. It does mean, though, that a human population as a whole becomes better protected against the pathogen. Examples of those genetic defenses include the protections (at a price) that the sickle-cell gene, Tay–Sachs gene, and cystic fibrosis gene may confer on African blacks, Ashkenazi Jews, and northern Europeans against malaria, tuberculosis, and bacterial diarrheas, respectively. In short, our interaction with most species, as exemplified by humming-birds, doesn’t make us or the hummingbird “sick”. Neither we nor hummingbirds have had to evolve defenses against each other. That peaceful relationship was able to"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about diseases?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "traced back to diseases of our animal friends. Given our proximity to the animals we love, we must be getting constantly bombarded by their microbes. Those invaders get winnowed by natural selection, and only a few of them succeed in establishing themselves as human diseases. A quick survey of current diseases lets us trace out four stages in the evolution of a specialized human disease from an animal precursor. The first stage is illustrated by dozens of diseases that we now and then pick up directly from our pets and domestic animals. They include cat-scratch fever from our cats, leptospirosis from our dogs, psittacosis from our chickens and parrots, and brucellosis from our cattle. We’re similarly liable to pick up diseases from wild animals, such as the tularemia that hunters can get from skinning wild rabbits. All those microbes are still at an early stage in their evolution into specialized human pathogens. They still don’t get transmitted directly from one person to another,"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about americas siberia?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "by making it possible to transmit knowledge with far greater accuracy and in far greater quantity and detail, from more distant lands and more remote times. Of course, some peoples (notably the Incas) managed to administer empires without writing, and “civilized” peoples don’t always defeat “barbarians”, as Roman armies facing the Huns learned. But the European conquests of the Americas, Siberia, and Australia illustrate the typical recent outcome. Writing marched together with weapons, microbes, and centralized political organization as a modern agent of conquest. The commands of the monarchs and merchants who organized colonizing fleets were conveyed in writing. The fleets set their courses by maps and written sailing directions prepared by previous expeditions. Written accounts of earlier expeditions motivated later ones, by describing the wealth and fertile lands awaiting the conquerors. The accounts taught subsequent explorers what conditions to expect, and helped them prepare themselves."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about russia?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "may not resemble that of the first inventor. To take a recent example, historians are still debating whether blueprint copying or idea diffusion contributed more to Russia’s building of an atomic bomb. Did Russia’s bomb-building efforts depend critically on blueprints of the already constructed American bomb, stolen and transmitted to Russia by spies? Or was it merely that the revelation of America’s A-bomb at Hiroshima at last convinced Stalin of the feasibility of building such a bomb, and that Russian scientists then reinvented the principles in an independent crash program, with little detailed guidance from the earlier American effort? Similar questions arise for the history of the development of wheels, pyramids, and gunpowder. Let’s now examine how blueprint copying and idea diffusion contributed to the spread of writing systems. Today, professional linguists design writing systems for unwritten languages by the method of blueprint copying."}
{"instruction": "How is mexico presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "that crows can fly over. The states of North Africa (with writing) and West Africa (without writing) were separated from each other by Saharan desert unsuitable for agriculture and cities. The deserts of northern Mexico similarly separated the urban centers of southern Mexico from the chiefdoms of the Mississippi Valley. Communication between southern Mexico and the Andes required either a sea voyage or else a long chain of overland contacts via the narrow, forested, never urbanized Isthmus of Darien. Hence the Andes, West Africa, and the Mississippi Valley were effectively rather isolated from societies with writing. That’s not to say that those societies without writing were totally isolated. West Africa eventually did receive Fertile Crescent domestic animals across the Sahara, and later accepted Islamic influence, including Arabic writing. Corn diffused from Mexico to the Andes and, more slowly, from Mexico to the Mississippi Valley."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about spaniards impressed?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "light companies. The remaining consideration affecting acceptance of new technologies is the ease with which their advantages can be observed. In AD 1340, when firearms had not yet reached most of Europe, England’s earl of Derby and earl of Salisbury happened to be present in Spain at the battle of Tarifa, where Arabs used cannons against the Spaniards. Impressed by what they saw, the earls introduced cannons to the English army, which adopted them enthusiastically and already used them against French soldiers at the battle of Crecy six years later. Thus, wheels, designer jeans, and Qwerty keyboards illustrate the varied reasons why the same society is not equally receptive to all inventions. Conversely, the same invention’s reception also varies greatly among contemporary societies. We are all familiar with the supposed generalization that rural Third World societies are less receptive to innovation than are Westernized industrial societies."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on china this?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "The destruction of Britain’s forests has been suggested as the reason behind its early lead in developing coal technology, but why didn’t deforestation have the same effect in China? This discussion does not exhaust the list of reasons proposed to explain why societies differ in their receptivity to new technology. Worse yet, all of these proximate explanations bypass the question of the ultimate factors behind them. This may seem like a discouraging setback in our attempt to understand the course of history, since technology has undoubtedly been one of history’s strongest forces. However, I shall now argue that the diversity of independent factors behind technological innovation actually makes it easier, not harder, to understand history’s broad pattern. For the purposes of this book, the key question about the laundry list is whether such factors differed systematically from continent to continent and thereby led to continental differences in technological development."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat innovativeness as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "ones. In addition, receptivity to innovation fluctuates in time within the same region. On reflection, these conclusions are precisely what one would expect if a society’s innovativeness is determined by many independent factors. Without a detailed knowledge of all of those factors, innovativeness becomes unpredictable. Hence social scientists continue to debate the specific reasons why receptivity changed in Islam, China, and Europe, and why the Chimbus, Ibos, and Navajo were more receptive to new technology than were their neighbors. To the student of broad historical patterns, though, it makes no difference what the specific reasons were in each of those cases. The myriad factors affecting innovativeness make the historian’s task paradoxically easier, by converting societal variation in innovativeness into essentially a random variable. That means that, over a large enough area (such as a whole continent) at any particular time, some proportion"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of fertile cres-?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "nent or on other continents. Finally, each society on a continent represents one more opportunity to invent and adopt a technology, because societies vary greatly in their innovativeness for many separate reasons. Hence, all other things being equal, technology develops fastest in large productive regions with large human populations, many potential inventors, and many competing societies. Let us now summarize how variations in these three factors – time of onset of food production, barriers to diffusion, and human population size – led staightforwardly to the observed intercontinental differences in the development of technology. Eurasia (effectively including North Africa) is the world’s largest landmass, encompassing the largest number of competing societies. It was also the landmass with the two centers where food production began the earliest: the Fertile Crescent and China. Its east–west major axis permitted many inventions adopted in"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect new guinean to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "larger societies unnecessary, since any two villagers getting into an argument will share many kin, who apply pressure on them to keep it from becoming violent. In traditional New Guinea society, if a New Guinean happened to encounter an unfamiliar New Guinean while both were away from their respective villages, the two engaged in a long discussion of their relatives, in an attempt to establish some relationship and hence some reason why the two should not attempt to kill each other. Despite all of these differences between bands and tribes, many similarities remain. Tribes still have an informal, “egalitarian” system of government. Information and decision making are both communal. In the New Guinea highlands, I have watched village meetings where all adults in the village were present, sitting on the ground, and individuals made speeches, without any appearance of one person’s “chairing” the discussion. Many highland villages do have someone known"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on hawaiian?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "Like tribes, chiefdoms consisted of multiple hereditary lineages living at one site. However, whereas the lineages of tribal villages are equal-ranked clans, in a chiefdom all members of the chief’s lineage had hereditary perquisites. In effect, the society was divided into hereditary chief and commoner classes, with Hawaiian chiefs themselves subdivided into eight hierarchically ranked lineages, each concentrating its marriages within its own lineage. Furthermore, since chiefs required menial servants as well as specialized craftspeople, chiefdoms differed from tribes in having many jobs that could be filled by slaves, typically obtained by capture in raids. The most distinctive economic feature of chiefdoms was their shift from reliance solely on the reciprocal exchanges characteristic of bands and tribes, by which A gives B a gift while expecting that B at some unspecified future time will give a gift of comparable value to A. We modern state dwellers indulge in such"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with kleptocrats?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "Kleptocracies with little public support run the risk of being overthrown, either by downtrodden commoners or by upstart would-be replacement kleptocrats seeking public support by promising a higher ratio of services rendered to fruits stolen. For example, Hawaiian history was repeatedly punctuated by revolts against repressive chiefs, usually led by younger brothers promising less oppression. This may sound funny to us in the context of old Hawaii, until we reflect on all the misery still being caused by such struggles in the modern world. What should an elite do to gain popular support while still maintaining a more comfortable lifestyle than commoners? Kleptocrats throughout the ages have resorted to a mixture of four solutions: 1. Disarm the populace, and arm the elite. That’s much easier in these days of high-tech weaponry, produced only in industrial plants and easily monopolized by an elite, than in ancient times of spears and clubs easily made at home."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise administration?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "real farmers, took wool from the herders, exchanged the wool by long-distance trade for metal and other essential raw materials, and paid out food rations to the laborers who maintained the irrigation systems on which the farmers depended. Many, perhaps most, early states adopted slavery on a much larger scale than did chiefdoms. That was not because chiefdoms were more kindly disposed toward defeated enemies but because the greater economic specialization of states, with more mass production and more public works, provided more uses for slave labor. In addition, the larger scale of state warfare made more captives available. A chiefdom’s one or two levels of administration are greatly multiplied in states, as anyone who has seen an organizational chart of any government knows. Along with the proliferation of vertical levels of bureaucrats, there is also horizontal specialization. Instead of konohiki carrying out every aspect of administration"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe north?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "the undoubted fact that, in both Mesopotamia and North China and Mexico, largescale irrigation systems began to be constructed around the time that states started to emerge. The theory also notes that any big, complex system for irrigation or hydraulic management requires a centralized bureaucracy to construct and maintain it. The theory then turns an observed rough correlation in time into a postulated chain of cause and effect. Supposedly, Mesopotamians and North Chinese and Mexicans foresaw the advantages that a large-scale irrigation system would bring them, even though there was at the time no such system within thousands of miles (or anywhere on Earth) to illustrate for them those advantages. Those farsighted people chose to merge their inefficient little chiefdoms into a larger state capable of blessing them with large-scale irrigation. However, this “hydraulic theory” of state formation is subject to the same objections leveled against social contract theories in general."}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term polynesian hawaii?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "cereal, and transferring the herders’ livestock to farmers for use as plow animals). All of these capabilities of centralized societies have fostered intensified food production and hence population growth throughout history. In addition, food production contributes in at least three ways to specific features of complex societies. First, it involves seasonally pulsed inputs of labor. When the harvest has been stored, the farmers’ labor becomes available for a centralized political authority to harness – in order to build public works advertising state power (such as the Egyptian pyramids), or to build public works that could feed more mouths (such as Polynesian Hawaii’s irrigation systems or fishponds), or to undertake wars of conquest to form larger political entities. Second, food production may be organized so as to generate stored food surpluses, which permit economic specialization and social stratification. The surpluses can be used to feed all tiers of a complex society: the chiefs, bureaucrats,"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about decision?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "Hence a large society that continues to leave conflict resolution to all of its members is guaranteed to blow up. That factor alone would explain why societies of thousands can exist only if they develop centralized authority to monopolize force and resolve conflicts. A second reason is the growing impossibility of communal decision making with increasing population size. Decision making by the entire adult population is still possible in New Guinea villages small enough that news and information quickly spread to everyone, that everyone can hear everyone else in a meeting of the whole village, and that everyone who wants to speak at the meeting has the opportunity to do so. But all those prerequisites for communal decision making become unattainable in much larger communities. Even now, in these days of microphones and loudspeakers, we all know that a group meeting is no way to resolve issues for a group of thousands of people. Hence a large society must be"}
{"instruction": "Why does amalgamation matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "Those are the reasons why large societies cannot function with band organization and instead are complex kleptocracies. But we are still left with the question of how small, simple societies actually evolve or amalgamate into large, complex ones. Amalgamation, centralized conflict resolution, decision making, economic redistribution, and kleptocratic religion don’t just develop automatically through a Rousseauesque social contract. What drives the amalgamation? In part, the answer depends upon evolutionary reasoning. I said at the outset of this chapter that societies classified in the same category are not all identical to each other, because humans and human groups are infinitely diverse. For example, among bands and tribes, the big-men of some are inevitably more charismatic, powerful, and skilled in reaching decisions than the big-men of others. Among large tribes, those with stronger big-men and hence greater centralization tend to"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame zulu here?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "Because those ultimate causes developed differently on different continents, so did those agents of conquest. Hence those agents tended to arise in association with each other, but the association was not strict: for example, an empire arose without writing among the Incas, and writing with few epidemic diseases among the Aztecs. Dingiswayo’s Zulus illustrate that each of those agents contributed somewhat independently to history’s pattern. Among the dozens of Zulu chiefdoms, the Mtetwa chiefdom enjoyed no advantage whatsoever of technology, writing, or germs over the other chiefdoms, which it nevertheless succeeded in defeating. Its advantage lay solely in the spheres of government and ideology. The resulting Zulu state was thereby enabled to conquer a fraction of a continent for nearly a century. Part IV Around the World in Five Chapters Chapter 15 Yali’s People When my wife, Marie, and I were vacationing in Australia one summer, we decided to visit a site with well-preserved Aboriginal rock paintings in the"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about new guinea?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "following its introduction to the Philippines by Spaniards. Once established in New Guinea, the sweet potato overtook taro as the highlands’ leading crop, because of its shorter time required to reach maturity, higher yields per acre, and greater tolerance of poor soil conditions. The development of New Guinea highland agriculture must have triggered a big population explosion thousands of years ago, because the highlands could have supported only very low population densities of hunter-gatherers after New Guinea’s original megafauna of giant marsupials had been exterminated. The arrival of the sweet potato triggered a further explosion in recent centuries. When Europeans first flew over the highlands in the 1930s, they were astonished to see below them a landscape similar to Holland’s. Broad valleys were completely deforested and dotted with villages, and drained and fenced fields for intensive food production covered entire valley floors."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about australia?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "In addition, Australia is unique in that the overwhelming influence on climate over most of the continent is an irregular nonannual cycle, the ENSO (acronym for El Niño Southern Oscillation), rather than the regular annual cycle of the seasons so familiar in most other parts of the world. Unpredictable severe droughts last for years, punctuated by equally unpredictable torrential rains and floods. Even today, with Eurasian crops and with trucks and railroads to transport produce, food production in Australia remains a risky business. Herds build up in good years, only to be killed offby drought. Any incipient farmers in Aboriginal Australia would have faced similar cycles in their own populations. If in good years they had settled in villages, grown crops, and produced babies, those large populations would have starved and died offin drought years, when the land could support far fewer people. The other major obstacle to the development of food production in Australia"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about australia?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "Aborigines were in Australia’s wettest and most productive regions: the Murray– Darling river system of the Southeast, the eastern and northern coasts, and the southwestern corner. Those areas also came to support the densest populations of European settlers in modern Australia. The reason we think of Aborigines as desert people is simply that Europeans killed or drove them out of the most desirable areas, leaving the last intact Aboriginal populations only in areas that Europeans didn’t want. Within the last 5,000 years, some of those productive regions witnessed an intensification of Aboriginal food-gathering methods, and a buildup of Aboriginal population density. Techniques were developed in eastern Australia for rendering abundant and starchy, but extremely poisonous, cycad seeds edible, by leaching out Yali’s People or fermenting the poison. The previously unexploited highlands of southeastern Australia began to be visited regularly during the summer, by Aborigines feasting"}
{"instruction": "How is australians presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "temporary visits and never penetrated inland, just a few groups of Australians on a small stretch of coast were exposed to them. Even those few Australians got to see only a fraction of Macassan culture and technology, rather than a full Macassan society with rice fields, pigs, villages, and workshops. Because the Australians remained nomadic hunter-gatherers, they acquired only those few Macassan products and practices compatible with their lifestyle. Dugout sailing canoes and pipes, Yali’s People yes; forges and pigs, no. Apparently much more astonishing than Australians’ resistance to Indonesian influence is their resistance to New Guinea influence. Across the narrow ribbon of water known as Torres Strait, New Guinea farmers who spoke New Guinea languages and had pigs, pottery, and bows and arrows faced Australian huntergatherers who spoke Australian languages and lacked pigs, pottery, and bows and arrows. Furthermore, the strait is not an open-water barrier but is dotted with a"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about new guinea?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "diluted New Guinea culture they saw, blocked transmission of those New Guinea cultural traits to all the rest of Australia. As a result, no New Guinea trait except shell fishhooks spread far into Australia. If the hundreds of thousands of farmers in the cool New Guinea highlands had been in close contact with the Aborigines in the cool highlands of southeastern Australia, a massive transfer of intensive food production and New Guinea culture to Australia might have followed. But the New Guinea highlands are separated from the Australian highlands by 2,000 miles of ecologically very different landscape. The New Guinea highlands might as well have been the mountains of the moon, as far as Australians’ chances of observing and adopting New Guinea highland practices were concerned. In short, the persistence of Stone Age nomadic hunter-gatherers in Australia, trading with Stone Age New Guinea farmers and Iron Age Indonesian farmers, at first seems to suggest singular obstinacy on the part of Native Australians."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on china?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "of Chinese food production were contemporaneous with those in the Fertile Crescent, slightly earlier, or slightly later. At the least, we can say that China was one of the world’s first centers of plant and animal domestication. China may actually have encompassed two or more independent centers of origins of food production. I already mentioned the ecological differences between China’s cool, dry north and warm, wet south. At a given latitude, there are also ecological distinctions between the coastal lowlands and the interior uplands. Different wild plants are native to these disparate environments and would thus have been variously available to incipient farmers in various parts of China. In fact, the earliest identified crops were two drought-resistant species of millet in North China, but rice in South China, suggesting the possibility of separate northern and southern centers of plant domestication. Chinese sites with the earliest evidence of crops also contained bones of do-"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat south as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "tributed heavily to developments in neighboring regions. For instance, until the fourth millennium BC most of tropical Southeast Asia was still occupied by huntergatherers making pebble and flake stone tools belonging to what is termed the Hoabinhian tradition, named after the site of Hoa Binh, in Vietnam. Thereafter, Chinese-derived crops, Neolithic technology, village living, and pottery similar to that of South China spread into tropical Southeast Asia, probably accompanied by South China’s language families. The historical southward expansions of Burmese, Laotians, and Thais from South China completed the Sinification of tropical Southeast Asia. All those modern peoples are recent offshoots of their South Chinese cousins. So overwhelming was this Chinese steamroller that the former peoples of tropical Southeast Asia have left behind few traces in the region’s modern populations. Just three relict groups of hunter-gatherers – the Semang Negritos of the Malay"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of sauakari?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "big-heads, referring both to their massive coiled hair and to their reputation for arrogance. Within a few days of my setting up an isolated forest camp with Wiwor and Sauakari, they came close to fighting each other with axes. Tensions among the groups that Achmad, Wiwor, Sauakari, and Ping Wah represent dominate the politics of Indonesia, the world’s fourth most-populous nation. These modern tensions have roots going back thousands of years. When we think of major overseas population movements, we tend to focus on those since Columbus’s discovery of the Americas, and on the resulting replacements of non- Europeans by Europeans within historic times. But there were also big overseas movements long before Columbus, and prehistoric replacements of non-European peoples by other non-European peoples. Wiwor, Achmad, and Sauakari represent three prehistorical waves of people that moved overseas from the Asian mainland into the Pacific. Wiwor’s highlanders are probably descended from an early wave"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect austronesian to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "lies, termed Malayo-Polynesian, comprises 945 of those 959 languages and covers almost the entire geographic range of the Austronesian family. Before the recent overseas expansion of Europeans speaking Indo-European languages, Austronesian was the most widespread language family in the world. That suggests that the Malayo-Polynesian subfamily differentiated recently out of the Austronesian family and spread far from the Austronesian homeland, giving rise to many local languages, all of which are still closely related because there has been too little time to develop large linguistic differences. For the location of that Austronesian homeland, we should therefore look not to Malayo-Polynesian but to the other three Austronesian subfamilies, which differ considerably more from each other and from Malayo-Polynesian than the sub-subfamilies of Malayo-Polynesian differ among each other. It turns out that those three other subfamilies have coincident distributions,"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on austronesians?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "ern Indonesia so completely that little genetic and no linguistic evidence of that original population survived? The reasons resemble the reasons why Europeans replaced or exterminated Native Australians within the last two centuries, and why South Chinese replaced the original tropical Southeast Asians earlier: the farmers’ much denser populations, superior tools and weapons, more developed watercraft and maritime skills, and epidemic diseases to which the farmers but not the hunter-gatherers had some resistance. On the Asian mainland Austronesianspeaking farmers were able similarly to replace some of the former hunter-gatherers of the Malay Peninsula, because Austronesians colonized the peninsula from the south and east (from the Indonesian islands of Sumatra and Borneo) around the same time that Austroasiatic farmers were colonizing the peninsula from the north (from Thailand). Other Austronesians managed to establish themselves in"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with austronesian?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "an Austronesian language to a village with a Papuan language and then to another Austronesian-speaking village, without any genetic discontinuity at the linguistic boundaries. All this suggests that descendants of Austronesian invaders and of original New Guineans have been trading, intermarrying, and acquiring each other’s genes and languages for several thousand years on the North New Guinea coast and its islands. That long contact transferred Austronesian languages more efficiently than Austronesian genes, with the result that most Bismarck and Solomon islanders now speak Austronesian languages, even though their appearance and most of their genes are still Papuan. But neither the genes nor the languages of the Austronesians penetrated New Guinea’s interior. The outcome of their invasion of Speedboat to Polynesia New Guinea was thus very different from the outcome of their invasion of Borneo, Celebes, and other big Indonesian islands, where their steamroller eliminated"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise lapita?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "soft roots to persist for thousands of years in garbage heaps. Naturally, it is impossible to prove directly that the people who made Lapita pots spoke an Austronesian language. However, two facts make this inference virtually certain. First, except for the decorations on the pots, the pots themselves and their associated cultural paraphernalia are similar to the cultural remains found at Indonesian and Philippine sites ancestral to modern Austronesian-speaking societies. Second, Lapita pottery also appears on remote Pacific islands with no previous human inhabitants, with no evidence of a major second wave of settlement subsequent to that bringing Lapita pots, and where the modern inhabitants speak an Austronesian language (more on this below). Hence Lapita pottery may be safely assumed to mark Austronesians’ arrival in the New Guinea region. What were those Austronesian pot makers doing on islets adjacent to bigger islands? They were probably living in the same way as modern pot makers lived"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe polynesian?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "Vietnamese (speaking a language in the same sub-subfamily of Austroasiatic as the Yumbri language) remained food producers in the rich Red Delta and established a vast metal-based empire. Similarly, among Austronesian emigrant farmers from Taiwan and Indonesia, the Punan in the rain forests of Borneo were forced to Speedboat to Polynesia turn back to the hunter-gatherer lifestyle, while their relatives living on Java’s rich volcanic soils remained food producers, founded a kingdom under the influence of India, adopted writing, and built the great Buddhist monument at Borobudur. The Austronesians who went on to colonize Polynesia became isolated from East Asian metallurgy and writing and hence remained without writing or metal. As we saw in Chapter 2, though, Polynesian political and social organization and economies underwent great diversification in different environments. Within a millennium, East Polynesian colonists had reverted to hunting-gathering on the"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term eurasian?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "grinding, and irrigation. These differences suggest that Eurasian agriculture as of 1492 may have yielded on the average more calories and protein per person-hour of labor than Native American agriculture did. Such differences in food production constituted a major ultimate cause of the disparities between Eurasian and Native American societies. Among the resulting proximate factors behind the conquest, the most important included differences in germs, technology, political organization, and writing. Of these, the one linked most directly to the differences in food production was germs. The infectious diseases that regularly visited crowded Eurasian societies, and to which many Hemispheres Colliding Eurasians consequently developed immune or genetic resistance, included all of history’s most lethal killers: smallpox, measles, influenza, plague, tuberculosis, typhus, cholera, malaria, and others. Against that grim list, the sole crowd infectious"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about native american?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "quilted armor, constituting much less effective protection and weaponry. In addition, Native American armies had no animals to oppose to horses, whose value for assaults and fast transport gave Europeans an overwhelming advantage until some Native American societies themselves adopted them. Third, Eurasian societies enjoyed a huge advantage in their sources of power to operate machines. The earliest advance over human muscle power was the use of animals – cattle, horses, and donkeys – to pull plows and to turn wheels for grinding grain, raising water, and irrigating or draining fields. Waterwheels appeared in Roman times and then proliferated, along with tidal mills and windmills, in the Middle Ages. Coupled to systems of geared wheels, those engines harnessing water and wind power were used not only to grind and move water but also to serve myriad manufacturing purposes, including crushing sugar, driving blast furnace bellows, grinding ores, making paper, polishing stone, pressing oil, pro-"}
{"instruction": "Why does fertile crescent matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "analogy with New Guinean and Polynesian hunter-gatherers and farmers occupying previously unfamiliar environments – such as Maori colonists of New Zealand or Tudawhe colonists of New Guinea’s Karimui Basin – the colonists probably discovered the best rock sources and learned to distinguish useful from poisonous wild plants and animals in much less than a century. Third, what about Eurasians’ head start in developing locally appropriate technology? The early farmers of the Fertile Crescent and China were heirs to the technology that behaviorally modern Homo sapiens had been developing to exploit local resources in those areas for tens of thousands of years. For instance, the stone sickles, underground storage pits, and other technology that hunter-gatherers of the Fertile Crescent had been evolving to utilize wild cereals were available to the first cereal farmers of the Fertile Crescent. In contrast, the first settlers of the Americas arrived in Alaska with equipment appropriate to the Siberian Arc-"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame americas here?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "eral sets of geographic and ecological factors. Eurasia’s east–west major axis, unlike the Americas’ north–south major axis, permitted diffusion without change in latitude and associated environmental variables. In contrast to Eurasia’s consistent east–west breadth, the New World was constricted over the whole length of Central America and especially at Panama. Not least, the Americas were more fragmented by areas unsuitable for food production or for dense human populations. These ecological barriers included the rain forests of the Panamanian isthmus separating Mesoamerican societies from Andean and Amazonian societies; the deserts of northern Mexico separating Mesoamerica from U.S. southwestern and southeastern societies; dry areas of Texas separating the U.S. Southwest from the Southeast; and the deserts and high mountains fencing offU.S. Pacific coast areas that would otherwise have been suitable for food production. As a result,"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about greenland?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "Norse sagas, but these also mention landings evidently farther north, on the coasts of Labrador and Baffin Island. Iceland’s climate permitted herding and extremely limited agriculture, and its area was sufficient to support a Norse-derived population that has persisted to this day. But most of Greenland is covered by an ice cap, and even the two most favorable coastal fjords were marginal for Norse food production. The Greenland Norse population never exceeded a few thousand. It remained dependent on imports of food and iron from Norway, and of timber from the Labrador coast. Unlike Easter Island and other remote Polynesian islands, Greenland could not support a self-sufficient food-producing society, though it did support self-sufficient Inuit hunter-gatherer populations before, during, and after the Norse occupation period. The populations of Iceland and Norway themselves were too small and too poor for them to continue their support of the Greenland Norse population."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about languages?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "fragmented. Thus, distributional and linguistic clues combine to suggest that the Pygmy homeland was engulfed by invading black farmers, whose languages the remaining Pygmies adopted, leaving only traces of their original languages in some words and sounds. We saw previously that much the same is true of the Malaysian Negritos (Semang) and Philippine Negritos, who adopted Austroasiatic and Austronesian languages, respectively, from the farmers who came to surround them. The fragmented distribution of Nilo-Saharan languages in Figure 19.2 similarly implies that many speakers of those languages have been engulfed by speakers of Afroasiatic or Niger–Congo languages. But the distribution of Khoisan languages testifies to an even more dramatic engulfing. Those languages are famously unique in the whole world in their use of clicks as consonants. (If you’ve been puzzled by the name ǃKung Bushman, the exclamation mark is not an expression of premature"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about africa?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "tributed to modern African cattle breeds. Otherwise, all the remainder of Africa’s domestic mammals must have been domesticated elsewhere and introduced as domesticates to Africa, because their wild ancestors occur only in Eurasia. Africa’s sheep and goats were domesticated in Southwest Asia, its chickens in Southeast Asia, its horses in southern Russia, and its camels probably in Arabia. The most unexpected feature of this list of African domestic animals is again a negative one. The list includes not a single one of the big wild mammal species for which Africa is famous and which it possesses in such abundance – its zebras and wildebeests, its rhinos and hippos, its giraffes and buffalo. As we’ll see, that How Africa Became Black reality was as fraught with consequences for African history as was the absence of native domestic plants in subequatorial Africa. This quick tour through Africa’s food staples suffices to show that some of them"}
{"instruction": "How is africa presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "ily. By a method termed glottochronology, based on calculations of how rapidly words tend to change over historical time, comparative linguistics can even yield estimated dates for domestications or crop arrivals. Putting together direct archaeological evidence of crops with the more indirect linguistic evidence, we deduce that the people who were domesticating sorghum and millet in the Sahara thousands of years ago spoke languages ancestral to modern Nilo-Saharan languages. Similarly, the people who first domesticated wetcountry crops of West Africa spoke languages ancestral to the modern Niger– Congo languages. Finally, speakers of ancestral Afroasiatic languages may have been involved in domesticating the crops native to Ethiopia, and they certainly introduced Fertile Crescent crops to North Africa. Thus, the evidence derived from plant names in modern African languages permits us to glimpse the existence of three languages being spoken in Africa thou-"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about africa?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "have fed armies but also have provided an unstoppable cavalry to cut through the ranks of European horsemen. Rhino-mounted Bantu shock troops could have overthrown the Roman Empire. It never happened. A second factor is a corresponding, though less extreme, disparity between sub-Saharan Africa and Eurasia in domesticable plants. The Sahel, Ethiopia, and West Africa did yield indigenous crops, but many fewer varieties than grew in Eurasia. Because of the limited variety of wild starting material suitable for plant domestication, even Africa’s earliest agriculture may have begun several thousand years later than that of the Fertile Crescent. Thus, as far as plant and animal domestication was concerned, the head start and high diversity lay with Eurasia, not with Africa. A third factor is that Africa’s area is only about half that of Eurasia. Furthermore, only about one-third of its area falls within the sub-Saharan zone north of the equator that was occupied by"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on human history?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "or as canal builders intensively managing a productive fishery, depending on their environments. Of course, the continents differ in innumerable environmental features affecting trajectories of human societies. But a mere laundry list of every possible difference does not constitute an answer to Yali’s question. Just four sets of differences Epilogue: The Future of Human History as a Science appear to me to be the most important ones. The first set consists of continental differences in the wild plant and animal species available as starting materials for domestication. That’s because food production was critical for the accumulation of food surpluses that could feed nonfood-producing specialists, and for the buildup of large populations enjoying a military advantage through mere numbers even before they had developed any technological or political advantage. For both of those reasons, all developments of economically complex, socially stratified, politically centralized societies beyond"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat africa as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "and livestock, which depend strongly on climate and hence on latitude. But similar reasoning also applies to the diffusion of technological innovations, insofar as they are best suited without modification to specific environments. Diffusion was slower in Africa and especially in the Americas, because of those continents’ Epilogue: The Future of Human History as a Science north–south major axes and geographic and ecological barriers. It was also diffi- cult in traditional New Guinea, where rugged terrain and the long backbone of high mountains prevented any significant progress toward political and linguistic unification. Related to these factors affecting diffusion within continents is a third set of factors influencing diffusion between continents, which may also help build up a local pool of domesticates and technology. Ease of intercontinental diffusion has varied, because some continents are more isolated than others. Within the last 6,000 years it has been easiest from Eurasia to sub-Saharan Africa, supplying most"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of fertile?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "quest of Greece in the second century BC, and after the fall of the Roman Empire it eventually moved again, to western and northern Europe. The major factor behind these shifts becomes obvious as soon as one compares the modern Fertile Crescent with ancient descriptions of it. Today, the expressions “Fertile Crescent” and “world leader in food production” are absurd. Large areas of the former Fertile Crescent are now desert, semidesert, steppe, or heavily eroded or salinized terrain unsuited for agriculture. Today’s ephemeral wealth of some of the region’s nations, based on the single nonrenewable resource of oil, conceals the region’s long-standing fundamental poverty and difficulty in feeding itself. In ancient times, however, much of the Fertile Crescent and eastern Mediterranean region, including Greece, was covered with forest. The region’s transformation from fertile woodland to eroded scrub or desert has been elucidated by paleobotanists and archaeologists."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect china to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "One of those nomad groups (the Mongols) eventually destroyed the ancient irrigation systems of Iran and Iraq, but none of the Asian nomads ever succeeded in establishing themselves in the forests of western Europe beyond the Hungarian plains. Environmental factors also include the Fertile Crescent’s geographically intermediate location, controlling the trade routes linking China and India to Europe, and China’s more remote location from Eurasia’s other advanced civilizations, making China a gigantic virtual island within a continent. China’s relative isolation is especially relevant to its adoption and then rejection of technologies, so reminiscent of the rejections on Tasmania and other islands (Chapters 13 and 15). But this brief discussion may at least indicate the relevance of environmental factors to smaller-scale and shorter-term patterns of history, as well as to history’s broadest pattern. The histories of the Fertile Crescent and China also hold a salutary lesson for"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on historical?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "cutes parallel control experiments with that parameter held constant, holds other parameters constant throughout, replicates both the experimental manipulation and the control experiment, and obtains quantitative data. This strategy, which also works well in chemistry and molecular biology, is so identified with science in the minds of many people that experimentation is often held to be the essence of the scientific method. But laboratory experimentation can obviously play little or no role in many of the historical sciences. One cannot interrupt galaxy formation, start and stop hurricanes and ice ages, experimentally exterminate grizzly bears in a few national parks, or rerun the course of dinosaur evolution. Instead, one must gain knowledge in these historical sciences by other means, such as observation, comparison, and so-called natural experiments (to which I shall return in a moment). Historical sciences are concerned with chains of proximate and ultimate causes."}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with advanced?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "Hence seven years’ distance in time and focus now separates me from GGS’s writing. How does the book look in retrospect, and what has happened to change or extend its conclusions since its publication? To my admittedly biased eye, the book’s central message has survived well, and the most interesting developments since its publication have involved four extensions of the story to the modern world and to recent history. My main conclusion was that societies developed differently on different continents because of differences in continental environments, not in human biology. Advanced technology, centralized political organization, and other features of complex societies could emerge only in dense sedentary populations capable of accumulating food surpluses – populations that depended for their food on the rise of agriculture that began around 8500 BC. But the domesticable wild plant and animal species essential for that rise of agriculture were distributed very unevenly"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise europe?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "of technology, science, and capitalism by fostering competition between states and providing innovators with alternative sources of support and havens from persecution. Historians have subsequently pointed out to me that Europe’s fragmentation, China’s unity, and Europe’s and China’s relative strengths were all more complex than depicted in my account. The geographic boundaries of the political/social spheres that could usefully be grouped as “Europe” or “China” fluctuated over the centuries. China led Europe in technology at least until the 15th century and might do so again in the future, in which case the question “Why Europe, not China?” might only refer to an ephemeral phenomenon without deep explanation. Political fragmentation has more complex effects than only providing a constructive forum for competition: for instance, competition can be destructive as well as constructive (think of World Wars I and II). Fragmentation itself is a multifaceted rather"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe europe?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "prolonged survival of independent states. Instead, China’s geography facilitated eventual conquest and unification over a vast area, followed by long periods of relative stability under imperial rule. The resulting state system suppressed most of the conditions required for the emergence of modern science. … The explanation outlined above is certainly oversimplified. However, one of the advantages of this kind of account is that it escapes the circularity which often creeps into explanations which do not go deeper than social or cultural differences between Europe and China. Such explanations can always be challenged with a further question: why were Europe and China different with regard to those social or cultural factors? Explanations rooted ultimately in geography and ecology, however, have reached bedrock.” It remains a challenge for historians to reconcile these different approaches to answering the question “Why Europe, not China”."}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term german?", "input": "Source: Guns, Germs, and Steel", "output": "(Before you object that German Löwenbräu beer is widely available in the United States, please read the label on the next bottle of Löwenbräu that you drink here: it’s not produced in Germany but in North America, under license, in big factories with North American productivity and efficiencies of scale.) The German soap industry and consumer electronics industry are similarly inefficient; their companies are not exposed to competition with one another, nor are they exposed to foreign competition, and so they do not acquire the best practices of international industry. (When is the last time that you bought an improved TV set made in Germany?) But those disadvantages are not shared by the German metal and steel industries, in which big German companies have to compete with one another and internationally, and thus are forced to acquire the best international practices. My other favorite example form the McKinsey reports concerns the Japanese"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise healthcare?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "data and other factors unique to the patient. The publisher does not provide medical advice or guidance and this work is merely a reference tool. Healthcare professionals, and not the publisher, are solely responsible for the use of this work including all medical judgments and for any resulting diagnosis and treatments. Given continuous, rapid advances in medical science and health information, independent professional verifi cation of medical diagnoses, indications, appropriate pharmaceutical selections and dosages, and treatment options should be made and healthcare professionals should consult a variety of sources. When prescribing medication, healthcare professionals are advised to consult the product information sheet (the manufacturer’s package insert) accompanying each drug to verify, among other things, conditions of use, warnings and side effects and identify any changes in dosage schedule or contraindications, particularly if the"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe boxes?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "memory, focusing on changes in synaptic connections. HELPING STUDENTS LEARN Neuroscience: Exploring the Brain is not an exhaustive study. It is intended to be a readable textbook that communicates to students the important principles of neuroscience clearly and effectively. To help students learn neuroscience, we include a number of features designed to enhance comprehension: • Chapter Outlines and Introductory and Concluding Remarks. These elements preview the organization of each chapter, set the stage, and place the material into broader perspective. • Of Special Interest Boxes. These boxes are designed to illuminate the relevance of the material to the students’ everyday lives. • Brain Food Boxes. More advanced material that might be optional in many introductory courses is set aside for students who want to go deeper. • Path of Discovery Boxes. These essays, written by leading researchers, demonstrate a broad range of discoveries and the combination of"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term freshly?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "diary must carry the genetic message to the sites of protein synthesis in the cytoplasm. This function is performed by another long molecule called the anatomical study of brain cells had to await a method to harden the tissue without disturbing its structure and an instrument that could produce very thin slices. Early in the nineteenth century, scientists discovered how to harden, or “fi x,” tissues by immersing them in formaldehyde, and they developed a special device called a microtome to make very thin slices. These technical advances spawned the fi eld of histology , the microscopic study of the structure of tissues. But scientists studying brain structure faced yet another obstacle. Freshly prepared brain tissue has a uniform, cream-colored appearance under the microscope, with no differences in pigmentation to enable histologists to resolve individual cells. The fi nal breakthrough in neurohistology was the introduction of stains that selectively color some, but not all, parts of the cells in brain"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about university?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "Full Recovery Antonio Damasio, Ph.D. University of Southern California Los Angeles, California Concepts and Names in Everyday Science Nina Dronkers, Ph.D. University of California Davis, California Uncovering Language Areas of the Brain Geoffrey Gold, Ph.D. Monell Chemical Senses Center Philadelphia, Pennsylvania Channels of Vision and Smell Kristen M. Harris, Ph.D. University of Texas Austin, Texas For the Love of Dendritic Spines Thomas Insel, M.D., Director United States National Institute of Mental Health Rockville, Maryland Bonding with Voles Stephanie R. Jones, Ph.D. Brown University Providence, Rhode Island The Puzzle of Brain Rhythms Eric Kandel, M.D. Columbia University Howard Hughes Medical Institute New York, New York What Attracted Me to the Study of Learning and Memory in Aplysia? Nancy Kanwisher, Ph.D. Massachusetts Institute of Technology Cambridge, Massachusetts Finding Faces in the Brain Julie Kauer, Ph.D. Brown University"}
{"instruction": "Why does institute matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "Martinos Center for Biomedical Imaging at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, was processed by a computer algorithm to display bundles of axons traveling together as pseudo-colored noodles. The colors vary depending on the direction of water diffusion. (Source: Courtesy of Satrajit Ghosh and John Gabrieli, McGovern Institute for Brain Research and Department of Brain and Cognitive Sciences, Massachusetts Institute of Technology.) Part One Chapter Opener: Neurons and their neurites. Serial images were taken using an electron microscope of a small piece of the retina as thin slices were shaved off. Then, a computer algorithm, aided by thousands of people worldwide playing an online game called EyeWire, reconstructed each neuron and their synaptic connections—the “connectome” of this volume of tissue. In this image, the neurons are pseudocolored by the computer, and their neurites, the axons and dendrites from each cell, are displayed in their entirety."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame similarly german here?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "Similarly, German physiologist Hermann Munk using experimental ablation found evidence that the occipital lobe of the cerebrum was specifi cally required for vision. As you will see in Part II of this book, we now know that there is a very clear division of labor in the cerebrum, with different parts performing very different functions. Today’s maps of the functional divisions of the cerebrum rival even the most elaborate of those produced by the phrenologists. The big difference is that unlike the phrenologists, scientists today require solid experimental evidence before attributing a specifi c function to a portion of the brain. All the same, Gall seems to have had in part the right general idea. It is natural to wonder why Flourens, the pioneer of brain localization of function, was misled into believing that the cerebrum acted as a whole and could not be subdivided. This gifted experimentalist may have missed cerebral localization for many different"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about neuroscience?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "psychiatry, neurosurgery, and neuropathology (Table 1.1). Many who conduct clinical research continue in the tradition of Broca, attempting to deduce from the behavioral effects of brain damage the functions of various parts of the brain. Others conduct studies to assess the benefi ts and risks of new types of treatment. Despite the obvious value of clinical research, the foundation for all medical treatments of the nervous system continues to be laid by experimental neuroscientists, who may hold either an M.D. or a Ph.D. The experimental approaches to studying the brain are so broad that they include almost every conceivable methodology. Neuroscience is highly interdisciplinary; however, expertise in a particular methodology may distinguish one neuroscientist from another. Thus, there are neuroanatomists, who use sophisticated microscopes to trace connections in the brain; neurophysiologists, who use electrodes to measure the brain’s electrical"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about successful?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "of mammals. Moreover, as mentioned before, his profound distaste for Gall surely also colored his interpretation. The point is that the correct interpretation often is not made until long after the original observations. Indeed, major breakthroughs sometimes occur when old observations are reinterpreted in a new light. Verifi cation. The fi nal step of the scientifi c process is verifi cation. This step is distinct from the replication the original observer performed. Verifi cation means that the observation is suffi ciently robust that any competent scientist who precisely follows the protocols of the original observer can reproduce it. Successful verifi cation generally means that the observation is accepted as fact. However, not all observations can be verifi ed, sometimes because of inaccuracies in the original report or insuffi cient replication. But failure to verify usually stems from the fact that unrecognized variables, such as temperature or time of day, contrib-"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about depression?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "basic bodily functions, and fi nally of their life; the disease is always fatal. In the United States, the annual cost of care for people with dementia is greater than $100 billion and rising at an alarming rate. Depression and schizophrenia are disorders of mood and thought. Depression is characterized by overwhelming feelings of dejection, TABLE 1.3 Some Major Disorders of the Nervous System Disorder Description Alzheimer’s disease A progressive degenerative disease of the brain, characterized by dementia and always fatal Autism A disorder emerging in early childhood characterized by impairments in communication and social interactions, and restricted and repetitive behaviors Cerebral palsy A motor disorder caused by damage to the cerebrum before, during, or soon after birth Depression A serious disorder of mood, characterized by insomnia, loss of appetite, and feelings of dejection Epilepsy A condition characterized by periodic disturbances of"}
{"instruction": "How is neuroscientists presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "The electron microscope uses an electron beam instead of light to form images, dramatically increasing the resolving power. The limit of resolution for an electron microscope is about 0.1 nm—a million times better than the unaided eye and a thousand times better than a light microscope. Our insights into the fi ne structure of the inside of neurons—the ultrastructure—have all come from electron microscopic examination of the brain. Today, microscopes on the leading edge of technology use laser beams to illuminate tissue and computers to create digital images (Figure A). Neuroscientists now routinely introduce into neurons molecules that fl uoresce when illuminated by laser light. The fl uorescence is recorded by sensitive detectors, and the computer takes these data and reconstructs the image of the neuron. Unlike the traditional methods of light and electron microscopy, which require tissue fi xation, these new techniques give neuroscientists the"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about another?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "normally high level of the amino acid in the blood and brain. If the condition goes untreated, brain growth is stunted and severe intellectual disability results. Another example is Down syndrome , which occurs when the fetus has an extra copy of chromosome 21, thus disrupting normal gene expression during brain development. Another cause of intellectual disability is problems during pregnancy that can include a maternal infection, for example with German measles (rubella), and malnutrition. Children born to alcoholic mothers frequently have fetal alcohol syndrome comprising a constellation of developmental abnormalities that include intellectual disability. Other causes of intellectual disability are asphyxia of the infant during childbirth and environmental impoverishment—the lack of good nutrition, socialization, and sensory stimulation—during infancy. Although some forms of intellectual disability have very clear physical correlates (e.g., stunted growth; abnormalities"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on primates?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "during more than one stage of the task. One possible interpretation of these changes in response patterns is that they refl ect the formation of a habit for which the striatum codes a sequence of behaviors initiated in the T-maze situation. At present this is only a hypothesis, but it is intriguing because of the connectivity of the striatum—taking in highly processed sensory information and sending out signals involved in motor responses. Habit Learning in Humans and Nonhuman Primates Studies with monkeys indicate that the effects of selective brain lesions on memory are comparable in rodents and primates. In primates, there is a similar dissociation between the effects of lesions to the hippocampal system and the striatum. As we have already seen, lesions to the medial temporal lobe signifi cantly impair performance on the delayed non-match to sample task that uses declarative memory. However, consider another task in which the animal repeatedly sees two visual stimuli, such as a"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with aunt tilly?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "You learned the structure of the brain and are able to impress Aunt Tilly by making a sketch showing the location of the medulla oblongata. We cannot identify the precise neurons and synapses involved in storing nondeclarative or declarative memories, but research is moving us closer to such an understanding. We know that learning and memory involve changes widely across the brain. Structures in the medial temporal lobe and diencephalon are critical for memory consolidation, and engrams are stored in the neocortex through interactions with the hippocampus and other structures. Specifying precisely what each brain structure contributes to learning and memory continues to challenge researchers. We have seen that memories can be classifi ed based on duration, the kind of information stored, and the brain structures involved. Early brain research relied on interpreting the effects of brain lesions on amnesia. From the case of H.M. alone, a tremendous amount was learned about"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise kandel?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "number of neurons due to a brain disease. Neural network models can reproduce the experimental observations of experience-dependent shifts in neuronal selectivity, thereby yielding insights into how memory is stored. As we have said, one such insight is that memories are distributed and show graceful degradation in response to a loss of neurons. Another key insight is that the physical change that leads to memory can be the modifi cation of synaptic weight that changes the input–output relationships of neurons. Synapses store memories. The notion of a synaptic basis for memory received strong experimental support from Eric Kandel’s studies of the marine snail Aplysia . Kandel and colleagues were able to show that simple forms of learning, such as habituation and sensitization, were accompanied by changes in the strength of synaptic transmission between sensory neurons and motor neurons. Moreover, they were able to dissect many of the molecular mechanisms that underlie"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe planck institute?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "glutamate. However, action potentials are generated in the soma in response to depolarization of the membrane beyond threshold. Because this happens far away from the synapses located out on the dendritic tree, it was assumed for a time that the actual occurrence of the spike was not important for the mechanism of synaptic potentiation. The important thing was the strong depolarization in the dendrite, due to summed synaptic currents, which, coincidentally, was also usually suf- fi cient to evoke a postsynaptic action potential. While it remains true that the key is strong postsynaptic depolarization, researchers took another look at the role of B R A I N F O O D the postsynaptic spike in LTP. This new attention resulted from the discovery that action potentials generated in the soma can actually “back-propagate” into the dendrites of some cells. Thus, Henry Markram, Bert Sakmann, and their colleagues at the Max Planck Institute investigated what hap-"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term synapses?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "neuroscientists has revealed that this can present a problem. To illustrate, let’s consider Hebbian synaptic strengthening. Synapses potentiate when they are active at the same time as their postsynaptic target neuron. As they undergo LTP, these synapses exert more infl uence on the postsynaptic cell, making it more likely to respond and thereby causing further potentiation of all synapses that are active at the same time. Computer simulations show that eventually all synapses on the neuron will potentiate, and stimulus selectivity (and memory) will be lost. A similar problem can arise with synaptic weakening: By reducing postsynaptic activity, LTD makes synapses more likely to be weakened until they eventually disappear altogether. Unchecked synaptic plasticity can therefore lead to unstable neuronal responses. As we learned in Chapter 15, homeostasis is the term used to describe regulatory processes that maintain the internal en-"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about viagra?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "As we have discussed, not all experiences are remembered equally. Some are seared permanently into our memories. Others remain with us only briefl y and then fade away. The modulation of gene expression by CREB provides a molecular mechanism that can control the strength of a memory. A failure of memories to consolidate is a feature of numerous brain disorders as well as the aging process. The recent understanding of how consolidation is regulated has spawned a new industry focused on developing memory-enhancing drugs. Such drugs could greatly improve the quality of life for individuals with neurological diseases, such as Alzheimer’s. However, there is also the allure of performance enhancement in healthy people. By analogy, consider the widespread use of such drugs as Viagra introduced to treat male erectile dysfunction. “Viagra for the brain,” as such memory enhancers have been whimsically called, continues to be pursued. Although compounds have been discovered that boost memory"}
{"instruction": "Why does neuron matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "given structure. See also efferent. after-hyperpolarization The hyperpolarization that follows strong depolarization of the membrane; the last part of an action potential, also called undershoot. agnosia The inability to recognize objects, even though simple sensory skills appear to be normal; most commonly caused by damage to posterior parietal areas of the brain. agoraphobia A mental disorder characterized by severe anxiety about being in situations in which escape might be diffi cult or embarrassing. alpha motor neuron A neuron that innervates the extrafusal fi bers of skeletal muscle. amacrine cell A neuron in the retina of the eye that projects neurites laterally in the inner plexiform layer. amino acid A chemical building block of protein molecules, containing a central carbon atom, an amino group, a carboxyl group, and a variable R group. Ammon’s horn A layer of neurons in the hippocampus that sends axons into the fornix. amnesia A severe loss of memory or the ability to"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame axoplasmic here?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "the nose or rostral. anterior cingulate cortex Region of the cerebral cortex, just anterior to the descending limb of the corpus callosum, which has been implicated in the pathophysiology of mood disorders. anterograde amnesia The inability to form new memories. anterograde transport Axoplasmic transport from a neuron’s soma to the axon terminal. antidepressant drug A drug that treats the symptoms of depression by elevating brain levels of monoamine neurotransmitters; examples are tricyclics, monoamine oxidase (MAO) inhibitors, and SSRIs. antidiuretic hormone (ADH) See vasopressin. anxiety disorder One of a group of mental disorders characterized by irrational or inappropriate expressions of fear, including panic disorder, agoraphobia, and OCD. anxiolytic drug A medication that reduces anxiety; examples are benzodiazepines and SSRIs. aphasia A partial or complete loss of language abilities following brain damage. See also Broca’s aphasia, conduction aphasia, Wernicke’s aphasia."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about meynert?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "axon A neurite specialized to conduct nerve impulses, or action potentials, normally away from the soma. axon collateral A branch of an axon. axon hillock A swelling of the axon where it joins the soma. axon terminal The end region of an axon, usually a site of synaptic contact with another cell; also called terminal bouton or presynaptic terminal. axoplasmic transport The process of transporting materials down an axon. ballism A movement disorder caused by damage to the subthalamus, characterized by violent, fl inging movements of the extremities. barbiturate A class of drugs with sedative, general anesthetic, and anticonvulsant effects; barbiturates act in part by binding to GABAA receptors and prolonging their inhibitory actions. basal forebrain complex Several cholinergic nuclei of the telencephalon, including the medial septal nuclei and basal nucleus of Meynert. basal ganglia A collection of associated cell groups in the basal forebrain, including the caudate nu-"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about cannon bard?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "the upper gastrointestinal tract; a satiety signal that inhibits feeding behavior, in part, by acting on axons of the vagus nerve that respond to gastric distension. cholinergic Describing neurons or synapses that produce and release acetylcholine. chromosome A structure in the cell nucleus containing a single linear thread of DNA. ciliary muscle A muscle that controls the shape of the eye’s lens. circadian rhythm Any rhythm with a period of about 1 day. classical conditioning A learning procedure in which a stimulus that evokes a measurable response is associated with another stimulus that normally does not evoke this response. climbing fi ber An axon of an inferior olive neuron that innervates a Purkinje cell of the cerebellum. Climbing fi ber activity is an important trigger for LTD, a form of synaptic plasticity believed to be important for motor learning. Cannon–Bard theory A theory of emotion proposing that emotional experience is independent of"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on transgene?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "gene of interest (gene X) fl anked by loxP sites with another mouse in which Cre recombinase is under the control of the ChAT promoter. In the offspring, gene X is cut out only in the cells expressing Cre, namely, the cholinergic neurons. CHAPTER 2 NEURONS AND GLIA Lox-Stop-Lox transgenic mouse Stop Stop sequence Cre recombinase expressed only in cholinergic neuron deleted only in Cre-expressing cells LoxP LoxP ChAT Cre mouse Cholinergic neuron-specific transgenic mouse DNA DNA Transgene X expressed only in Cre-expressing cells Ubiquitous promoter Transgene X ChAT promoter Gene encoding Cre-recombinase X Parents Offspring Figure B A transgene of interest (transgene X) can also be expressed exclusively in cholinergic neurons. First, a mouse is created in which expression of the transgene is prevented by insertion of a fl oxed stop sequence between a strong, ubiquitous promoter and the coding region of the gene. Crossing this mouse with the ChAT-Cre mouse results in offspring in which the stop sequence has been deleted"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about cerebral?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "cerebellar hemispheres The lateral regions of the cerebellum. cerebellum A structure derived from the rhombencephalon, attached to the brain stem at the pons; an important movement control center. cerebral aqueduct A canal fi lled with cerebrospinal fl uid within the midbrain. cerebral cortex The layer of gray matter that lies just under the surface of the cerebrum. GLOSSARY coronal plane An anatomical plane of section that divides the nervous system into anterior and posterior parts. corpus callosum The great cerebral commissure, consisting of axons connecting the cortex of the two cerebral hemispheres. cortex Any collection of neurons that forms a thin sheet, usually at the brain’s surface. cortical module The unit of cerebral cortex that is necessary and suffi cient to analyze one discrete point in a sensory surface. cortical plate A cell layer of the immature cerebral cortex containing undifferentiated neurons. cortical white matter A collection of axons lying"}
{"instruction": "How is photoreceptor presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "commissure Any collection of axons that connect one side of the brain with the other side. complex cell A type of visual cortical neuron that has an orientation-selective receptive fi eld without distinct ON and OFF subregions. concentration gradient A difference in concentration from one region to another. Ionic concentration gradients across the neuronal membrane help determine the membrane potential. conductance See electrical conductance. conduction aphasia A type of aphasia associated with damage to the arcuate fasciculus, characterized by good comprehension and speech but diffi culty repeating words. cone photoreceptor A photoreceptor in the retina containing one of three photopigments that are maximally sensitive to different wavelengths of light. Cones are concentrated in the fovea, specialized for daytime vision, and responsible for all color vision. See also rod photoreceptor. conjunctiva The membrane that folds back from the"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about dorsal?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "pothesis suggesting that schizophrenia is caused by excessive activation of D2 receptors in the mesocorticolimbic dopamine system in the brain. dorsal An anatomical reference meaning toward the back. dorsal cochlear nucleus A nucleus in the medulla that receives afferents from the spiral ganglion in the cochlea of the inner ear. dorsal column A white matter tract on the dorsal side of the spinal cord, carrying touch and proprioceptive axons to the brain stem. dorsal column–medial lemniscal pathway An ascending somatic sensory pathway that mediates information about touch, pressure, vibration, and limb proprioception. dorsal column nucleus One of a pair of nuclei located in the posterior medulla; target of dorsal column axons, mediating touch and proprioceptive input from the limbs and trunk. dorsal horn The dorsal region of the spinal cord containing neuronal cell bodies. dorsal longitudinal fasciculus A bundle of axons reciprocally connecting the hypothalamus and mid-"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on system?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "low Na \u0002 concentrations. endorphin One of many endogenous opioid peptides with actions similar to those of morphine; present in many brain structures, particularly those related to pain. engram The physical representation or location of a memory; also called memory trace. enteric division A division of the autonomic nervous system that innervates the digestive organs; consists of the myenteric and submucous plexuses. entorhinal cortex A cortical region in the medial temporal lobe that occupies the medial bank of the rhinal sulcus; provides input to the hippocampus. ependymal cell A type of glial cell that provides the lining of the brain’s ventricular system. ephrin A protein secreted by neurons in many parts of the developing nervous system that helps establish topographic axonal connections. epilepsy A chronic brain disorder characterized by recurrent seizures. epinephrine A catecholamine neurotransmitter synthesized from norepinephrine; also called"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat schwann as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "nous neural activity that spreads to encompass the entire cerebral hemispheres. See also partial seizure. genetic engineering The manipulation of an organism’s genome by inserting or deleting DNA. genetic sex The sex of an animal or person based solely on genotype. genome The total content of an organism’s genetic material. genotype The genetic makeup of an animal or person. ghrelin A peptide secreted by cells in the stomach that stimulates appetite by activating orexigenic neurons in the hypothalamus. glial cell A support cell in the nervous system. Glia are classifi ed into four categories: astrocytes, oligodendroglia, Schwann cells, and microglia. Astrocytes regulate the extracellular environment of the brain, oligodendroglia and Schwann cells provide myelin, and microglia scavenge debris. globus pallidus A part of the basal ganglia in the basal forebrain; consists of external (GPe) and internal (GPi) segments. It is involved in motor control."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of frontal?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "only cone photoreceptors and is specialized for highacuity vision. frequency The number of sound waves or other discrete events per second, expressed in hertz (Hz). frontal eye fi eld (FEF) A cortical area in the frontal lobe involved in the generation of saccadic eye movements. frontal lobe The region of the cerebrum lying anterior to the central sulcus under the frontal bone. frontoparietal attention network A group of interconnected brain areas involved in guiding visual attention. FSH See follicle-stimulating hormone. GLOSSARY gustation The sense of taste. gustatory nucleus A nucleus in the brain stem that receives primary taste input. gyrus A bump or bulge lying between the sulci of the cerebrum. Plural: gyri. habituation A type of nonassociative learning leading to decreased behavioral responses to repeated stimulation. hair cell An auditory cell that transduces sound into a change in membrane potential or a vestibular cell"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect cerebral to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "that ensures that modifi cations induced by stimulation of one input onto a neuron do not spread to other unstimulated inputs on the same neuron. in situ hybridization A method for localizing strands of messenger RNA within cells. instrumental conditioning A learning procedure in which a response, such as a motor act, is associated with a stimulus reward, such as food. insula Cerebral cortex, also known as insular cortex, that lies within the lateral sulcus between the temporal and parietal lobes. insulin A hormone released by the \u0005 cells of the pancreas; regulates blood glucose levels by controlling the expression of glucose transporters in the plasma membrane of non-neuronal cells. intensity The amplitude of a sound wave. Sound intensity is the amplitude of the pressure differences in a sound wave that perceptually determines loudness. internal capsule A large collection of axons that connects the telencephalon with the diencephalon."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on potential?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "within cells. incus An ossicle in the middle ear whose shape somewhat resembles an anvil. induced pluripotent stem cells Stem cells with the potential to differentiate into any cell type, including neurons, that are chemically transformed from mature cells derived from a person. inferior colliculus A nucleus in the midbrain from which all ascending auditory signals project to the medial geniculate nucleus. inferior olive A nucleus of the medulla that gives rise to climbing fi ber input to the cerebellar cortex. Climbing fi ber activity is an important trigger for LTD, a form of synaptic plasticity believed to be important for motor learning. infl ammation A natural protective response of tissues to harmful stimuli. The cardinal signs of in- fl ammation in skin include heat, redness, swelling, and pain. inhibitor A drug or toxin that blocks the normal action of a protein or a biochemical process. inhibitory postsynaptic potential (IPSP) A change in the postsynaptic membrane potential by"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with hypothalamus?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "that uses words or signs combined according to grammatical rules. language acquisition The process by which humans learn to understand language and speak. lateral An anatomical reference meaning away from the midline. lateral geniculate nucleus (LGN) A thalamic nucleus that relays information from the retina to the primary visual cortex. lateral hypothalamic area A poorly defi ned region of the hypothalamus that has been implicated in the motivation of behavior. GLOSSARY mechanoreceptor Any sensory receptor selective for mechanical stimuli, such as hair cells of the inner ear, various receptors of the skin, and stretch receptors of skeletal muscle. medial An anatomical reference meaning toward the midline. medial forebrain bundle A large bundle of axons coursing through the hypothalamus carrying efferents from the dopaminergic, noradrenergic, and serotonergic neurons in the brain stem and fi bers interconnecting the hypothalamus, limbic struc-"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise marr albus?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "malleus An ossicle in the middle ear attached to the tympanic membrane; shaped somewhat like a hammer. mania An elevated, expansive, or irritable mood that is characteristic of bipolar disorder. Marr–Albus theory of motor learning The theory that parallel fi ber synapses on Purkinje cells are modifi ed when their activity coincides with climbing fi ber activity. GLOSSARY monoamine hypothesis of mood disorders A hypothesis suggesting that depression is a consequence of a reduction in the levels of monoamine neurotransmitters, particularly serotonin and norepinephrine, in the brain. monocular deprivation An experimental manipulation that deprives one eye of normal vision. monogamy Mating behavior in which two individuals form a tightly bound relationship that includes exclusive or nearly exclusive mating with each other. Morris water maze A task used to assess spatial memory in which a rodent must swim to a hidden platform below the surface of a pool of water."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat diffusion as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "membrane. Such movement also requires that external forces be applied to drive them across. Because the functioning nervous system requires the movement of ions across the neuronal membrane, it is important that we understand these forces. Ionic movements through channels are infl uenced by two factors: diffusion and electricity. Diffusion Ions and molecules dissolved in water are in constant motion. This temperature-dependent, random movement tends to distribute the ions evenly throughout the solution. Therefore, there is a net movement of ions from regions of high concentration to regions of low concentration; this movement is called diffusion . For example, when a teaspoon of milk is added to a cup of hot tea, the milk tends to spread evenly through the tea solution. If the thermal energy of the solution is reduced, as with iced tea, the diffusion of milk molecules will take noticeably longer. Although ions typically do not pass through a phospholipid bilayer"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe brandeis university?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "molecular medicine The approach of using genetic information to develop medical treatments for disease. molecular switch hypothesis The idea that protein kinases can be switched “on” by autophosphorylation to a state in which they no longer require the presence of a specifi c second messenger to be active. Such persistently active kinases may hold the memory of an episode of strong synaptic activation. Initially proposed by John Lisman at Brandeis University. GLOSSARY neuromuscular junction A chemical synapse between a spinal motor neuron axon and a skeletal muscle fi ber. neuron The information-processing cell of the nervous system; also called nerve cell. Most neurons use action potentials to send signals over a distance, and all neurons communicate with one another using synaptic transmission. neuron doctrine The concept that the neuron is the elementary functional unit of the brain and that neurons communicate with each other by contact,"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term corti?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "foreign genes into neurons that express membrane ion channels that open in response to light. orexigenic peptide A neuroactive peptide that stimulates feeding behavior; examples are neuropeptide Y (NPY), agouti-related peptide (AgRP), melanin-concentrating hormone (MCH), and orexin. organ of Corti An auditory receptor organ that contains hair cells, rods of Corti, and supporting cells. organelle A membrane-enclosed structure inside a cell; examples are the nucleus, mitochondrion, endoplasmic reticulum, and Golgi apparatus. organizational effect The ability of a hormone to infl uence the prenatal development of sex organs and the brain. orientation column A column of visual cortical neurons stretching from layer II to layer VI that responds best to the same stimulus orientation. orientation selectivity The property of a cell in the visual system that responds to a limited range of stimulus orientations. osmometric thirst The motivation to drink water as"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about lesions?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "nomic nervous system. See also central nervous system. perirhinal cortex A cortical region in the medial temporal lobe that occupies the lateral bank of the rhinal sulcus. Lesions to this area in humans produce profound anterograde amnesia. periventricular zone A hypothalamic region that lies most medially, bordering the third ventricle. outer nuclear layer A layer of the retina of the eye containing the cell bodies of photoreceptors. outer plexiform layer A layer of the retina of the eye between the inner nuclear layer and the outer nuclear layer; contains the neurites and synapses between photoreceptors, horizontal cells, and bipolar cells. oval window A hole in the bony cochlea of the inner ear, where movement of the ossicles is transferred to movement of the fl uids in the cochlea. overshoot The part of an action potential when the membrane potential is more positive than 0 mV. oxytocin A small peptide hormone released from the posterior pituitary by magnocellular neurosecre-"}
{"instruction": "Why does mating matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "sponds only when the animal is in a certain region of space. planum temporale An area on the superior surface of the temporal lobe that is frequently larger in the left than in the right hemisphere. PLC See phospholipase C. PNS See peripheral nervous system. polyandry Mating behavior in which one female mates with more than one male. polygyny Mating behavior in which one male mates with more than one female. polypeptide A string of amino acids held together by peptide bonds. polyribosome A collection of several ribosomes fl oating freely in the cytoplasm. pons The part of the rostral hindbrain that lies ventral to the cerebellum and the fourth ventricle. pontine nuclei The clusters of neurons that relay information from the cerebral cortex to the cerebellar cortex. GLOSSARY pyramidal tract A tract running along the ventral medulla that carries corticospinal axons. quantal analysis A method of determining how many vesicles release neurotransmitter during"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame protein here?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "protein kinase C (PKC) A protein kinase activated by the second messenger DAG. protein phosphatase An enzyme that removes phosphate groups from proteins. protein synthesis The assembly of protein molecules in the cell’s cytoplasm according to genetic instructions. proximal (girdle) muscle A muscle that controls the shoulder or pelvis. psychological constructionist theories of emotion Explanations of emotions in which each emotion is an emergent consequence of combining non-emotional psychological components such as body sensations and attention. psychosurgery Brain surgery used to treat mental or behavioral disorders. P-type ganglion cell A type of ganglion cell in the retina characterized by a small cell body and dendritic arbor, a sustained response to light, and sensitivity to different wavelengths of light; also called P cell. pulvinar nucleus A mass of neurons in the posterior thalamus that have widespread reciprocal connections with areas across the cerebral cortex."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about photoreceptor?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "proteins from amino acids according to the instructions carried by messenger RNA. rising phase The fi rst part of an action potential, characterized by a rapid depolarization of the membrane. RNA splicing The process by which introns, the regions of a primary RNA transcript that are not used to code protein, are removed. rod photoreceptor A photoreceptor in the retina containing rhodopsin and specialized for low light levels. See also cone photoreceptor. GLOSSARY shunting inhibition A form of synaptic inhibition in which the main effect is to reduce membrane resistance, thereby shunting depolarizing current generated at excitatory synapses. simple cell A neuron found in primary visual cortex that has an elongated orientation-selective receptive fi eld with distinct ON and OFF subregions. skeletal muscle A type of striated muscle that is under voluntary control and that functions to move bones around joints; derived from mesodermal somites."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about retention?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "structure or behavior. sexually dimorphic nucleus (SDN) A neuron cluster in the preoptic area of the anterior hypothalamus that in rats is signifi cantly larger in males than in females. sham rage A display of great anger in a situation that would not normally cause anger; behavior produced by brain lesions. short-term memory Retention of information about recent events or facts that is not yet consolidated into long-term memory. GLOSSARY substantia A group of related neurons deep within the brain, usually with less distinct borders than those of nuclei. substantia gelatinosa A thin dorsal part of the dorsal horn of the spinal cord that receives input from unmyelinated C fi bers; important in the transmission of nociceptive signals. substantia nigra A cell group in the midbrain that uses dopamine as a neurotransmitter and innervates the striatum. subthalamic nucleus A part of the basal ganglia in the basal forebrain; involved in motor control."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about spinal?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "fi ring rate of the postsynaptic neuron. spinal canal The CSF-fi lled space within the spinal cord. spinal cord The part of the central nervous system in the vertebral column. spinal nerve A nerve attached to the spinal cord that innervates the body. spinal segment One set of dorsal and ventral roots plus the portion of spinal cord related to them. spinothalamic pathway An ascending somatic sensory pathway traveling from the spinal cord to the thalamus via the lateral spinothalamic columns; mediates information about pain, temperature, and some forms of touch. spiny neuron A neuron with dendritic spines. spiral ganglion A collection of neurons in the modiolus of the cochlea that receives input from hair cells and sends output to the cochlear nuclei in the medulla via the auditory nerve. split-brain study An examination of behavior in animals or humans whose cerebral hemispheres have been disconnected by cutting the corpus callosum. spotlight of attention The ability of visual at-"}
{"instruction": "How is membrane presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "translation The process of synthesizing a protein molecule according to genetic instructions carried by a messenger RNA molecule. transmitter-gated ion channel A membrane protein forming a pore that is permeable to ions and gated by neurotransmitter. transporter A membrane protein that transports neurotransmitters, or their precursors, across membranes to concentrate them in either presynaptic cytosol or synaptic vesicles. trigeminal nerve Cranial nerve V; attaches to the pons and carries primarily sensory axons from the head, mouth, and dura mater and motor axons of mastication. trophic factor Any molecule that promotes cell survival. troponin A protein that binds Ca 2 \u0002 in a skeletal muscle cell, thereby regulating the interaction of myosin and actin. TTX See tetrodotoxin. tympanic membrane A membrane at the internal end of the auditory canal that moves in response to variations in air pressure; also called eardrum. synaptic transmission The process of transferring"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about cranial?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "cantly less than 1 day. See also circadian rhythm. unconscious emotion The experience or expression of emotion in the absence of conscious awareness of the stimulus that evoked the emotion. undershoot The part of an action potential when the membrane potential is more negative than at rest; also called after-hyperpolarization. unipolar neuron A neuron with a single neurite. V1 Primary visual cortex or striate cortex. vagus nerve Cranial nerve X, arising from the medulla and innervating the viscera of the thoracic and abdominal cavities; a major source of preganglionic parasympathetic visceromotor axons. vascular organ of the lamina terminalis (OVLT) A specialized region of the hypothalamus containing neurons that are sensitive to blood tonicity; they activate magnocellular neurosecretory cells to release vasopressin into the blood, triggering osmometric thirst. vasopressin A small peptide hormone released from the posterior pituitary by magnocellular neurosecre-"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of mrs adkins?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "To choose death, Mrs. Adkins switched the solution to one that contained an anesthetic solution, followed automatically by potassium chloride. The anesthetic caused Mrs. Adkins to become unconscious by suppressing the activity of neurons in part of the brain called the reticular formation. Cardiac arrest and death were then caused by the KCl injection. The ionic basis of the resting membrane potential explains why the heart stopped beating. Recall that the proper functioning of excitable cells (including those of cardiac muscle) requires that their membranes be maintained at the appropriate resting potential whenever they are not generating impulses. The negative resting potential is a result of selective ionic permeability to K\u0002 and to the metabolic pumps that concentrate potassium inside the cell. However, as Figure 3.19 shows, membrane potential is very sensitive to changes in the extracellular concentration of potassium. A tenfold rise in extra-"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect channels to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "the falling phase. First, the voltage-gated sodium channels inactivate. Second, the voltage-gated potassium channels fi nally open (triggered to do so 1 msec earlier by the depolarization of the membrane). There is a great driving force on K \u0003 when the membrane is strongly depolarized. Therefore, K \u0003 rushes out of the cell through the open channels, causing the membrane potential to become negative again. • Undershoot . The open voltage-gated potassium channels add to the resting potassium membrane permeability. Because there is very little sodium permeability, the membrane potential goes toward E K , causing a hyperpolarization relative to the resting membrane potential until the voltage-gated potassium channels close again. • Absolute refractory period . Sodium channels inactivate when the membrane becomes strongly depolarized. They cannot be activated again, and another action potential cannot be generated, until the membrane potential becomes suffi ciently negative to deinactivate the channels."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on neurotransmitter?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "BOX 5.2 PATH OF DISCOVERY: For the Love of Dendritic Spines, by Kristen M. Harris The Neuromuscular Junction PRINCIPLES OF CHEMICAL SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION Neurotransmitters Neurotransmitter Synthesis and Storage Neurotransmitter Release BOX 5.3 BRAIN FOOD: How to SNARE a Vesicle Neurotransmitter Receptors and Effectors Transmitter-Gated Ion Channels BOX 5.4 BRAIN FOOD: Reversal Potentials G-Protein-Coupled Receptors Autoreceptors Neurotransmitter Recovery and Degradation Neuropharmacology BOX 5.5 OF SPECIAL INTEREST: Bacteria, Spiders, Snakes, and People PRINCIPLES OF SYNAPTIC INTEGRATION The Integration of EPSPS Quantal Analysis of EPSPs EPSP Summation The Contribution of Dendritic Properties to Synaptic Integration Dendritic Cable Properties Excitable Dendrites Inhibition BOX 5.6 OF SPECIAL INTEREST: Startling Mutations and Poisons IPSPs and Shunting Inhibition The Geometry of Excitatory and Inhibitory Synapses Modulation In Chapters 3 and 4, we discussed how mechanical energy, such as a"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with synaptic?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "vital bodily functions. PRINCIPLES OF CHEMICAL SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION Consider the basic requirements of chemical synaptic transmission. There must be a mechanism for synthesizing neurotransmitter and packing it into the synaptic vesicles, a mechanism for causing vesicles to spill their contents into the synaptic cleft in response to a presynaptic action potential, a mechanism for producing an electrical or biochemical response to neurotransmitter in the postsynaptic neuron, and a mechanism for removing neurotransmitter from the synaptic cleft. And, to be useful for sensation, perception, and the control of movement, all these things must often occur very rapidly, within milliseconds. No wonder physiologists were initially skeptical about the existence of chemical synapses in the brain! Fortunately, thanks to several decades of research on the topic, we now understand how many of these aspects of synaptic transmission are so effi ciently carried out."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise neurotransmitter?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "Once inside the cytosol of the terminal, the transmitters may be reloaded into synaptic vesicles or enzymatically degraded and their breakdown products recycled. Neurotransmitter transporters also exist in the membranes of glia surrounding the synapse, which assist in the removal of neurotransmitter from the cleft. Neurotransmitter action can also be terminated by enzymatic destruction in the synaptic cleft itself. This is how ACh is removed at the neuromuscular junction, for example. The enzyme acetylcholinesterase (AChE) is deposited in the cleft by the muscle cells. AChE cleaves the ACh molecule, rendering it inactive at the ACh receptors. The importance of transmitter removal from the cleft should not be underestimated. At the neuromuscular junction, for example, uninterrupted exposure to high concentrations of ACh after several seconds leads to a process called desensitization , in which, despite the continued presence of ACh, the transmitter-gated channels close."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe synaptic?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "of some psychiatric disorders, and their neuropharmacological treatment, in Chapter 22. PRINCIPLES OF SYNAPTIC INTEGRATION Most CNS neurons receive thousands of synaptic inputs that activate different combinations of transmitter-gated ion channels and G-proteincoupled receptors. The postsynaptic neuron integrates all these complex ionic and chemical signals to produce a simple form of output: action potentials. The transformation of many synaptic inputs to a single neuronal output constitutes a neural computation. The brain performs billions of neural computations every second we are alive. As a fi rst step toward understanding how neural computations are performed, let’s explore some basic principles of synaptic integration. Synaptic integration is the process by which multiple synaptic potentials combine within one postsynaptic neuron. The Integration of EPSPs The most elementary postsynaptic response is the opening of a single"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term synaptic?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "out before it reaches the soma. CHAPTER 5 SYNAPTIC TRANSMISSION that is processed by the nervous system. However, there are many synapses with G-protein-coupled neurotransmitter receptors that are not directly associated with an ion channel. Synaptic activation of these receptors does not directly evoke EPSPs and IPSPs but instead modifi es the effectiveness of EPSPs generated by other synapses with transmitter-gated channels. This type of synaptic transmission is called modulation . We’ll give you a taste for how modulation infl uences synaptic integration by exploring the effects of activating one type of G-protein-coupled receptor in the brain, the norepinephrine beta ( ) receptor. The binding of the amine neurotransmitter norepinephrine (NE) to the receptor triggers a cascade of biochemical events within the cell. In short, the receptor activates a G-protein that, in turn, activates an effector protein, the intracellular enzyme adenylyl cyclase."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about channels?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "Catecholaminergic Neurons Serotonergic Neurons Amino Acidergic Neurons Other Neurotransmitter Candidates and Intercellular Messengers BOX 6.3 OF SPECIAL INTEREST: This Is Your Brain on Endocannabinoids TRANSMITTER-GATED CHANNELS The Basic Structure of Transmitter-Gated Channels Amino Acid-Gated Channels Glutamate-Gated Channels BOX 6.4 OF SPECIAL INTEREST: Exciting Poisons: Too Much of a Good Thing GABA-Gated and Glycine-Gated Channels G-PROTEIN-COUPLED RECEPTORS AND EFFECTORS The Basic Structure of G-Protein-Coupled Receptors The Ubiquitous G-Proteins G-Protein-Coupled Effector Systems The Shortcut Pathway Second Messenger Cascades Phosphorylation and Dephosphorylation The Function of Signal Cascades DIVERGENCE AND CONVERGENCE IN NEUROTRANSMITTER SYSTEMS Normal functions of the human brain require an orderly set of chemical reactions. As we have seen, some of the brain’s most important chemical reactions are those associated with synaptic transmission."}
{"instruction": "Why does transmitters matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "fying the neurotransmitter. This is no simple task; the brain contains uncountable different chemicals. How can we decide which few chemicals are used as transmitters? Over the years, neuroscientists have established certain criteria that must be met for a molecule to be considered a neurotransmitter: 1. The molecule must be synthesized and stored in the presynaptic neuron. 2. The molecule must be released by the presynaptic axon terminal upon stimulation. 3. The molecule, when experimentally applied, must produce a response in the postsynaptic cell that mimics the response produced by the release of neurotransmitter from the presynaptic neuron. Let’s start by exploring some of the strategies and methods that are used to satisfy these criteria. Localization of Transmitters and Transmitter- Synthesizing Enzymes The scientist often begins with little more than a hunch that a particular molecule may be a neurotransmitter. This idea may be based on observing"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame neurotransmitter here?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "unequivocally in the CNS. Studying Synaptic Mimicry Establishing that a molecule is localized in, synthesized by, and released from a neuron is still not suffi cient to qualify it as a neurotransmitter. A third criterion must be met: The molecule must evoke the same response as that produced by the release of the naturally occurring neurotransmitter from the presynaptic neuron. To assess the postsynaptic actions of a transmitter candidate, a method called microiontophoresis is sometimes used. Most neurotransmitter candidates can be dissolved in solutions that will cause them to acquire a net electrical charge. A glass pipette with a very fi ne tip, just a few micrometers across, is fi lled with the ionized solution. The tip of the pipette is carefully positioned next to the postsynaptic membrane of the neuron, and the transmitter candidate is ejected in very small amounts by passing electrical current through the pipette. Neurotransmitter candidates can also be ejected"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about aberdeen scotland?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "actions of opiates, such as euphoria, pain relief, depression of breathing, and pupillary constriction. The properties of opiate receptors resembled very much what one would expect for neurotransmitters. Accordingly, we used similar approaches to search for receptors for neurotransmitters in the brain, and within a few years had identifi ed receptors for most of them. These fi ndings raised an obvious question: Why do opiate receptors exist? Humans were not born with morphine in them. Might the opiate receptor be a receptor for a new transmitter that regulates pain perception and emotional states? We and other groups attempted to isolate the hypothesized, normally occurring, morphine-like neurotransmitters. John Hughes and Hans Kosterlitz in Aberdeen, Scotland, were the fi rst to succeed. They isolated and obtained the chemical structures of the fi rst “endorphins,” which are called the enkephalins. In our own laboratory, Rabi Simantov and I"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about adenosine?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "co-transmitters. ATP also occurs as a co-transmitter with GABA, glutamate, ACh, DA, and peptide transmitters in various specialized types of neurons. ATP directly excites some neurons by gating cation channels. In this sense, some of the neurotransmitter functions of ATP are similar to those of glutamate and ACh. ATP binds to purinergic receptors , some of which are transmitter-gated ion channels. There is also a large class of G-protein-coupled purinergic receptors. Following its release from synapses, ATP is degraded by extracellular enzymes, yielding adenosine. Adenosine itself does not meet the standard defi nition of a neurotransmitter because it is not packaged in vesicles, but it does activate several adenosine-selective receptors. The most interesting discovery about neurotransmitters in the past few years is that small lipid molecules, called endocannabinoids ( endogenous cannabinoids), can be released from postsynaptic neurons and act on"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about primitive?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "damage to these structures disrupts the ability to initiate voluntary movement. Other structures, contributing to other brain functions, are also present in the basal telencephalon. For example, in Chapter 18, we’ll discuss a structure called the amygdala that is involved in fear and emotion. Although the hypothalamus lies just under the thalamus, functionally it is more closely related to certain telencephalic structures like the amygdala. The hypothalamus performs many primitive functions and therefore has not changed much over the course of mammalian evolution. “Primitive” does not mean unimportant or uninteresting, however. The hypothalamus controls the visceral (autonomic) nervous system, which regulates bodily functions in response to the needs of the organism. For example, when you are faced with a threatening situation, the hypothalamus orchestrates the body’s visceral fi ght-or-fl ight response. Hypothalamic commands to the ANS will lead to (among other things)"}
{"instruction": "How is colliculus presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "courses through the midbrain en route to the spinal cord. Damage to this tract in the midbrain on one side produces a loss of voluntary control of movement on the opposite side of the body. The tectum differentiates into two structures: the superior colliculus and the inferior colliculus. The superior colliculus receives direct input from the eye, so it is also called the optic tectum. One function of the optic tectum is to control eye movements, which it does via synaptic connections with the motor neurons that innervate the eye muscles. Some of the axons that supply the eye muscles originate in the midbrain, bundling together to form cranial nerves III and IV. The inferior colliculus also receives sensory information but from the ear instead of the eye. The inferior colliculus serves as an important relay station for auditory information en route to the thalamus. The tegmentum is one of the most colorful regions of the brain because"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about pathways?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "certain refl ex movements. Dorsal column Ascending Sensory Pathways Corticospinal tract Rubrospinal tract Medullary reticulospinal tract Tectospinal tract Vestibulospinal tract (9X) Pontine reticulospinal tract Spinothalamic tract Lateral pathway Ventromedial pathway Descending Motor Pathways Heart Plane of section THE AUTONOMIC NERVOUS SYSTEM In addition to the somatic PNS, which is devoted largely to the voluntary control of movement and conscious skin sensations, there is visceral PNS, devoted to the regulation of the internal organs, glands, and vasculature. Because this regulation occurs automatically and is not under direct conscious control, this system is called the autonomic nervous system, or ANS. The two most important divisions of the ANS are called the sympathetic and parasympathetic divisions. The illustration shows the cavity of the body as it appears when it has been sectioned sagittally at the level of the eye. Notice the vertebral column, which is"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on anterior?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "bral arteries. Notice that the posterior cerebral arteries send branches, called posterior communicating arteries, that connect them to the internal carotids. The internal carotids branch to form the middle cerebral arteries and the anterior cerebral arteries. The anterior cerebral arteries of each side are connected by the anterior communicating artery. Thus, there is a ring of connected arteries at the brain’s base, formed by the posterior cerebral and communicating arteries, the internal carotids, and the anterior cerebral and communicating arteries. This ring is called the circle of Willis . THE BLOOD SUPPLY OF THE BRAIN Anterior cerebral artery Anterior communicating artery Middle cerebral artery Internal carotid artery Posterior communicating artery Basilar artery Vertebral arteries Posterior cerebral artery Superior cerebellar artery (1X) CHAPTER 7 APPENDIX: AN ILLUSTRATED GUIDE TO HUMAN NEUROANATOMY Terminal cortical branches of anterior"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat gustatory as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "axons enter the gustatory nucleus within the medulla. Gustatory nucleus axons synapse on neurons of the thalamus, which project to primary gustatory cortex in regions of the postcentral gyrus and insular cortex. The enlargements show planes of section through ① the medulla and ② the forebrain. (c) The central taste pathways summarized. Primary gustatory Primary gustatory Fourth ventricle Medulla Pyramidal tract Left gustatory Afferents from tongue and epiglottis Anterior tongue Posterior tongue Gustatory Gustatory VPM Epiglottis Lateral ventricles Third ventricle Tongue Cranial nerve VII Cranial nerves IX IX VII X X (a) (b) (c) Epiglottis Left ventral posterior medial (VPM) nucleus of thalamus are involved in a variety of other sensory and motor functions, but their taste axons all enter the brain stem, bundle together, and synapse within the slender gustatory nucleus , a part of the solitary nucleus in the medulla. From the gustatory nucleus, taste pathways diverge."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of adaptation?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "by David Williams Regional Differences in Retinal Structure and Their Visual Consequences PHOTOTRANSDUCTION Phototransduction in Rods Phototransduction in Cones Color Perception BOX 9.5 OF SPECIAL INTEREST: The Genetics of Color Vision Dark and Light Adaptation Calcium’s Role in Light Adaptation Local Adaptation of Dark, Light, and Color RETINAL PROCESSING AND OUTPUT The Receptive Field Bipolar Cell Receptive Fields Ganglion Cell Receptive Fields Structure-Function Relationships Color-Opponent Ganglion Cells Ganglion Cell Photoreceptors Parallel Processing Vision is remarkable; it lets us detect things as tiny and close as a mosquito on the tip of our nose, or as immense and far away as a galaxy hundreds of thousands of light-years away. Sensitivity to light enables animals, including humans, to detect prey, predators, and mates. Based on the light bounced into our eyes from objects around us, we somehow make sense of a complex world."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect keffer hartline to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "ceptors work. Since about 1950, neuroscientists have studied the action potential discharges of retinal ganglion cells as the retina is stimulated with light. The pioneers of this approach were neurophysiologists Keffer Hartline and Stephen Kuffl er working in the United States and Horace Barlow working in England. Their research uncovered which aspects of a visual image were encoded as ganglion cell output. Early studies of horseshoe crabs and frogs gave way to investigations of cats and monkeys. Researchers learned that similar principles are involved in retinal processing across a wide range of species. Progress in understanding how ganglion cell properties are generated by synaptic interactions in the retina has been slower. This is so because only ganglion cells fi re action potentials ; all other cells in the retina (except some amacrine cells) respond to stimulation with graded changes in membrane potential. The detection of such graded changes requires"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on ganglion?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "One millimeter on the retina corresponds to a visual angle of about 3.5°. Bipolar cell receptive fi eld diameters range from a fraction of a degree in the central retina to several degrees in the peripheral retina. The center-surround receptive fi eld organization is passed on from bipolar cells to ganglion cells via synapses in the inner plexiform layer. The lateral connections of the amacrine cells in the inner plexiform layer also contribute to the elaboration of ganglion cell receptive fi elds and the integration of rod and cone input to ganglion cells. Numerous types of amacrine cells have been identifi ed, which make diverse contributions to ganglion cell responses. Ganglion Cell Receptive Fields Most retinal ganglion cells have essentially the same concentric centersurround receptive fi eld organization as bipolar cells. ON-center and OFF-center ganglion cells receive input from the corresponding type of bipolar cell. An important difference is that, unlike bipolar cells, gan-"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with national institutes?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "pay for scan time, I knew that my scanning privileges would not continue unless I hit a home run—and quickly. The extensive behavioral literature on normal and braindamaged individuals strongly suggested that a special part of the brain might exist for face perception. We decided to look for it. Leslie Ungerleider and Jim Haxby and their colleagues at the National Institutes of Health (NIH) had already shown strong activations on the bottom of the temporal lobes when people look at faces. What they had not investigated was whether this response was specifi c to faces, or whether the same region might also be engaged during perception of other complex visual stimuli. This specifi city question connected directly to one of the most long-standing and fi erce debates in the histories of both cognitive science and neuroscience: To what extent are the mind and brain composed of special-purpose mechanisms, each processing a specifi c kind of information?"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise auditory?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "Response Properties of Neurons in the Auditory Pathway To understand the transformations of auditory signals that occur in the brain stem, we must fi rst consider the nature of the input from the neurons in the spiral ganglion of the cochlea. Because most spiral ganglion cells receive input from a single inner hair cell at a particular location on the basilar membrane, they fi re action potentials only in response to sound within a limited frequency range. After all, hair cells are excited by deformations of the basilar membrane, and each portion of the membrane is maximally sensitive to a particular range of frequencies. Auditory MGN Inferior colliculus Superior olive Ventral cochlear Spiral ganglion Auditory nerve Lateral lemniscus Auditory MGN Inferior colliculus Lateral lemniscus Superior olive Spiral ganglion Auditory nerve fiber Dorsal cochlear Ventral cochlear Cochlea ▲ FIGURE 11.18 Auditory pathways. Neural signals can travel from the spiral ganglion"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe octopus?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "Nace Golding, Ramazan Bal, and Michael Ferragamo, working in my lab, demonstrated that octopus cells have exceptionally large, mutually opposing types of voltage-sensitive ion channels. These give the cells short time constants and allow them to detect coincidence in the submillisecond time range. Nace and I puzzled over the fact that synaptic potentials sum over a fraction of one millisecond, yet auditory nerve inputs to octopus cells are activated by a traveling wave that sweeps down the cochlea over multiple milliseconds. Matthew McGinley helped to resolve that puzzle. Octopus cells earn their name by extending dendrites in only one direction; cell bodies send dendrites across the tonotopic array of auditory nerve fi bers so that the earliest synaptic inputs (tuned to high frequencies) impinge on the tips of dendrites while the latest synaptic inputs (tuned to low frequencies) terminate near the cell body. EPSPs take time to propagate along the dendrites"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term vestibular system?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "In humans, the primary defi - cit that results from a unilateral loss of A1 is the inability to localize the source of a sound. It may be possible to determine which side of the head a sound comes from, but there is little ability to locate the sound more precisely. Performance on such tasks as frequency or intensity discrimination is near normal. Studies in experimental animals indicate that smaller lesions can produce rather specifi c localization defi cits. Because of the tonotopic organization of A1, it is possible to make a restricted cortical lesion that destroys neurons with characteristic frequencies within a limited frequency range. Interestingly, there is a localization defi cit only for sounds roughly corresponding to the characteristic frequencies of the missing cells. This fi nding reinforces the idea that information in different frequency bands may be processed in parallel by tonotopically organized structures. THE VESTIBULAR SYSTEM"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about variations?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "operates unnoticed to coordinate and calibrate our every movement. We have followed the auditory pathways from the ear to cerebral cortex and seen the ways in which information about sound is transformed. Variations in the density of air are converted to movements of the mechanical components of the middle and inner ear, which are transduced into neural responses. The structures of the ear and cochlea are highly specialized for the transduction of sound. However, this fact should not blind us to the considerable similarities between the organization of the auditory system and that of other sensory systems. Many analogies can be made between the auditory and visual systems. In the sensory receptors of both systems, a spatial code is established. In the visual system, the code in the photoreceptors is retinotopic; the activity of a given photoreceptor indicates light at a particular location. The receptors in the auditory system establish a spatial code that is tonotopic because of"}
{"instruction": "Why does bradykinin matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "lation, extremes in temperature, oxygen deprivation, and exposure to certain chemicals, among other causes. The membranes of nociceptors contain ion channels that are activated by these types of stimuli. Consider as an example the events that accompany your stepping on a thumbtack (recall Chapter 3). The simple stretching or bending of the nociceptor membrane activates mechanically gated ion channels that cause the cell to depolarize and generate action potentials. In addition, damaged cells at the site of injury can release a number of substances that cause ion channels on nociceptor membranes to open. Examples of released substances are proteases (enzymes that digest proteins), adenosine triphosphate (ATP), and K \u0007 . Proteases can break down an abundant extracellular peptide called kininogen to form another peptide called bradykinin . Bradykinin binds to specifi c receptor molecules that activate ionic conductances in some nociceptors."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame thalamus here?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "spinal path. The small-diameter fi bers in the trigeminal nerve synapse fi rst on second-order sensory neurons in the spinal trigeminal nucleus of the brain stem. The axons of these cells cross and ascend to the thalamus in the trigeminal lemniscus . In addition to the spinothalamic and trigeminothalamic pathways, other closely related pain (and temperature) pathways send axons into a variety of structures at all levels of the brain stem, before they reach the thalamus. Some of these pathways are particularly important in generating sensations of slow, burning, agonizing pain, while others trigger a more general state of behavioral arousal and alertness. The Thalamus and Cortex. The spinothalamic tract and trigeminal lemniscal axons synapse over a wider region of the thalamus than those of the medial lemniscus. Some of the axons terminate in the VP nucleus, just as the medial lemniscal axons do, but the touch and pain systems still remain segregated there by occupying separate regions of the nucleus."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about potential?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "The fi rst way the CNS controls muscle contraction is by varying the fi ring rate of motor neurons. An alpha motor neuron communicates with a muscle fi ber by releasing the neurotransmitter acetylcholine (ACh) at the neuromuscular junction, the specialized synapse between a nerve and a skeletal muscle (see Chapter 5). Because of the high reliability of neuromuscular transmission, the ACh released in response to one presynaptic action potential causes an excitatory postsynaptic potential (EPSP) in the muscle fi ber (sometimes also called an end-plate potential ) large enough to trigger one postsynaptic action potential. By mechanisms we will discuss in a moment, a postsynaptic action potential causes a twitch— a rapid sequence of contraction and relaxation—in the muscle fi ber. A sustained contraction requires a continual barrage of action potentials. High-frequency presynaptic activity causes temporal summation of the postsynaptic responses, as it does for other types of synaptic transmis-"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about muscle?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "self-reinnervated muscles. Our colleague Richard Nichols, using different methods, corroborated our fi ndings. The results were clear and puzzling: Muscle stretch utterly fails to recruit motor neurons after recovery from nerve cuts. So what defect accounts for the nearly complete and persistent absence of stretch refl exes following injury? A key result emerged from our studies of EPSPs recorded from motor neurons during natural stretch of the muscle. The Ia synaptic potentials were weaker, of course, in part because roughly half of the Ia axons were not responding appropriately to muscle stretch. In addition, Edyta Bichler and Katie Bullinger in our lab made the prescient observation that these diminished EPSPs could be found only in about half of the motor neurons studied, while the other half showed no EPSPs at all (Figure A). Normally, Ia axons produce an EPSP in every motor neuron that innervates the same muscle. These observations highlighted a key shortcoming of Ia"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about sensory?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "tion. Sensory information before the movement was initiated was crucial in order to decide when to initiate the pitch, to determine the starting positions of the limbs and body, and to anticipate any changes in resistance during the throw. And sensory information during the movement is also important, not necessarily for the movement at hand, but for improving subsequent similar movements. The proper functioning of each level of the motor control hierarchy relies so heavily on sensory information that the motor system of the brain might properly be considered a sensorimotor system . At the highest level, sensory information generates a mental image of the body and its relationship to the environment. At the middle level, tactical decisions are based on the memory of sensory information from past movements. At the lowest level, sensory feedback is used to maintain posture, muscle length, and tension before and after each voluntary movement."}
{"instruction": "How is generator electrode presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "lowest threshold for the elicitation of movement by electrical stimulation. In other words, stimulation intensities that are unable to evoke movement in other cortical areas are still effective in evoking movement when applied to area 4, meaning that area 4 has dense, strong synaptic connections with the motor neurons and the spinal interneurons that drive them. Focal electrical stimulation of area 4 evokes the contraction of small groups of muscles, and, as we discussed earlier, the somatic musculature is mapped systematically in this area. This ribbon of cortex that stretches the full length of the precentral gyrus is sometimes also called the motor strip . THE INITIATION OF MOVEMENT BY PRIMARY MOTOR CORTEX Generator Electrode brain implant skin below the collarbone. Postoperatively, therapists work with the patients to tune the properties of the stimulation for optimal effectiveness and minimal side effects. Considering the complexities of the brain’s functions and"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about brown university?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "Focal electrical stimulation of the colliculus evokes saccades whose directions and amplitudes are correlated with the visual receptive fi elds of cells at the stimulus site. A small change in the position of the stimulating electrode results in small changes in the saccade’s direction and amplitude. Certain collicular neurons discharge in association with saccadic eye movements, as if they are part of the control mechanism that specifi es the dimensions of the movement. This activity occurs in association with saccades that terminate across a restricted zone of visual space called the movement fi eld of the cell, by analogy to the sensory receptive fi eld. How could such cells specify the target of a saccade with any accuracy if their movement fi elds and visual receptive fi elds are very large? The answer began to emerge from experiments on the cat’s superior colliculus in my laboratory at Brown University and from studies of the primate’s superior colliculus by David"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on figure one?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "broadcast on a satellite network. The widespread satellite transmission may allow her to tell millions of people that you forgot her birthday, and the loudspeaker in each television set will announce the message to anyone within earshot. Likewise, certain neurons communicate with hundreds of thousands of other cells. These widespread systems tend to act relatively slowly, over seconds to minutes. Because of their broad, protracted actions, such systems in the brain can orchestrate entire behaviors, ranging from falling asleep to falling in love. Indeed, many of the behavioral dysfunctions collectively known as mental disorders are believed to result specifi cally from imbalances of certain of these chemicals. In this chapter, we look at three components of the nervous system that operate in expanded space and time (Figure 15.1). One component is the secretory hypothalamus . By secreting chemicals directly into the bloodstream, the secretory hypothalamus can infl uence functions throughout"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat oxytocin as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "All lactating mothers know about the complex “letdown” refl ex that involves the oxytocin neurons of the hypothalamus. Oxytocin release may be stimulated by the somatic sensations generated by a suckling baby. But the sight or sound of a baby (even someone else’s) can also trigger the release of milk beyond the mother’s conscious control. In each case, information about a sensory stimulus—somatic, visual, or auditory—reaches the cerebral cortex via the usual route, the thalamus, and the cortex ultimately stimulates the hypothalamus to trigger oxytocin release. The cortex can also suppress hypothalamic functions, such as when anxiety inhibits the letdown of milk. Vasopressin, also called antidiuretic hormone (ADH) , regulates blood volume and salt concentration. When the body is deprived of water, the blood volume decreases and blood salt concentration increases. These changes are detected by pressure receptors in the cardiovascular system"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of hormone?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "loss of blood; to positive emotional stimulation, such as falling in love; to psychological stress, such as anxiety over an upcoming exam. TABLE 15.1 Hormones of the Anterior Pituitary Hormone Target Action Follicle-stimulating hormone (FSH) Gonads Ovulation, spermatogenesis Luteinizing hormone (LH) Gonads Ovarian and sperm maturation Thyroid-stimulating hormone (TSH); also called thyrotropin Thyroid Thyroxin secretion (increases metabolic rate) Adrenocorticotropic hormone (ACTH); also called corticotropin Adrenal Cortisol secretion (mobilizes energy stores, inhibits immune system, other actions) Growth hormone (GH) All cells Stimulation of protein synthesis Prolactin Mammary glands Growth and milk secretion Ho Horm rmon one Ta Targ rget et Ac Actition on CHAPTER 15 CHEMICAL CONTROL OF THE BRAIN AND BEHAVIOR Parvocellular neurosecretory cells that control the adrenal cortex determine whether a stimulus is stressful or not (as defi ned by the release"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect stress to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "nomic functions are usually carried out automatically, without conscious, voluntary control. They are also highly coordinated functions. Imagine a sudden crisis. In a morning class, as you are engrossed in a crossword puzzle, the instructor unexpectedly calls you to the blackboard to solve an THE AUTONOMIC NERVOUS SYSTEM BOX 15.1 Stress and the Brain Biological stress is created by the brain in response to real or imagined stimuli. The many physiological responses associated with stress help protect the body and the brain from the dangers that triggered the stress in the fi rst place. But stress in chronic doses can have insidious harmful effects as well. Neuroscientists have only begun to understand the relationship between stress, the brain, and brain damage. Stress leads to the release of the steroid hormone cortisol from the adrenal cortex. Cortisol travels to the brain through the bloodstream and binds to receptors in the cytoplasm of"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on stimulates?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "digestion, growth, immune responses, and energy storage. In most cases, Sympathetic division Parasympathetic division Eye Salivary glands Lungs Inhibits salivation Stimulates salivation Dilates pupil Constricts pupil Cervical Cranial Thoracic Constricts blood vessels Heart Stomach Pancreas Liver Relaxes airways Accelerates heartbeat Inhibits digestion Stimulates secretion of epinephrine and norepinephrine from adrenal medulla Stimulates glucose production and release Oculomotor nerve (III) Facial nerve (VII) Small intestine Large intestine Rectum Bladder Reproductive organs Stimulates urinary bladder to contract Relaxes urinary bladder Stimulates sexual arousal Stimulates orgasm Preganglionic neurons Postganglionic neurons Preganglionic neurons Cervical Vagus nerve (X) Thoracic Lumbar Sacral NE neurons ACh neurons Slows heartbeat Stimulates digestion Stimulates pancreas to release insulin and digestive enzymes Dilates blood vessels in gut"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with control?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "CHAPTER 15 CHEMICAL CONTROL OF THE BRAIN AND BEHAVIOR the enteric nervous system and digestive functions are inhibited by the strong activation of the sympathetic nervous system that occurs during acute stress. Central Control of the ANS. As we have said, the hypothalamus is the main regulator of the autonomic preganglionic neurons. Somehow this diminutive structure integrates the diverse information it receives about the body’s status, anticipates some of its needs, and provides a coordinated set of both neural and hormonal outputs. Essential to autonomic control are the connections of the periventricular zone to the brain stem and spinal cord nuclei that contain the preganglionic neurons of the sympathetic and parasympathetic divisions. The nucleus of the solitary tract , located in the medulla and connected with the hypothalamus, is another important center for autonomic control. In fact, some autonomic functions operate well even when the brain stem is disconnected from"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise adrenaline?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "This response occurs because the balance of ANS activity is shifted toward the sympathetic division when parasympathetic actions are blocked. On the other hand, drugs that promote the muscarinic actions of ACh or inhibit the actions of NE are parasympathomimetic ; they cause effects that mimic activation of the parasympathetic division of the ANS. For example, propranolol , an antagonist of the \u0003 receptor for NE, slows the heart rate and lowers blood pressure. For this reason, propranolol is sometimes used to prevent the physiological consequences of stage fright. But what about the familiar fl ow of adrenaline? Adrenaline (epinephrine) is the compound released into the blood from the adrenal medulla when activated by preganglionic sympathetic innervation. Epinephrine is actually made from norepinephrine (called noradrenaline in the United Kingdom), and it has effects on target tissues almost identical to those caused by sympathetic activation."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe nuclei serotonin-containing?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "Because of its widespread connections, the locus coeruleus can infl uence virtually all parts of the brain. But to understand its actual functions, we start by determining what activates its neurons. Recordings from awake, behaving rats and monkeys show that locus coeruleus neurons are most strongly activated by new, unexpected, nonpainful sensory stimuli in the animal’s environment. They are least active when the animals are not vigilant, just sitting around quietly, digesting a meal. The locus coeruleus may participate in a general arousal of the brain during interesting events in the outside world. Because NE can make neurons of the cerebral cortex more responsive to salient sensory stimuli, the locus coeruleus may function generally to increase brain responsiveness, speeding information processing by the point-to-point sensory and motor systems and making them more effi cient. The Serotonergic Raphe Nuclei. Serotonin-containing neurons are mostly"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term cholinergic?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "functions. (However, there is widespread neuronal death in Alzheimer’s disease, and no specifi c link between the disease and cholinergic neurons has been established.) Like the noradrenergic and serotonergic systems, the cholinergic system has been implicated in regulating general brain excitability during arousal and sleep–wake cycles. The basal forebrain complex may also play a special role in learning and memory formation. The second diffuse cholinergic system is called the pontomesencephalotegmental complex . These are ACh-utilizing cells in the pons and midbrain tegmentum. This system acts mainly on the dorsal thalamus, where, together with the noradrenergic and serotonergic systems, it regulates the excitability of the sensory relay nuclei. These cells also project up to the telencephalon, providing a cholinergic link between the brain stem and basal forebrain complexes. Figure 15.15 shows the cholinergic systems. Medial septal nuclei"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about tyrosine dopa?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "and DA reuptake and stimulates the release of DA. Thus, these drugs can prolong and intensify the effects of released DA or NE. Is this the means by which cocaine and amphetamine cause their stimulant effects? There is good reason for thinking so. For example, experimental depletion of brain catecholamines by using synthesis inhibitors (such as \u0005 - methyltyrosine) will abolish the stimulant effects of both cocaine and amphetamine. Besides having a similar stimulant effect, cocaine and amphetamine share another, more insidious behavioral action: psychological dependence, or addiction. Users will develop powerful cravings for prolonging and continuing drug-induced pleasurable feelings. These effects are believed to NE – – – NE NE DA DA – Tyrosine Dopa Norepinephrine (NE) \u0002-Methyltyrosine Activates postsynaptic and presynaptic receptors NE Cocaine or amphetamine Activates postsynaptic and presynaptic receptors DA Dopamine Tyrosine Dopa Dopamine (DA)"}
{"instruction": "Why does hypothalamus homeostasis matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "vide a detailed explanation for why the sailing expedition was abandoned in favor of writing this chapter. Nonetheless, much has been learned about what motivates certain behaviors that are basic to survival. THE HYPOTHALAMUS, HOMEOSTASIS, AND MOTIVATED BEHAVIOR The hypothalamus and homeostasis were introduced in Chapter 15. Recall that homeostasis refers to the processes that maintain the internal environment of the body within a narrow physiological range. Although homeostatic refl exes occur at many levels of the nervous system, the hypothalamus plays a key role in the regulation of body temperature, fl uid balance, and energy balance. The hypothalamic regulation of homeostasis starts with sensory transduction. A regulated parameter (e.g., temperature) is measured by specialized sensory neurons, and deviations from the optimal range are detected by neurons concentrated in the periventricular zone of the hypothalamus. These neurons then orchestrate an integrated response to bring the param-"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame the mch here?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "mus contribute to the motivation of feeding behavior. Let’s fi rst concentrate on the role of the neurons within the lateral hypothalamic area. One group of neurons in the lateral hypothalamus that receives direct input from the leptin-sensitive cells of the arcuate nucleus has yet another peptide neurotransmitter called MCH ( melanin-concentrating hormone ). These cells have extremely widespread connections in the brain, including direct monosynaptic innervation of most of the cerebral cortex. The cortex is involved in organizing and initiating goal-directed behaviors, such as raiding the refrigerator. The MCH system is in a strategic position to inform the cortex of leptin levels in the blood and therefore could contribute signifi cantly to motivating the search for food. Supporting this idea, the injection of MCH into the brain stimulates feeding behavior. Moreover, mutant mice that lack this peptide exhibit reduced feeding behavior, have an elevated metabolic rate, and are lean."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about kidney mechanoreceptors?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "thalamus (and the retention of water by the kidneys) normally go hand in hand. However, selective loss of the vasopressin-secreting neurons of the hypothalamus produces a curious condition called diabetes insipidus , in which the body works against the brain. As a consequence of the loss of vasopressin, the kidneys pass too much water from the blood to the urine. The resulting dehydration stimulates the strong motivation to drink water; however, the water absorbed from the intestines passes quickly through the kidneys into the urine. Thus, diabetes insipidus is characterized by extreme thirst coupled with frequent excretion of a large amount of pale, watery urine. This condition can be treated by replacing the missing vasopressin. Nucleus of the solitary tract Vagus nerve Heart Kidney Mechanoreceptors in walls of major blood vessels and heart detect drop in blood pressure Bloodborne angiotensin II signals reduced blood flow to kidneys Subfornical organ"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about sexual?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "Sexual and reproductive behaviors are clearly different in men and women, but just how different are the brains of the two sexes? We will explore this question and see whether brain differences pertain to only reproductive behaviors or more generally to behavior and cognition. Ultimately, the origin of most distinctions between males and females is the genes inherited from the parents. Under the guidance of certain genes, the human body produces a small number of sex hormones that have powerful effects on the sexual differentiation of the body, as well as adult sexual physiology and behavior. The reproductive organs (the ovaries and testes), which secrete sex hormones, are outside the nervous system, but they are activated by the brain. Recall from Chapter 15 that the hypothalamus controls the release of diverse hormones from the anterior pituitary. In the case of reproductive function, the hormones released by the anterior pituitary regulate secretions from the ovaries and testes."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about ovaries?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "Sperm maturation also requires testosterone, meaning that both LH and FSH play key roles in male fertility. Because there is cortical input to the hypothalamus, it is possible for psychological factors to decrease male fertility by inhibiting gonadotropin secretion and sperm production. In females, LH and FSH cause the secretion of estrogens from the ovaries. In the absence of gonadotropins, the ovaries are inactive, which is the situation throughout childhood. Cyclic variations in LH and FSH levels in adult females cause periodic changes in the ovaries, and the timing and duration of LH and FSH secretion determine the nature of the reproductive cycle, or menstrual cycle . In the follicular phase of the cycle, these hormones (particularly FSH) increase the growth of a small Anterior pituitary GnRH LH FSH Ovaries (or testes) Cellular targets throughout body Estradiol or testosterone Psychological and sensory influences ▲ FIGURE 17.7 Bidirectional interactions be-"}
{"instruction": "How is sensory presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "commonly in the temporal lobe. In the surgical treatment of epilepsy, electrical stimulation of the medial temporal lobe or the basal forebrain has been reported to cause sexual arousal in some patients. Electrical stimulation of the medial temporal lobe has also been found to produce CHAPTER 17 SEX AND THE BRAIN Fallopian tube Erectile tissue Glans penis Urethra Testis Vas deferens Sacral Lumbar Parasympathetic pathways Sympathetic pathways Sensory pathways Uterus Urinary bladder Clitoris Urethra Vagina Labia Rectum Cervix Bulbourethral gland Brain centers Prostate gland Urinary bladder Seminal vesicle Rectum ▲FIGURE 17.8 The neural control of human sex organs. Sensory information from the sex organs follows the dorsal column–medial lemniscal pathway to the brain. feelings of orgasm in at least a few patients. Studies in additional patients and in non-epileptic brains are needed to confi rm the association between orgasm and temporal lobe activation."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about social?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "tor tools to answer questions about the mechanisms by which oxytocin and vasopressin infl uence social cognition and social behavior. Two insights emerged. First, altering the regional expression of receptors in brain could change social organization, inducing or preventing mating-induced attachment. This was quite a shock because it meant that release of the same peptide had completely different effects in different species. And as we compared monogamous and nonmonogamous species, we noticed a surprising pattern. In monogamous rodents and primates, oxytocin receptors were found in brain areas associated with reward, as if this single receptor linked the social world to the circuitry for motivation. Today, oxytocin is also being studied in autism and schizophrenia. Of course, the vole work has raised questions about monogamy in humans. I have always been reluctant to extrapolate from voles to mice, so extrapolating from voles to humans seems a fool’s errand."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on university college?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "tionships, faithfulness, and love? It is too early to be sure, but intriguing pieces of evidence suggest that voles may teach us something about the human brain and behavior. For example, there is evidence that human plasma oxytocin levels increase during breastfeeding in mothers and during sexual intercourse in men and women. In a series of experiments, Andreas Bartels and Semir Zeki at University College London have used functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) to explore human brain activity associated with maternal and romantic love and bonding. In an experiment investigating maternal love, while brain scans were being taken, mothers saw pictures of their child intermixed with pictures of other familiar children. In a second experiment studying romantic love, brain activity was compared when men and women viewed pictures of partners and pictures of friends. The differences in brain activity for one’s child versus other children and one’s partner ver-"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat female as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "tally actually leads to an increase in estrogen, which binds to estradiol receptors, thereby triggering masculinization of the developing nervous system. What is not clear is which genes are regulated in various parts of the brain by sex hormones to account for masculinization. Female gonads do not produce an early surge of testosterone or estrogen, so female brains are not affected in the same way as male brains. An interesting and important complication arises regarding the response of the fetal brain to circulating hormones. In addition to the estrogens and androgens produced by the fetal gonads, hormones coming from the pregnant mother’s placenta reach the circulation of the fetus. A reasonable question is why estrogens from the mother do not alter sexual development of the fetal brain. We have said that estrogen, rather than testosterone, is actually responsible for masculinization, so why doesn’t the female fetus become masculinized in response to estrogens passed to the fetus from the"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of nevertheless cah?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "dress like women, and they choose men as their sex partners. Occasionally, genetic females have a condition called congenital adrenal hyperplasia (CAH) , which literally means overgrown adrenal glands present at birth. Although they are genetically female, because their adrenal glands secrete unusually large amounts of androgens, CAH females are exposed to abnormally high levels of circulating androgens early in their development. At birth, they have normal ovaries and no testes, but their external genitals are intermediate in size between a normal clitoris and a penis. Surgery and medications are the usual treatments after birth. Nevertheless, CAH girls (and their parents) are more likely to describe their behavior as aggressive and tomboyish. As adults, most CAH women are heterosexual, but, compared to other women, a higher percentage of CAH women are homosexual. Presumably, by analogy to the animal studies, prenatal exposure to high levels of androgens causes a somewhat"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect tail to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "Brain activation was surprisingly similar in both, with particular activation in the NA. The hypothesis is that in both instances, there is stimulation of the dopamine system associated with reward and addiction. The tactile stimulation of the suckling pups may make nursing a reinforcing behavior to promote mother–infant bonding and, ultimately, the survival of the pups. Even though fathers do not experience the dramatic body changes associated with pregnancy and lactation, their interactions with children may alter their brains in fundamental ways. A hint of this comes from a study in Elizabeth Gould’s lab at Princeton University, where she examined the brains of marmosets. Marmoset fathers are unusually involved in child care; indeed, they carry the babies around for the fi rst few months of life. It (a) (b) Dorsal surface Lactating Nonlactating Dorsal surface Tail Tail Primary somatosensory Nipple locations Tail Hindlimb (HL) Hindlimb"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on aggression?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "EMOTION THEORIES AND NEURAL REPRESENTATIONS Basic Emotion Theories Dimensional Emotion Theories What is an Emotion? BOX 18.3 PATH OF DISCOVERY: Concepts and Names in Everyday Science, by Antonio Damasio FEAR AND THE AMYGDALA The Klüver–Bucy Syndrome Anatomy of the Amygdala Effects of Amygdala Stimulation and Lesions A Neural Circuit for Learned Fear ANGER AND AGGRESSION The Amygdala and Aggression Surgery to Reduce Human Aggression BOX 18.4 OF SPECIAL INTEREST: The Frontal Lobotomy Neural Components of Anger and Aggression Beyond the Amygdala Anger, Aggression, and the Hypothalamus The Midbrain and Aggression Serotonergic Regulation of Anger and Aggression CHAPTER EIGHTEEN Brain Mechanisms of Emotion To appreciate the signifi cance of emotions, just imagine life without them. Instead of the daily highs and lows we all experience, life would likely feel like a great empty plain of existence with little signifi cance. Emotional experiences are a large part of being human."}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with emotion?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "tal results that suggest the brain structures involved in the experience and expression of emotion. Implications of Unconscious Emotion Although the fi ndings may be counterintuitive, some studies suggest that sensory input can have emotional effects on the brain without our being aware of the stimuli. Several related experiments were conducted by Arne Öhman, Ray Dolan, and their colleagues in Sweden and England. They fi rst showed that if an angry face is briefl y fl ashed and quickly followed by a briefl y fl ashed photo of an expressionless face, subjects report seeing only the expressionless face. The angry face is said to be perceptually “masked,” and the expressionless face is the masking stimulus. In one experiment, subjects were shown a variety of faces without a masking stimulus; and each time an angry face was shown, the subject’s fi nger got a mild electrical shock. After aversive conditioning like this, subjects exhibited altered autonomic activity, such as increased skin"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise emotion theories?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "Although the term limbic system is still commonly used in discussions of brain mechanisms of emotion, it has become increasingly clear that there is not a single, discrete emotion system. EMOTION THEORIES AND NEURAL REPRESENTATIONS Early theories of emotion and subsequent descriptions of the limbic system were built on a combination of introspection and inference based primarily on instances of brain injury and brain disease: If damage to a brain EMOTION THEORIES AND NEURAL REPRESENTATIONS structure alters the experience or expression of emotion, we infer that the structure is important for normal emotional function. Unfortunately, studies of disease and the consequences of lesions are not ideal for revealing normal function. Before getting into the nitty-gritty of experiments investigating neural mechanisms of emotion, it may be helpful to consider the representation of emotions from a broad perspective. Basic Emotion Theories If the limbic system is not a monolithic system for the experience and ex-"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe numerous?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "Reports claim that rats so treated will approach a sedated cat and nibble its ear and that a wild lynx will become as docile as a house cat. Numerous studies in humans have examined the effect of lesions that include the amygdala on the ability to recognize emotional facial expressions. While there is a consensus that the lesions usually impair the recognition of emotional expression, researchers disagree about which emotions are affected. In different studies, defi cits associated with fear, anger, sadness, and disgust have been reported. The variety of defi cits probably refl ects, in part, differences in the damage; two lesions are rarely alike, and they typically include damage to other brain structures in addition to the amygdala. Nonetheless, the most commonly reported symptom of lesions involving the amygdala is an inability to recognize fear in facial expressions. Very few cases of humans with bilateral damage isolated to the amyg-"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term predatory?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "outburst of anger and aggression sometimes reported in athletes taking anabolic steroids, which have similar effects on the body as testosterone. In any case, there is strong evidence for a neurobiological component to aggression, which is our focus here. A useful distinction can be made between predatory aggression and affective aggression. Predatory aggression involves attacks against a member of a different species for the purpose of obtaining food, such as a lion hunting a zebra. Attacks of this type are typically accompanied by relatively few vocalizations, and they are aimed at the head and neck of the prey. Predatory aggression is not associated with high levels of activity in the sympathetic division of the ANS. Affective aggression is for show rather than to kill for food, and it involves high levels of sympathetic activity. An animal exhibiting affective aggression typically makes vocalizations while adopting a threatening or defensive posture."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about responses?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "ganization of coordinated visceral and somatic motor responses. Responses related to emotional expression can include changes in heart rate, pupillary dilation, and gastrointestinal motility, to name a few. Because stimulation of some parts of the hypothalamus also elicits behavior characteristic of fear and anger, we hypothesize that the hypothalamus is an important component of the system normally involved in expressing these emotions. The expression of rage Hess evoked by hypothalamic stimulation was similar to the sham rage seen in animals whose cerebral hemispheres had been removed. With a small application of electrical current, a cat would spit, growl, and fold its ears back, and its hair would stand on end. This complex and highly coordinated set of behaviors would normally occur when the cat feels threatened by an enemy. Sometimes the cat would suddenly run as if fl eeing an imaginary attacker. If the intensity of the stimulation was increased, the animal might make an actual attack,"}
{"instruction": "Why does serotonin matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "one injected with a serotonin precursor or reuptake inhibitor who was less aggressive). Conversely, the injection of drugs that reduced serotonin function (serotonin antagonists) was correlated with animals becoming subordinate. The subordinate animals were actually signifi cantly more likely to initiate aggression. Interestingly, the less aggressive dominant male garnered his status by his skills in recruiting females to support his position. In humans, there are a large number of reports of a negative correlation between serotonin activity and aggression. For example, in a study of men in the military who had been diagnosed with personality disorders, aggression was found to be inversely related to cerebrospinal fl uid levels of the serotonin metabolite 5-hydroxyindoleacetic acid (5-HIAA). Questions have been raised, however, about the generality of the correlation between serotonin and aggression when people of different ages and people"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame rhythms here?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "To compete effectively and survive, an animal’s behavior must oscillate with the cadences of its environment. Brains have evolved a variety of systems for rhythmic control. Sleeping and waking are the most striking periodic behavior. But some rhythms controlled by the brain have much longer periods, as in hibernating animals, and many have shorter periods, such as the cycles of breathing, the steps of walking, the repetitive stages of one night’s sleep, and the electrical rhythms of the cerebral cortex. The functions of some rhythms are obvious, while others are obscure, and some rhythms indicate pathology. In this chapter, we explore selected brain rhythms, beginning with the fast and proceeding to the slow. The forebrain, especially the cerebral cortex, produces a range of rapid electrical rhythms that are easily measured and that closely correlate with interesting behaviors, including sleep. We discuss the electroencephalogram, or EEG, because it is the"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about rhythms?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "Equipped with my new knowledge of the biophysics underlying MEG, I constructed more complex models that included details of the structure and physiology of pyramidal neurons and other cortical neuron types. This endeavor spanned several years that also included the birth of the fi rst of my three children. To my delight, the detailed model yielded novel and nonintuitive predictions about rhythms. Specifi cally, it predicted that beta rhythms emerge from the integration of two sets of synaptic inputs that are roughly synchronous and that excite different parts of pyramidal cell dendrites. These inputs drive alternating electrical currents up and down within the dendrites to reproduce rhythms remarkably consistent with recordings. The model not only accounted for many features of the MEG rhythms in S1 but also suggested how these rhythms infl uence sensory processing. I subsequently tested these secondary predictions with the MEG data, and to my surprise they were"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about research?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "Some forms of epilepsy show a genetic predisposition, and many of the genes responsible have been identifi ed. These genes code for a diverse array of proteins, including ion channels, transporters, receptors, and signaling molecules. Several mutations of genes that encode for sodium channel proteins, for example, have been linked to rare familial forms of epilepsy. These mutated sodium channels tend to stay open a bit longer than normal, allowing more sodium current to enter the neurons and thus making neurons hyperexcitable. Another group of mutations that lead to epilepsy impair synaptic inhibition mediated by GABA by affecting its receptors, enzymes critical for its synthesis or transport, or proteins involved in its release. Research suggests that some seizures refl ect an upset of the delicate balance of synaptic excitation and inhibition in the brain. Other seizures may be due to excessively strong or dense excitatory interconnections."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about evidence?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "bral cortex that are elicited by the random discharges of the pons during REM sleep. Thus, the pontine neurons, via the thalamus, activate various areas of the cerebral cortex, elicit well-known images or emotions, and the cortex then tries to synthesize the disparate images into a sensible whole. Not surprisingly, the “synthesized” dream product may be quite bizarre and even nonsensical because it is triggered by the semirandom activity of the pons. Evidence for the activation–synthesis hypothesis is mixed. It does predict the weirdness of dreams and their correlation with REM sleep. But it does not explain how random activity can trigger the complex and fl uid stories that many dreams contain nor how it can evoke dreams that recur night after night. Many researchers have suggested that REM sleep, and perhaps dreams themselves, have an important role in memory. None of the evidence is defi nitive, but intriguing hints indicate that REM sleep somehow aids"}
{"instruction": "How is clock presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "Desynchronization may occur temporarily when we travel and force our bodies suddenly into a new sleep–wake cycle. This is the familiar experience known as jet lag, and the best cure is bright light, which helps resynchronize our biological clocks. The primary zeitgeber for mature mammals is the light–dark cycle. A mother’s hormone levels may be the fi rst zeitgeber for some mammals, however, already entraining their activity levels in the womb. In studies of various adult animals, effective zeitgebers have also included the periodic availability of food or water, social contact, environmental temperature cycles, and noise–quiet cycles. Although many of these are much less effective than light–dark cycles, they may be important for particular species, in certain circumstances. The Suprachiasmatic Nucleus: A Brain Clock A biological clock that produces circadian rhythms consists of several components: Light sensor → Clock → Output pathway"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about fluent?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "Broca’s Motor association cortex of frontal lobe Good Nonfl uent, agrammatical Yes Yes Wernicke’s Posterior temporal lobe Poor Fluent, grammatical, meaningless Yes Yes Conduction Arcuate fasciculus Good Fluent, grammatical Yes Yes Global Portions of temporal and frontal lobes Poor Very little Yes — Transcortical motor area Frontal lobe anterior to Broca’s Good Nonfl uent, agrammatical No Yes Transcortical sensory Cortex near the junction of temporal, parietal, and occipital lobes Poor Fluent, grammatical, meaningless No Yes Anomic Inferior temporal lobe Good Fluent, grammatical No My passion for clinical neuroscience began one day in a class at the University of California at Berkeley where I was pondering my “senioritis” and what to do with my life after college. My professor showed a video of a man who couldn’t read a handwritten message. Paradoxically, the man had just written the message himself! Such cases of language disturbance after brain injury were what sparked my interest in how"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on aphasia?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "and include paraphasic errors. Repetition is usually best with nouns and short common expressions, but it may fail entirely if the spoken words are function words, polysyllabic words, or nonsense sounds. Interestingly, a person with conduction aphasia comprehends sentences he or she reads aloud, even though what is said aloud contains many paraphasic errors. This is consistent with the idea that comprehension is good and the defi cit occurs between the regions involved in comprehension and speech. One of the sad yet fascinating things about aphasia is the diversity of syndromes that occur following strokes. While these syndromes challenge language models, each one offers a clue to our understanding of language processing. Characteristics of a few other aphasias are listed in Table 20.1. Aphasia in Bilinguals and Deaf People Cases of aphasia in bilingual people and deaf people provide fascinating insight about language processing in the brain."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat wernicke as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "associated with speech production, and Wernicke’s area, which is near the auditory cortex and associated with speech comprehension. These observations are still of clinical use today. More recent research has shown that language processing is far more complex and engages far more of the brain, than implied by the Wernicke– Geschwind model. Brain imaging and stimulation studies have revealed widespread brain areas in both hemispheres that are involved in language and that vary from one person to the next. From our perspective today, the complexity of language and its extensive representation in the brain are not so surprising because language involves many different components, such as understanding the basis of words in sound, the meanings of words, the grammar used to combine words into meaningful statements, naming objects, producing speech, and on and on. As in research on other brain systems for sensation, motor output, emotion,"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of attention?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "While it’s conceivable that attention is strictly a high-level cognitive process, experiments demonstrate that the effects of attention can be observed in numerous sensory areas stretching from the lateral geniculate nucleus (LGN) to visual cortical areas in the parietal and temporal lobes. We will look at human brain imaging studies that show activity changes associated with the allocation of attention and then turn to animal studies that reveal the effects of attention on individual neurons. These experiments show the consequences of allocating attention to a location or feature. Functional MRI Imaging of Human Attention to Location. A key observation made in behavioral studies of visual attention is that enhancements in detection and reaction time are selective for spatial location. When we know where an important stimulus is more likely to appear, we move our attention to it and process the sensory information with greater sensitivity and speed."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect contrast to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "as IT changes systematically when people and animals report switches in rivalrous percepts. Contrast this with animal experiments using electrodes that show single cell response modulation in extrastriate cortex but much less in earlier structures. The difference may be a technical factor associated with the recording techniques or perhaps the spatial scale and magnitude of conscious modulation. Another conclusion reached in a recent fMRI study is that some investigations of NCCs do not adequately control attention. In other words, awareness may be refl ected only in later areas; what looks like awareness correlations in earlier areas may actually refl ect changes in attention rather than awareness. Despite the concerns we’ve discussed, the neuroscientifi c investigation of consciousness has made huge strides in the past 20 years. Examining situations in which a single sensory input, visual or otherwise, gives rise to more than one percept offers fascinating opportunities for identifying"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on discovery?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "By comparing the neurobiology of these animals with normal, “wild type” mice, researchers can determine how the brain functions differently in association with these mutations. Discovery of an abnormal physiological condition, or pathophysiology , may suggest biological processes that can be targeted with drug therapy—for example, too much or too little of a neurotransmitter. If drug candidates succeed in human clinical trials, then new therapeutics can be introduced to treat the disease. Despite the enormous promise of molecular medicine, brain diseases present some unique challenges. First, mental disorders are diagnosed by clinicians based on how they appear or are described by the patient (signs and symptoms), not by knowledge of their underlying cause (etiology). It is now understood that the same diagnosis may arise from many causes, so no single treatment approach is likely to succeed in all patients, thus complicating clinical trials."}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with disorders?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "When hypomania alternates with periods of depression that are not severe enough to warrant the description “major” (i.e., fewer symptoms and shorter duration), the disorder is called cyclothymia . Biological Bases of Affective Disorders Like most other mental illnesses, affective disorders refl ect the altered functioning of many parts of the brain at the same time. How else can we explain the coexistence of symptoms ranging from eating and sleeping disorders to a loss of the ability to concentrate? For this reason, research has focused on the role of the diffuse modulatory systems, with their wide reach and diverse effects. However, in the last few years, disruption of the HPA system and related cortical areas has also been implicated as playing an important role in depression. Let’s take a closer look at the neurobiology of mood disorders. The Monoamine Hypothesis. The fi rst real indication that depression might result from a problem with the central diffuse modulatory systems"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise neurogenesis?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "and testing. Recent research has also shown that prolonged treatment with SSRIs increases neurogenesis , the proliferation of new neurons, in the hippocampus. (Neurogenesis is discussed further in Chapter 23.) Remarkably, this proliferation may be important for the benefi cial behavioral effects of SSRIs, presumably in part by boosting the control of the HPA by the hippocampus. The long delay between treatment onset and antidepressant effect presents not only a scientifi c mystery but also a clinical challenge. Patients can feel discouraged when their expectations for improvement are not met, and this can temporarily exacerbate the depression. This is a serious limitation, particularly in cases where there is a high risk of suicide. Thus, the search is on for rapidly acting antidepressant medications that do not require weeks of treatment to become effective. The hope for attaining this goal has been fueled by recent fi ndings that a single intravenous dose"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe parkinson?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "(Figure A). We had converging evidence of common changes in this region across a wide variety of effective antidepressant treatments. We also knew that failure to effect changes in this region were associated with treatment nonresponse. We hypothesized that relief from major depression could be achieved with focal brain stimulation using a well-established neurosurgical technique used to treat Parkinson’s disease— deep brain stimulation (DBS). Inserting electrodes into our intended target, the subcallosal cingulate white matter, was not technically more diffi cult or of higher risk than the basal ganglia implantations used for Parkinson’s disease, or so said the surgeon. We became convinced it should be attempted, but what patient would be appropriate for such a procedure? Treatment-resistant depression is a dire condition defi ned by failure to respond to multiple available antidepressant treatments including electroconvulsive therapy."}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term neuroscience?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "can result in the emergence of tardive dyskinesia , which is characterized by involuntary movements of the lips and jaw. Many of these side effects are avoided by using atypical neuroleptics, such as clozapine and risperidone, because they do not act directly on the dopamine receptors in the striatum. These medications are also more effective against the negative symptoms of schizophrenia. The newest focus of drug research is the NMDA receptor. Investigators hope that increasing NMDA receptor responsiveness in the brain, perhaps in combination with decreasing D 2 receptor activation, will further alleviate the symptoms of schizophrenia. Neuroscience has had a huge impact on psychiatry. Mental illness is now recognized as the consequence of pathologic modifi cations of the brain, and psychiatric treatments today are focused on correcting these changes. Just as importantly, neuroscience has changed how society views people who suffer from mental illness."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about cortical?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "This means that differentiation is programmed well before Marginal zone Leading process of neural precursor cell Migrating neural precursor cell Process of radial glial cell Trailing process of neural precursor cell Cortical plate Intermediate zone Subventricular zone Ventricular zone Radial glial cell ▲ FIGURE 23.5 The migration of neural precursor cells to the cortical plate. This is a schematic section through the dorsal telencephalon early in development. The expanded view shows a neural precursor cell crawling along the thin processes of the radial glia en route to the cortical plate, which forms just under the marginal zone. the neural precursor cell arrives at its fi nal resting place. However, the stereotypical architecture of cortical dendrites and axons also depends on intercellular signals. As we have learned, pyramidal neurons are characterized by a large apical dendrite that extends radially, toward the pia, and an axon that projects in the opposite direction."}
{"instruction": "Why does growing axon matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "out with respect to other invading retinal axons so that retinotopy in the LGN is established. These are examples of the decisions that must be made by the growing axon during address selection . We will see that each of the three phases of pathway formation depends critically on communication between cells. This communication occurs in several ways: direct cell–cell contact, contact between cells and the extracellular secretions of other cells, and communication between cells over a distance via diffusible chemicals. As the pathways develop, the neurons also begin to communicate via action potentials and synaptic transmission. The Growing Axon Once the neural precursor cell has migrated to take up its appropriate position in the nervous system, the neuron differentiates and extends the processes that will ultimately become the axon and dendrites. At this early stage, however, the axonal and dendritic processes appear quite similar and collectively are still called neurites."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame segregation here?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "because, like humans, both of these species have good binocular vision. Recent studies have used rodents because they are better suited for investigation of the underlying molecular mechanisms. Synaptic Segregation The precision of wiring achieved by chemical attractants and repellents can be impressive. In some circuits, however, the fi nal refi nement of synaptic connections appears to require neural activity. A classic example is the segregation of eye-specifi c inputs in the cat LGN. Segregation of Retinal Inputs to the LGN. The fi rst axons to reach the LGN are usually those from the contralateral retina, and they spread out to occupy the entire nucleus. Somewhat later, the ipsilateral projection arrives and intermingles with the axons of the contralateral eye. Then the axons from the two eyes segregate into the eye-specifi c domains that are characteristic of the adult nucleus. Silencing retinal activity with TTX (tetrodotoxin) prevents"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about chapter wiring?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "eyes have been brought out of alignment by cutting one of the eye muscles. After a brief period of strabismus, binocular cells are almost completely absent. The cells in visual cortex are driven by either the right or the left eye but not by both. CHAPTER 23 WIRING THE BRAIN to orchestrate aspects of address selection in the LGN and cortex. After birth, an interaction with the visual environment is of critical importance. However, even visually driven retinal activity may be insuffi cient for modifi cations of binocularity during this critical period. Increasing experimental evidence indicates that such modifi cations also require the animal to pay attention to visual stimuli and use vision to guide behavior. For example, modifi cations of binocularity following monocular stimulation do not occur when an animal is kept anesthetized, even though it is known that cortical neurons respond briskly to visual stimulation under this condition."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about chapter wiring?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "postsynaptic neuron. (b) This graph shows how the strength of synaptic transmission is changed by strong NMDA receptor activation. The conditioning stimulation consists of depolarizing the postsynaptic neuron via current injection through the microelectrode, at the same time that the synapses are repeatedly stimulated. LTP is the resulting enhancement of synaptic transmission. (c) LTP at many synapses is associated with the insertion of AMPA receptors into synapses that previously had none. The circled numbers correspond to the times before and after LTP in part b. CHAPTER 23 WIRING THE BRAIN makes transmission stronger. In addition to this change in the complement of glutamate receptors, recent evidence suggests that the synapses can actually split in half following LTP induction, forming two different sites of synaptic contact. Cortical neurons grown in a tissue culture form synapses with one another and become electrically active."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about plasticity?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "during postnatal development. For example, it has been shown that the activation of metabotropic glutamate receptors stimulates very different postsynaptic responses in striate cortex during the critical period when binocular connections are most susceptible to monocular deprivation. In addition, the molecular composition and properties of NMDA receptors change during the course of the critical period. Accordingly, the properties of LTP and LTD vary with age, and at some synapses, they seem to disappear altogether. 3. Plasticity diminishes when cortical activation is constrained . As development proceeds, certain types of activity may be fi ltered by successive synaptic relays to the point where they no longer activate NMDA receptors, or other elementary mechanisms, suffi ciently to trigger plasticity. As mentioned previously, ACh and NE facilitate synaptic plasticity in the superfi cial cortical layers, perhaps simply by enhancing polysynaptic intracortical transmission."}
{"instruction": "How is classical presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "at night, and suddenly there is a blackout. You hear footsteps behind you, and though this wouldn’t normally disturb you, now you nearly jump out of your skin. Car headlights appear, and you react by side-stepping away from the street. The strong sensory stimulus (the blackout) caused sensitization , a form of learning that intensifi es your response to all stimuli, even ones that previously evoked little or no reaction (Figure 24.2b). Associative Learning. In associative learning behavior is altered by the formation of associations between events; this is in contrast to a changed response to a single stimulus in nonassociative learning. Two types of associative learning are usually distinguished: classical conditioning and instrumental conditioning. Classical conditioning was discovered and characterized in dogs by the famous Russian physiologist Ivan Pavlov around the turn of the nineteenth century. Classical conditioning involves associating a stimulus that"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about stimulation?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "hippocampus. A major output pathway from the hippocampus is the fornix , which loops around the thalamus before terminating in the hypothalamus. Electrical Stimulation of the Human Temporal Lobes. One of the most intriguing and controversial studies implicating the neocortex of the temporal lobe in the storage of declarative memory traces involved electrical stimulation of the human brain. In Chapters 12 and 14 we discussed the work of Wilder Penfi eld, in which patients’ brains, as part of surgical treatment for severe epilepsy, were electrically stimulated at numerous locations prior to ablation of the seizure-prone region. Stimulation of somatic sensory cortex caused the patient to experience tingling sensations in regions of skin, whereas stimulation of motor cortex caused a certain muscle to twitch. Electrical stimulation of the temporal lobe occasionally produced more complex sensations than stimulation in other brain areas. In a num-"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on temporal?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "Might less specifi c responses have been found in these experiments if more stimuli were used (a cell that responds to Justin Timberlake, canned peas, and doorknobs)? Are there neurons selectively activated by every object that we recognize, or are the examples we’ve discussed rare cases related to repeated exposure of very famous people or things? Do these fi ndings even apply to normal brains, since it is conceivable that the seizure-prone brains were abnormally organized and responsive? Temporal Lobe Amnesia If the temporal lobe is particularly important for learning and memory, one would expect that removing both temporal lobes would have a profound effect on these functions. Studies in both humans and animals show that this is indeed the case. The Case of H.M.: Temporal Lobectomy and Amnesia. A renowned case of amnesia resulting from temporal lobe damage provides further evidence for the importance of this region in memory. This case concerns the memory"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat korsakoff as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "syndrome. Although all cases of Korsakoff’s syndrome are not associated with damage to the same parts of the brain, there are usually lesions in the dorsomedial thalamus and the mammillary bodies. In addition to anterograde amnesia, Korsakoff’s syndrome can involve more severe retrograde amnesia than observed in N.A. and H.M. No strong correlation exists between the severities of anterograde amnesia and retrograde amnesia in Korsakoff’s syndrome. This is consistent with the other studies of amnesia we’ve discussed, suggesting that the mechanisms involved in consolidation (disrupted in anterograde amnesia) are largely distinct from the processes used to recall memories (disrupted in retrograde amnesia). Based on a small number of cases such as that of N.A., researchers suspect that anterograde amnesia associated with diencephalic lesions results from damage to the thalamus and mammillary bodies. Although it is not clear which damage causes the retrograde amnesia, in addition to"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of strong?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "were particular about which odor was at which port; they would respond strongly with odor 1 at port A and odor 2 at port B, but not with the odors switched to the opposite ports. This indicates that the response of the hippocampal neurons related the specifi c odors, their spatial locations, and whether they were presented separately or together. It was also shown that hippocampal lesions produced defi cits on this discrimination task. Let’s summarize the diverse studies of the hippocampus we’ve discussed. First, research since the time of H.M. indicates that the hippocampus is critical for memory consolidation of facts and events. Strong evidence suggests that in rodents, and in people, the hippocampus is especially important for spatial memory. In recordings from human hippocampal neurons there is sometimes surprising selectivity for people or objects we are familiar with. Finally, hippocampal cells appear to form associations between sensory stimuli even when the information is not about space."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect memories to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: NEUROSCIENCE Exploring the Brain, Fourth Edition", "output": "sumably because neurons encoding box A information were reactivated by the blue light while the animal was in box B. You have probably heard of people convicted of crimes based on eyewitness testimony and the convicted person is later released from prison based on DNA evidence proving their innocence. Evidently the memory of the eyewitness had been wrong. Might this happen in some cases because witnesses are coached and the coached information interacts and reconsolidates with the events of the recalled crime? Ongoing research is examining the conditions under which reconsolidation can occur; the results have important implications for the judicial system and our ability to trust our own memories. If we are able to alter memories after they have been consolidated, perhaps a process can be devised to treat people with memories that haunt them. We all have embarrassing moments we would like to forget, but some people have memories that are so disturbing that they interfere with"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise performance?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "Performance ratings of the same employees are also highly variable and depend more on the person doing the assessment than on the performance being assessed. • Bail decisions are noisy. Whether an accused person will be granted bail or instead sent to jail pending trial depends partly on the identity of the judge who ends up hearing the case. Some judges are far more lenient than others. Judges also differ markedly in their assessment of which defendants present the highest risk of ϐlight or reoffending. • Forensic science is noisy. We have been trained to think of ϐingerprint identiϐication as infallible. But ϐingerprint examiners sometimes differ in deciding whether a print found at a crime scene matches that of a suspect. Not only do experts disagree, but the same experts sometimes make inconsistent decisions when presented with the same print on different occasions. Similar variability has been documented in other forensic science disciplines, even DNA analysis."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe frankel?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "the assigned sentencing judge contributes signiϐicantly to the disparate treatment of similar offenders convicted of similar crimes.” After the guidelines became advisory, judges became more likely to base their sentencing decisions on their personal values. Mandatory guidelines reduce bias as well as noise. After the Supreme Court’s decision, there was a signiϐicant increase in the disparity between the sentences of African American defendants and white people convicted of the same crimes. At the same time, female judges became more likely than male judges were to exercise their increased discretion in favor of leniency. The same is true of judges appointed by Democratic presidents. Three years after Frankel’s death in 2002, striking down the mandatory guidelines produced a return to something more like his nightmare: law without order. The story of Judge Frankel’s ϐight for sentencing guidelines offers a glimpse of several of the key points we will cover in this book."}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term noise?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "Evidently, there would be no justiϐication for such a lottery. Neither is there any justiϐication for a system in which the outcome depends on the identity of the person randomly chosen to make a professional judgment. Noise Audits Reveal System Noise The lottery that picks a particular judge to establish a criminal sentence or a single shooter to represent a team creates variability, but this variability remains unseen. A noise audit—like the one conducted on federal judges with respect to sentencing—is a way to reveal noise. In such an audit, the same case is evaluated by many individuals, and the variability of their responses is made visible. The judgments of underwriters and claims adjusters lend themselves especially well to this exercise because their decisions are based on written information. To prepare for the noise audit, executives of the company constructed detailed descriptions of ϐive representative cases for each group (underwriters and adjusters)."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about judgment?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "preferable to mask the ϐirst reader’s ratings so as not to inϐluence the second reader. The school’s reply: “We used to do that, but it resulted in so many disagreements that we switched to the current system.” This school is not the only organization that considers conϐlict avoidance at least as important as making the right decision. Consider another mechanism that many companies resort to: postmortems of unfortunate judgments. As a learning mechanism, postmortems are useful. But if a mistake has truly been made—in the sense that a judgment strayed far from professional norms—discussing it will not be challenging. Experts will easily conclude that the judgment was way off the consensus. (They might also write it off as a rare exception.) Bad judgment is much easier to identify than good judgment. The calling out of egregious mistakes and the marginalization of bad colleagues will not help professionals become aware of how much they disagree when making broadly acceptable"}
{"instruction": "Why does decisions matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "routinely make in large organizations. While social scientists have dealt with recurrent decisions, high-stakes singular decisions have been the province of historians and management gurus. The approaches to the two types of decisions have been quite different. Analyses of recurrent decisions have often taken a statistical bent, with social scientists assessing many similar decisions to discern patterns, identify regularities, and measure accuracy. In contrast, discussions of singular decisions typically adopt a causal view; they are conducted in hindsight and are focused on identifying the causes of what happened. Historical analyses, like case studies of management successes and failures, aim to understand how an essentially unique judgment was made. The nature of singular decisions raises an important question for the study of noise. We have deϐined noise as undesirable variability in judgments of the same problem. Since singular problems are never"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame professionals here?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "often miss the correct number in making a quarterly inϐlation forecast. Meanwhile, in a single quarter, a dart-throwing chimpanzee will sometimes be right. Scholars of decision-making offer clear advice to resolve this tension: focus on the process, not on the outcome of a single case. We recognize, however, that this is not standard practice in real life. Professionals are usually evaluated on how closely their judgments match veriϐiable outcomes, and if you ask them what they aim for in their judgments, a close match is what they will answer. In summary, what people usually claim to strive for in veriϐiable judgments is a prediction that matches the outcome. What they are effectively trying to achieve, regardless of veriϐiability, is the internal signal of completion provided by the coherence between the facts of the case and the judgment. And what they should be trying to achieve, normatively speaking, is the judgment process that would produce the"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about system?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "to the same ice-skater—or when one person, suffering from depression, gets social security disability beneϐits, while another person with the same condition gets nothing. Even when unfairness is only a minor concern, system noise poses another problem. People who are affected by evaluative judgments expect the values these judgments reϐlect to be those of the system, not of the individual judges. Something must have gone badly wrong if one customer, complaining of a defective laptop, gets fully reimbursed, and another gets a mere apology; or if one employee who has been with a ϐirm for ϐive years asks for a promotion and gets exactly that, while another employee, whose performance is otherwise identical, is politely turned down. System noise is inconsistency, and inconsistency damages the credibility of the system. Undesirable but Measurable All we need to measure noise is multiple judgments of the same problem. We do not need to know a true value."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about predictive?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "the leader relies is a matter of predictive judgment. A government responding to a health crisis, such as a pandemic, must weigh the pros and cons of various options, but no evaluation is possible without accurate predictions about the likely consequences of each option (including the decision to do nothing). In all these examples, the ϐinal decisions require evaluative judgments. The decision makers must consider multiple options and apply their values to make the optimal choice. But the decisions depend on underlying predictions, which should be value-neutral. Their goal is accuracy—hitting as close as possible to the bull’s-eye—and MSE is the appropriate measure of error. Predictive judgments will be improved by procedures that reduce noise, as long as they do not increase bias to a larger extent. Speaking of the Error Equation “Oddly, reducing bias and noise by the same amount has the same effect on accuracy.” “Reducing noise in predictive judgment is always useful, regardless of"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about occasion?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "the ϐirst. We can see how the ϐirst lottery could have selected a different underwriter, for instance, but the alternatives to the actual responses of the selected underwriter are abstract counterfactuals. We know only that the judgment that did occur was picked from a cloud of possibilities. Occasion noise is the variability among these unseen possibilities. Measuring Occasion Noise Measuring occasion noise is not easy—for much the same reason that its existence, once established, often surprises us. When people form a carefully considered professional opinion, they associate it with the reasons that justify their point of view. If pressed to explain their judgment, they will usually defend it with arguments that they ϐind convincing. And if they are presented with the same problem a second time and recognize it, they will reproduce the earlier answer both to minimize effort and maintain consistency. Consider this example from the teaching profession: if a teacher gives an excellent grade to a"}
{"instruction": "How is second presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "up with a different implementation of the same principle. Instead of merely asking their subjects to produce a second estimate, they encouraged people to generate an estimate that—while still plausible— was as different as possible from the ϐirst one. This request required the subjects to think actively of information they had not considered the ϐirst time. The instructions to participants read as follows: First, assume that your ϔirst estimate is off the mark. Second, think about a few reasons why that could be. Which assumptions and considerations could have been wrong? Third, what do these new considerations imply? Was the ϔirst estimate rather too high or too low? Fourth, based on this new perspective, make a second, alternative estimate. Like Vul and Pashler, Herzog and Hertwig then averaged the two estimates thus produced. Their technique, which they named dialectical bootstrapping, produced larger improvements in accuracy than did a"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about bullshit?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "something of a technical term since Harry Frankfurt, a philosopher at Princeton University, published an insightful book, On Bullshit, in which he distinguished bullshit from other types of misrepresentation.) Sure enough, some people are more receptive than others to bullshit. They can be impressed by “seemingly impressive assertions that are presented as true and meaningful but are actually vacuous.” But here again, this gullibility is not merely a function of permanent, unchanging dispositions. Inducing good moods makes people more receptive to bullshit and more gullible in general; they are less apt to detect deception or identify misleading information. Conversely, eyewitnesses who are exposed to misleading information are better able to disregard it—and to avoid false testimony—when they are in a bad mood. Even moral judgments are strongly inϐluenced by mood. In one study, researchers exposed subjects to the footbridge problem, a classic"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on occasion?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "Occasion Noise, Inner Causes Mood, fatigue, weather, sequence effects: many factors may trigger unwanted variations in the judgment of the same case by the same person. We might hope to construct a setting in which all the extraneous factors bearing on decisions are known and controlled. In theory at least, such a setting should reduce occasion noise. But even this setting would probably not be sufϐicient to eliminate occasion noise entirely. Michael Kahana and his University of Pennsylvania colleagues study memory performance. (Memory is not a judgment task by our deϐinition, but it is a cognitive task for which conditions can be rigorously controlled and variations in performance easily measured.) In one study, they asked seventy-nine subjects to participate in an exceptionally thorough analysis of their memory performance. The subjects sat through twenty-three sessions on separate days, during each of which they had to recall words from twenty-four different lists"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat cascades as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "In simple estimation tasks—the number of crimes in a city, population increases over speciϐied periods, the length of a border between nations—crowds were indeed wise as long as they registered their views independently. But if they learned the estimates of other people—for example, the average estimate of a group of twelve—the crowd did worse. As the authors put it, social inϐluences are a problem because they reduce “group diversity without diminishing the collective error.” The irony is that while multiple independent opinions, properly aggregated, can be strikingly accurate, even a little social inϐluence can produce a kind of herding that undermines the wisdom of crowds. Cascades Some of the studies we are describing involve informational cascades . Such cascades are pervasive. They help explain why similar groups in business, government, and elsewhere can go in multiple directions and why small changes can produce such different outcomes and hence"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of nathalie?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "example of the dominant role of the least squares principle in statistics. As you might expect, the predictor that is most closely correlated with the target variable gets a large weight, and useless predictors get a weight of zero. Weights could also be negative: the candidate’s number of unpaid trafϐic tickets would probably get a negative weight as a predictor of managerial success. The use of multiple regression is an example of mechanical prediction. There are many kinds of mechanical prediction, ranging from simple rules (“hire anyone who completed high school”) to sophisticated artiϐicial intelligence models. But linear regression models are the most common (they have been called “the workhorse of judgment and decision-making research”). To minimize jargon, we will refer to linear models as simple models. The study that we illustrated with Monica and Nathalie was one of many comparisons of clinical and mechanical predictions, which all"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect complexity to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "participant did! Decades later, a review of ϐifty years of research concluded that models of judges consistently outperformed the judges they modeled. We do not know if the participants in these studies received personal feedback on their performance. But you can surely imagine your own dismay if someone told you that a crude model of your judgments—almost a caricature—was actually more accurate than you were. For most of us, the activity of judgment is complex, rich, and interesting precisely because it does not ϐit simple rules. We feel best about ourselves and about our ability to make judgments when we invent and apply complex rules or have an insight that makes an individual case different from others—in short, when we make judgments that are not reducible to a plain operation of weighted averaging. The model-of-the-judge studies reinforce Meehl’s conclusion that the subtlety is largely wasted. Complexity and richness do not generally lead to more accurate predictions."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on models?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "model beats any human. Still, the fact that mechanical adherence to a simple rule (Yu and Kuncel call it “mindless consistency”) could signiϐicantly improve judgment in a difϐicult problem illustrates the massive effect of noise on the validity of clinical predictions. This quick tour has shown how noise impairs clinical judgment. In predictive judgments, human experts are easily outperformed by simple formulas—models of reality, models of a judge, or even randomly generated models. This ϐinding argues in favor of using noisefree methods: rules and algorithms, which are the topic of the next chapter. Speaking of Judgments and Models “People believe they capture complexity and add subtlety when they make judgments. But the complexity and the subtlety are mostly wasted—usually they do not add to the accuracy of simple models.” “More than sixty years after the publication of Paul Meehl’s book, the idea that mechanical prediction is superior to people is still"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with simple?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "sizable advantages. Simple rules that are merely sensible typically do better than human judgment. Second, the data is sometimes rich enough for sophisticated AI techniques to detect valid patterns and go well beyond the predictive power of a simple model. When AI succeeds in this way, the advantage of these models over human judgment is not just the absence of noise but also the ability to exploit much more information. Given these advantages and the massive amount of evidence supporting them, it is worth asking why algorithms are not used much more extensively for the types of professional judgments we discuss in this book. For all the spirited talk about algorithms and machine learning, and despite important exceptions in particular ϐields, their use remains limited. Many experts ignore the clinical-versus-mechanical debate, preferring to trust their judgment. They have faith in their intuitions and doubt that machines could do better."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise tetlock?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "For each issue, he asked the experts to assign probabilities to three possible outcomes: status quo, more of something, or less of it. A dartthrowing chimp would “choose” each of these outcomes with the same probability—one-third—regardless of reality. Tetlock’s experts barely exceeded this very low standard. On average, they assigned slightly higher probabilities to events that occurred than to those that did not, but the most salient feature of their performance was their excessive conϐidence in their predictions. Pundits blessed with clear theories about how the world works were the most conϐident and the least accurate. Tetlock’s ϐindings suggest that detailed long-term predictions about speciϐic events are simply impossible. The world is a messy place, where minor events can have large consequences. For example, consider the fact that at the instant of conception, there was an even chance that every signiϐicant ϐigure in history (and also the insigniϐicant"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe nathalie?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "We have noted that people often mistake their subjective sense of conϐidence for an indication of predictive validity. After you reviewed the evidence in chapter 9 about Nathalie and Monica, for instance, the internal signal you felt when you reached a coherent judgment gave you conϐidence that Nathalie was the stronger candidate. If you were conϐident in that prediction, however, you fell for the illusion of validity: the accuracy you can achieve with the information you were given is quite low. People who believe themselves capable of an impossibly high level of predictive accuracy are not just overconϐident. They don’t merely deny the risk of noise and bias in their judgments. Nor do they simply deem themselves superior to other mortals. They also believe in the predictability of events that are in fact unpredictable, implicitly denying the reality of uncertainty. In the terms we have used here, this attitude amounts to a denial of ignorance ."}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term fragile families?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "The organizers used what they called the “common task method.” They invited teams of researchers to compete in generating accurate predictions of the six chosen outcomes, using the mass of data available about each family in the Fragile Families study. This type of challenge is novel in the social sciences but common in computer science, where teams are often invited to compete in tasks such as machine translation of a standard set of texts or detection of an animal in a large set of photographs. The achievement of the winning team in these competitions deϐines the state of the art at a point in time, which is always exceeded in the next competition. In a social science prediction task, where rapid improvement is not expected, it is reasonable to use the most accurate prediction achieved in the competition as a measure of the predictability of the outcome from these data—in other words, the residual level of objective ignorance. The challenge evoked considerable interest among researchers."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about abnormal?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "alternatives, and the narrative leaves little room for uncertainty. As we know from classic research on hindsight, even when subjective uncertainty does exist for a while, memories of it are largely erased when the uncertainty is resolved. Inside and Outside We have contrasted two ways of thinking about events: statistical and causal. The causal mode saves us much effortful thinking by categorizing events in real time as normal or abnormal. Abnormal events quickly mobilize costly effort in a search for relevant information, both in the environment and in memory. Active expectation—attentively waiting for something to happen—also demands effort. In contrast, the ϐlow of events in the valley of the normal requires little mental work. Your neighbor may smile as your paths cross or may appear preoccupied and just nod—neither of these events will attract much attention if both have been reasonably frequent in the past. If the smile is unusually wide or the nod unusually"}
{"instruction": "Why does system matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "Slow, which explored the psychological mechanisms that explain both the marvels and the ϐlaws of intuitive thinking. The central idea of the program was that people who are asked a difϐicult question use simplifying operations, called heuristics . In general, heuristics, which are produced by fast, intuitive thinking, also known as System 1 thinking, are quite useful and yield adequate answers. But sometimes they lead to biases, which we have described as systematic, predictable errors of judgment. The heuristics and biases program focused on what people have in common, not on how they differ. It showed that the processes that cause judgment errors are widely shared. Partly because of this history, people who are familiar with the notion of psychological bias often assume that it always produces statistical bias, a term we use in this book to mean measurements or judgments that mostly deviate from the truth in the same direction. Indeed, psychological biases create"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame regardless here?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "Is nuclear energy necessary? Do I recoil at the word nuclear? Am I satisϔied with my life as a whole? What is my mood right now? Regardless of the question, substituting one question for another will lead to an answer that does not give different aspects of the evidence their appropriate weights, and incorrect weighting of the evidence inevitably results in error. For example, a full answer to a question about life satisfaction clearly requires consulting more than your current mood, but evidence suggests that mood is in fact overly weighted. In the same manner, substituting similarity for probability leads to neglect of base rates, which are quite properly irrelevant when judging similarity. And factors such as irrelevant variations in the aesthetics of the document that presents a business plan should be given little or no weight in assessing the value of a company. Any impact they have on the judgment is likely to reϐlect a misweighting of the evidence and will"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about excessive?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "assigned to it are identical for all (or most) judges. Consider, for instance, a physically attractive candidate whose good looks create an early positive impression in most recruiters. If physical appearance is irrelevant to the position for which the candidate is considered, this positive halo will result in a shared error: a bias. On the other hand, many complex decisions require compiling information that arrives in an essentially random order. Consider the claims adjusters of chapter 2 . The order in which data about a claim becomes available varies haphazardly from one adjuster to the next and from one case to the next, causing random variation in initial impressions. Excessive coherence means that these random variations will produce random distortions in the ϐinal judgments. The effect will be system noise. In short, psychological biases, as a mechanism, are universal, and they often produce shared errors. But when there are large individual"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about system?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "extreme, both when they are optimistic and when they are pessimistic. (The technical term for such prediction errors is that they are nonregressive, because they fail to take into account a statistical phenomenon called regression to the mean. ) It should be noted, however, that substitution and matching do not always govern predictions. In the language of two systems, the intuitive System 1 proposes quick associative solutions to problems as they arise, but these intuitions must be endorsed by the more reϐlective System 2 before they become beliefs. Matching predictions are sometimes rejected in favor of more complex responses. For example, people are more reluctant to match predictions to unfavorable than to favorable evidence. We suspect that you would hesitate to make a matching prediction of inferior college performance if Julie had been a late reader. The asymmetry between favorable and unfavorable predictions disappears when more information is available."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about judgments?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "of contempt even among the singers you most dislike. The psychology of this exercise is straightforward. Explicit comparisons between objects of judgment support much ϐiner discriminations than do ratings of objects evaluated one at a time. Judgments of line length tell a similar story: your ability to compare the length of lines that are shown in immediate succession is much better than your ability to label lengths, and you will be even more accurate when comparing lines that are in view at the same time. The advantage of comparative judgments applies to many domains. If you have a rough idea of people’s wealth, you will do better comparing individuals in the same range than you would by labeling their wealth individually. If you grade essays, you will be more precise when you rank them from best to worst than you are when you read and grade essays one by one. Comparative or relative judgments are more sensitive than categorical or absolute ones."}
{"instruction": "How is stevens presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "Joan Glover case as an instance of scaling without an anchor. Like the anchorless observers in Stevens’s lab, you made an arbitrary decision about the correct punishment for General Assistance. The participants in our study of punitive damages faced the same problem: they were also compelled to make an initial arbitrary decision about the ϐirst case they saw. Unlike you, however, they did not just make one arbitrary decision: they went on to set punitive damages for nine other cases. These nine judgments were not arbitrary because they could be made consistent with the initial anchoring judgment, and therefore with one another. The ϐindings of Stevens’s laboratory suggest that the anchor that individuals produce should have a large effect on the absolute values of their subsequent dollar judgments but no effect whatsoever on the relative positions of the ten cases. A large initial judgment causes all the other judgments to be proportionately large without affecting their"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about julie?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "The weights vary among recruiters: leadership may count more for one recruiter, communication skills for another. Such differences produce variability in the recruiters’ ranking of candidates—an instance of what we call stable pattern noise. Personal reactions to individual cases can also produce patterns that are stable but highly speciϐic. Consider what led you to pay more attention to some aspects of Julie’s story than to others. Some details of the case may resonate with your life experience. Perhaps something about Julie reminds you of a close relative who kept almost succeeding but ultimately failing, because of what you believe are deep character ϐlaws that were evident since that relative’s teenage years. Conversely, Julie’s story may evoke memories of a close friend who, after a troubled adolescence, did make it to medical school and is now a successful specialist. The associations that Julie evokes in different people are idiosyncratic and unpredictable, but they are likely to be stable: if you"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on situations?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "These signature patterns of response to situations are likely to be fairly stable over time. They constitute much of what we consider someone’s personality , although they do not lend themselves to a description by a broad trait. Andrew and Brad may share the same score on a test of aggression, but they are unique in their pattern of response to aggression triggers and contexts. Two people who share a trait level—if, for example, they are equally obstinate or equally generous—should be described by two distributions of behaviors that have the same average but not necessarily the same pattern of responses to different situations. You can now see the parallel between this discussion of personality and the model of judgment we have presented. Level differences between judges correspond to the differences among scores on personality traits, which represent an average of behaviors in multiple situations. Cases are analogous to situations. A person’s judgment of a"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat similarly as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "this tentative conclusion. The fact that in these studies level noise is generally not the larger component of system noise is already an important message, because level noise is the only form of noise that organizations can (sometimes) monitor without conducting noise audits. When cases are assigned more or less randomly to individual professionals, the differences in the average level of their decisions provide evidence of level noise. For example, studies of patent ofϐices observed large differences in the average propensity of examiners to grant patents, with subsequent effects on the incidence of litigation about these patents. Similarly, case ofϐicers in child protection services vary in their propensity to place children in foster care, with long-term consequences for the children’s welfare. These observations are based solely on an estimation of level noise. If there is more pattern noise than level noise, then these already-shocking ϐindings understate the magnitude of the noise"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of unfortunately?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "neglected: stable pattern noise, the variability among judges in their judgments of particular cases. Given the relative scarcity of relevant research, our conclusions are tentative, but they do reϐlect a change in how we think about noise— and about how to tackle it. In principle at least, level noise—or simple, across-the-board differences between judges —should be a relatively easy problem to measure and address. If there are abnormally “tough” graders, “cautious” child custody ofϐicers, or “risk-averse” loan ofϐicers, the organizations that employ them could aim to equalize the average level of their judgments. Universities, for instance, address this problem when they require professors to abide by a predetermined distribution of grades within each class. Unfortunately, as we now realize, focusing on level noise misses a large part of what individual differences are about. Noise is mostly a product not of level differences but of interactions: how different judges"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect judgments to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "ϐinding reasons for judgments is, if anything, easier than ϐinding causes for events. We can always invoke the motives of the people making the judgments. If that is not sufϐicient, we can blame their incompetence. And another explanation for poor judgments has become common in recent decades: psychological bias. A substantial body of research in psychology and behavioral economics has documented a long list of psychological biases: the planning fallacy, overconϐidence, loss aversion, the endowment effect, the status quo bias, excessive discounting of the future (“present bias”), and many others—including, of course, biases for or against various categories of people. Much is known about the conditions under which each of these biases is likely to inϐluence judgments and decisions, and a fair amount is known that would allow an observer of decision making to recognize biased thinking in real time. A psychological bias is a legitimate causal explanation of a"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on judgment?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "judgment entails the translation of an impression onto a scale, and if different judges use different scales, there will be noise. Chapter 24 explores the related but distinct topic of personnel selection, which has been extensively researched over the past hundred years. It illustrates the value of an essential decision hygiene strategy: structuring complex judgments . By structuring, we mean decomposing a judgment into its component parts, managing the process of data collection to ensure the inputs are independent of one another, and delaying the holistic discussion and the ϐinal judgment until all these inputs have been collected. We build on the lessons learned from the ϐield of personnel selection to propose, in chapter 25 , a general approach to option evaluation called the mediating assessments protocol, or MAP for short. MAP starts from the premise that “options are like candidates” and describes schematically how structured decision making, along with"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with intelligence?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "doubts. The conϐidence heuristic points to the fact that in a group, conϐident people have more weight than others, even if they have no reason to be conϐident. Respect-experts excel at constructing coherent stories. Their experience enables them to recognize patterns, to reason by analogy with previous cases, and to form and conϐirm hypotheses quickly. They easily ϐit the facts they see into a coherent story that inspires conϐidence. Intelligence Training, experience, and conϐidence enable respect-experts to command trust. But these attributes do not guarantee the quality of their judgments. How can we know which experts are likely to make good judgments? There is good reason to believe that general intelligence is likely to be associated with better judgment. Intelligence is correlated with good performance in virtually all domains. All other things being equal, it is associated not only with higher academic achievement but also with higher job performance."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise thinking?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "are low on the need-for-cognition scale prefer spoiled stories. Because that scale is a self-assessment and because the socially desirable answer is fairly obvious, the scale raises fair questions. Someone who is trying to impress is hardly likely to endorse the statement “Thinking is not my idea of fun.” For that reason, other tests try to measure skills instead of using self-descriptions. One example is the Adult Decision Making Competence scale, which measures how prone people are to make typical errors in judgment like overconϐidence or inconsistency in risk perceptions. Another is the Halpern Critical Thinking Assessment, which focuses on critical thinking skills, including both a disposition toward rational thinking and a set of learnable skills. Taking this assessment, you would be asked questions like this: “Imagine that a friend asks you for advice about which of two weight-loss programs to choose. Whereas one program reports that clients lose an average of twenty-ϐive pounds, the"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe interestingly?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "cognition scores measure the propensity to engage in slow and careful thinking, actively open-minded thinking goes beyond that. It is the humility of those who are constantly aware that their judgment is a work in progress and who yearn to be corrected. We will see in chapter 21 that this thinking style characterizes the very best forecasters, who constantly change their minds and revise their beliefs in response to new information. Interestingly, there is some evidence that actively open-minded thinking is a teachable skill. We do not aim here to draw hard-and-fast conclusions about how to pick individuals who will make good judgments in a given domain. But two general principles emerge from this brief review. First, it is wise to recognize the difference between domains in which expertise can be conϐirmed by comparison with true values (such as weather forecasting) and domains that are the province of respect-experts. A political analyst may sound articulate and convincing, and a chess"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term grocery?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "places—for example, automatic enrollment in green energy, in free school meal plans for poor children, or in various other beneϐits programs. Other nudges work on different aspects of choice architecture. They might make the right decision the easy decision—for example, by reducing administrative burdens for getting access to care for mental health problems. Or they might make certain characteristics of a product or an activity salient—for example, by making once-hidden fees explicit and clear. Grocery stores and websites can easily be designed to nudge people in a way that overcomes their biases. If healthy foods are put in prominent places, more people are likely to buy them. A different type of ex ante debiasing involves training decision makers to recognize their biases and to overcome them. Some of these interventions have been called boosting; they aim to improve people’s capacities—for example, by teaching them statistical literacy."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about decision?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "project. Or maybe the project team, anticipating that you would add a buffer to its estimate, has preempted your adjustment by making its recommendation even more bullish than its true belief. Or consider an investment decision. Overconϐidence about the investment’s prospects may certainly be at work, but another powerful bias, loss aversion, has the opposite effect, making decision makers loath to risk losing their initial outlay. Or consider a company allocating resources across multiple projects. Decision makers may be both bullish about the effect of new initiatives (overconϐidence again) and too timid in diverting resources from existing units (a problem caused by status quo bias, which, as the name indicates, is our preference for leaving things as they are). As these examples illustrate, it is difϐicult to know exactly which psychological biases are affecting a judgment. In any situation of some complexity, multiple psychological biases may be at work, conspiring to"}
{"instruction": "Why does hygiene matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "For this reason, strategies for noise reduction are to debiasing what preventive hygiene measures are to medical treatment: the goal is to prevent an unspeciϐied range of potential errors before they occur. We call this approach to noise reduction decision hygiene. When you wash your hands, you may not know precisely which germ you are avoiding—you just know that handwashing is good prevention for a variety of germs (especially but not only during a pandemic). Similarly, following the principles of decision hygiene means that you adopt techniques that reduce noise without ever knowing which underlying errors you are helping to avoid. The analogy with handwashing is intentional. Hygiene measures can be tedious. Their beneϐits are not directly visible; you might never know what problem they prevented from occurring. Conversely, when problems do arise, they may not be traceable to a speciϐic breakdown in hygiene observance. For these reasons, handwashing compliance is"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame fingerprints here?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "The comparison leads to an evaluation, which can produce an identiϔication (the prints originated from the same person), an exclusion (the prints do not originate from the same person), or an inconclusive decision. An identiϐication decision triggers the fourth step: veriϐication by another examiner. For decades, the reliability of this procedure remained unquestioned. Although eyewitness testimonies have been shown to be dangerously unreliable and even confessions can be false, ϐingerprints were accepted—at least until the advent of DNA analysis—as the most credible form of evidence. Until 2002, ϐingerprint evidence had never been successfully challenged in an American courtroom. The FBI website at the time, for example, was adamant: “Fingerprints offer an infallible means of personal identiϐication.” In the very rare cases when errors did happen, they were blamed on incompetence or fraud. Fingerprint evidence remained unchallenged for so long in part"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about examiners?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "are in place to make sure that forensic experts are not exposed to biasing information. Examiners often receive such information in the transmittal letters that accompany the evidence submitted to them. Examiners are also often in direct communication with police, prosecutors, and other examiners. Conϐirmation bias raises another problem. An important safeguard against errors, built into the ACE-V procedure, is the independent veriϐication by another expert before an identiϐication can be conϐirmed. But most often, only identiϐications are independently veriϐied. The result is a strong risk of conϐirmation bias, as the verifying examiner knows that the initial conclusion was an identiϐication. The veriϐication step therefore does not provide the beneϐit normally expected from the aggregation of independent judgments, because veriϐications are not, in fact, independent. A cascade of conϐirmation biases seems to have been at work in the Mayϐield case, in which not two but three FBI experts concurred on the"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about ingerprint?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "and his colleagues uncovered more evidence of occasion noise. Even when ϐingerprint experts are not exposed to biasing information, they sometimes change their minds about a set of prints they have seen before. As we would expect, changes are less frequent when no biasing information is supplied, but they happen nonetheless. A 2012 study commissioned by the FBI replicated this ϐinding on a larger scale by asking seventy-two examiners to look again at twenty-ϐive pairs of prints they had evaluated about seven months earlier. With a large sample of highly qualiϐied examiners, the study conϐirmed that ϐingerprint experts are sometimes susceptible to occasion noise. About one decision in ten was altered. Most of the changes were to or from the inconclusive category, and none resulted in false identiϐications. The study’s most troubling implication is that some ϐingerprint identiϐications that led to convictions could potentially have been judged inconclusive at another time."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about information?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "are inϐluenced by cognitive bias.” In other words, about half of these forensic professionals believe that their colleagues’ judgments are noisy but that their own are not. Noise can be an invisible problem, even to people whose job is to see the invisible. Sequencing Information Thanks to the persistence of Dror and his colleagues, attitudes are slowly changing and a growing number of forensic laboratories have begun taking new measures to reduce error in their analyses. For example, the PCAST report commended the FBI laboratory for redesigning its procedures to minimize the risk of conϐirmation bias. The necessary methodological steps are relatively simple. They illustrate a decision hygiene strategy that has applicability in many domains: sequencing information to limit the formation of premature intuitions . In any judgment, some information is relevant, and some is not. More information is not always better, especially if it has the"}
{"instruction": "How is forecasts presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "Empirically, ample evidence suggests that averaging multiple forecasts greatly increases accuracy, for instance in the “consensus” forecast of economic forecasters of stock analysts. With respect to sales forecasting, weather forecasting, and economic forecasting, the unweighted average of a group of forecasters outperforms most and sometimes all individual forecasts. Averaging forecasts obtained by different methods has the same effect: in an analysis of thirty empirical comparisons in diverse domains, combined forecasts reduced errors by an average of 12.5%. Straight averaging is not the only way to aggregate forecasts. A select-crowd strategy, which selects the best judges according to the accuracy of their recent judgments and averages the judgments of a small number of judges (e.g., ϐive), can be as effective as straight averaging. It is also easier for decision makers who respect expertise to understand and adopt a strategy that relies not only on aggregation but"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about biases?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "forecaster would have predicted that bias reduction would be the major effect of the training. Yet the training worked by reducing noise. The surprise is easily explained. Tetlock’s training is designed to ϐight psychological biases. As you now know, the effect of psychological biases is not always a statistical bias. When they affect different individuals on different judgments in different ways, psychological biases produce noise. This is clearly the case here, as the events being forecast are quite varied. The same biases can lead a forecaster to overreact or underreact, depending on the topic. We should not expect them to produce a statistical bias, deϐined as the general tendency of a forecaster to believe that events will happen or not happen. As a result, training forecasters to ϐight their psychological biases works—by reducing noise. Teaming had a comparably large effect on noise reduction, but it also signiϐicantly improved the ability of the teams to extract"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on diagnosis?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "Diagnosis often requires some kind of judgment. For many conditions, the diagnosis is routine and largely mechanical, and rules and procedures are in place to minimize noise. It’s usually easy for a doctor to determine whether someone has a dislocated shoulder or a broken toe. Something similar can be said about problems that are more technical. Quantifying tendon degeneration produces little noise. When pathologists evaluate core needle biopsies of breast lesions, their evaluations are relatively straightforward, with little noise. Importantly, some diagnoses do not involve judgment at all. Health care often progresses by removing the element of judgment—by shifting from judgment to calculation. For strep throat, a doctor will begin with a rapid antigen test on a swab sample from a patient’s throat. In a short period, the test can detect strep bacteria. (Without the rapid antigen result, and to some extent even with it, there is noise in"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat psychiatry as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "temperature greater than 100.4 degrees. Depending on the number of points a patient is assigned, a throat swab to diagnose strep pharyngitis may be recommended. Assessment and scoring are relatively straightforward using this scale, which has effectively reduced the number of people undergoing unnecessary testing and treatment for strep throat. Similarly, guidelines have been developed for breast cancer diagnosis with the Breast Imaging Reporting and Data System (BI- RADS), which reduces noise in the interpretations of mammograms. One study found that BI-RADS increased interrater agreement on the assessments of mammograms, demonstrating that guidelines can be effective in reducing noise in an area where variability has been signiϐicant. In pathology, there have been many successful efforts to use guidelines for the same purpose. The Depressing Case of Psychiatry In terms of noise, psychiatry is an extreme case. When diagnosing the same patient using the same diagnostic criteria, psychiatrists"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of performance?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "performance ratings at a company that values kindness (or collegiality), intelligence, and diligence. Would there be a difference between your ratings? Would it be as large as in the earlier exercise? Even larger? However those questions are answered, differences in policies and scaling are likely to produce noise. And in fact, that is what is pervasively observed in performance ratings across organizational settings. A Judgment Task In almost all large organizations, performance is formally evaluated on a regular basis. Those who are rated do not enjoy the experience. As one newspaper headline put it, “Study Finds That Basically Every Single Person Hates Performance Reviews.” Every single person also knows (we think) that performance reviews are subject to both bias and noise. But most people do not know just how noisy they are. In an ideal world, evaluating people’s performance would not be a judgment task; objective facts would be sufϐicient to determine how"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect what next to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "whose performances are indistinguishable. Forcing a differentiated distribution of ratings on this undifferentiated reality does not reduce error. It increases it. Critics of forced ranking have often focused their attacks on the principle of ranking, which they decry as brutal, inhumane, and ultimately counterproductive. Whether or not you accept these arguments, the fatal ϐlaw of forced ranking is not the “ranking,” but the “forced.” Whenever judgments are forced onto an inappropriate scale, either because a relative scale is used to measure an absolute performance or because judges are forced to distinguish the indistinguishable, the choice of the scale mechanically adds noise. What’s Next? In light of all the efforts that organizations have made to improve performance measurement, it is an understatement to say that the results have been disappointing. As a result of those efforts, the cost of performance evaluations skyrocketed. In 2015, Deloitte calculated that"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on performance?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "(In part 6 , we shall have more to say about the costs of reducing noise.) In addition, any organization that tames the noise attributable to raters also reduces their ability to inϐluence ratings in pursuit of their own goals. Requiring managers to undergo additional rater training, to invest more effort in the rating process, and to give up some of the control they have over outcomes is certain to generate considerable resistance. Tellingly, the majority of studies of frame-of-reference rater training have so far been conducted on students, not on actual managers. The large subject of performance evaluation raises many questions, both practical and philosophical. Some people ask, for instance, to what extent the notion of individual performance is meaningful in today’s organizations, where outcomes often depend on how people interact with one another. If we believe the notion is indeed meaningful, we must wonder how levels of individual performance are distributed"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with interviews?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "Much of this is unpredictable at the time of hiring. This uncertainty limits the predictive validity of interviews and, indeed, any other personnel selection technique. Interviews are also a mineϐield of psychological biases. In recent years, people have become well aware that interviewers tend, often unintentionally, to favor candidates who are culturally similar to them or with whom they have something in common, including gender, race, and educational background. Many companies now recognize the risks posed by biases and try to address them through speciϐic training of recruiting professionals and other employees. Other biases have also been known for decades. For instance, physical appearance plays a large part in the evaluation of candidates, even for positions where it should matter little or not at all. Such biases are shared by all or most recruiters and, when applied to a given candidate, will thus tend to produce a shared error—a negative or positive bias in the candidate’s"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise professors?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "prior attitudes. The limitations of traditional interviews cast serious doubt on our ability to draw any meaningful conclusions from them. Yet impressions formed in an interview are vivid, and the interviewer is usually conϐident about them. When combining the conclusions reached in an interview with other cues about the candidate, we tend to give too much weight to the interview and too little to other data that may be more predictive, such as test scores. A story may help bring this observation to life. Professors who interview for a faculty position are often asked to teach in front of a panel of their peers to ensure that their teaching skills are up to the institution’s standards. It is, of course, a higher-stakes situation than an ordinary class. One of us once witnessed a candidate making a bad impression in this exercise, clearly because of the stress of the situation: the candidate’s résumé mentioned outstanding teaching evaluations and several awards for teaching excellence."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe google?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "Its use in this context is not a surprise. Almost all companies aggregate the judgments of multiple interviewers on the same candidate. Not to be outdone, Google sometimes had candidates suffer through twenty-ϐive interviews! One of the conclusions of Bock’s review was to reduce that number to four, as he found that additional interviews added almost no predictive validity to what was achieved by the ϐirst four. To ensure this level of validity, however, Google stringently enforces a rule that not all companies observe: the company makes sure that the interviewers rate the candidate separately, before they communicate with one another. Once more: aggregation works—but only if the judgments are independent. Google also adopted a decision hygiene strategy we haven’t yet described in detail: structuring complex judgments. The term structure can mean many things. As we use the term here, a structured complex judgment is deϐined by three principles: decomposition, independence,"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term google?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "all the ratings the candidates have obtained on each assessment in each interview and other relevant information in support of these assessments. On the basis of that information, the committee then decides whether to extend an offer. Despite the famously data-driven culture of this company, and despite all the evidence that a mechanical combination of data outperforms a clinical one, the ϐinal hiring decision is not mechanical. It remains a judgment, in which the committee takes all the evidence into account and weighs it holistically, engaging in a discussion of the question “Will this person be successful at Google?” The decision is not merely computed. In the next chapter, we will explain why we believe that this approach to making the ϐinal decision is a sensible one. But note that while they are not mechanical, Google’s ϐinal hiring decisions are anchored on the average score assigned by the four interviewers. They are also informed by the underlying evidence."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about mapco?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "It incorporates most of the decision hygiene strategies that we have introduced in the preceding chapters. The protocol can be applied broadly and whenever the evaluation of a plan or an option requires considering and weighting multiple dimensions. It can be used, and adapted in various ways, by organizations of all kinds, including diverse companies, hospitals, universities, and government agencies. We illustrate the protocol here with a stylized example that is a composite of several real cases: a ϐictitious corporation we’ll call Mapco. We will follow the steps Mapco takes as it studies the opportunity to make a major, transformative acquisition, and we will highlight how these differ from the usual steps a company takes in such a situation. As you will see, the differences are signiϐicant, but subtle—an inattentive observer might not even notice them. The First Meeting: Agreeing on the Approach The idea of acquiring Roadco, a competitor, had been percolating at"}
{"instruction": "Why does mediating assessments matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "characterizes bureaucracies. The case for decision hygiene is clear. Leaders in business and in the public sector are usually entirely unaware of noise in their largest and most important decisions. As a result, they take no speciϐic measures to reduce it. In that respect, they are just like the recruiters who continue to rely on unstructured interviews as their sole personnel selection tool: oblivious to the noise in their own judgment, more conϐident in its validity than they should be, and unaware of procedures that could improve it. Handwashing does not prevent all diseases. Likewise, decision hygiene will not prevent all mistakes. It will not make every decision brilliant. But like handwashing, it addresses an invisible yet pervasive and damaging problem. Wherever there is judgment, there is noise, and we propose decision hygiene as a tool to reduce it. Speaking of the Mediating Assessments Protocol “We have a structured process to make hiring decisions."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame diagnoses here?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "We could just as easily see that this limit should be different when the essays are written by ninthgraders or as senior theses, where university admission may be on the line and the stakes are higher. The basic analysis might be extended to more complex situations faced by private and public organizations of all kinds, leading them to reject some noise-reduction strategies. For some diseases, hospitals and doctors might struggle to identify simple guidelines to eliminate variability. In the case of divergent medical diagnoses, efforts to reduce noise have particular appeal; they might save lives. But the feasibility and costs of those efforts need to be taken into account. A test might eliminate noise in diagnoses, but if the test is invasive, dangerous, and costly, and if variability in diagnoses is modest and has only mild consequences, then it might not be worthwhile for all doctors to require all patients to take the test. Rarely does the evaluation of employees involve life and death."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about supreme court?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "Maybe they show a capacity for rehabilitation. Many people think that a life sentence, inattentive to the particular circumstances, is not only too harsh but also intolerably rigid. For that reason, the price of that noise-reduction strategy is too high. Consider the case of Woodson v. North Carolina, in which the US Supreme Court held that a mandatory death sentence was unconstitutional not because it was too brutal but because it was a rule. The whole point of the mandatory death sentence was to ensure against noise—to say that under speciϐied circumstances, murderers would have to be put to death. Invoking the need for individualized treatment, the court said that “the belief no longer prevails that every offense in a like legal category calls for an identical punishment without regard to the past life and habits of a particular offender.” According to the Supreme Court, a serious constitutional shortcoming of the mandatory death sentence is that it “treats all persons convicted of a"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about math destruction?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "can come at an intolerable cost if greater reliance on algorithms increases discrimination on the basis of race and gender, or against members of disadvantaged groups. There are widespread fears that algorithms will in fact have that discriminatory consequence, which is undoubtedly a serious risk. In Weapons of Math Destruction, mathematician Cathy O’Neil urges that reliance on big data and decision by algorithm can embed prejudice, increase inequality, and threaten democracy itself. According to another skeptical account, “potentially biased mathematical models are remaking our lives—and neither the companies responsible for developing them nor the government is interested in addressing the problem.” According to ProPublica, an independent investigative journalism organization, COMPAS, an algorithm widely used in recidivism risk assessments, is strongly biased against members of racial minorities. No one should doubt that it is possible—even easy—to create an"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about algorithms?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "human résumé screeners do. These examples and many others lead to an inescapable conclusion: although a predictive algorithm in an uncertain world is unlikely to be perfect, it can be far less imperfect than noisy and often-biased human judgment. This superiority holds in terms of both validity (good algorithms almost always predict better) and discrimination (good algorithms can be less biased than human judges). If algorithms make fewer mistakes than human experts do and yet we have an intuitive preference for people, then our intuitive preferences should be carefully examined. Our broader conclusions are simple and extend well beyond the topic of algorithms. It is true that noise-reduction strategies can be costly. But much of the time their costs are merely an excuse—and not a sufϐicient reason to tolerate the unfairness and costs of noise. Of course, efforts to reduce noise might produce errors of their own, perhaps in the form of bias."}
{"instruction": "How is mashaw presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "decisions that will be noisy and therefore unfair. In the United States, such noisy, unfair decisions were once the norm, and the results were scandalous. Two seemingly identical people in wheelchairs or with severe depression or chronic pain would be treated differently. In response, public ofϐicials shifted to something far more like a rule—a disability matrix. The matrix calls for relatively mechanical judgments on the basis of education, geographical location, and remaining physical capacities. The goal is to make the decisions less noisy. The leading discussion of the problem, written by law professor Jerry Mashaw, gives a name to the effort to eliminate noisy judgments: bureaucratic justice. The term is worth remembering. Mashaw celebrates the creation of the matrix as fundamentally just, precisely because it promises to eliminate noise. In some situations, however, the promise of bureaucratic justice might not be realized. Whenever an"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about noise?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "when executives are too optimistic about sales, year after year; or when a company keeps reinvesting money in failing projects that it should write off. Eliminating bias from a set of judgments will not eliminate all error. The errors that remain when bias is removed are not shared. They are the unwanted divergence of judgments, the unreliability of the measuring instrument we apply to reality. They are noise. Noise is variability in judgments that should be identical. We use the term system noise for the noise observed in organizations that employ interchangeable professionals to make decisions, such as physicians in an emergency room, judges imposing criminal penalties, and underwriters in an insurance company. Much of this book has been concerned with system noise. Measuring Bias and Noise The mean of squared errors (MSE) has been the standard of accuracy in scientiϐic measurement for two hundred years. The main features of MSE are that it yields the sample mean as an unbiased estimate of the"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on another?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "system that assumes consistency. In the studies we have examined, the stable pattern noise that such individual differences produce is generally the single largest source of system noise. Still, judges’ distinctive attitudes to particular cases are not perfectly stable. Pattern noise also has a transient component, called occasion noise. We detect this kind of noise if a radiologist assigns different diagnoses to the same image on different days or if a ϐingerprint examiner identiϐies two prints as a match on one occasion but not on another. As these examples illustrate, occasion noise is most easily measured when the judge does not recognize the case as one seen before. Another way to demonstrate occasion noise is to show the effect of an irrelevant feature of the context on judgments, such as when judges are more lenient after their favorite football team won, or when doctors prescribe more opioids in the afternoon. The Psychology of Judgment and Noise"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat noise as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "intuitive process of matching across intensity dimensions—such as when people match a high GPA to a precocious reading age—will generally produce similar judgments. The same is true of judgments based on a small number of cues that point in the same general direction. Large individual differences emerge when a judgment requires the weighting of multiple, conϔlicting cues. Looking at the same candidate, some recruiters will give more weight to evidence of brilliance or charisma; others will be more inϐluenced by concerns about diligence or calm under pressure. When cues are inconsistent and do not ϐit a coherent story, different people will inevitably give more weight to certain cues and ignore others. Pattern noise will result. The Obscurity of Noise Noise is not a prominent problem. It is rarely discussed, and it is certainly less salient than bias. You probably had not given it much thought. Given its importance, the obscurity of noise is an interesting"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of decision?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "to decisions made in a group setting: detect biases in real time, by designating a decision observer to identify signs of bias (see appendix B). Our main suggestion for reducing noise in judgment is decision hygiene. We chose this term because noise reduction, like health hygiene, is prevention against an unidentiϐied enemy. Handwashing, for example, prevents unknown pathogens from entering our bodies. In the same way, decision hygiene will prevent errors without knowing what they are. Decision hygiene is as unglamorous as its name and certainly less exciting than a victorious ϐight against predictable biases. There may be no glory in preventing an unidentiϐied harm, but it is very much worth doing. A noise-reduction effort in an organization should always begin with a noise audit (see appendix A). An important function of the audit is to obtain a commitment of the organization to take noise seriously. An essential beneϐit is the assessment of separate types of noise."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect judgment to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "judgment problem into a series of smaller tasks. This technique is analogous to the practice of structured interviews, in which interviewers evaluate one trait at a time and score it before moving to the next one. The principle of structuring inspires diagnostic guidelines, such as the Apgar score. It is also at the heart of the approach we have called the mediating assessments protocol. This protocol breaks down a complex judgment into multiple fact-based assessments and aims to ensure that each one is evaluated independently of the others. Whenever possible, independence is protected by assigning assessments to different teams and minimizing communication among them. Resist premature intuitions . We have described the internal signal of judgment completion that gives decision makers conϐidence in their judgment. The unwillingness of decision makers to give up this rewarding signal is a key reason for the resistance to the use of guidelines and algorithms and other rules that tie their hands."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on algorithms?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "high school could eliminate noise in grading by having ϐive teachers read each and every paper, but that burden is hardly justiϐied. Some noise may be inevitable in practice, a necessary side effect of a system of due process that gives each case individualized consideration, that does not treat people like cogs in a machine, and that grants decision makers a sense of agency. Some noise may even be desirable, if the variation it creates enables a system to adapt over time—as when noise reϐlects changing values and goals and triggers a debate that leads to change in practice or in the law. Perhaps most importantly, noise-reduction strategies may have unacceptable downsides. Many concerns about algorithms are overblown, but some are legitimate. Algorithms may produce stupid mistakes that a human would never make, and therefore lose credibility even if they also succeed in preventing many errors that humans do make. They may be biased by poor design or by training on inadequate"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with conduct noise?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "follow its prescriptions. Independent judgments would be elicited and aggregated. Meetings would look very different; discussions would be more structured. An outside view would be more systematically integrated into the decision process. Overt disagreements would be both more frequent and more constructively resolved. The result would a be less noisy world. It would save a great deal of money, improve public safety and health, increase fairness, and prevent many avoidable errors. Our aim in writing this book has been to draw attention to this opportunity. We hope that you will be among those who seize it. APPENDIX A How to Conduct a Noise Audit T his appendix provides a practical guide for conducting a noise audit. You should read it from the perspective of a consultant who has been engaged by an organization to examine the quality of the professional judgments its employees produce by conducting a noise audit in one of its units. As implied by its name, the focus of the audit is the prevalence of"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise professionals?", "input": "Source: Noise A Flaw in Human Judgment", "output": "how [decision makers] reach their conclusions.” It is essential to reassure the professionals who participate in the study that individual answers will not be known to anyone in the organization, including the project team. If necessary, an outside ϐirm may be hired to anonymize the data. It is also important to stress that there will be no speciϐic consequences for the unit, which was merely selected as representative of units that perform judgment tasks on behalf of the organization. To ensure the credibility of the results, all qualiϐied professionals in the unit should participate in the study. The allocation of half a working day to the exercise will help convince the participants of its importance. All participants should complete the exercise at the same time, but they should be kept physically separate and asked not to communicate while the study is in progress. The project team will be available to answer questions during the study."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe kristeva?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "meaning is essentially the same even though the wording differs and in one instance a metaphorical development has been eliminated. When several translations are available, as they are for Sophocles, I used the one that seemed closest to the one used by Kristeva. For the Bible, I relied on the King James version; minor differences between biblical and anthropological terminology should pose no problem, and the reader will readily see that the latter’s pure/impure distinction corresponds to the biblical contrast between clean and unclean. For an original quotation from the French, I have also used available published translations. Working with Céline’s novels, however, translators have endeavored to produce effective English-language fiction. As a result they were occasionally led to stray from a literal version of the text—and rightly so. On the other hand, for the purpose of Kristeva’s analysis, there are times when close attention to"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term unconscious?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "itself (Lacan, in perfect keeping with Freud’s thought, interprets that as “repudiation of the Name of the Father”). Yet, facing the ab-ject and more specifically phobia and the splitting of the ego (a point I shall return to), one might ask if those articulations of negativity germane to the unconscious (inherited by Freud from philosophy and psychology) have not become inoperative. The “unconscious” contents remain here excluded but in strange fashion: not radically enough to allow for a secure differentiation between subject and object, and yet clearly enough for a defensive position to be established—one that implies a refusal but also a sublimating elaboration. As if the fundamental opposition were between I and Other or, in more archaic fashion, between Inside and Outside. As if such an opposition subsumed the one between Conscious and Unconscious, elaborated on the basis of neuroses. Owing to the ambiguous opposition I/Other, Inside/Outside—an"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about symbolic?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "animals or animalism, which were imagined as representatives of sex and murder. The abject confronts us, on the other hand, and this time within our personal archeology, with our earliest attempts to release the hold of maternal entity even before ex-isting outside of her, thanks to the autonomy of language. It is a violent, clumsy breaking away, with the constant risk of falling back under the sway of a power as securing as it is stifling. The difficulty a mother has in acknowledging (or being acknowledged by) the symbolic realm—in other words, the problem she has with the phallus that her father or her husband stands for— is not such as to help the future subject leave the natural mansion. The child can serve its mother as token of her own authentication; there is, however, hardly any reason for her to serve as go-between for it to become autonomous and authentic in its turn. In such close combat, the symbolic light that a third party, eventually the father,"}
{"instruction": "Why does abjection matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "ephemeral aspect of the state called “narcissism” with reproachful Approaching Abjection\u000215 jealousy, heaven knows why; what is more, abjection gives narcissism (the thing and the concept) its classification as “seeming.” Nevertheless, it is enough that a prohibition, which can be a superego, block the desire craving an other—or that this other, as its role demands, not fulfill it—for desire and its signifiers to turn back toward the “same,” thus clouding the waters of Narcissus. It is precisely at the moment of narcissistic perturbation (all things considered, the permanent state of the speaking being, if he would only hear himself speak) that secondary repression, with its reserve of symbolic means, attempts to transfer to its own account, which has thus been overdrawn, the resources of primal repression. The archaic economy is brought into full light of day, signified, verbalized. Its strategies (rejecting, separating, repeating/abjecting) hence find"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame abjection here?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "gives its quietus to abjection, but also perhaps to the bothersome, incandescent stake of the literary phenomenon itself, which, raised to the status of the sacred, is severed from its specificity. Death thus keeps house in our contemporary universe. By purifying (us from) literature, it establishes our secular religion. As Abjection—So the Sacred Abjection accompanies all religious structurings and reappears, to be worked out in a new guise, at the time of their collapse. Several structurations of abjection should be distinguished, each one determining a specific form of the sacred. Abjection appears as a rite of defilement and pollution in the paganism that accompanies societies with a dominant or surviving matrilinear character. It takes on the form of the exclusion of a substance (nutritive or linked to sexuality), the execution of which coincides with the sacred since it sets it up. Abjection persists as exclusion or taboo (dietary or other) in"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about abjection?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "degradation because it absolutely rejected the moral limit (a social, religious, familial, and individual one) as absolute—God. Abjection then wavers between the fading away of all meaning and all humanity, burnt as by the flames of a conflagration, and the ecstasy of an ego that, having lost its Other and its objects, reaches, at the precise moment of this suicide, the height of harmony with the promised land. Equally abject are Verkhovensky and Kirilov, murder and suicide. A big fire at night always produces an exciting and exhilarating effect; this explains the attraction of fireworks; but in the case of fireworks, the graceful and regular shape of the flames and the complete immunity from danger produce a light and playful effect comparable to the effect of a glass of champagne. Approaching Abjection\u000219 A real fire is quite another matter: there the horror and a certain sense of personal danger, combined with the well-known exhil-"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about forfeited catharsis?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "tures. The types of articulation (narrative and syntactic structures, prosodic processes, etc. in the different texts) also vary. Thus the abject, depending on the writer, turns out to be named differently when it is not merely suggested by linguistic modifications that are always somewhat elliptic. In the final part of this essay I shall examine in detail a specific articulation of the abject—that of Céline. Let me just say at this point, as an introduction, that contemporary literature, in its multiple variants, and when it is written as the language, possible at last, of that impossible constituted either by a-subjectivity or by non-objectivity, propounds, as a matter of fact, a sublimation of abjection. Thus it becomes a substitute for the role formerly played by the sacred, at the limits of social and subjective identity. But we are dealing here with a sublimation without consecration. Forfeited. Catharsis and Analysis That abjection, which modernity has learned to repress, dodge, or fake,"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about freudian?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "his aim to keep consciousness apart from defilement, which, nevertheless, dialectically constitutes it. Reabsorbed into the trajectory of the Idea, what can defilement become if not the negative side of consciousness—that is, lack of communication and speech? In other words, defilement as reabsorbed in marriage becomes sadness. In so doing, it has not strayed too far from its logic, according to which it is a border of discourse—a silence.15 It is obvious that the analyst, from the abyss of his silence, brushes against the ghost of the sadness Hegel saw in sexual normalization. Such sadness is the more obvious to him as his ethics is rigorous— founded, as it must be in the West, on the remains of transcendental idealism. But one can also argue that the Freudian stance, which is dualistic and dissolving, unsettles those foundations. In that sense, it causes the sad, analytic silence to hover above a strange, foreign discourse, which, strictly speaking, shatters verbal communication"}
{"instruction": "How is freud presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "it allow itself to be exceeded by sexual drive, which is drive toward the other? Repression—what type of repression yields symbolization, hence a signifiable object, and what other type, on the contrary, blocks the way toward symbolization and topples drive into the lack-of-object of asymbolia or the auto-object of somatization? The connection between the unconscious and language—what is the share of language learning or language activity in the constitution of object relation and its transformations? It is with respect to the phobia of Little Hans that Freud tackles in the clearest fashion the matter of the relation to the object, which is crucial for the constitution of the subject.2 From the start, fear and object are linked. Can that be by accident? The unending and uncertain identifications of hysterics did surely not throw light on Freud’s work on this topic. This obsessional rumination—which ceaselessly elaborates signs so as better to protect, within the family vault,"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about condensation?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "present object. Indeed, as Freud is first to admit, the analytical apparatus is no match for that phobic condensation, for it cannot open it out: In the process of the formation of a phobia from the unconscious thoughts underlying it, condensation takes place; and for that reason the course of the analysis can never follow that of the development of the neurosis.4 something to be scared of Obviously such an acknowledgment does no more than establish the difference between the analytic process and the neurotic condensation process. But one could also understand it as neglecting, through the linear, transferential approach of analysis (the more so as analysis is often undertaken on the level of the imaginary and even of the superego), the processes of condensation that oversee phobic work. In order to deal with such processes, it would be necessary to revive the work of introjection as well as to pay particular attention to displacements and condensations within the signifying chain."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on language?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "metaphor has a first claim on. But one is rightfully led to suppose that any verbalizing activity, whether or not it names a phobic object related to orality, is an attempt to introject the incorporated items. In that sense, verbalization has always been confronted with the “ab-ject” that the phobic object is. Language learning takes place as an attempt to appropriate an oral “object” that slips away and whose hallucination, necessarily deformed, threatens us from the outside. Sandy’s increasing interest in language, in proportion as her phobia grows, the verbal games in which she indulges, are on a par with the intense verbal activity of little Hans, which I discussed. One might contrast with this relation between phobia and language in the child the commonplace observation on adult phobic discourse. The speech of the phobic adult is also characterized by extreme nimbleness. But that vertiginous skill is as if void of meaning, traveling at top speed over an untouched and untouchable abyss,"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat scared as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "and this with the obsessed and obsessive help of the father and the psychoanalyst, we are witnessing a victory of “the forces that were opposed to sexuality.” Such a narcissism presents us with at least two problems. How can one account for its strength, which hands over the object drive? How does it happen that, dominating as it may be, it does not lead to autism? Something to Be Scared of\u000245 A particular biological makeup, imaginable although enigmatic, could provide a partial answer to the first question. And yet it is the failure of the triangular relationship, which alone posits the existence of an object, that seems to be implicated here. In the final analysis, the so-called narcissistic drive dominates only if instability of the paternal metaphor prevents the subject from finding its place within a triadic structure giving an object to its drives. That means that the object relationship of drives is a belated and even nonessential phenomenon."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of spurious?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "false? The glance cast on phobic symptom has allowed us to witness something to be scared of the painful dawning, splendid in its symbolic complexity, of the (verbal) sign in the grip of drive (fear, aggressivity) and sight (projection of the ego onto the other). But analytic reality, mindful of what is called the “unanalyzable,” seems to cause experience to arise from another symptom, one that emerges from the same very problematic separation subject/object—but now seemingly at the opposite end of phobic hallucination. The constituting barrier between subject and object has here become an unsurmountable wall. An ego, wounded to the point of annulment, barricaded and untouchable, cowers somewhere, nowhere, at no other place than the one that cannot be found. Where objects are concerned he delegates phantoms, ghosts, “false cards”: a stream of spurious egos and for that very reason spurious objects, seeming egos that confront undesirable objects."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect aufhebung to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "perception, as well as coenesthetic representation of object relation and of the relation to the discourse of the other subject. With the borderline patient there is a collapse of the nexus constituted by the verbal signifier effecting the simultaneous Aufhebung of both signified and affect. A consequence of that disconnection, involving the very function of language in its psychic economy, is that verbalization, as he says, is alien to him. More so than with the neurotic, it is by means of the signifier alone that the unconscious meaning of the borderline patient is delivered. Only seldom is metaphor included in his speech; when it is, more than with anyone else, it is a literal one—to be understood as metonymy for unnamable desire. “I displace, therefore you must associate and condense for me,” says such an analysand, who, in short, is asking the analyst to build up an imagination for him. He is asking to be saved like Moses, to be born like Christ."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on father?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "It differs from the latter in the same way that anal eroticism differs from sadism. —Georges Bataille, Essais de sociologie Mother-Phobia and the Murder of the Father In psychoanalysis as in anthropology, one commonly links the sacred and the establishment of the religious bond that it presupposes with sacrifice. Freud tied the sacred to taboo and totemism,1 and concluded that, “we consider ourselves justified in substituting the father for the totem animal in the male’s formula of totemism.”2 We are all familiar with that Freudian thesis as to the murder of the father and, more specifically, with the one he develops in Moses and Monotheism: in connection with Judaic religion the archaic father and master of the primeval horde is killed by the conspiring sons who, later seized with a sense of guilt for an act that was upon the whole inspired by ambivalent feelings, end up restoring paternal authority, no longer as an arbitrary power but as a right; thus renouncing the possession of all women in"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with face?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "symbolic competence, implied by the confrontation with the feminine and the way in which societies code themselves in order to accompany as far as possible the speaking subject on that journey. Abjection, or the journey to the end of the night. Prohibited Incest vs. Coming Face to Face with the Unnamable What we designate as “feminine,” far from being a primeval essence, will be seen as an “other” without a name, which subjective experience confronts when it does not stop at the appearance of its identity. from filth to defilement Assuming that any Other is appended to the triangulating function of the paternal prohibition, what will be dealt with here, beyond and through the paternal function, is a coming face to face with an unnamable otherness—the solid rock of jouissance and writing as well. I shall set aside in this essay a different version of the confrontation with the feminine, one that, going beyond abjection and fright, is enunciated as ecstatic."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise oedipus?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "The ego of primary narcissism is thus uncertain, fragile, threatened, subjected just as much as its non-object to spatial ambivalence (inside/outside uncertainty) and to ambiguity of perception (pleasure/pain). On the other hand, one has to admit that such a narcissistic topology has no other underpinning in psychosomatic reality than the mother-child dyad. Now, though that relation has always been immersed in language, it allows the latter’s inscription in the future subject only when biophysiological preconditions and the conditions of the Oedipus complex permit the setting up of a triadic relationship. The subject’s active use of the signifier truly dates only from this moment. By stressing the from filth to defilement inherence of language in the human state, by overestimating the subject’s having been the slave of language since before his birth, one avoids noting the two moods, active and passive, according to which the subject is constituted in the signifier; by the same token"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe fundamental work?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "mother. Her being coded as “abject” points to the considerable importance some societies attribute to women (matrilineal or related filiation, endogamy, decisive role of procreation for the survival of the social group, etc.). The symbolic “exclusory prohibition” that, as a from filth to defilement matter of fact, constitutes collective existence does not seem to have, in such cases, sufficient strength to dam up the abject or demoniacal potential of the feminine. The latter, precisely on account of its power, does not succeed in differentiating itself as other but threatens one’s own and clean self, which is the underpinning of any organization constituted by exclusions and hierarchies. But before outlining the weakness of prohibition and finally the matrilineal order that can be perceived in those communities, let us return to the anthropological delineation of the logic of exclusion that causes the abject to exist. The Fundamental Work of Mary Douglas"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term symbolic?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "In thus attaining universal truth, it nevertheless neglected the subjective dimension and/or the diachronic and synchronic implication of the speaking subject in the universal order of language. Consequently, when I speak of symbolic order, I shall imply the dependence and articulation of the speaking subject in the order of language, such as they appear diachronically in the advent of each speaking being, and as analytic listening discovers them synchronically in the speech of analysands. I shall consider as an established fact the analytic finding that different subjective structures are possible within that symbolic order, even if the different types presently recorded seem subject to discussion and refinement, if not reevaluation. One might advance the hypothesis that a (social) symbolic system corresponds to a specific structuration of the speaking subject in the symbolic order. To say that it “corresponds” leaves out questions of cause"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about socio-historical?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "ants: defilement, food taboo, and sin. Socio-historical considerations can be brought in at a second stage. They will allow us to understand why that demarcating imperative, which is subjectively experienced as abjection, varies according to time and space, even though it is universal. I shall nevertheless stick to a typological argument. Prohibitions and conflicts that are specific to a given subject and ritualized by religion for a given type of body will appear as isomorphic with the prohibitions and conflicts of the social group within which they happen. Leaving aside the question of the priority of one over the other (the social does not represent the subjective any more than the subjective represents the social), I shall posit that they both follow the same logic, with no other goal than the survival of both group and subject. My reflections will make their way through anthropological domains and analyses in order to aim at a deep psycho-symbolic"}
{"instruction": "Why does menstrual matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "noticed that the attempt to establish a male, phallic power is vigorously threatened by the no less virulent power of the other sex, which is oppressed (recently? or not sufficiently for the survival needs of society?). That other sex, the feminine, becomes synonymous with a radical evil that is to be suppressed.15 Let us keep that fact in mind; I shall return to it later on for the interpretation of defilement and its rites. In the meantime I turn to the particulars—the prohibited objects and the symbolic devices that accompany those prohibitions. Excrements and Menstrual Blood While they always relate to corporeal orifices as to so many landmarks parceling-constituting the body’s territory, polluting objects fall, schematically, into two types: excremental and menstrual. Neither tears nor sperm, for instance, although they belong to borders of the body, have any polluting value. Excrement and its equivalents (decay, infection, disease, corpse,"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame defilement here?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "of language, it is dependent upon meaning, but in a way that is not that of linguistic signs nor of the symbolic order they found. Maternal authority is the trustee of that mapping of the self’s clean and proper body; it is distinguished from paternal laws within which, with the phallic phase and acquisition of language, the destiny of man will take shape. If language, like culture, sets up a separation and, starting with discrete elements, concatenates an order, it does so precisely by repressing maternal authority and the corporeal mapping that abuts against them. It is then appropriate to ask what happens to such a repressed item when the legal, phallic, linguistic symbolic from filth to defilement establishment does not carry out the separation in radical fashion— or else, more basically, when the speaking being attempts to think through its advent in order better to establish its effectiveness. Defilement Rite—A Social Elaboration of"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about prohibition?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "ity without guilt prevails, a kind of fusion between mother and nature, and on the other hand, a totally different universe of socially from filth to defilement signifying performances where embarrassment, shame, guilt, desire, etc. come into play—the order of the phallus. Such a split, which in another cultural universe would produce psychosis, thus finds in this context a perfect socialization. That may be because setting up the rite of defilement takes on the function of the hyphen, the virgule, allowing the two universes filth and of prohibition to brush lightly against each other without necessarily being identified as such, as object and as law. On account of the flexibility at work in rites of defilement, the subjective economy of the speaking being who is involved abuts on both edges of the unnamable (the nonobject, the off-limits) and the absolute (the relentless coherence of Prohibition, sole donor of Meaning). Finally, the frequency of defilement rites in societies without writing"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about remainder?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "time as incentive toward holiness. But here is perhaps the essential point: the remainder appears to be coextensive with the entire architecture of non-totalizing thought. In its view there is nothing that is everything; nothing is exhaustive, there is a residue in every system—in cosmogony, food ritual, and even sacrifice, which deposits, through ashes for instance, ambivalent remains. A challenge to our mono-theistic and mono-logical universes such a mode of thinking apparently needs the ambivalence of remainder if it is not to become enclosed within One single-level symbolics, and thus always posit a non-object as polluting as it is reviving—defilement and genesis. That is why the poet of the Atharva Veda extols the defiling and regenerating remainder (uchista) as precondition for all form. “Upon remainder the name and the form are founded, upon remainder the world is founded . . . Being and non-being, both are in the remainder,"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about enga?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "Here is a significant fact. Again as protection against the generative power of women, pollution rites arise within societies that are afraid of overpopulation (in barren regions, for instance). One thus finds them, as part of a whole system of restraining procreation, along with incest taboo, etc., among the Enga of New Guinea. from filth to defilement On the other hand, with their Fore neighbors, the desire to procreate, encouraged for opposite ecological reasons, entails, one might say symmetrically, the disappearance of incest taboo and pollution rites. Such a relaxation of prohibitions among the Fore, for the sake of a single objective—reproduction at any cost—is accompanied by such a lack of the “clean and proper” and hence of the “abject” that cannibalism of the dead seems to be current practice. Contrariwise the Enga, heedful of pollution and subjected to fear of procreation, are not acquainted with cannibalism.22 Is that parallel sufficient to suggest that defilement reveals, at"}
{"instruction": "How is difference presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "encompassing; one also sees it as correlative of marriage rules and religious customs (sacrifices and their evolution). One is then led to conceive of the opposition between pure and impure not as an archetype but as one coding of the differentiation of the speaking subject as such, a coding of his repulsion in relation to the other in order to autonomize himself. The pure/impure opposition represents (when it does not function as metaphor) the striving for identity, a difference. It appears instead of sexual difference (and in that sense it may seem, as in caste system, parallel to the institutionalizing of from filth to defilement bisexuality through endogamic marriage). On that basis, it acts as a separating value peculiar to the symbolic function itself (sacrificer/sacrifice/God; subject/thing/meaning). The hierarchy founded on the pure and the impure displaces (or denies) the difference between the sexes; it replaces the violence of sacrifice with the ritual of purification."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about defilement?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "tiveness not only from that mathesis of ambiguity but also from the wholly semantic values it endows opposing terms with. But what “values”? Thebes is a miasma on account of sterility, disease, and death. Oedipus is agos on account of his having, through murder of the father and incest with the mother, interrupted the reproductive chain. Defilement is the stopping of life; (like) sexuality without reproduction (the sons born out of Oedipus’ incest will perish, while his daughter will survive only within another logic, that of the contract or symbolic existence, as will be seen in Oedipus at Colonus). A certain sexuality, which does not have in Greek tragedy the meaning it has for modern man, which does not even adorn itself with pleasure but with sovereignty and knowledge, is the equivalent of disease and death. Defilement blends into it: practically, it amounts to tampering with the mother. Defilement is incest considered as transgression of"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on impurity?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "lical impurity as a condition internal to Jewish monotheism, intrinsically dependent on divine will, since the impure is what departs from divine precepts. Far from being a demonic force alien to divinity, impurity would then be a kind of neutralization of taboos (peculiar to rites of defilement), owing to the fact that it is subordinate to the will of God.1 The other interpretation, represented by Baruch A. Levine,2 considers impurity to be indicative of a demonic force, threatening the divinity, acting independently of it and analogous to the autonomous power of a spirit of evil. I shall try to demonstrate that those two contrary positions, in fact, do no more than unilaterally emphasize the complex dynamics of biblical thought concerning impurity. As I see it, biblical impurity semiotics of biblical abomination is permeated with the tradition of defilement; in that sense, it points to but does not signify an autonomous force that can be threatening for"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat lord as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "I keep asking questions. Why that system of classification and not another? What social, subjective, and socio-subjectively interacting needs does it fulfill? Are there no subjective structurations that, within the organization of each speaking being, correspond to this or that symbolic-social system and represent, if not stages, at least types of subjectivity and society? Types that would be defined, in the last analysis, according to the subject’s position in language, that is, by the more or less partial use he can make of his potentialities? A Strategy of Identity The pure/impure distinction, ࠃahor/ࠃame, shows up in the biblical episode of Noah’s burnt offerings to the Lord after the flood. “And Noah builded an altar unto the Lord; and took of every clean beast, and of every clean fowl, and offered burnt offerings on the altar.”6 That recognition of the pure/impure difference apparently forces the Lord to defer his judgment— and that entails clemency on the one"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of distinction?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "former. Biblical abomination would thus be an attempt to throttle murder. Through sustained abomination, Judaism parts ways with sacrificial religions. And to the extent that religion and sacrifice overlap, biblical abominations perhaps constitute the logical explicitation of the religious (without proceeding to murderous acts— which become unnecessary when the rules of taboo are disclosed and observed). With biblical abomination religion is probably wending its way toward fulfillment. The Man/God Distinction: A Dietary Distinction From its very beginning, the biblical text insists on maintaining the distance between man and God by means of a dietary differentiation. Thus the Lord (Genesis 3:22), after noting that “man is become as one of us, to know good and evil,” decides to prevent this pretentious “scholar” from also becoming immortal. He thus prohibits certain foods by banishing him from the garden of Eden, “lest he put forth his hand, and take also from the tree of life, and"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect mother to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "that archaic Mother Goddess who actually haunted the imagination of a nation at war with the surrounding polytheism. A phantasmatic mother who also constitutes, in the specific history of each person, the abyss that must be established as an autonomous (and not encroaching) place and distinct object, meaning a signifiable one, so that semiotics of biblical abomination such a person might learn to speak. At any rate, that evocation of defiled maternality, in Leviticus 12, inscribes the logic of dietary abominations within that of a limit, a boundary, a border between the sexes, a separation between feminine and masculine as foundation for the organization that is “clean and proper,” “individual,” and, one thing leading to another, signifiable, legislatable, subject to law and morality. After that confrontation with the boundary between the sexes, the biblical text continues its journey fully within the image of the body and its limits."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on abomination?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "on the other: those are the two abominations that bring about divine malediction and thus point to the two ends of the chain of prohibitions that binds the biblical text and entails, as I have suggested, a whole range of sexual or moral prohibitions. Abomination of Corpses Wards Off Death Wish. Taxonomy as Morals With the taboo on corpses the assortment of biblical taboos returns to what we have seen was its point of departure. One remembers semiotics of biblical abomination that dietary taboos had been spelled out after Noah’s burnt offerings to God and that, particularly throughout Leviticus, prohibitions accompanied the requirements of sacrifice. The two logical strands that run through the biblical text to be joined together at the time of burnt offerings or separated later on, sacrifice and abomination, reveal their true interdependence at the moment when the corpse topples from being the object of worship over to being the object"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with abomination?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "Semiotics of Biblical Abomination\u0002113 and judgments. When the victim is changed into an abomination, a deep qualitative change takes place: the religion that ensues, even if it continues to harbor sacrifice, is no longer a sacrificial religion. It tempers the fascination of murder; it gets around its desire by means of the abomination it associates with any act of incorporation and rejection of an ob-ject, thing or living being. What you sacrifice by swallowing, like what you suppress by rejecting, nourishing mother or corpse, are merely pre-texts of the symbolic relation that links you to Meaning. Use them to give existence to the One, but do not make them sacred in themselves. Nothing is sacred outside of the One. At the limit, everything that remains, all remainders, are abominable. Contrary to accepted interpretation, René Girard maintains that Christian religion breaks with sacrifice as the condition of the sacred and the social contract."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise from abomination?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "The tie between the multiplication of loaves and the Eucharist is well known; it is established by another of Christ’s statements, this time bringing together body and bread, “This is my body.” By surreptitiously mingling the theme of “devouring” with that of “satiating,” that narrative is a way of taming cannibalism. It invites a removal of guilt from the archaic relation to the first pre-object (ab-ject) of need: the mother. From Abomination to Lapse and Logic From Substance to Action Through oral-dietary satisfaction, there emerges, beyond it, a lust for swallowing up the other, while the fear of impure nourishment is revealed as deathly drive to devour the other. A primal fantasy if ever there was one, that theme unremittingly accompanies the tendency toward interiorizing and spiritualizing the abject. It acts as a pedestal for it; man is a spiritual, intelligent, knowing, in short, speaking being only to the extent that he is recognizant of his abjection—from"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe confessions through?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "man, born blind and ignorant, is unable to observe the law after it has been revealed, “because of some unaccountable constraining resistance due to carnal concupiscence.”4 A created being that is always already evil, even if free will gives it responsibility for sin, such would be the ambiguity of the speaking being. Permanence of sin, existence but restriction of the power of free will—these will fit into a different pattern in the later Augustinian writings: man is good, but his offense turns human beings into a massa damnata. It is not absurd to consider that such traces of Manicheism doubtless make of Augustine a precursor of Protestantism but especially the first psychological writer (see the Confessions). Through his writing, he follows the delightful interlacing of this inextricable heterogeneity, of this seesawing between the excesses of the flesh and the stern though merciful demands of absolute judgment. In so doing, he shows how"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term proustian?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "céline (fascist, anti-semitic); the true “miracle” of Céline resides in the very experience of one’s reading—it is fascinating, mysterious, intimately nocturnal, and liberating by means of a laughter without complacency yet complicitous. Nearly twenty years after his death, close to half a century after the publication of Journey to the End of the Night, how, where, and why does this Célinian universe challenge us so vigorously? I do not find within it the delightful interlacing of Proustian sentences, which unfold my memory and that of my language’s signs down to the silent, glowing recesses of an odyssey of desire deciphered in and through the fashionable wordliness of his contemporaries. I do not come out of it shaken to the point of exaltation, of dizziness (a torment that some flatten into monotony), as happens when the Sadean narrative machine unveils, beneath the power of terror, the playful reckoning of sexual drive coiled up in"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about narrative?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "(the sort that takes up where apocalypse and carnival left off ) did one realize that the narrative web is a thin film constantly threatened with bursting. For, when narrated identity is unbearable, when the boundary between subject and object is shaken, and when even the limit between inside and outside becomes uncertain, the narrative is what is challenged first. If it continues nevertheless, its makeup changes; its linearity is shattered, it proceeds by flashes, enigmas, short cuts, incompletion, tangles, and cuts. At a later stage, the unbearable identity of the narrator and of the surroundings that are supposed to sustain him can no longer be narrated but cries out or is descried with maximal stylistic intensity (language of violence, of obscenity, or of a rhetoric that relates the text to poetry). The narrative yields to a crying-out theme that, when it tends to coincide with the incandescent states of a boundarysubjectivity that I have called abjection, is the crying-out theme"}
{"instruction": "Why does molly matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "To varying degrees, such ambivalence seems to show that genital fear can be kept within bounds by idealization as well as by the unleashing of partial drives (sado-masochistic, voyeurist-ex-hibitionist, oral-anal). Molly, the most sublime, does not escape such a pattern. Doubtless a prostitute, dispensing her charms in a “clandestine whorehouse,” she nevertheless has none of the destitution that is the lot of Joyce’s Molly Bloom—one without illusions and commonplace to the point of sickly obscenity. To the contrary, Céline’s Molly benefits from angelic idealization; the modesty and lyricism of his writing endow her with the enchanted existence of the great whitedraped priestesses of ancient Phallic myths. Could the devalorization of sex, dissociated, parcelized, marginalized, and in the final analysis degraded, as we saw it in the theme of suffering-horror, be the condition for a phallic idealization of Woman? There is at any rate in Céline a precise place where abjection vanishes and becomes"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame symbolic here?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "attempts to globalize, unify, or totalize. Then the crushing anarchy or nihilism of discourse topples over and, as if it were the reverse of that negativism, an object appears—an object of hatred and desire, of threat and aggressivity, of envy and abomination. That object, the Jew, gives thought a focus where all contradictions are explained and satisfied. The function of the Jew in the economy of Célinian discourse will perhaps be better understood after I have called attention to at least two common features that structure the fluctuations of the pamphlets. “Ours to Jew or Die”\u0002183 Against the Symbolic Law: A Substitute Law The first is rage against the Symbolic, which is represented here by religious, para-religious, and moral establishments (Church, Freemasonry, School, intellectual Elite, communist Ideology, etc.); it culminates in what Céline hallucinates and knows to be their foundation and forebear—Jewish monotheism. When one follows his associations of"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about addition?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "taking into account of the intention or desire of the speaking subject within the communication act) over the logic of the statement (with, in French, the so-called normative syntax Subject-Verb-Object). It is distinguished, in addition to its segmentations, preposings, displacements, or repetitions for emphasis, by successive surges of the intonational curve; the latter, instead of being smoothed out in “classic” descending fashion, is slightly delayed, either raised or remaining at mid-intensity, at every boundary between theme and rheme, support and addition. The resulting rhythm in Céline’s enunciation is generally a binary one, and in the longer sentences it is often staccato. These starts are, it should be noted, in addition to those marked by commas; as if, with colloquial segmentation, Céline procured, in addition to punctuation, new means of shaping his sentences and imparting rhythm and music to them. “A côté d‘Alcide, /rien qu’un muffle impuissant/moi,"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about castle?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "especially striking on account of its concision. The famous “three dots,” or points of suspension, as well as the exclamation point, already present in previous texts, proliferate here; they assert themselves as external tokens of a staccato rhythm, of syntactical and logical ellipsis. Less pronounced in Castle to Castle, the device is accentuated in Rigadoon, in keeping no doubt with the apocalyptic and strident theme of a continent and culture that are falling into ruins. Let us take a closer look at Céline’s sentence in Castle to Castle. Very frequently the three dots come at the end of complete clauses where no ellipsis is involved. It seems then that their function is to signal that, while the syntactical structure is normally complete, the enunciation, on the other hand, is not; it continues, becomes displaced, concatenates other clauses. Far from being the mark of a lacuna in the clause, the three dots rather point to the overflowing of the clause into a higher"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about apocalypse the?", "input": "Source: Powers of Horror An Essay on Abjection", "output": "close on drive and abjection as well as fascination. Bordering on the unnamable. The Laughter of the Apocalypse The trans-syntactic inscription of emotion as inherent in the elementary structures of enunciation is probably the most subtle manifestation of what we have called abjection in connection with Célinian contents, themes, and myths. For exclamatory suspension reveals, as I have said, an intense subjective attitude, but an indeterminate, ambivalent one. Being fluid, it can easily occupy both ends of the drive scale, from acceptance to rejection. Excitement and disgust, joy and repulsion—the reader deciphers them very fast on these lines pitted with blank in the beginning and without end . . . spaces where emotion does not allow itself to be dolled up in flowery sentences. Descriptions of absurdity, stupidity, violence, sorrow, moral and physical degeneracy locate them, as a result, and also in formal fashion, in that interspace between abjection and fascination"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise manager?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "Jack W. Calhoun Vice President, General Manager, Social Science & Qualitative Business: Erin Joyner Product Director: Mike Worls Developmental Editor: Jane Tufts Product Development Manager: Jennifer E. Thomas Content Developers: Clara Goosman and Elizabeth A. Beiting-Lipps Product Assistant: Anne Merrill Sr. Content Project Manager: Colleen A. Farmer Sr. Market Development Manager: John Carey Sr. Marketing Manager: Robin LeFevre Marketing Coordinator: Christopher Walz Media Developer: Anita Verma Digital Content Designer: Kasie Jean Sr. Content Digitization Project Manager: Jaclyn Hermesmeyer Manufacturing Planner: Kevin Kluck Sr. Marketing Communications Manager: Sarah Greber Production Service: PreMediaGlobal Sr. Art Director: Michelle Kunkler Cover and Internal Designer: Beckmeyer Design Internal Illustrations by: Greg LaFever Cover Painting by: Wojciech Gerson (1831–1901) Rights Acquisitions Specialist (Text and Photo): John Hill For product information and technology assistance, contact us at"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about university?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "International University Debasis Rooj, Kishwaukee College Larry Ross, University of Alaska Jeff Rubin, Rutgers University–New Brunswick Jason C. Rudbeck, University of Georgia Jeff Ruggiero, University of Dayton Robert Rycroft, University of Mary Washington Allen Sanderson, University of Chicago Nese Sara, University of Cincinnati Naveen Sarna, Northern Virginia Community College–Alexandria Eric Sartell, Whitworth University Martin Schonger, Princeton Michael Schultz, Menlo College Gerald Scott, Florida Atlantic Reshmi Sengupta, Northern Illinois David Shankle, Blue Mountain College Robert Shoffner, Central Piedmont Community College Johnny Shull, Wake Tech Community College Suann Shumaker, Las Positas College Nicholas Shunda, University of Redlands Milan Sigetich, Southern Oregon Jonathan Silberman, Oakland Joe Silverman, Mira Costa College–Oceanside Catherine Skura, Sandhills Community College Gary Smith, Canisius College Richard Smith, University of South"}
{"instruction": "Why does efficiency matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "on national defense (guns) to protect its shores from foreign aggressors, the less it can spend on consumer goods (butter) to raise the standard of living at home. Also important in modern society is the trade-off between a clean environment and a high level of income. Laws that require firms to reduce pollution raise the cost of producing goods and services. Because of these higher costs, the firms end up earning smaller profits, paying lower wages, charging higher prices, or some combination of these three. Thus, while pollution regulations yield the benefit of a cleaner environment and the improved health that comes with it, the regulations come at the cost of reducing the incomes of the regulated firms’ owners, workers, and customers. Another trade-off society faces is between efficiency and equality. Efficiency means that society is getting the maximum benefits from its scarce resources. Equality means that those benefits are distributed uniformly among society’s"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about suppose?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "Once we understand international trade in this simplified imaginary world, we are in a better position to understand international trade in the more complex world in which we live. The art in scientific thinking—whether in physics, biology, or economics—is deciding which assumptions to make. Suppose, for instance, that instead of dropping a marble from the top of the building, we were dropping a beach ball of the same weight. Our physicist would realize that the assumption of no friction is less accurate in this case: Friction exerts a greater force on a beach ball than on a marble because a beach ball is much larger. The assumption that gravity works in a vacuum is reasonable for studying a falling marble but not for studying a falling beach ball. Similarly, economists use different assumptions to answer different questions. Suppose that we want to study what happens to the economy when the government changes the number of dollars in circulation."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about policy adviser?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "the tax cut affects households’ decisions about how much to spend on goods and services. Despite the inherent link between microeconomics and macroeconomics, the two fields are distinct. Because they address different questions, each field has its own set of models, which are often taught in separate courses. Quick Quiz In what sense is economics like a science? • Draw a production possibilities frontier for a society that produces food and clothing. Show an efficient point, an inefficient point, and an infeasible point. Show the effects of a drought. • Define microeconomics and macroeconomics. microeconomics the study of how households and firms make decisions and how they interact in markets macroeconomics the study of economywide phenomena, including inflation, unemployment, and economic growth 2-2 The Economist as Policy Adviser Often, economists are asked to explain the causes of economic events. Why, for example, is unemployment higher for teenagers than for older workers?"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about economist?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "To obtain independent evaluations of policy proposals, Congress relies on the advice of the Congressional Budget Office, which is staffed by economists. The Federal Reserve, the institution that sets the nation’s monetary policy, employs hundreds of economists to analyze economic developments in the United States and throughout the world. The influence of economists on policy goes beyond their role as advisers: Their research and writings often affect policy indirectly. Economist John Maynard Keynes offered this observation: The ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are right and when they are wrong, are more powerful than is commonly understood. Indeed, the world is ruled by little else. Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from intellectual influences, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist. Madmen in authority, who hear voices in the air, are distilling their frenzy from some academic scribbler of a few years back."}
{"instruction": "How is economists presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "maximum on the amount landlords can charge for their apartments. Almost all economists believe that rent control adversely affects the availability and quality of housing and is a costly way of helping the neediest members of society. Nonetheless, many city governments ignore the advice of economists and place ceilings on the rents that landlords may charge their tenants. The second proposition in the table concerns tariffs and import quotas, two policies that restrict trade among nations. For reasons we discuss more fully later in this text, almost all economists oppose such barriers to free trade. Nonetheless, over the years, presidents and Congress have chosen to restrict the import of certain goods. Why do policies such as rent control and trade barriers persist if the experts are united in their opposition? It may be that the realities of the political process stand as immovable obstacles. But it also may be that economists have not yet"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about causality?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "lighter. This story illustrates an important principle: When you see a graph used to support an argument about cause and effect, it is important to ask whether the movements of an omitted variable could explain the results you see. Reverse Causality Economists can also make mistakes about causality by misreading its direction. To see how this is possible, suppose the Association of American Anarchists commissions a study of crime in America and arrives at Figure A-7, which plots the number of violent crimes per thousand people in major cities against the number of police officers per thousand people. The anarchists note the curve’s upward slope and argue that because police increase rather than decrease the amount of urban violence, law enforcement should be abolished. If we could run a controlled experiment, we would avoid the danger of reverse causality. To run an experiment, we would randomly assign different numbers of police to different cities and then examine the correlation between police and"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on suppose?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "As we just discussed, the sticky-wage theory emphasizes that nominal wages adjust slowly over time. The sticky-price theory emphasizes that the prices of some goods and services also adjust sluggishly in response to changing economic conditions. This slow adjustment of prices occurs in part because there are costs to adjusting prices, called menu costs. These menu costs include the cost of printing and distributing catalogs and the time required to change price tags. As a result of these costs, prices as well as wages may be sticky in the short run. To see how sticky prices explain the aggregate-supply curve’s upward slope, suppose that each firm in the economy announces its prices in advance based on the economic conditions it expects to prevail over the coming year. Suppose further that after prices are announced, the economy experiences an unexpected contraction in the money supply, which (as we have learned) will reduce the overall"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with suppliers?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "They may infer from this observation that the reward to producing wheat is temporarily low, and they may respond by reducing the quantity of wheat they supply. Similarly, workers may notice a fall in their nominal wages before they notice that the prices of the goods they buy are also falling. They may infer that the reward for working is temporarily low and respond by reducing the quantity of labor they supply. In both cases, a lower price level causes misperceptions about relative prices, and these misperceptions induce suppliers to respond to the lower price level by decreasing the quantity of goods and services supplied. Similar misperceptions arise when the price level is above what was expected. Suppliers of goods and services may notice the price of their output rising and infer, mistakenly, that their relative prices are rising. They would conclude that it is a good time to produce. Until their misperceptions are corrected, they respond"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe interest?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "application of supply and demand. According to Keynes, the interest rate adjusts to balance the supply of and demand for money. You may recall that economists distinguish between two interest rates: The nominal interest rate is the interest rate as usually reported, and the real interest rate is the interest rate corrected for the effects of inflation. When there is no inflation, the two rates are the same. But when borrowers and lenders expect prices to rise over the course of the loan, they agree to a nominal interest rate that exceeds the real interest rate by the expected rate of inflation. The higher nominal interest rate compensates for the fact that they expect the loan to be repaid in less valuable dollars. Which interest rate are we now trying to explain with the theory of liquidity preference? The answer is both. In the analysis that follows, we hold constant the expected rate of inflation. This assumption is reasonable for studying the econ-"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term aggregate?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "person would just hold cash. In this environment, expansionary monetary policy raises the supply of money, making the public’s asset portfolio more liquid, but because interest rates can’t fall any further, the extra liquidity might not have any effect. Aggregate demand, production, and employment may be “trapped” at low levels. Other economists are skeptical about the relevance of liquidity traps and believe that a central bank continues to have tools to expand the economy, even after its interest rate target hits its lower bound of zero. One possibility is that the central bank could raise inflation expectations by committing itself to future monetary expansion. Even if nominal interest rates cannot fall any further, higher expected inflation can lower real interest rates by making them negative, which would stimulate investment spending. A second possibility is that the central bank could conduct expansionary open-market operations with a larger vari-"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about higher?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "goods. Because it increases consumer spending, the tax cut shifts the aggregatedemand curve to the right. Similarly, a tax increase depresses consumer spending and shifts the aggregate-demand curve to the left. The size of the shift in aggregate demand resulting from a tax change is also affected by the multiplier and crowding-out effects. When the government cuts taxes and stimulates consumer spending, earnings and profits rise, which further stimulates consumer spending. This is the multiplier effect. At the same time, higher income leads to higher money demand, which tends to raise interest rates. Higher interest rates make borrowing more costly, which reduces investment spending. This is the crowding-out effect. Depending on the size of the multiplier and crowding-out effects, the shift in aggregate demand could be larger or smaller than the tax change that causes it. In addition to the multiplier and crowding-out effects, there is another impor-"}
{"instruction": "Why does federal matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "government raises taxes, aggregate demand will fall, depressing production and employment in the short run. If the Federal Reserve wants to prevent this adverse effect of the fiscal policy, it can expand aggregate demand by increasing the money supply. A monetary expansion would reduce interest rates, stimulate investment spending, and expand aggregate demand. If monetary policy is set appropriately, the combined changes in monetary and fiscal policy could leave the aggregate demand for goods and services unaffected. This analysis is exactly the sort followed by members of the Federal Open Market Committee. They know that monetary policy is an important determinant of aggregate demand. They also know that there are other important determinants as well, including fiscal policy set by the president and Congress. As a result, the FOMC watches the debates over fiscal policy with a keen eye. This response of monetary policy to the change in fiscal policy is an example of"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame interest here?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "tors tend to take fright more quickly, pushing interest rates up). But overall economists find as big a range of multipliers from empirical estimates as they do from theoretical models. To add to the confusion, the post-war experiences from which statistical analyses are drawn differ in vital respects from the current situation. Most of the evidence on multipliers for government spending is based on military outlays, but today’s stimulus packages are heavily focused on infrastructure. Interest rates in many rich countries are now close to zero, which may increase the potency of, as well as the need for, fiscal stimulus. Because of the financial crisis relatively more people face borrowing constraints, which would increase the effectiveness of a tax cut. At the same time, highly indebted consumers may now be keen to cut their borrowing, leading to a lower multiplier. And investors today have more reason to be worried about rich countries’ fiscal positions"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about press syndicate?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "its power as an automatic stabilizer. The automatic stabilizers in the U.S. economy are not sufficiently strong to prevent recessions completely. Nonetheless, without these automatic stabilizers, output and employment would probably be more volatile than they are. For this reason, many economists oppose a constitutional amendment that would require the federal government always to run a balanced budget, as some politicians have proposed. When the economy goes into a recession, taxes fall, government spending rises, and the government’s budget moves toward deficit. If the government faced a strict balancedbudget rule, it would be forced to look for ways to raise taxes or cut spending in a recession. In other words, a strict balanced-budget rule would eliminate the automatic stabilizers inherent in our current system of taxes and government spending. TOLES © 2001 The Washington Post. Reprinted with permission of UNIVERSAL PRESS SYNDICATE."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about aggregate?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "ment spending, the aggregate-demand curve shifts to the right. Conversely, a decrease in the money supply raises the equilibrium interest rate for any given price level and shifts the aggregate-demand curve to the left. • Policymakers can also influence aggregate demand with fiscal policy. An increase in government purchases or a cut in taxes shifts the aggregate-demand curve to the right. A decrease in government purchases or an increase in taxes shifts the aggregate-demand curve to the left. • When the government alters spending or taxes, the resulting shift in aggregate demand can be larger or smaller than the fiscal change. The multiplier effect tends to amplify the effects of fiscal policy on aggregate demand. The crowding-out effect tends to dampen the effects of fiscal policy on aggregate demand. • Because monetary and fiscal policy can influence aggregate demand, the government sometimes uses these policy instruments in an attempt to stabilize the"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about phillips?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "In particular, they suggested that the Phillips curve offers policymakers a menu of possible economic outcomes. By altering monetary and fiscal policy to influence aggregate demand, policymakers could choose any point on this curve. Point A offers high unemployment and low inflation. Point B offers low unemployment and high inflation. Policymakers might prefer both low inflation and low unemployment, but the historical data as summarized by the Phillips curve indicate that this combination is impossible. According to Samuelson and Solow, policymakers face a trade-off between inflation and unemployment, and the Phillips curve illustrates that trade-off. 35-1b Aggregate Demand, Aggregate Supply, and the Phillips Curve The model of aggregate demand and aggregate supply provides an easy explanation for the menu of possible outcomes described by the Phillips curve. The Phillips curve shows the combinations of inflation and unemployment that arise in the"}
{"instruction": "How is unemployment presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "Yet the natural rate of unemployment is not necessarily the socially desirable rate of unemployment. Nor is the natural rate of unemployment constant over time. For example, suppose that a newly formed union uses its market power to raise the real wages of some workers above the equilibrium level. The result is an excess supply of workers and, therefore, a higher natural rate of unemployment. This unemployment is natural not because it is good but because it is beyond the influence of monetary policy. More rapid money growth would reduce neither the market power of the union nor the level of unemployment; it would lead only to more inflation. Although monetary policy cannot influence the natural rate of unemployment, other types of policy can. To reduce the natural rate of unemployment, policymakers should look to policies that improve the functioning of the labor market. Earlier in the book, we discussed how various labor-market policies, such as"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about friedman?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "the price level does not influence quantity supplied in the long run. But the shortrun aggregate-supply curve is upward sloping, indicating that an increase in the price level raises the quantity of goods and services that firms supply. According to the sticky-wage theory of aggregate supply, for instance, nominal wages are set in advance based on the price level that workers and firms expected to prevail. When prices are higher than expected, firms have an incentive to increase production and employment; when prices are less than expected, firms reduce production and employment. Yet because the expected price level and nominal wages will eventually adjust, the positive relationship between the actual price level and quantity supplied exists only in the short run. Friedman and Phelps applied this same logic to the Phillips curve. Just as the aggregate-supply curve slopes upward only in the short run, the trade-off between inflation and unemployment holds only in the short run."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat volcker as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "Most estimates of the sacrifice ratio based on the Volcker disinflation are smaller than estimates that had been obtained from previous data. Perhaps Volcker’s tough stand on inflation did have some direct effect on expectations, as the rational-expectations theorists claimed. Second, and more important, even though Volcker announced that he would aim monetary policy to lower inflation, much of the public did not believe him. Because few people thought Volcker would reduce inflation as quickly as he did, expected inflation did not fall immediately; as a result, the short-run Phillips curve did not shift down as quickly as it might have. Some evidence for this hypothesis comes from the forecasts made by commercial forecasting firms: Their forecasts of inflation fell more slowly in the 1980s than did actual inflation. Thus, the Volcker disinflation does not necessarily refute the rational-expectations view that credible disinflation can be costless."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of policymakers?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "aggregate supply can lead to short-run fluctuations in production and employment. We also saw how monetary and fiscal policy can shift aggregate demand and, thereby, influence these fluctuations. But even if policymakers can influence short-run economic fluctuations, does that mean they should? Our first debate concerns whether monetary and fiscal policymakers should use the tools at their disposal in an attempt to smooth the ups and downs of the business cycle. 36-1a Pro: Policymakers Should Try to Stabilize the Economy Left on their own, economies tend to fluctuate. When households and firms become pessimistic, for instance, they cut back on spending, and this reduces the aggregate demand for goods and services. The fall in aggregate demand, in turn, reduces the production of goods and services. Firms lay off workers, and the unemployment rate rises. Real GDP and other measures of income fall. Rising unemployment and falling income help confirm the pessimism that initially"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect economic to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "actions will take effect. Unfortunately, economic forecasting is highly imprecise, in part because macroeconomics is such a primitive science and in part because the shocks that cause economic fluctuations are intrinsically unpredictable. Thus, when policymakers change monetary or fiscal policy, they must rely on educated guesses about future economic conditions. Too often, policymakers trying to stabilize the economy end up having the opposite effect. Economic conditions can easily change between the time a policy action begins and the time it takes effect. Because of this, policymakers can inadvertently exacerbate rather than mitigate the magnitude of economic fluctuations. Some economists have claimed that many of the major economic fluctuations in history, including the Great Depression of the 1930s, can be traced to destabilizing policy actions. One of the first rules taught to physicians is “do no harm.” The human body has natural restorative powers."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on investment?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "aggregate demand by altering incentives. For example, if the tax reductions take the form of an expanded investment tax credit, they can induce increased spending on investment goods. Because investment spending is the most volatile component of GDP over the business cycle, stimulating investment is a key to ending recessions. Policymakers can target investment specifically with well-designed tax policy. At the same time that tax cuts increase aggregate demand, they can also increase aggregate supply. When the government reduces marginal tax rates, workers keep a higher fraction of any income they earn. As a result, the unemployed have a greater incentive to search for jobs, and the employed have a greater incentive to work longer hours. Increased aggregate supply, along with the increased aggregate demand, means that the production of goods and services can expand without putting upward pressure on the rate of inflation. There are various problems with increasing government spending during re-"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with central?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "tempted to use monetary policy to affect the outcome of elections. Suppose that the vote for the incumbent president is based on economic conditions at the time he is up for reelection. A central banker sympathetic to the incumbent might be tempted to pursue expansionary policies just before the election to stimulate production and employment, knowing that the resulting inflation will not show up until after the election. Thus, to the extent that central bankers ally themselves with politicians, discretionary policy can lead to economic fluctuations that reflect the electoral calendar. Economists call such fluctuations the political business cycle. The second, subtler problem with discretionary monetary policy is that it might lead to more inflation than is desirable. Central bankers, knowing that there is no long-run trade-off between inflation and unemployment, often announce that their goal is zero inflation. Yet they rarely achieve price stability."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise gdp even?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "policy might encourage private borrowers and lenders to write debt contracts indexed for inflation. Reducing inflation might be desirable if it could be done at no cost, as some economists argue is possible. Yet this trick seems hard to carry out in practice. When economies reduce their rate of inflation, they almost always experience a period of high unemployment and low output. It is risky to believe that the central bank could achieve credibility so quickly as to make disinflation painless. Indeed, a disinflationary recession can potentially leave permanent scars on the economy. Firms in all industries reduce their spending on new plants and equipment substantially during recessions, making investment the most volatile component of GDP. Even after the recession is over, the smaller stock of capital reduces productivity, incomes, and living standards below the levels they otherwise would have achieved. In addition, when workers become unemployed in reces-"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat necessities as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "Necessities versus Luxuries Necessities tend to have inelastic demands, whereas luxuries have elastic demands. When the price of a doctor’s visit rises, people will not dramatically reduce the number of times they go to the doctor, although they might go somewhat less often. By contrast, when the price of sailboats rises, the quantity of sailboats demanded falls substantially. The reason is that most people view doctor visits as a necessity and sailboats as a luxury. Whether a good is a necessity or a luxury depends not on the intrinsic properties of the good but on the preferences of the buyer. For avid sailors with little concern about their health, sailboats might be a necessity with inelastic demand and doctor visits a luxury with elastic demand. elasticity a measure of the responsiveness of quantity demanded or quantity supplied to a change in one of its determinants price elasticity of demand a measure of how much the quantity demanded"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term income?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "these retirement plans provide little incentive for other types of saving, such as saving to buy a house or pay for college. A small step to encourage greater saving would be to expand the ability of households to use such tax-advantaged savings accounts. A more comprehensive approach would be to reconsider the entire basis by which the government collects revenue. The centerpiece of the U.S. tax system is the income tax. A dollar earned is taxed the same whether it is spent or saved. An alternative advocated by many economists is a consumption tax. Under a consumption tax, a household pays taxes only on the basis of what it spends. Income that is saved is exempt from taxation until the saving is later withdrawn and spent on consumption goods. In essence, a consumption tax automatically puts all saving into a tax-advantaged savings account, much like an IRA. A switch from income to consumption taxation would greatly increase the incentive to save."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about critics?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "abuse of power, and time inconsistency. Critics of rules for monetary policy argue that discretionary policy is more flexible in responding to changing economic circumstances. • Advocates of a zero-inflation target emphasize that inflation has many costs and few if any benefits. Moreover, the cost of eliminating inflation— depressed output and employment—is only temporary. Even this cost can be reduced if the central bank announces a credible plan to reduce inflation, thereby directly lowering expectations of inflation. Critics of a zero-inflation target claim that moderate inflation imposes only small costs on society, whereas the recession necessary to reduce inflation is quite costly. The critics also point out several ways in which moderate inflation may be helpful to an economy. • Advocates of a balanced government budget argue that budget deficits impose an unjustifiable burden on future generations by raising their taxes and"}
{"instruction": "Why does average matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "preferences automatic stabilizers changes in fiscal policy that stimulate aggregate demand when the economy goes into a recession without policymakers having to take any deliberate action average fixed cost fixed cost divided by the quantity of output average revenue total revenue divided by the quantity sold average tax rate total taxes paid divided by total income average total cost total cost divided by the quantity of output average variable cost variable cost divided by the quantity of output B balanced trade a situation in which exports equal imports bank capital the resources a bank’s owners have put into the institution behavioral economics the subfield of economics that integrates the insights of psychology benefits principle the idea that people should pay taxes based on the benefits they receive from government services bond a certificate of indebtedness budget constraint the limit on the consumption bundles that a consumer can"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame demand here?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "divided by the percentage change in price of the second good crowding out a decrease in investment that results from government borrowing crowding-out effect the offset in aggregate demand that results when expansionary fiscal policy raises the interest rate and thereby reduces investment spending currency the paper bills and coins in the hands of the public cyclical unemployment the deviation of unemployment from its natural rate D deadweight loss the fall in total surplus that results from a market distortion, such as a tax demand curve a graph of the relationship between the price of a good and the quantity demanded demand deposits balances in bank accounts that depositors can access on demand by writing a check demand schedule a table that shows the relationship between the price of a good and the quantity demanded depreciation a decrease in the value of a currency as measured by the amount of foreign currency it can buy"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat income as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "demanded government purchases spending on goods and services by local, state, and federal governments gross domestic product (GDP) the market value of all final goods and services produced within a country in a given period of time H horizontal equity the idea that taxpayers with similar abilities to pay taxes should pay the same amount human capital the knowledge and skills that workers acquire through education, training, and experience I implicit costs input costs that do not require an outlay of money by the firm imports goods produced abroad and sold domestically incentive something that induces a person to act income effect the change in consumption that results when a price change moves the consumer to a higher or lower indifference curve income elasticity of demand a measure of how much the quantity demanded of a good responds to a change in consumers’ income, computed as the percentage change in quantity demanded divided by the per-"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about marginal?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "amount for every person M macroeconomics the study of economy-wide phenomena, including inflation, unemployment, and economic growth marginal change a small incremental adjustment to a plan of action marginal cost the increase in total cost that arises from an extra unit of production marginal product the increase in output that arises from an additional unit of input marginal product of labor the increase in the amount of output from an additional unit of labor marginal rate of substitution the rate at which a consumer is willing to trade one good for another marginal revenue the change in total revenue from an additional unit sold marginal tax rate the amount that taxes increase from an additional dollar of income market a group of buyers and sellers of a particular good or service market economy an economy that allocates resources through the decentralized decisions of many firms and households as they interact in markets for goods and services"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about nominal?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "net capital outflow the purchase of foreign assets by domestic residents minus the purchase of domestic assets by foreigners net exports spending on domestically produced goods by foreigners (exports) minus spending on foreign goods by domestic residents (imports) nominal exchange rate the rate at which a person can trade the currency of one country for the currency of another nominal GDP the production of goods and services valued at current prices nominal interest rate the interest rate as usually reported without a correction for the effects of inflation nominal variables variables measured in monetary units normal good a good for which, other things being equal, an increase in income leads to an increase in demand normative statements claims that attempt to prescribe how the world should be O oligopoly a market structure in which only a few sellers offer similar or identical products open economy an economy that interacts freely with other economies around"}
{"instruction": "How is quantity presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "of exchange rates whereby a unit of any given currency should be able to buy the same quantity of goods in all countries Q quantity demanded the amount of a good that buyers are willing and able to purchase quantity equation the equation M × V = P × Y, which relates the quantity of money, the velocity of money, and the dollar value of the economy’s output of goods and services quantity supplied the amount of a good that sellers are willing and able to sell quantity theory of money a theory asserting that the quantity of money available determines the price level and that the growth rate in the quantity of money available determines the inflation rate R random walk the path of a variable whose changes are impossible to predict rational expectations the theory that people optimally use all the information they have, including information about government policies, when forecasting the future rational people people who systematically and purposefully do the best they"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about phillips?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "jobs available in some labor markets is insufficient to provide a job for everyone who wants one substitutes two goods for which an increase in the price of one leads to an increase in the demand for the other substitution effect the change in consumption that results when a price change moves the consumer along a given indifference curve to a point with a new marginal rate of substitution sunk cost a cost that has already been committed and cannot be recovered supply curve a graph of the relationship between the price of a good and the quantity supplied supply schedule a table that shows the relationship between the price of a good and the quantity supplied supply shock an event that directly alters firms’ costs and prices, shifting the economy’s aggregate supply curve and thus the Phillips curve surplus a situation in which quantity supplied is greater than quantity demanded T tariff tax on goods produced abroad and sold domestically"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of chapter people?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "control depresses rents below the equilibrium level, the quantity of apartments supplied falls substantially, and the quantity of apartments demanded rises substantially. The result is a large shortage of housing. In cities with rent control, landlords use various mechanisms to ration housing. Some landlords keep long waiting lists. Others give a preference to tenants without children. Still others discriminate on the basis of race. Sometimes apartments are allocated to those willing to offer under-the-table payments to building superintendents. In essence, these bribes bring the total price of an apartment closer to the equilibrium price. To understand fully the effects of rent control, we have to remember one of the Ten Principles of Economics from Chapter 1: People respond to incentives. In free markets, landlords try to keep their buildings clean and safe because desirable apartments command higher prices. By contrast, when rent control creates"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect market to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "several assumptions about how markets work. When these assumptions do not hold, our conclusion that the market equilibrium is efficient may no longer be true. As we close this chapter, let’s consider briefly two of the most important of these assumptions. First, our analysis assumed that markets are perfectly competitive. In actual economies, however, competition is sometimes far from perfect. In some markets, a single buyer or seller (or a small group of them) may be able to control market prices. This ability to influence prices is called market power. Market power can cause markets to be inefficient because it keeps the price and quantity away from the levels determined by the equilibrium of supply and demand. Second, our analysis assumed that the outcome in a market matters only to the buyers and sellers who participate in that market. Yet sometimes the decisions of buyers and sellers affect people who are not participants in the market at all."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on surplus?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "past several decades is that technological advances have reduced the cost of making computers. a. Draw a supply-and-demand diagram to show what happened to price, quantity, consumer surplus, and producer surplus in the market for computers. b. Forty years ago, students used typewriters to prepare papers for their classes; today they use computers. Does that make computers and typewriters complements or substitutes? Use a supply-anddemand diagram to show what happened to price, quantity, consumer surplus, and producer surplus in the market for typewriters. Should typewriter producers have been happy or sad about the technological advance in computers? c. Are computers and software complements or substitutes? Draw a supply-and-demand diagram to show what happened to price, quantity, consumer surplus, and producer surplus in the market for software. Should software producers have been happy or sad about the technological advance in"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with surplus?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "Microeconomists study how best to design a tax system, including how to strike the right balance between equality and efficiency. Macroeconomists study how taxes influence the overall economy and how policymakers can use the tax system to stabilize economic activity and to achieve more rapid economic growth. So as you continue your study of economics, don’t be surprised when the subject of taxation comes up yet again. • A tax on a good reduces the welfare of buyers and sellers of the good, and the reduction in consumer and producer surplus usually exceeds the revenue raised by the government. The fall in total surplus—the sum of consumer surplus, producer surplus, and tax revenue—is called the deadweight loss of the tax. • Taxes have deadweight losses because they cause buyers to consume less and sellers to produce less, and these changes in behavior shrink the size of the market below the level that maximizes total surplus. Because"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise isoland?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "of textiles to the price of textiles in other countries. We call the price prevailing in world markets the world price. If the world price of textiles is higher than the domestic price, then Isoland will export textiles once trade is permitted. Isolandian textile producers will be eager to receive the higher prices available abroad and will start selling their textiles to buyers in other countries. Conversely, if the world price of textiles is lower than the domestic price, then Isoland will import textiles. Because foreign sellers offer a better price, Isolandian textile consumers will quickly start buying textiles from other countries. In essence, comparing the world price and the domestic price before trade indicates whether Isoland has a comparative advantage in producing textiles. The domestic price reflects the opportunity cost of textiles: It tells us how much an Isolandian must give up to obtain one unit of textiles. If the domestic price is low, the"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term senate republicans?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "ing labor unions and other domestic constituencies, his administration long delayed submitting free trade agreements with Korea, Colombia and Panama for congressional approval. Instead of seeking to reinvigorate the languishing Doha round of trade negotiations at the WTO, it has been almost completely passive and allowed world-trade policies to drift. Congress has also done little to help. Senate Republicans and Democrats teamed up late last month to maintain import restrictions for the sugar industry, defeating an amendment from Sen. Jeanne Shaheen (D., N.H.) that would have gradually eliminated them. Keeping domestic sugar prices at twice the world level helps a few sugar-cane and beet farmers at the expense of consumers and taxpayers, while leading to job losses in sugar-using industries, such as candy and confectionary manufacturing…. Any serious march backward toward protectionism would constitute a major failure of economic policy."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about isoland?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "might point out that steel is used to make guns and tanks. Free trade would allow Isoland to become dependent on foreign countries to supply steel. If a war later broke out and the foreign supply was interrupted, Isoland might be unable to produce enough steel and weapons to defend itself. Trouble with Trade By Paul Krugman W hile the United States has long imported oil and other raw materials from the third world, we used to import manufactured goods mainly from other rich countries like Canada, European nations and Japan. But recently we crossed an important watershed: we now import more manufactured goods from the third world than from other advanced economies. That is, a majority of our industrial trade is now with countries that are much poorer than we are and that pay their workers much lower wages. For the world economy as a whole—and especially for poorer nations—growing trade between high-wage and low-wage countries is a very good thing."}
{"instruction": "Why does neighborland matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "compete profitably against foreign rivals, but there is reason to believe that the industry can be profitable in the long run. In this case, firm owners should be willing to incur temporary losses to obtain the eventual profits. Protection is not necessary for an infant industry to grow. History shows that start-up firms often incur temporary losses and succeed in the long run, even without protection from competition. 9-3d The Unfair-Competition Argument A common argument is that free trade is desirable only if all countries play by the same rules. If firms in different countries are subject to different laws and regulations, then it is unfair (the argument goes) to expect the firms to compete in the international marketplace. For instance, suppose that the government of Neighborland subsidizes its textile industry by giving textile companies large tax breaks. The Isolandian textile industry might argue that it should be protected from this foreign competition because Neighborland is"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about research?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "that people drive. • Restored historic buildings convey a positive externality because people who walk or ride by them can enjoy the beauty and the sense of history that these buildings provide. Building owners do not get the full benefit of restoration and, therefore, tend to discard older buildings too quickly. Many local governments respond to this problem by regulating the destruction of historic buildings and by providing tax breaks to owners who restore them. • Barking dogs create a negative externality because neighbors are disturbed by the noise. Dog owners do not bear the full cost of the noise and, therefore, tend to take too few precautions to prevent their dogs from barking. Local governments address this problem by making it illegal to “disturb the peace.” • Research into new technologies provides a positive externality because it creates knowledge that other people can use. Because inventors cannot capture the full benefits of their inventions, they tend to devote too few resources to"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about externalities?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "reach on its own. Once again, the government can correct the market failure by inducing market participants to internalize the externality. The appropriate response in the case of positive externalities is exactly the opposite to the case of negative externalities. To move the market equilibrium closer to the social optimum, a positive externality requires a subsidy. In fact, that is exactly the policy the government follows: Education is heavily subsidized through public schools and government scholarships. To summarize: Negative externalities lead markets to produce a larger quantity than is socially desirable. Positive externalities lead markets to produce a smaller quantity than is socially desirable. To remedy the problem, the government can internalize the externality by taxing goods that have negative externalities and subsidizing goods that have positive externalities. Technology Spillovers, Industrial Policy, and Patent Protection"}
{"instruction": "How is quick quiz presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "This measurement problem is difficult at best. Moreover, without precise measurements, the political system may end up subsidizing industries with the most political clout rather than those that yield the largest positive externalities. Another way to deal with technology spillovers is patent protection. The patent laws protect the rights of inventors by giving them exclusive use of their inventions for a period of time. When a firm makes a technological breakthrough, it can patent the idea and capture much of the economic benefit for itself. The patent internalizes the externality by giving the firm a property right over its invention. If other firms want to use the new technology, they have to obtain permission from the inventing firm and pay it a royalty. Thus, the patent system gives firms a greater incentive to engage in research and other activities that advance technology. Quick Quiz Give an example of a negative externality and a positive externality."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on americans?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "taxes. It would also promote energy conservation and steer investment into clean technology and other productive economic activities. Lastly, the carbon tax would actually give Americans more control over how much they pay in taxes. Households and businesses could reduce their carbon tax payments simply by reducing their use of fossil fuels. Americans would trim their carbon footprints—and their tax burdens—by investing in energy efficiency at home and at work, switching to less-polluting vehicles and pursuing countless other innovations. All of this would be driven not by government mandates but by Adam Smith’s invisible hand. A carbon tax makes sense whether you are a Republican or a Democrat, a climate change skeptic or a believer, a conservative or a conservationist (or both). We can move past the partisan fireworks over global warming by turning British Columbia’s carbon tax into a made-in-America solution. Yoram Bauman, an environmental econo-"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat command-and-control as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "level of output, and the efficient level of output. b. On your graph, shade the area corresponding to the deadweight loss of the market equilibrium. (Hint: The deadweight loss occurs because some units of alcohol are consumed for which the social cost exceeds the social value.) Explain. 5. Many observers believe that the levels of pollution in our society are too high. a. If society wishes to reduce overall pollution by a certain amount, why is it efficient to have different amounts of reduction at different firms? b. Command-and-control approaches often rely on uniform reductions among firms. Why are these approaches generally unable to target the firms that should undertake bigger reductions? c. Economists argue that appropriate corrective taxes or tradable pollution rights will result in efficient pollution reduction. How do these approaches target the firms that should undertake bigger reductions? 6. The many identical residents of Whoville love drink-"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect commons to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "the collective action of the shepherds. If the shepherds acted together, they could reduce the sheep population to a size that the Town Common can support. Yet no single family has an incentive to reduce the size of its own flock because each flock represents only a small part of the problem. In essence, the Tragedy of the Commons arises because of an externality. When one family’s flock grazes on the common land, it reduces the quality of the land available for other families. Because people neglect this negative externality when deciding how many sheep to own, the result is an excessive number of sheep. Quick Quiz What is the free-rider problem? Why does the free-rider problem induce the government to provide public goods? • How should the government decide whether to provide a public good? Tragedy of the Commons a parable that illustrates why common resources are used more than is desirable from the standpoint of society as a whole We can now return to our original example and respond to the town engineer."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise social?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "government revenue? b. Looking at the combined revenue of the federal government and state and local governments, how has the composition of total revenue changed over time? Are personal income taxes more or less important? Social insurance taxes? Corporate profits taxes? c. Looking at the combined expenditures of the federal government and state and local governments, how have the relative shares of transfer payments and purchases of goods and services changed over time? 3. The chapter states that the elderly population in the United States is growing more rapidly than the total population. In particular, the number of workers is rising slowly, while the number of retirees is rising quickly. Concerned about the future of Social Security, some members of Congress propose a “freeze” on the program. a. If total expenditures were frozen, what would happen to benefits per retiree? To tax payments per worker? (Assume that Social Security taxes and"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe coordination?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "which permits each worker to become better at a specific task. For instance, if Ford hires a large number of workers and produces a large number of cars, it can reduce costs using modern assembly-line production. Diseconomies of scale can arise because of coordination problems that are inherent in any large organization. The more cars Ford produces, the more stretched the management team becomes, and the less effective the managers become at keeping costs down. This analysis shows why long-run average-total-cost curves are often U-shaped. At low levels of production, the firm benefits from increased size because it can take advantage of greater specialization. Coordination problems, meanwhile, are not yet acute. By contrast, at high levels of production, the benefits of specialization have already been realized, and coordination problems become more severe as the firm grows larger. Thus, long-run average total cost is falling at low levels"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term ten principles?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "People would buy fewer computers, switch to other operating systems, or make illegal copies. A monopoly firm can control the price of the good it sells, but because a high price reduces the quantity that its customers buy, the monopoly’s profits are not unlimited. As we examine the production and pricing decisions of monopolies, we also consider the implications of monopoly for society as a whole. Monopoly firms, like competitive firms, aim to maximize profit. But this goal has very different ramifications for competitive and monopoly firms. In competitive markets, selfinterested consumers and producers reach an equilibrium that promotes general economic well-being, as if guided by an invisible hand. By contrast, because monopoly firms are unchecked by competition, the outcome in a market with a monopoly is often not in the best interest of society. One of the Ten Principles of Economics in Chapter 1 is that governments can sometimes improve market outcomes."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about figure because?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "curves intersect. Figure 8 shows the comparison. The monopolist produces less than the socially efficient quantity of output. We can also view the inefficiency of monopoly in terms of the monopolist’s price. Because the market demand curve describes a negative relationship between the price and quantity of the good, a quantity that is inefficiently low is equivalent to a price that is inefficiently high. When a monopolist charges a price above marginal cost, some potential consumers value the good at more than its marginal cost but less than the monopolist’s price. These consumers do not buy the good. Because the value these consumers place on the good is greater than the cost of providing it to them, this result is inefficient. Thus, monopoly pricing prevents some mutually beneficial trades from taking place. The inefficiency of monopoly can be measured with a deadweight loss triangle, as illustrated in Figure 8. Because the demand curve reflects the value to con-"}
{"instruction": "Why does customers matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "Customers do not walk into stores with signs displaying their willingness to pay. Instead, firms price discriminate by dividing customers into groups: young versus old, weekday versus weekend shoppers, Americans versus Australians, and so on. Unlike those in our parable of Readalot Publishing, customers within each group differ in their willingness to pay for the product, making perfect price discrimination impossible. How does this imperfect price discrimination affect welfare? The analysis of these pricing schemes is complicated, and it turns out that there is no general FIGURE 9 Panel (a) shows a monopoly that charges the same price to all customers. Total surplus in this market equals the sum of profit (producer surplus) and consumer surplus. Panel (b) shows a monopoly that can perfectly price discriminate. Because consumer surplus equals zero, total surplus now equals the firm’s profit. Comparing these two panels, you can see that perfect price discrimination raises profit, raises total surplus, and lowers"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about monopolistic competition?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "CHAPTER 16 MONOPOLISTIC COMPETITION cost of production (but less than the price) will be deterred from buying it. Thus, a monopolistically competitive market has the normal deadweight loss of monopoly pricing. This outcome is undesirable compared with the efficient quantity that arises when price equals marginal cost, but policymakers don’t have an easy way to fix the problem. To enforce marginal-cost pricing, they would need to regulate all firms that produce differentiated products. Because such products are so common in the economy, the administrative burden of such regulation would be overwhelming. Moreover, regulating monopolistic competitors entails all the problems of regulating natural monopolies. In particular, because monopolistic competitors are making zero profits already, requiring them to lower their prices to equal marginal cost would cause them to make losses. To keep these firms in business, the government would need to help them cover these losses."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about defenders?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "buy and, thus, enhances the ability of markets to allocate resources efficiently. Defenders also argue that advertising fosters competition. Because advertising allows customers to be more fully informed about all the firms in the market, customers can more easily take advantage of price differences. Thus, each firm has less market power. In addition, advertising allows new firms to enter more easily because it gives entrants a means to attract customers from existing firms. Over time, policymakers have come to accept the view that advertising can make markets more competitive. One important example is the regulation of advertising for certain professions, such as lawyers, doctors, and pharmacists. In the past, these groups succeeded in getting state governments to prohibit advertising in their fields on the grounds that advertising was “unprofessional.” In recent years, however, the courts have concluded that the primary effect of these restric-"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about competition?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "sloping demand curve and, as a result, charges a price above marginal cost. As in a perfectly competitive market, there are many firms, and entry and exit drive the profit of each monopolistic competitor toward zero in the long run. Table 1 summarizes these lessons. Because monopolistically competitive firms produce differentiated products, each firm advertises to attract customers to its own brand. To some extent, advertising manipulates consumers’ tastes, promotes irrational brand loyalty, and impedes competition. To a larger extent, advertising provides information, establishes brand names of reliable quality, and fosters competition. The theory of monopolistic competition seems to describe many markets in the economy. It is somewhat disappointing, therefore, that the theory does not yield simple and compelling advice for public policy. From the standpoint of the economic theorist, the allocation of resources in monopolistically competitive mar-"}
{"instruction": "How is cartel presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "passenger revenue for the next quarter. But a rival airline might use the announced figure as a benchmark when setting its own fares for the next quarter. As things stand, cartel authorities have focused their efforts in such situations on blocking mergers in markets where signaling is prevalent, arguing that consolidation in such markets can further dampen competition by making coordination easier or more successful. However, they have not taken high-profile action alleging cartel infringements against companies for announcements made to investors. If there is no justification for a particular announcement other than to signal to competitors, cartel authorities should seek to intervene. For in this case the public announcement is analytically the same as a private discussion directly with the rivals, and there is scope for consumers to be seriously harmed. But most announcements do serve legitimate purposes, such as keeping investors"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about antitrust laws?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "times improve market outcomes. This principle applies directly to oligopolistic markets. As we have seen, cooperation among oligopolists is undesirable from the standpoint of society as a whole because it leads to production that is too low and prices that are too high. To move the allocation of resources closer to the social optimum, policymakers should try to induce firms in an oligopoly to compete rather than cooperate. Let’s consider how policymakers do this and then examine the controversies that arise in this area of public policy. 17-3a Restraint of Trade and the Antitrust Laws One way that policy discourages cooperation is through the common law. Normally, freedom of contract is an essential part of a market economy. Businesses and households use contracts to arrange mutually advantageous trades. In doing this, they rely on the court system to enforce contracts. Yet, for many centuries, judges in England and the United States have deemed agreements among com-"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on the avengers?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "for antitrust policymakers. Various questions remain unresolved. Is predatory pricing ever a profitable business strategy? If so, when? Are the courts capable of telling which price cuts are competitive and thus good for consumers and which are predatory? There are no simple answers. Tying A third example of a controversial business practice is tying. Suppose that Makemoney Movies produces two new films—The Avengers and Hamlet. If Makemoney offers theaters the two films together at a single price, rather than separately, the studio is said to be tying its two products. When the practice of tying movies was challenged, the Supreme Court banned it. The court reasoned as follows: Imagine that The Avengers is a blockbuster, whereas Hamlet is an unprofitable art film. Then the studio could use the high demand for The Avengers to force theaters to buy Hamlet. It seemed that the studio could use tying as a mechanism for expanding its market power."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of garbage?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "munity. Two kinds of jobs are available. You can take a job as a beach-badge checker, or you can take a job as a garbage collector. The beach-badge checkers take leisurely strolls along the beach during the day and check to make sure the tourists have bought the required beach permits. The garbage collectors wake up before dawn to drive dirty, noisy trucks around town to pick up garbage. Which job would you want? Most people would prefer the beach job if the wages were the same. To induce people to become garbage collectors, the town has to offer higher wages to garbage collectors than to beach-badge checkers. Economists use the term compensating differential to refer to a difference in wages that arises from nonmonetary characteristics of different jobs. Compensating differentials are prevalent in the economy. Here are some examples: • Coal miners are paid more than other workers with similar levels of education. Their higher wage compensates them for the dirty and dangerous nature"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect workers to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "According to the signaling view, education does not enhance productivity, so raising all workers’ educational levels would not affect wages. Most likely, the truth lies somewhere between these two extremes. The benefits to education are probably a combination of the productivity-enhancing effects of human capital and the productivity-revealing effects of signaling. The relative size of these two effects is an open question. One interpretation is that good looks are themselves a type of innate ability determining productivity and wages. Some people are born with the physical attributes of a movie star; other people are not. Good looks are useful in any job in which workers present themselves to the public—such as acting, sales, and waiting on tables. In this case, an attractive worker is more valuable to the firm than an unattractive worker. The firm’s willingness to pay more to attractive workers reflects its customers’ preferences. A second interpretation is that reported beauty is an indirect measure of other"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on discrimination?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "differ only by race, ethnic group, sex, age, or other personal characteristics. Discrimination reflects some people’s prejudice against certain groups in society. Discrimination is an emotionally charged topic that often generates heated debate, but economists try to study the topic objectively to separate myth from reality. 19-2a Measuring Labor-Market Discrimination How much does discrimination in labor markets affect the earnings of different groups of workers? This question is important, but answering it is not easy. There is no doubt that different groups of workers earn substantially different wages, as Table 2 demonstrates. The median black man in the United States is paid discrimination the offering of different opportunities to similar individuals who differ only by race, ethnic group, sex, age, or other personal characteristics Median Annual Earnings by Race and Sex TABLE 2 White Black Percent by Which Earnings Are Lower for Black Workers"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with discrimination?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "president of the railroad were all required to induce them to separate the races on their cars…. There is no indication that the management was motivated by belief in civil rights or racial equality. The evidence indicates their primary motives were economic; separation was costly…. Officials of the company may or may not have disliked blacks, but they were not willing to forgo the profits necessary to indulge such prejudice. The story of southern streetcars illustrates a general lesson: Business owners are usually more interested in making profits than in discriminating against a particular group. When firms engage in discriminatory practices, the ultimate source of the discrimination often lies not with the firms themselves but elsewhere. In this particular case, the streetcar companies segregated whites and blacks because discriminatory laws, which the companies opposed, required them to do so. 19-2c Discrimination by Customers and Governments"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise discrimination?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "tion. The entry of firms that care only about profit tends to eliminate discriminatory wage differentials. These wage differentials persist in competitive markets only when customers are willing to pay to maintain the discriminatory practice or when the government mandates it. Discrimination in Sports As we have seen, measuring discrimination is often difficult. To determine whether one group of workers is discriminated against, a researcher must correct for differences in the productivity between that group and other workers in the economy. Yet in most firms, it is difficult to measure a particular worker’s contribution to the production of goods and services. One type of firm in which such measurements are easier is the sports team. Professional teams have many objective measures of productivity. In baseball, for instance, we can measure a player’s batting average, the frequency of home runs, the number of stolen bases, and so on."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe workers?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "for job attributes. Other things being equal, workers in hard, unpleasant jobs are paid more than workers in easy, pleasant jobs. • Workers with more human capital are paid more than workers with less human capital. The return to accumulating human capital is high and has increased over the past several decades. • Although years of education, experience, and job characteristics affect earnings as theory predicts, there is much variation in earnings that cannot be explained by things that economists can measure. The unexplained variation in earnings is largely attributable to natural ability, effort, and chance. • Some economists have suggested that more educated workers earn higher wages not because education raises productivity but because workers with high natural ability use education as a way to signal their high ability to employers. If this signaling theory is correct, then increasing the educational attainment of all workers would not raise the overall level of wages."}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term florida?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "represent true inequality in living standards. Transitory versus Permanent Income Incomes vary over people’s lives not only because of predictable life cycle variation but also because of random and transitory forces. One year a frost kills off the Florida orange crop, and Florida orange growers see their incomes fall temporarily. At the same time, the Florida frost drives up the price of oranges, and California orange growers see their incomes temporarily rise. The next year the reverse might happen. Just as people can borrow and save to smooth out life cycle variation in income, they can also borrow and save to smooth out transitory variation in income. To the extent that a family saves in good years and borrows (or depletes its savings) in bad years, transitory changes in income need not affect its standard of living. A family’s ability to buy goods and services depends largely on its permanent income, which is its normal, or average, income."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about peter?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "receive income transfers. These income transfers are phased out: As a person earns more, he receives less from the government. Yet when the government uses higher income taxes and phased-out transfers to take away additional income a person might earn, both Peter and Paul have less incentive to work hard. As they work less, society’s income falls, and so does total utility. The utilitarian government has to balance the gains from greater equality against the losses from distorted incentives. To maximize total utility, therefore, the government stops short of making society fully egalitarian. A famous parable sheds light on the utilitarian’s logic. Imagine that Peter and Paul are thirsty travelers trapped at different places in the desert. Peter’s oasis has a lot of water; Paul’s has only a little. If the government could transfer water from one oasis to the other without cost, it would maximize total utility from water by equalizing the amount in the two places."}
{"instruction": "Why does pauline matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "Or would you ensure that the process of assigning grades to students is fair without regard for whether the resulting distribution is equal or unequal? For the case of grades at least, the libertarian emphasis on process over outcomes is compelling. Libertarians conclude that equality of opportunities is more important than equality of incomes. They believe that the government should enforce individual rights to ensure that everyone has the same opportunity to use his talents and achieve success. Once these rules of the game are established, the government has no reason to alter the resulting distribution of income. Quick Quiz Pam earns more than Pauline. Someone proposes taxing Pam to supplement Pauline’s income. How would a utilitarian, a liberal, and a libertarian each evaluate this proposal? 20-3 Policies to Reduce Poverty As we have just seen, political philosophers hold various views about what role the government should take in altering the distribution of income."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame many americans here?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "require more money from the middle class itself. Many Americans may find this hard to believe, but the United States already has one of the most progressive tax systems in the developed world, according to several studies, raising proportionately more revenue from the wealthy than other advanced countries do. Taxes on American households do more to redistribute resources and reduce inequality than the tax codes of most other rich nations. But taxation provides only half the picture of public finance. Despite the progressivity of our taxes, according to a study of public finances across the industrial countries in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, we also have one of the least effective governments at combating income inequality. There is one main reason: our tax code does not raise enough money. This paradox underscores two crucial lessons we could learn from the experience of our peers around the globe."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about income?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "important for understanding variation in income, it is difficult to gauge the degree of inequality in our society using data on the distribution of income in a single year. When these other factors are taken into account, they tend to suggest that economic wellbeing is more equally distributed than is annual income. • Political philosophers differ in their views about the role of government in altering the distribution of income. Utilitarians (such as John Stuart Mill) would choose the distribution of income to maximize the sum of utility of everyone in society. Liberals (such as John Rawls) would determine the distribution of income as if we were behind a “veil of ignorance” that prevented us from knowing our stations in life. Libertarians (such as Robert Nozick) would have the government enforce individual rights to ensure a fair process but then not be concerned about inequality in the resulting distribution of income. • Various policies aim to help the poor—minimum-"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about saul?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "tution effect of a higher interest rate is greater than the income effect, Saul saves more. If the income effect is greater than the substitution effect, Saul saves less. Thus, the theory of consumer choice says that an increase in the interest rate could either encourage or discourage saving. This ambiguous result is interesting from the standpoint of economic theory, but it is disappointing from the standpoint of economic policy. It turns out that an important issue in tax policy hinges in part on how saving responds to interest rates. Some economists have advocated reducing the taxation of interest and other capital income. They argue that such a policy change would raise the aftertax interest rate that savers can earn and thereby encourage people to save more. Other economists have argued that because of offsetting income and substitution effects, such a tax change might not increase saving and could even reduce it. Unfortunately, research has not led to a consensus about how interest rates affect"}
{"instruction": "How is another presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "From an economic standpoint, the most important feature of the corporate form of organization is the separation of ownership and control. One group of people, called the shareholders, own the corporation and share in its profits. Another group of people, called the managers, are employed by the corporation to make decisions about how to deploy the corporation’s resources. The separation of ownership and control creates a principal-agent problem. In this case, the shareholders are the principals and the managers are the agents. The chief executive officer and other managers, who are in the best position to know the available business opportunities, are charged with the task of maximizing profits for the shareholders. But ensuring that they carry out this task is not always easy. The managers may have goals of their own, such as taking life easy, having a plush office and a private jet, throwing lavish parties, or presiding over a large business empire."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about advocates?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "As a result, people in average health may observe the high price of insurance and decide not to buy it. When markets suffer from adverse selection, the invisible hand does not necessarily work its magic. In the used car market, owners of good cars may choose to keep them rather than sell them at the low price that skeptical buyers are willing to pay. In the labor market, wages may be stuck above the level that balances supply and demand, resulting in unemployment. In insurance markets, buyers with low risk may choose to remain uninsured because the policies they are offered fail to reflect their true characteristics. Advocates of government-provided health insurance sometimes point to the problem of adverse selection as one reason not to trust the private market to provide the right amount of health insurance on its own. adverse selection the tendency for the mix of unobserved attributes to become undesirable from the standpoint of an"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on herbert simon?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "pick the point on the highest indifference curve). Given the constraints they face, they rationally weigh all the costs and benefits and always choose the best possible course of action. Real people, however, are Homo sapiens. Although in many ways they resemble the rational, calculating people assumed in economic theory, they are far more complex. They can be forgetful, impulsive, confused, emotional, and shortsighted. These imperfections of human reasoning are the bread and butter of psychologists, but until recently, economists have neglected them. Herbert Simon, one of the first social scientists to work at the boundary of economics and psychology, suggested that humans should be viewed not as rational maximizers but as satisficers. Rather than always choosing the best course of action, they make decisions that are merely good enough. Similarly, other economists have suggested that humans are only “near rational” or that they exhibit"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat scholars as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "In short, we are at the dawn of “neuroeconomics.” Efforts to link neuroscience to economics have occurred mostly in just the last few years, and the growth of neuroeconomics is still in its early stages. But its nascence follows a pattern: revolutions in science tend to come from completely unexpected places. A field of science can turn barren if no fundamentally new approaches to research are on the horizon. Scholars can become so trapped in their methods—in the language and assumptions of the accepted approach to their discipline—that their research becomes repetitive or trivial. Then something exciting comes along from someone who was never involved with these methods—some new idea that attracts young scholars and a few iconoclastic old scholars, who are willing to learn a different science and its different research methods. At a certain moment in this process, a scientific revolution is born. The neuroeconomic revolution has passed"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect income to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "statistical discrepancy that arises from problems in data collection. • Personal income is the income that households and noncorporate businesses receive. Unlike national income, it excludes retained earnings, which is income that corporations have earned but have not paid out to their owners. It also subtracts indirect business taxes (such as sales taxes), corporate income taxes, and contributions for social insurance (mostly Social Security taxes). In addition, personal income includes the interest income that households receive from their holdings of government debt and the income that households receive from government transfer programs, such as welfare and Social Security. • Disposable personal income is the income that households and noncorporate businesses have left after satisfying all their obligations to the government. It equals personal income minus personal taxes and certain nontax payments (such as traffic tickets). Although the various measures of income differ in detail, they almost"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise dollar?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "changes in the quality of goods and services. Because of these measurement problems, the CPI overstates true inflation. • Like the consumer price index, the GDP deflator measures the overall level of prices in the economy. The two price indexes usually move together, but there are important differences. The GDP deflator differs from the CPI because it includes goods and services produced rather than goods and services consumed. As a result, imported goods affect the consumer price index but not the GDP deflator. In addition, while the consumer price index uses a fixed basket of goods, the GDP deflator automatically changes the group of goods and services over time as the composition of GDP changes. • Dollar figures from different times do not represent a valid comparison of purchasing power. To compare a dollar figure from the past to a dollar figure today, the older figure should be inflated using a price index. • Various laws and private contracts use price indexes"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe technological?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "This technological change made labor available to produce other goods and services. Technological knowledge takes many forms. Some technology is common knowledge—after one person uses it, everyone becomes aware of it. For example, once Henry Ford successfully introduced assembly-line production, other carmakers quickly followed suit. Other technology is proprietary—it is known only by the company that discovers it. Only the Coca-Cola Company, for instance, knows the secret recipe for making its famous soft drink. Still other technology is proprietary for a short time. When a pharmaceutical company discovers a new drug, the patent system gives that company a temporary right to be its exclusive manufacturer. When the patent expires, however, other companies are allowed to make the drug. All these forms of technological knowledge are important for the economy’s production of goods and services. It is worthwhile to distinguish between technological knowledge and hu-"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term natural?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "travel over fiber-optic cables, which are made from sand. Technological progress has made once crucial natural resources less necessary. But are all these efforts enough to permit continued economic growth? One way to answer this question is to look at the prices of natural resources. In a market economy, scarcity is reflected in market prices. If the world were running out of natural resources, then the prices of those resources would be rising over time. But in fact, the opposite is more often true. Natural resource prices exhibit substantial short-run fluctuations, but over long spans of time, the prices of most natural resources (adjusted for overall inflation) are stable or falling. It appears that our ability to conserve these resources is growing more rapidly than their supplies are dwindling. Market prices give no reason to believe that natural resources are a limit to economic growth. Quick Quiz List and describe four determinants of a country’s productivity."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about mexican?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "by a foreign entity is called foreign direct investment. Alternatively, an American might buy stock in a Mexican corporation (that is, buy a share in the ownership of the corporation); the Mexican corporation can use the proceeds from the stock sale to build a new factory. An investment that is financed with foreign money but operated by domestic residents is called foreign portfolio investment. In both cases, Americans provide the resources necessary to increase the stock of capital in Mexico. That is, American saving is being used to finance Mexican investment. When foreigners invest in a country, they do so because they expect to earn a return on their investment. Ford’s car factory increases the Mexican capital stock and, therefore, increases Mexican productivity and Mexican GDP. Yet Ford takes some of this additional income back to the United States in the form of profit. Similarly, when an American investor buys Mexican stock, the investor has a right"}
{"instruction": "Why does united states matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "An externality is the effect of one person’s actions on the well-being of a bystander. An educated person, for instance, might generate new ideas about how best to produce goods and services. If these ideas enter society’s pool of knowledge so that everyone can use them, then the ideas are an external benefit of education. In this case, the return from schooling for society is even greater than the return for the individual. This argument would justify the large subsidies to human-capital investment that we observe in the form of public education. One problem facing some poor countries is the brain drain—the emigration of many of the most highly educated workers to rich countries, where these workers can enjoy a higher standard of living. If human capital does have positive externalities, then this brain drain makes those people left behind even poorer. This problem offers policymakers a dilemma. On the one hand, the United States and other rich countries have the best systems of higher education, and it would"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame national here?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "To a large extent, knowledge is a public good: That is, once one person discovers an idea, the idea enters society’s pool of knowledge and other people can freely use it. Just as government has a role in providing a public good such as national defense, it also has a role in encouraging the research and development of new technologies. The U.S. government has long played a role in the creation and dissemination of technological knowledge. A century ago, the government sponsored research about farming methods and advised farmers how best to use their land. More recently, the U.S. government, through the Air Force and NASA, has supported aerospace research; as a result, the United States is a leading maker of rockets and planes. The government continues to encourage advances in knowledge with research grants from the National Science Foundation and the National Institutes of Health and with tax breaks for firms engaging in research and development."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about columbia university?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "inequality to the French political philosopher Montesquieu, who in the mid-eighteenth century came up with a very simple explanation: People in hot places are inherently lazy. Other no less sweeping explanations soon followed: Could it be that Max Weber’s Protestant work ethic is the true driver of economic success? Or perhaps the richest countries are those that were former British colonies? Or maybe it’s as simple as tracing which nations have the largest populations of European descent? The problem with all of these theories is that while they superficially fit some specific cases, others radically disprove them. It’s the same with the theories put forth today. Economist Jeffrey Sachs, director of Columbia University’s Earth Institute, attributes the relative success of nations to geography and weather: In the poorest parts of the world, he argues, nutrient-starved tropical soil makes agriculture a challenge, and tropical climates foment disease, par-"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about national association?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "trade among stockholders on organized stock exchanges. In these transactions, the corporation itself receives no money when its stock changes hands. The most important stock exchanges in the U.S. economy are the New York Stock Exchange and the NASDAQ (National Association of Securities Dealers Automated Quotation system). Most of the world’s countries have their own stock exchanges on which the shares of local companies trade. The prices at which shares trade on stock exchanges are determined by the supply of and demand for the stock in these companies. Because stock represents ownership in a corporation, the demand for a stock (and thus its price) reflects people’s perception of the corporation’s future profitability. When people become optimistic about a company’s future, they raise their demand for its stock and thereby bid up the price of a share of stock. Conversely, when people’s expectations of a company’s prospects decline, the price of a share falls."}
{"instruction": "How is market presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "Having discussed some of the important financial institutions in our economy and the macroeconomic role of these institutions, we are ready to build a model of financial markets. Our purpose in building this model is to explain how financial markets coordinate the economy’s saving and investment. The model also gives us a tool with which we can analyze various government policies that influence saving and investment. To keep things simple, we assume that the economy has only one financial market, called the market for loanable funds. All savers go to this market to deposit their saving, and all borrowers go to this market to take out their loans. Thus, the term loanable funds refers to all income that people have chosen to save and lend out, rather than use for their own consumption, and to the amount that investors have chosen to borrow to fund new investment projects. In the market for loanable funds, there is one interest rate, which is both the return to saving"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about interest?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "level at which the supply and demand for loanable funds exactly balance. Recall that economists distinguish between the real interest rate and the nominal interest rate. The nominal interest rate is the interest rate as usually reported—the monetary return to saving and the monetary cost of borrowing. The real interest rate is the nominal interest rate corrected for inflation; it equals the nominal interest rate minus the inflation rate. Because inflation erodes the value of money over time, the real interest rate more accurately reflects the real return to saving and the real cost of borrowing. Therefore, the supply and demand for loanable funds depend on the real (rather than nominal) interest rate, and the equilibrium in Figure 1 should be interpreted as determining the real interest rate in the economy. For the rest of this chapter, when you see the term interest rate, you should remember that we are talking about the real interest rate."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on government?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "get deficits reduce the economy’s growth rate. Why, you might ask, does a budget deficit affect the supply of loanable funds, rather than the demand for them? After all, the government finances a budget deficit by selling bonds, thereby borrowing from the private sector. Why does increased borrowing from the government shift the supply curve, whereas increased borrowing by private investors shifts the demand curve? To answer this question, we need to examine more precisely the meaning of “loanable funds.” The model as presented here takes this term to mean the flow of resources available to fund private investment; thus, a government budget deficit reduces the supply of loanable funds. If, instead, we had defined the term “loanable funds” to mean the flow of resources available from private saving, then the government budget deficit would increase demand rather than reduce supply. Changing the interpretation of the term would cause a semantic change in how we described the model, but the"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect rational to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "troversy about the validity of the efficient markets hypothesis and whether stock prices are, in practice, rational estimates of a company’s true worth. Rational or not, the large movements in stock prices that we observe have important macroeconomic implications. Stock market fluctuations often go hand in hand with fluctuations in the economy more broadly. We revisit the stock market when we study economic fluctuations later in the book. • Because savings can earn interest, a sum of money today is more valuable than the same sum of money in the future. A person can compare sums from different times using the concept of present value. The present value of any future sum is the amount that would be needed today, given prevailing interest rates, to produce that future sum. • Because of diminishing marginal utility, most people are risk averse. Risk-averse people can reduce risk by buying insurance, diversifying their holdings, and choosing a portfolio with lower risk and lower return."}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with unemployment?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "These studies found that when the unemployed become ineligible for benefits, the probability of their finding a new job rises markedly. Thus, receiving unemployment insurance benefits does reduce the search effort of the unemployed. Even though unemployment insurance reduces search effort and raises unemployment, we should not necessarily conclude that the policy is bad. The program does achieve its primary goal of reducing the income uncertainty that workers face. In addition, when workers turn down unattractive job offers, they have the opportunity to look for jobs that better suit their tastes and skills. Some economists argue that unemployment insurance improves the ability of the economy to match each worker with the most appropriate job. The study of unemployment insurance shows that the unemployment rate is an imperfect measure of a nation’s overall level of economic well-being. Most economists agree that eliminating unemployment insurance would reduce the"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise minimum-wage?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "efficiency wages. According to this theory, firms operate more efficiently if wages are above the equilibrium level. Therefore, it may be profitable for firms to keep wages high even in the presence of a surplus of labor. In some ways, the unemployment that arises from efficiency wages is similar to the unemployment that arises from minimum-wage laws and unions. In all three cases, unemployment is the result of wages above the level that balances the quantity of labor supplied and the quantity of labor demanded. Yet there is also an important difference. Minimum-wage laws and unions prevent firms from lowering wages in the presence of a surplus of workers. Efficiency-wage theory states that such a constraint on firms is unnecessary in many cases because firms may be better off keeping wages above the equilibrium level. Why should firms want to keep wages high? This decision may seem odd at first, for wages are a large part of firms’ costs."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe federal?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "banking and business community. The Fed has two related jobs. The first is to regulate banks and ensure the health of the banking system. This task is largely the responsibility of the regional Federal Reserve Banks. In particular, the Fed monitors each bank’s financial condition and facilitates bank transactions by clearing checks. It also acts as a bank’s bank. That is, the Fed makes loans to banks when banks themselves want to borrow. When financially troubled banks find themselves short of cash, the Fed acts as a lender of last resort—a lender to those who cannot borrow anywhere else—to maintain stability in the overall banking system. The Fed’s second and more important job is to control the quantity of money that is made available in the economy, called the money supply. Decisions by policymakers concerning the money supply constitute monetary policy. At the Fed, monetary policy is made by the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC)."}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term bank?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "rate on reserve balances because, by so doing, they can earn a spread without risk. Thus the interest rate that the Fed pays should tend to put a floor under short-term market rates, including our policy target, the federal-funds rate. Raising the rate paid on reserve balances also discourages excessive growth in money or credit, because banks will not want to lend out their reserves at rates below what they can earn at the Fed. Considerable international experience suggests that paying interest on reserves effectively manages short-term market rates. For example, the European Central Bank allows banks to place excess reserves in an interest-paying deposit facility. Even as that central bank’s liquidity operations substantially increased its balance sheet, the overnight interbank rate remained at or above its deposit rate. In addition, the Bank of Japan and the Bank of Canada have also used their ability to pay interest on reserves to maintain a floor under short-term market"}
{"instruction": "Why does persistent matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "Although this chapter presented many of the most important lessons about inflation, the discussion is incomplete. When the central bank reduces the rate of money growth, prices rise less rapidly, as the quantity theory suggests. Yet as the economy makes the transition to this lower inflation rate, the change in monetary policy will have disruptive effects on production and employment. That is, even though monetary policy is neutral in the long run, it has profound effects on real variables in the short run. Later in this book we will examine the reasons for short-run monetary non-neutrality to enhance our understanding of the causes and effects of inflation. • The overall level of prices in an economy adjusts to bring money supply and money demand into balance. When the central bank increases the supply of money, it causes the price level to rise. Persistent growth in the quantity of money supplied leads to continuing inflation. • The principle of monetary neutrality asserts that"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame economy here?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "macroeconomics. We begin in this chapter by discussing the key macroeconomic variables that describe an open economy’s interactions in world markets. You may have noticed mention of these variables—exports, imports, the trade balance, and exchange rates—when reading news reports or watching the nightly news. Our first job is to understand what these data mean. In the next chapter, we develop a model to explain how these variables are determined and how they are affected by various government policies. closed economy an economy that does not interact with other economies in the world open economy an economy that interacts freely with other economies around the world An open economy interacts with other economies in two ways: It buys and sells goods and services in world product markets, and it buys and sells capital assets such as stocks and bonds in world financial markets. Here we discuss these two activities and the close relationship between them."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about german?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "in New York. The second reason that purchasing-power parity does not always hold is that even tradable goods are not always perfect substitutes when they are produced in different countries. For example, some consumers prefer German cars, and others prefer American cars. Moreover, consumer tastes can change over time. If German cars suddenly become more popular, the increase in demand will drive up the price of German cars compared to American cars. Despite this difference in prices in the two markets, there might be no opportunity for profitable arbitrage because consumers do not view the two cars as equivalent. Thus, both because some goods are not tradable and because some tradable goods are not perfect substitutes for their foreign counterparts, purchasing-power parity is not a perfect theory of exchange-rate determination. For these reasons, real exchange rates fluctuate over time. Nonetheless, the theory of purchasing-power parity does provide a useful first step in understanding exchange rates."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about economy?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "government policies can affect it, we need a macroeconomic theory that explains how an open economy works. The preceding chapter introduced some of the key macroeconomic variables that describe an economy’s relationship with other economies, including net exports, net capital outflow, and the real and nominal exchange rates. This chapter develops a model that identifies the forces that determine these variables and shows how these variables are related to one another. To develop this macroeconomic model of an open economy, we build on our previous analysis in two ways. First, the model takes the economy’s GDP as given. We assume that the economy’s output of goods and services, as measured by real GDP, is determined by the supplies of the factors of production and by the available production technology that turns these inputs into output. Second, the model takes the economy’s price level as given. We assume that the price level adjusts to bring the supply and demand for money into balance."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about exports?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "become more expensive relative to foreign goods. This appreciation encourages imports and discourages exports, and both of these changes work to offset the direct increase in net exports due to the import quota. In the end, an import quota reduces both imports and exports, but net exports (exports minus imports) are unchanged. We have thus come to a surprising implication: Trade policies do not affect the trade balance. That is, policies that directly influence exports or imports do not alter net exports. This conclusion seems less surprising if one recalls the accounting identity: NX = NCO = S − I. Net exports equal net capital outflow, which equals national saving minus domestic investment. Trade policies do not alter the trade balance because they do not alter national saving or domestic investment. For given levels of national saving and domestic investment, the real exchange rate adjusts to keep the trade balance the same, regardless of the trade policies the government puts in place."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about fluctuations?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "Short-run fluctuations in economic activity have occurred in all countries throughout history. As a starting point for understanding these year-to-year fluctuations, let’s discuss some of their most important properties. 33-1a Fact 1: Economic Fluctuations Are Irregular and Unpredictable Fluctuations in the economy are often called the business cycle. As this term suggests, economic fluctuations correspond to changes in business conditions. When real GDP grows rapidly, business is good. During such periods of economic expansion, most firms find that customers are plentiful and that profits are growing. When real GDP falls during recessions, businesses have trouble. During such periods of economic contraction, most firms experience declining sales and dwindling profits. The term business cycle is somewhat misleading because it suggests that economic fluctuations follow a regular, predictable pattern. In fact, economic fluctuations are not at all regular, and they are almost impossible to predict with much"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on interest?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "their money into interest-bearing assets, they drive down interest rates. (The next chapter analyzes this process in more detail.) Interest rates, in turn, affect spending on goods and services. Because a lower interest rate makes borrowing less expensive, it encourages firms to borrow more to invest in new plants and equipment, and it encourages households to borrow more to invest in new housing. (A lower interest rate might also stimulate consumer spending, especially spending on large durable purchases such as cars, which are often bought on credit.) Thus, a lower interest rate increases the quantity of goods and services demanded. This logic gives us a second reason the aggregate-demand curve slopes downward. A lower price level reduces the interest rate, encourages greater spending on investment goods, and thereby increases the quantity of goods and services demanded. Conversely, a higher price level raises the interest rate, discourages investment spending,"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat shifts as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "curve to the left. Another policy variable that can influence investment and aggregate demand is the money supply. As we discuss more fully in the next chapter, an increase in the money supply lowers the interest rate in the short run. This decrease in the interest rate makes borrowing less costly, which stimulates investment spending and thereby shifts the aggregate-demand curve to the right. Conversely, a decrease in the money supply raises the interest rate, discourages investment spending, and thereby shifts the aggregate-demand curve to the left. Many economists believe that throughout U.S. history, changes in monetary policy have been an important source of shifts in aggregate demand. Shifts Arising from Changes in Government Purchases The most direct way that policymakers shift the aggregate-demand curve is through government purchases. For example, suppose Congress decides to reduce purchases of new weapons systems. Because the quantity of goods and services demanded at any"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of shifts?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "Any change in the economy that alters the natural level of output shifts the longrun aggregate-supply curve. Because output in the classical model depends on labor, capital, natural resources, and technological knowledge, we can categorize shifts in the long-run aggregate-supply curve as arising from these four sources. Shifts Arising from Changes in Labor Imagine that an economy experiences an increase in immigration. Because there would be a greater number of workers, the quantity of goods and services supplied would increase. As a result, the longrun aggregate-supply curve would shift to the right. Conversely, if many workers left the economy to go abroad, the long-run aggregate-supply curve would shift to the left. The position of the long-run aggregate-supply curve also depends on the natural rate of unemployment, so any change in the natural rate of unemployment shifts the long-run aggregate-supply curve. For example, if Congress were to raise"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect conversely to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Principles of Economics Mankiw 2014", "output": "As computer use has spread throughout the economy, it has shifted the long-run aggregate-supply curve to the right. Although not literally technological, many other events act like changes in technology. For instance, opening up international trade has effects similar to inventing new production processes because it allows a country to specialize in higher-productivity industries; therefore, it also shifts the long-run aggregatesupply curve to the right. Conversely, if the government passes new regulations preventing firms from using some production methods, perhaps to address worker safety or environmental concerns, the result is a leftward shift in the longrun aggregate-supply curve. Summing Up Because the long-run aggregate-supply curve reflects the classical model of the economy we developed in previous chapters, it provides a new way to describe our earlier analysis. Any policy or event that raised real GDP in previous chapters can now be described as increasing the quantity of goods and serv-"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise crazy?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "Change Introduction The Little Laws of Life Hanging by a Thread If you know where we’ve been, you realize we have no idea where we’re going. Risk Is What You Don’t See We are very good at predicting the future, except for the surprises—which tend to be all that matter. Expectations and Reality The first rule of happiness is low expectations. Wild Minds People who think about the world in unique ways you like also think about the world in unique ways you won’t like. Wild Numbers People don’t want accuracy. They want certainty. Best Story Wins Stories are always more powerful than statistics. Does Not Compute The world is driven by forces that cannot be measured. Calm Plants the Seeds of Crazy Crazy doesn’t mean broken. Crazy is normal; beyond the point of crazy is normal. Too Much, Too Soon, Too Fast A good idea on steroids quickly becomes a terrible idea. When the Magic Happens Stress focuses your attention in ways that good times can’t."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe events?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": ". . and so on forever. — Every current event—big or small—has parents, grandparents, greatgrandparents, siblings, and cousins. Ignoring that family tree can muddy your understanding of events, giving a false impression of why things happened, how long they might last, and under what circumstances they might occur again. Viewing events in isolation, without an appreciation of their long roots, helps explain everything from why forecasting is hard to why politics is nasty. People like to say, “To know where we’re going, you have to know where we’ve been.” But more realistic is admitting that if you know where we’ve been, you realize we have no idea where we’re going. Events compound in unfathomable ways. I try to keep two things in mind in a world that’s this vulnerable to chance and accident. One is highlighting this book’s premise—to base predictions on how people behave rather than on specific events. Predicting what the world will look like fifty years from now is impossible."}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term houdini?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "So, in personal finance, the right amount of savings is when it feels like it’s a little too much. It should feel excessive; it should make you wince a little. The same goes for how much debt you think you should handle— whatever you think it is, the reality is probably a little less. Your preparation shouldn’t make sense in a world where the biggest historical events all would have sounded absurd before they happened. Most of the time, when someone’s caught unprepared, it’s not because they didn’t plan. Sometimes it’s the smartest planners in the world, working tirelessly, mapping every scenario they can imagine, who end up failing. They planned for everything that made sense before getting hit by something they’d never imagined. — Harry Houdini used to invite the strongest man in the audience onstage. Then he’d ask the man to punch him in the stomach as hard as he could. Houdini was an amateur boxer and told crowds he could withstand any"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about truman?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "relief,” she said. Harry Truman—a failed retailer, failed farmer, failed zinc miner, failed oil driller, and senator held on a leash by local Missouri businessmen—was almost universally panned when he became president after Franklin Roosevelt died. The Washington Post wrote: “We should be less than candid at this grave moment if we did not recognize the great disparity between Mr. Truman’s experience and the responsibilities that have been thrust upon him.” David McCullough wrote: “To many it was not just that the greatest of men had fallen, but that the least of men—or at any rate the least likely of men—had assumed his place.” Today, Truman is consistently ranked among historians’ top ten presidents of all time, often ahead of Roosevelt. Part of the reason, I’ve come to believe, is that expectations for Truman’s abilities were so low that any leadership qualities he exhibited blew people’s minds. A little success was a win; a big success felt like a"}
{"instruction": "Why does expectations matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "If you have unrealistic expectations you’re going to be miserable your whole life. You want to have reasonable expectations and take life’s results, good and bad, as they happen with a certain amount of stoicism. My friend Brent has a related theory about marriage: It only works when both people want to help their spouse while expecting nothing in return. If you both do that, you’re both pleasantly surprised. These pieces of advice are easier said than done. I think it’s often hard to distinguish high expectations from motivation. And low expectations feels like giving up and minimizing your potential. The only way around that might be recognizing two things. One is the constant reminder that wealth and happiness is a two-part equation: what you have and what you expect/need. When you realize that each part is equally important, you see that the overwhelming attention we pay to getting more and the negligible attention we put on managing"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame mars here?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "characteristics are positive, polite, endearing, or appealing. Something I’ve long thought true, and which shows up constantly when you look for it, is that people who are abnormally good at one thing tend to be abnormally bad at something else. It’s as if the brain has capacity for only so much knowledge and emotion, and an abnormal skill robs bandwidth from other parts of someone’s personality. Take Elon Musk. What kind of thirty-two-year-old thinks they can take on GM, Ford, and NASA at the same time? An utter maniac. The kind of person who thinks normal constraints don’t apply to them—not in an egotistical way, but in a genuine, believe-it-in-your-bones way. Which is also the kind of person who doesn’t worry about, say, Twitter etiquette. A mindset that can dump a personal fortune into colonizing Mars is not the kind of mindset that worries about the downsides of hyperbole. And the kind of person who proposes making Mars habitable by constantly dropping"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about dark thirty?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "to be correct, you got no credit. Everything in between gave you a confidence-adjusted score. I’ve never heard of a better way to teach people that life is about managing probabilities. And what an amazing way to scare the daylights out of students, forcing them to realize the consequences of assuming that certainty exists in a world filled with unknowns. A common trait of human behavior is the burning desire for certainty despite living in an uncertain and probabilistic world. Dealing with the math behind risk and uncertainty in general is difficult —something people have struggled with forever and always will. That something can be likely and not happen, or unlikely and still happen, is one of the world’s most important tricks. — There’s a scene in the movie Zero Dark Thirty in which the CIA director questions a group of analysts who claim to have located Osama bin Laden. “I’m about to go look the president in the eye,” he says. “And what I’d"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about morgan freeman?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "T Best Story Wins Stories are always more powerful than statistics. he best story wins. Not the best idea, or the right idea, or the most rational idea. Just whoever tells a story that catches people’s attention and gets them to nod their heads is the one who tends to be rewarded. Great ideas explained poorly can go nowhere, while old or wrong ideas told compellingly can ignite a revolution. Morgan Freeman can narrate a grocery list and bring people to tears, while an inarticulate scientist might cure a disease and go unnoticed. There is too much information in the world for everyone to calmly sift through the data, looking for the most rational, most correct answer. People are busy and emotional, and a good story is always more powerful and persuasive than ice-cold statistics. If you have the right answer, you may or may not get ahead. If you have the wrong answer but you’re a good storyteller, you’ll probably get ahead (for a while). If you have the right answer and you’re a good storyteller, you’ll almost"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about albert einstein?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "Trying to explain something like physics is hard if you’re deadlifting facts and formulas. But if you can explain things like how fire works with a story about balls rolling down hills and running into one another—that’s what physicist Richard Feynman, an astounding storyteller, used to do— you can explain something complex in seconds, without much effort. Stories do more than persuade others. They can help you just as much. Part of what made Albert Einstein so talented was his imagination and ability to distill complexity into a simple scene in his head. When he was sixteen he started imagining what it would be like to ride on a beam of light, holding on to the sides like a flying carpet and thinking through how it would travel and bend. Soon after, he began imagining what your body would feel like if you were in an enclosed elevator riding through space. He contemplated gravity by imagining bowling balls and billiard balls competing for space on a trampoline surface."}
{"instruction": "How is hitler presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "eighteen with no combat experience. They didn’t have enough fuel. They were running out of food. The terrain of the Ardennes Forest in Belgium stacked the odds against them. The weather was atrocious. The Allies knew all this. They reasoned that any rational German commander would not launch a counterattack. So the American lines were left fairly thin and ill-supplied. And then, boom. The Germans attacked anyway. What the American generals overlooked was how unhinged Hitler had become. He wasn’t rational. He was living in his own world, detached from reality and reason. When his generals asked where they should get fuel to complete the attack, Hitler said they could steal it from the Americans. Reality didn’t matter. Historian Stephen Ambrose notes that Eisenhower and General Omar Bradley got all the war-planning reasoning and logic right in late 1944, except for one detail—the extent to which Hitler had lost his mind. An aide to Bradley mentioned during the war: “If we were fighting"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about nash?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "that they leave no room for error or surprise. No room for things to be crazy, dumb, unexplainable, and to remain that way for a long time. Always asking “Why is this happening?” and expecting there to be a rational answer. Or worse, always mistaking what happened for what you think should have happened. The ones who thrive long term are those who understand the real world is a never-ending chain of absurdity, confusion, messy relationships, and imperfect people. Making sense of that world requires admitting a few things. — John Nash is one of the smartest mathematicians to ever live; he won the Nobel Prize. He was also schizophrenic and spent most of his life convinced that aliens were sending him coded messages. In her book A Beautiful Mind, Sylvia Nasar recounts a conversation between Nash and Harvard professor George Mackey: “How could you, a mathematician, a man devoted to reason and logical proof . . . how could you believe that extraterrestrials"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on washington?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "The two go hand in hand. “A wet year reduces fires while increasing vegetation growth, but then the increased vegetation dries out in subsequent dry years, thereby increasing the fire fuel,” the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration wrote. That’s hardly intuitive, but here again—calm plants the seeds of crazy. What calm planting the seeds of crazy does is important: It makes us fundamentally underestimate the odds of things going wrong, and the consequences of something going wrong. Things can become the most dangerous when people perceive them to be the safest. After slapping Chris Rock on stage at the Oscars, Will Smith turned to Denzel Washington for advice. Washington said, “At your highest moment, be careful. That’s when the devil comes for you.” — A final word about why things have a tendency of getting out of hand. It’s that optimism and pessimism always have to overshoot what seems reasonable, because the only way to discover the limits of what’s possible is"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat growth as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "Fish with slowed-down growth in their early years go on to live 30 percent longer than average. Those with artificial, supercharged growth early on die 15 percent earlier than average. That’s what a team of biologists from Glasgow University once found. The cause isn’t complicated. Supercharged growth can lead to tissue damage and, as the biologists put it, “may only be achieved by diversion of resources away from maintenance and repair of damaged biomolecules.” Slowed-down growth does the opposite, “allowing an increased allocation to maintenance and repair.” “You might well expect a machine built in haste to fail quicker than one put together carefully and methodically, and our study suggests that this may be true for bodies too,” Neil Metcalfe, one of the researchers, said. Growth is good, if only because runts eventually get eaten. But forced growth, accelerated growth, artificial growth—that tends to backfire. — Robert Greene writes: “The greatest impediment to creativity is your"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of scientific?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "world.” That will fuel the most incredible problem-solving and innovation in the shortest period of time that the world has ever seen. Frederick Lewis Allen describes the burst of scientific progress that took place during World War II: What the government, through its Office of Scientific Research and Development and other agencies, was constantly saying during the war was, in effect: “Is this discovery or that one of any possible war value? If so, then develop it and put it to use, and damn the expense!” Militaries are engines of innovation because they occasionally deal with problems so important—so urgent, so vital—that money and manpower are removed as obstacles, and those involved collaborate in ways that are hard to emulate during calm times. You cannot compare the incentives of Silicon Valley coders trying to get you to click on ads to Manhattan Project physicists trying to end a war that threatened the country’s existence. You can’t even compare their"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect palm to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "attention from getting out of a crisis to merely surviving it. And perhaps just as important is what happens when we have the opposite. When everything is great—when wealth is flush, when the outlook is bright, when responsibility is low, and threats appear gone—you get some of the worst, dumbest, least-productive human behavior. President Richard Nixon once observed: The unhappiest people of the world are those in the international watering places like the South Coast of France, and Newport, and Palm Springs, and Palm Beach. Going to parties every night. Playing golf every afternoon. Drinking too much. Talking too much. Thinking too little. Retired. No purpose. So while there are those that would totally disagree with this and say “Gee, if I could just be a millionaire! That would be the most wonderful thing.” If I could just not have to work every day, if I could just be out fishing or hunting or playing golf or traveling, that would be the most wonderful life in the world—"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on robert?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "launching one of the big bombs. Neither country would start a war with a big bomb. But would they launch a small one? Probably. And would a small bomb justify retaliating with a big one? Yes. So the small bombs increased the odds of the big bombs being used. Small risks weren’t the alternative to big risks; they were the trigger. Soviet missiles in Cuba during the Cuban Missile Crisis were four thousand times less powerful than Tsar Bomba. But if the Soviets had launched even one of them, according to Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, there would have been a “99 percent probability” that America would have retaliated with its full nuclear force. Robert Oppenheimer, the physicist who helped create the atomic bomb, was guilt-stricken about its destructiveness and pushed for smaller nukes to reduce the risk. He later admitted that was a mistake, because it increased the odds of a large nuclear attack. Big risks are easy to overlook because they’re just a chain reaction of"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with stockdale?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "term investment. A big thing to know about how people think is that progress requires optimism and pessimism to coexist. They seem like conflicting mindsets, so it’s more common for people to prefer one or the other. But knowing how to balance the two has always been, and always will be, one of life’s most important skills. The best financial plan is to save like a pessimist and invest like an optimist. That idea—the belief that things will get better mixed with the reality that the path between now and then will be a continuous chain of setback, disappointment, surprise, and shock—shows up all over history, in all areas of life. — John McCain became the most famous Vietnam prisoner of war. But at the time, Admiral Jim Stockdale was the highest-ranking POW. Stockdale was tortured routinely, and at one point attempted suicide out of fear he might break and give up sensitive military information. Decades after he was released, Stockdale was asked in an interview"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise optimist?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "disappointments and setbacks, but who remain optimistic because they know setbacks don’t prevent eventual progress. They sound like hypocrites and flip-floppers, but often they’re just looking further ahead than other people. — The trick in any field—from finance to careers to relationships—is being able to survive the short-run problems so you can stick around long enough to enjoy the long-term growth. Save like a pessimist and invest like an optimist. Plan like a pessimist and dream like an optimist. Those can seem like conflicting skills. And they are. It’s intuitive to think you should either be an optimist or a pessimist. It’s hard to realize there’s a time and a place for both, and that the two can—and should— coexist. But it’s what you see in almost every successful long-term endeavor. The business that takes huge risks with new products, like an optimist, but is terrified of short-term debt and always wants a big chunk of safety-"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe evolution?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "sunlight, but becomes vulnerable to wind damage. There is always some inefficiency. So species rarely evolve to become perfect at anything, because perfecting one skill comes at the expense of another skill that will eventually be critical to survival. The lion could be bigger and catch more prey; the tree could be taller and get more sun. But they’re not, because it would backfire. So they’re all a little imperfect. Nature’s answer is a lot of good enough, below-potential traits across all species. Biologist Anthony Bradshaw says that evolution’s successes get all the attention, but its failures are equally important. And that’s how it should be: Not maximizing your potential is actually the sweet spot in a world where perfecting one skill compromises another. Evolution has spent 3.8 billion years testing and proving the idea that some inefficiency is good. We know it’s right. So maybe we should pay more attention to it. — Many people strive for efficient lives, where no hour is wasted."}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term hastings?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "in 1846 for California, which was then seemingly a world away but held the promise of riches and a new beginning. The journey was grueling and risky in the best of times, taking several months and under constant threat of attack from Native Americans, disease, and nasty weather. Halfway through the trip the Donners, exhausted from months on the trail, took the advice of an Ohio explorer named Lansford Hastings, who convinced them they could shave perhaps three or four days off their trip by cutting through what is now Utah, bypassing the traditional and well-known trail through what is now southern Idaho. Hastings was wrong in nearly every regard. The “shortcut” was far longer and more arduous than the traditional route, taking them through the scorching heat of the Great Salt Lake Desert in the middle of summer. The party nearly ran out of water, lost the majority of their oxen, and—most critically—added a month to their journey. That delay could not have been more catastrophic."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about bigger?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "stature. This isn’t surprising. Bigger species are better at capturing prey, can travel longer distances, and can support bigger brains. The obvious question is: Why hasn’t evolution made every species enormous? Two scientists, Aaron Clauset of the Santa Fe Institute and Douglas Erwin of the Museum of Natural History, explained why in a paper that summed it up in a wonderful sentence: “The tendency for evolution to create larger species is counterbalanced by the tendency of extinction to kill off larger species.” Body size in biology is like leverage in investing: It accentuates the gains but amplifies the losses. It works well for a while and then backfires spectacularly at the point where the benefits are nice but the losses are lethal. Take injury. Big animals are fragile. An ant can fall from an elevation fifteen thousand times its height and walk away unharmed. A rat will break bones falling from an elevation fifty times its height."}
{"instruction": "Why does edison matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "and scientific development as the past half century?” the Post queried Edison. “Greater. Much greater,” he replied. “Along what lines do you expect this development?” they asked him. “Along all lines.” This wasn’t blind optimism. Edison understood the process of scientific discovery. Big innovations don’t come at once, but rather are built up slowly when several small innovations are combined over time. Edison wasn’t a grand planner. He was a prolific tinkerer, combining parts in ways he didn’t quite understand, confident that little discoveries along the way would be combined and leveraged into more meaningful inventions. Edison, for example, did not invent the first light bulb; he just greatly improved upon what others had already built. In 1802—three quarters of a century before Edison’s lightbulb—a British inventor named Humphry Davy created an electric light called an arc lamp, using charcoal rods as a filament. It worked like Edison’s lightbulb, but it was impractically bright"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame fundamental theorem here?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "That’s always how it works. There’s a theory in evolutionary biology called Fisher’s Fundamental Theorem of Natural Selection. It’s the idea that variance equals strength, because the more diverse a population is, the more chances it has to come up with new traits that can be selected for. No one can know what traits will be useful; that’s not how evolution works. But if you create a lot of traits, the useful one—whatever it is—will be in there somewhere. It’s the same thing with innovation. At any given moment it’s easy to look around at what start-ups are building or what scientists are discovering and think that what we’re working on is maybe neat—at best—but pales in comparison to what we did yesterday. Since we never know how multiple innovations will collide, the path of least resistance is to conclude that our best days are behind us while ignoring the potential of what we’re working on. One takeaway here is that it’s easy to always feel like we’re falling"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about like?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "others, it’s easy to assume you’re missing some skill or secret that others have. The more we describe successful people as having superhuman powers, the more everyone else looks at them and says, “I could never do that.” Which is unfortunate, because more people would be willing to try if they knew that those they admire are probably normal people who played the odds right. When someone is viewed as more extraordinary than they are, you’re more likely to overvalue their opinion on things they have no special talent in. Like a successful hedge fund manager’s political views, or a politician’s investment advice. Only when you get to know someone well do you realize the best you can do in life is to become an expert at some things while remaining inept at others—and that’s if you’re good. There’s an important difference between someone whose specific talent should be celebrated versus someone whose ideas should never be questioned. Eat the"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about 30?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "unthinkable during a downturn is because more changes during downturns than just asset prices. If I, today, imagine how I’d respond to stocks falling 30 percent, I picture a world where everything is like it is today except stock valuations, which are 30 percent cheaper. But that’s not how the world works. Downturns don’t happen in isolation. The reason stocks might fall 30 percent is because big groups of people, companies, and politicians screwed something up, and their screwups might sap my confidence in our ability to recover. So my investment priorities might shift from growth to preservation. It’s difficult to contextualize this mental shift when the economy is booming. And even though Warren Buffett says to be greedy when others are fearful, far more people agree with that quote than actually act on it. The same idea holds true for companies, careers, and relationships. Hard times make people do and think things they’d never imagine when things"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about thomas mccrae?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "don’t understand into things you do. Like a baseball player who—by keeping a ball level in his gaze—knows where the ball will land as well as a physicist calculating the ball’s flight with precision. The problem with simplicity is that the reps don’t hurt, so you don’t feel like you’re getting a mental workout. It can create a preference for laborious learning that students are actually okay with because it feels like a cognitive bench press, with all the assumed benefits. — Thomas McCrae was a young nineteenth-century doctor still unsure of his skills. One day he diagnosed a patient with a common, insignificant stomach ailment. McCrae’s medical school professor watched the diagnosis and interrupted with every student’s nightmare: in fact, the patient had a rare and serious disease. McCrae had never heard of it. The diagnosis required immediate surgery. After opening the patient up, the professor realized that McCrae’s initial diagnosis was correct."}
{"instruction": "How is hopefully presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Same as Ever A Guide to What Never Changes", "output": "squint harder—to forecast with more precision, more data, and more intelligence. Far more effective is to do the opposite: Look backward, and be broad. Rather than attempting to figure out little ways the future might change, study the big things the past has never avoided. A decade ago I made a goal to read more history and fewer forecasts. It was one of the most enlightening changes of my life. And the irony is that the more history I read, the more comfortable I became with the future. When you focus on what never changes, you stop trying to predict uncertain events and spend more time understanding timeless behavior. Hopefully this book nudged you down that path. I try not to give advice to people I don’t know, because everyone’s different and universal guidance is rare. So rather than ending this book with a list of conclusions to implement in your own life, I’ll leave you with a list of questions, all related to the chapters you just read, to ask yourself."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise shawn?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "Shawn eventually sank back into the debt pool. It did not take long for us to notice the resemblance between Sendhil’s and Shawn’s behavior. Missed deadlines are a lot like over-due bills. Double-booked meetings (committing time you do not have) are a lot like bounced checks (spending money you do not have). The busier you are, the greater the need to say no. The more indebted you are, the greater the need to not buy. Plans to escape sound reasonable but prove hard to implement. They require constant vigilance—about what to buy or what to agree to do. When vigilance flags —the slightest temptation in time or in money—you sink deeper. Shawn ended up stuck with accumulating debt. Sendhil ended up stuck under mounting commitments. This resemblance is striking because the circumstances are so different. We normally think of time management and money management as distinct problems. The consequences of failing are different: bad time management leads to embarrassment or"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe scarcity?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "chord across so many of society’s problems. These problems occur in different cultures, economic conditions, and political systems, but they all feature scarcity. Could there be a common logic to scarcity, one that operates across these diverse backdrops? We had to answer this question. We were too busy not to. SCARCITY CAPTURES THE MIND Our interest in scarcity led us to a remarkable study from more than a half century ago. The authors of that study did not think of themselves as studying scarcity, but to our eyes they were studying an extreme form of it—starvation. It was toward the end of World War II, and the Allies realized they had a problem. As they advanced into German-occupied territories, they would encounter great numbers of people on the edge of starvation. The problem was not food; the Americans and British had enough to feed the prisoners and the civilians they were liberating. Their problem was more technical. How do you begin feeding"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term researchers?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "The coins “looked” largest to the poorer children, who significantly overestimated the size of the coins. The most valuable coins—the quarter and half-dollar—were the most distorted. Just as food captures the focus of the hungry, the coins captured the focus of poor children. The increased focus made these coins “look” bigger. Now, it’s possible that poor children are simply unskilled at remembering size. So the researchers had the kids estimate sizes with the coins in front of them, an even simpler task. In fact, the poor children made even bigger errors with the coins in front of them. The real coins drew even more focus than did the abstract ones in memory. (And with no coins around, the kids were highly accurate at estimating similarly sized cardboard disks.) The capture of attention can alter experience. During brief and highly focused events, such as car accidents and robberies, for example, the increased engagement of attention brings about what researchers call the “subjective expansion of time,” a feeling that such"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about economics?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "glance in your direction assumes added significance. Bradley, you might say, is the social equivalent of the starving men, leafing through his own cookbooks. THE ORIGINAL SCIENCE OF SCARCITY When we told an economist colleague that we were studying scarcity, he remarked, “There is already a science of scarcity. You might have heard of it. It’s called economics.” He was right, of course. Economics is the study of how we use our limited means to achieve our unlimited desires; how people and societies manage physical scarcity. If you spend money on a new coat, you have less money for a dinner out. If the government spends money on an experimental procedure for prostate cancer, there is less money for highway safety. It is remarkable how frequently otherwise clever discussions tend to overlook trade-offs (an oversight that our theory helps explain). Other economic insights come from the recognition that physical scarcity responds to prices, sometimes in unexpected ways."}
{"instruction": "Why does sendhil matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "And because bandwidth affects all aspects of behavior, this shortage has consequences. We saw this with Sendhil and Shawn. The challenges of sticking to a plan, the inability to resist a new leather jacket or a new project, the forgetfulness (the car registration, making a phone call, paying a bill) and the cognitive slips (the misestimated bank account balance, the mishandled invitation) all happen because of a shortage of bandwidth. There is one particularly important consequence: it further perpetuates scarcity. It was not a coincidence that Sendhil and Shawn fell into a trap and stayed there. Scarcity creates its own trap. This provides a very different explanation for why the poor stay poor, why the busy stay busy, why the lonely stay lonely, and why diets often fail. To understand these problems, existing theories turn to culture, personality, preferences, or institutions. What attitudes do the indebted have toward money and credit?"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame new jersey here?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "and behavioral phenomena. Much of the book draws on original research conducted in settings ranging from university laboratories, shopping malls, and train stations, to soup kitchens in New Jersey and sugar cane fields in India. We also revisit older studies (such as the hunger study) through the lens of our new hypothesis, reinterpreting them in ways that the original authors probably did not anticipate. We use this evidence to build our case, to put forward a new perspective. One advantage of working on something so new is that it can be presented to experts and nonexperts alike. Because our argument relies on a variety of fields, from cognitive science to development economics, few people will be experts in all these areas, and most will be novices for at least some of the material we present. To accommodate this, we have worked hard to make the whole book, even the technical parts, easily accessible to a wide audience. We also use anecdotes and vignettes extensively."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about meetings?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "changes over the course of a meeting. She has studied many kinds of meetings—meetings between students and meetings between managers, meetings intended to weigh options to produce a decision and meetings intended to brainstorm to produce something more tangible like a sales pitch. These meetings could not be more distinct. But in one way they are all the same. They all begin unfocused, the discussions abstract or tangential, the conversations meandering and often far off topic. Simple points are made in lengthy ways. Disagreements are aired but without resolution. Time is spent on irrelevant details. But then, halfway through the meeting, things change. There is, as Gersick calls it, a midcourse correction. The group realizes that time is running out and becomes serious. As she puts it, “The midpoint of their task was the start of a ‘major jump in progress’ when the [group] became concerned about the deadline and their progress so far. [At this point] they"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about scarcity?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "inherent personal differences; it must be due to the one thing that distinguishes between them: their blueberry scarcity. By creating scarcity in the lab in this way, we can untangle scarcity from the knots that usually surround it. We know that scarcity itself must be the reason. The focus dividend—heightened productivity when facing a deadline or the accuracy advantage of the blueberry poor—comes from our core mechanism: scarcity captures the mind. The word capture here is essential: this happens unavoidably and beyond our control. Scarcity allows us to do something we could not do easily on our own. Here, again, the game provides a suggestive glimpse. In theory, the rich in Angry Blueberries could have employed a strategy that simulated being poor. They could have used only three shots each round (like the poor) and saved the rest. This would have led them to play twice as many rounds as the “truly” poor and thus allowed them to earn twice"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about scarcity?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "Naturally, whether this tax dominates the focus dividend is a matter of context and of payoffs. Change the game a bit and the dividend wins out. The point of the study was not to show that the costs of tunneling always dominate the benefits of focusing. Rather, what the study shows is that cost-benefit considerations do not determine whether we tunnel. Scarcity captures our minds automatically. And when it does, we do not make trade-offs using a careful costbenefit calculus. We tunnel on managing scarcity both to our benefit and to our detriment. THE TUNNELING TAX I took a speed-reading course and read War and Peace in twenty minutes. It involved Russia. —WOODY ALLEN Since the examples above are abstract, we close with a few intuitive vignettes of how the tunneling tax can play out in daily life. These illustrate not necessarily how people might be mistaken but how tunneling can lead us to overlook certain considerations. First, some advice from the Wall Street Journal on how to save money."}
{"instruction": "How is scarcity presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "This should not be confused with a lack of interest; after all, the person himself regrets it. We started this chapter by showing how scarcity captures our attention. We see now that this primitive mechanism compounds into something much larger. Scarcity alters how we look at things; it makes us choose differently. This creates benefits: we are more effective in the moment. But it also comes at a cost: our single-mindedness leads us to neglect things we actually value. The Bandwidth Tax Here are three vignettes about scarcity that illustrate a different consequence of focusing: One of your biggest clients has informed you that it will be taking its business elsewhere. You convince the account manager to listen to one last pitch. She agrees but says it must take place tomorrow. You cancel all your meetings and put off all your other tasks. You pour all your time into the pitch. One appointment, though, cannot be avoided. Your daughter has her city championship softball game tonight."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about further?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "To measure the impact of this noise on academic performance, two researchers noted that only one side of the school faced the tracks, so the students in classrooms on that side were particularly exposed to the noise but were otherwise similar to their fellow students. They found a striking difference between the two sides of the school. Sixth graders on the train side were a full year behind their counterparts on the quieter side. Further evidence came when the city, prompted by this study, installed noise pads. The researchers found that this erased the difference: now students on both sides of the building performed at the same level. A whole host of subsequent studies have shown that noise can hurt concentration and performance. Even if the impact of noise does not surprise you, the size of the impact (a full school year level at sixth grade) should. In fact, these results mirror many laboratory studies that have documented the powerful effects of"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on distinctions?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "We are using the term as a placeholder for several more nuanced and carefully researched psychological constructs. In effect, we are walking a fine line. As psychologists, we care about the distinctions, functional and otherwise, between the various constructs and their corresponding brain function. And bandwidth is a generic term that obscures those distinctions. But as social scientists interested in the effects of scarcity, we are willing to leave the fine distinctions alone, much as one might refer to democracy or subatomic particles while avoiding the many finer distinctions that these afford. By way of compromise, we will continue to use the blanket term bandwidth to refer to two broad and related components of mental function, which we will now explain in greater depth. The first might be broadly referred to as cognitive capacity, the psychological mechanisms that underlie our ability to solve problems, retain information, engage in logical"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat self-control as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "We know many ingredients go into the manufacturing of self-control. It depends on how we weigh the future. And we appear to do it inconsistently. Immediate rewards (a marshmallow now) are salient and receive a heavy weight. Rewards in the distant future (two marshmallows later) are less salient and thus receive lower weight. So when we think about one versus two marshmallows in the abstract future, two is better than one. But when one marshmallow is right in front of us now, it suddenly beats two. Selfcontrol also depends on willpower, a resource whose functioning we do not fully understand, but which is affected, among other things, by personality, fatigue, and attention. Self-control relies heavily on executive control. We use executive control to direct attention, initiate an action, inhibit an intuitive response, or resist an impulse. In fact, a less publicized but often replicated part of Mischel’s study is highly instructive here."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of scarcity?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "These experiments at the mall test our hypothesis. But in a way, they are artificial. They show how people respond when we trigger in them thoughts about scarcity, which we induce through hypothetical questions about financial hardship. Our interest, though, is in people’s everyday lives outside the confines of an experiment. Does scarcity tax people’s cognitive resources even when there are no experimenters lurking at the mall to get them to think about it? Showing this is essential to our argument. But it is hard. We cannot simply look at how poor people compare to rich people in cognitive capacity or self-control. Too many other things—health, friends, education—differ between the rich and the poor for us to be able to attribute any observed differences to scarcity. Such comparisons have been attempted endlessly with no obvious solution to the statistical problems that are inherent to such comparisons. How could we see the effect of scarcity free from all these intricacies?"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect bandwidth to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "This test relies on an interesting fact about the brain: brain lateralization. Most people are right-ear dominant for language, which means that verbal information presented to the right ear is easier for them to attend to. When given no instructions, they tend to focus on the voice presented to the right ear. In fact, when asked to track what was said in the right ear, the lonely and the nonlonely did equally well. In contrast, focusing on the nondominant ear—the left ear—requires bandwidth. It requires executive control to override the natural proclivity to focus on the right and instead to attend to the left. And now the lonely did significantly less well. They were less effective at overriding their natural urge, less effective at tuning out the right ear and listening to the left. The lonely in other words showed impaired bandwidth—in this case, lesser executive control. In other studies, researchers did something similar to what we did at the mall."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on stress?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "have come to call bandwidth. Stress, in contrast, does not have these predictable effects. Some studies find that stress heightens working memory. Still other studies have found mixed evidence, including some indication that executive control might improve during periods of stress. Of course, the chronic effects of stress are still different, but the effects of scarcity that we have studied are immediate: in the mall study, simply reminding people about their money had an almost instantaneous effect on their mental capacity. In addition, we have shown a particular pattern of improved performance (the focus dividend) and diminished performance (the bandwidth tax), a pattern that anxiety and stress alone cannot explain. Finally, to think of all of this as stress and worry misses a deeper point. The bandwidth tax is not a finding in isolation. It emerges from the same core mechanism as the focus dividend or the way tunneling shapes our choices."}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with estimate?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "to make trade-offs. It means mistakes do not entail real sacrifice. Consider a similar example with time. In one study, psychologists asked college seniors to estimate the time required to finish their senior theses. The average estimate was thirtyfour days. When probed for the possibility of good and bad turns of events, they agreed it could range from twenty-seven days (if everything went really well) to forty-eight days (if things went badly). In reality, it took them fifty-five days on average. This is not just the folly of inexperienced undergraduates. Everyone from managers to movie producers suffers from the planning fallacy: we are all much too optimistic with our future plans. Even topnotch chess players can allocate too much time to earlier rounds and end up in “time trouble,” with too little time on the clock later in the game. Though the planning fallacy is common to many people, not everybody experiences the same consequences from it."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise walkman?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "every single month henceforth. (A daily tall skinny latte would require another roughly fifty work hours a year.) While deliberating about the Walkman, Sendhil realized how misleading this reasoning was. He was already eating all the burritos he wanted. Suppose he chose not to buy the Walkman. He would not go out and eat seventy-eight more burritos. He was not trading off the Walkman against seventy-eight burritos. For this thinking to work, he needed to know where the money saved would be spent. It certainly would not have gone to bean burritos, any more than refraining from buying something would send you on vacation to the Bahamas. Making the trade-off concrete requires tracing the money that was saved and understanding how it would be spent. This was true of the other suggestions as well: how should we pick the items to compare in a way that makes tangible sense? Instead, people tend to look for comparisons to similarly priced items."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe borrow?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "As subsequent rounds got shorter and shorter, subjects felt the need to borrow more seconds. Early borrowing created a vicious cycle for the poor. Pressed for time, too rushed to make productive guesses, they borrowed more. Most of their time was just going to paying off early loans (plus interest). And as before, when they were permitted to borrow, the poor did much worse than when they were not allowed to borrow, an effect that was missing for the rich. This study shows the intimate link between success and failure under scarcity. The contestants in Family Feud borrowed most when they were being most productive, when they were most engaged, when they really felt they needed more time. In a sense they were right to borrow: those extra seconds had a good chance of paying off. In another sense, they were wrong to borrow because that payoff did not compensate for the interest rate incurred. What they noticed in the tunnel—an extra second could really help right"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term bangladesh?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "Detailed research in the fascinating book Portfolios of the Poor shows that the poor use about ten distinct financial instruments on average. In Bangladesh one instrument—a short-term interest-free loan— was used more than three hundred times by forty-two households in one year. At any point in time, the poor in these surveys owed and were owed money from numerous sources, a patchwork that was created through months and even years of tunneling on the moment’s most pressing problem. Decisions—whether about a new purchase or a new investment—must now navigate this increasingly complex patchwork. The legacy of previous choices makes each new one even more challenging. By juggling we—through our own behavior—make the problem more complex. The messy balance sheet of the scarcity trap increases the complexity and challenge of making ends meet. Juggling is not about being busy in time. In some places, the poor hold multiple jobs and are truly busy."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about mexico automotive?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "The poor face variable income from many sources. They often have multiple jobs, all potentially intermittent. Many of their jobs are by the hour, and hours vary quite a bit. And, of course, job loss is always a serious possibility. Sudden expenses—a broken-down car or illness—also pose a problem. Consider the following account, drawn from interviews at a community college in New Mexico: [Automotive] repairs themselves are unexpected expenses. These respondents describe repair bills in the hundreds of dollars, which represent a significant percentage of their reported monthly incomes. To pay for these repairs, respondents borrow money from friends and relatives, seek financial assistance … or wait for anticipated, lump-sum financial windfalls, like academic financial assistance. What matters most is the slack available to weather each new shock. This is why instability can have such an impact. Without enough slack, where do you get the money to"}
{"instruction": "Why does harvest matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "We are too lax. In the harvest study from chapter 2, the farmers were poor before harvest, but they didn’t have to be. Had they managed their money better after the harvest, they would not have found themselves lacking toward the end of the harvest cycle. They were poor right before this harvest only because they had mismanaged their finances when they were still flush. This is different from the problem of borrowing while poor. This is about waste when money is abundant. The result is an avoidable cycle punctuated by recurring periods of abundance followed by threatened periods of scarcity. We have so far focused on problems caused by the scarcity mindset. We tunnel and we neglect. Our bandwidth is taxed, and we are less farsighted and more impulsive. All this might inadvertently suggest that during periods of abundance we are perfectly calculating and farsighted. Of course we are not. Decades of research have shown that even—no, especially—at the best of times we are prone to procrastination, an exaggerated focus on the"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame nowhere here?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "They were just talking, being themselves. In these recordings, independent judges now rated the lonely to be just as interesting as the nonlonely. The problem of the lonely was not that they were boring or otherwise unappealing. Their problem was that they performed badly when they thought it mattered. It was not a lack of knowledge, either. Remember the study mentioned in the introduction: the lonely were better at deciphering others’ emotions— that was their focus dividend. But when the stakes are high, they do not use these skills well. You could say the lonely choke. Think back to the situations where you have felt tongue-tied or particularly inept. If you are like us, you probably still remember some of those social situations that you botched exactly because you wanted them to go particularly well. Of course, choking is not unique to the lonely. Nowhere is choking more transparent than in sports. In basketball, the free throw is among the easiest shots to make."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about carbon?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "different compounds, depending on the proportions. Carbon and oxygen can form carbon dioxide—an essential ingredient for the cycle of life—or they can form carbon monoxide, a deadly pollutant. Same ingredients, very different outcomes. Our analysis of scarcity follows a similar logic. There are the common ingredients: tunneling, borrowing, a lack of slack, the bandwidth tax. But these play themselves out in different ways, depending on the context. In the case of money scarcity, borrowing is an obvious feature. In the case of loneliness, however, it is unclear what borrowing even means. That particular ingredient, like that additional atom of oxygen, is simply missing in the case of the lonely. The ingredients of poverty create circumstances that are particularly hostile to the scarcity mindset. A well-to-do professional who is very busy is in that situation because he has taken on many projects. He would be less busy if he simply took on fewer."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about parenting one?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "Many efforts have accumulated quite a bit of data. And together they present quite a large elephant. If we cannot dismiss the elephant, how can we make sense of it? One way is to assume that the causality runs from failure to poverty; that the poor are poor precisely because they are less capable. If your earnings depend on making good choices, then it follows naturally that those who fail end up poor. There are obvious complications to this view. Accidents of birth—such as what continent you are born on—have a large effect on your chance of being poor. Still, one prevailing view explains the strong correlation between poverty and failure by saying failure causes poverty. Our data suggest causality runs at least as strongly in the other direction: that poverty— the scarcity mindset—causes failure. PARENTING One study on parenting focused on air traffic controllers. What made air traffic controllers interesting is that their jobs change daily and can be intense."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about bandwidth?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "debt. These effects cumulate. Studies show that sleeping four to six hours a night for two weeks leads to a decay in performance comparable to going without sleep for two nights in a row. Insufficient sleep further compromises bandwidth. One of the things the poor lack most is bandwidth. The very struggle of making ends meet leaves them with less of this vital resource. This shortfall is not of the standard physiological variety, having to do with a lack of nutrition or stress from early childhood hindering brain development. Nor is bandwidth permanently compromised by poverty. It is the present-day cognitive load of making ends meet: when income rises, so, too, does cognitive capacity. The bandwidth of the farmers was restored as soon as crop payments were received. Poverty at its very core taxes bandwidth and diminishes capacity. Bandwidth underpins nearly every aspect of our behavior. We use it to calculate our odds of winning in poker, to judge other people’s facial expressions, to control our emotions, to"}
{"instruction": "How is for improving presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "If the poor lack bandwidth, they will be disadvantaged at acquiring useful skills. All this proposes a new lens through which to understand poverty. We need to look at data that have already been collected—on drug adherence, weeding, parenting, and other behaviors—with a cognitive lens, informed by scarcity considerations. Rather than isolated behaviors, each requiring its own account, these ought to be viewed as predictable consequences of overtaxed bandwidth. This perspective also suggests a new focus for collecting data. When we study poverty, we tend to focus on material conditions, but we also ought to look at psychological conditions—at bandwidth. In this way, existing puzzles may become less puzzling. To understand the poor, we must recognize that they focus and they tunnel and they make mistakes; that they lack not only money but also bandwidth. Part Three D E S I G NI NG FOR S C A R C I T Y Improving the Lives of the Poor During World War II, the United States military was troubled by the recurrence of “wheels-"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about united states?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "that debilitating but preventable illnesses still rage through much of the developing world. We have seen this in our own work. We once served as advisers to a welfare-to-work program in the United States that sought to help men and women on public assistance find jobs. One of the biggest challenges were the clients themselves. Despite repeatedly being advised to report to the worksite in professional clothes, they would often show up not wearing the right clothing. Many had substandard résumés, badly formatted and with typos. While sometimes this was due to lack of knowledge or skill, much of it was a failure to follow through, to execute as planned. Even after receiving instructions, few would avail themselves of the computers on site to format their résumés or of the offers to procure more appropriate clothing. When interviews were finally scheduled, clients would arrive without résumés and would not bring their “A” game. In many cases they simply failed to show up."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on price conditional?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "people to come in and get vaccinated. Rewards and penalties in some distant future are less effective for those who tunnel. A hefty subsidy in a savings program that pays out years from now is nice, but it renders those savings an “important but not urgent” matter, one that falls outside the tunnel and can be neglected indefinitely. For an incentive to work, people must see it. And most incentives, unless designed well, risk falling outside the tunnel, rendering them invisible and ineffective. BANDWIDTH COMES AT A PRICE Conditional cash transfers are an increasingly popular way to transfer money to the poor: the amount of cash a person receives depends on the good behaviors she exhibits. Studies show that these programs work; clients respond to the cash incentives. But that’s only one side of the coin. The other side is that many potential clients fail to respond. Here again, the incentives often fall outside the tunnel; the payments come in the future and the desired"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat recall as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "should show up in many contexts. All else being equal, one ought to be able to look directly and see the mental impact of this program. Does working memory improve? Do impulse control and self-control improve? Some of our pessimism about existing programs might come from a failure to appreciate and therefore measure such impact. If we look too narrowly at this childcare program, we will miss many of its broader benefits. Taken together, a successful intervention may yield much more than a modest return. But if we fail to look where the deepest needs are and where the benefits accrue, we are bound to underestimate its impact. There are, besides child care, many examples from around the world of how bandwidth might be built. The first comes from finance. Recall that a great deal of juggling among the poor comes from fighting everyday fires. If we can help people fight these fires, we will create new bandwidth. What is inherent to these fires is that they are acute—there is an"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of considerations?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "All this reflects a deeper, and somewhat different, perspective on poverty. It focuses not just on the poor’s obvious scarce resource, income, but on that other, less palpable but equally critical resource, bandwidth. Considerations of bandwidth suggest that something as simple as giving cash at the right time can have big benefits. If done correctly, giving someone $100 can serve to purchase peace of mind. And that peace of mind allows the person to do many more things well and to avoid costly mistakes. One cash transfer program in Malawi showed a 40 percent reduction in the psychological distress of low-income participants. Understanding how to provide transfers at the right time and measuring these broader impacts are more ways to move toward bandwidth-sensitive policies. All this is a radical reconceptualization of poverty policy. It forces us to recognize the many ways in which different behaviors are linked. We understand that rent and food and"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect education to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "Education has a robust but quite limited return. For years, nonprofit organizations have tried to provide a variety of holistic packages to address the varied needs of the poor. Surely they are doing good work. But they, too, have observed only modest returns. This is certainly not intended as a critique of current programs. Poverty is a difficult problem. Even modest returns can make for worthy social investments. This is, however, a suggestion for how we might do better. When we encounter programs that have had limited success, we may be tempted to infer that they deliver something people do not want or do not consider important. But perhaps the problem is not in what these programs are trying to deliver but with the actual delivery. Like the bomber cockpits of World War II, these programs might achieve greater success through better design. And a better design will have to incorporate fundamental insights about focusing and bandwidth that emerge"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on companies?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "One reason is that the “corporate fat” exacerbates the incentive problem of managers. They spend poorly because they are spending someone else’s money. Fat, which is effectively free money, is spent on luxuries that management enjoys but are useless from the shareholders’ perspective. By increasing leverage and reducing fat, managers spend more wisely. Leverage also had an effect because of the psychology of scarcity. Companies became “lean and mean” in part for the same reason deadlines produce greater productivity, and low-income passengers know the price of cabs. Being a hypervigilant manager who keeps costs low can require a great deal of cognitive effort. You must negotiate diligently with suppliers and scrutinize every line item to decide if an expense is necessary. This kind of focus is easier to come by under scarcity and harder to come by under abundance. Even private companies, where managers are spending their own money, start acting “fat” when"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with john?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "THE FIREFIGHTING TRAP Both St. John’s and NASA had fallen into a firefighting trap. As the organizational researchers Roger Bohn and Ramchandran Jaikumar describe it, firefighting organizations have several features in common. First, they have “too many problems, not enough time.” Second, they solve the urgent problems but put off the nonurgent ones, no matter how important. Third, this leads to a cascade so that the amount of work to be done grows. Put simply, time is spent on fighting the immediate fire, with new fires constantly popping up because nothing is being done to prevent them. At St. John’s the surgeons were so busy dealing with patients right now that they could not step back and look at the overall patient mix. At NASA the engineers were so busy trying to make the deadline for each component that they did not look at how the components fit together. The firefighting trap is a special case of the scarcity trap. A thorough five-year study of four top manufacturing firms in the United States"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise increase?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "the number of patients per medical service worker increased. Again, there was an increase in productivity in the short run. Patients were dealt with more quickly. But this came at a cost. There was neglect. Dealing with more patients quickly lowered quality: patients were more likely to die. In fact, even the benefits did not persist. A sustained increase in workload eventually led to an increase in the time it took to manage each patient. The impact on productivity can also show up in other ways. Here is one researcher discussing innovation in the workplace: At the end of each interview I asked the interviewees what they would do first to encourage innovation in their organization if they were suddenly omnipotent. By far the most common answer was time. But respondents often qualified this—they didn’t want more of the same kind of time, they wanted more unstructured time that did not have specific outputs or procedures attached to it. The managing"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe assistant?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "And since people are coming to ask him for money, they would put up with it! But he does not run late. About five minutes before a meeting is scheduled to end, his assistant shows up and announces, “Five minutes left.” And at the end of the meeting, his assistant shows up again. This fairly obvious intervention—used by many executives lucky enough to have a skilled and dedicated assistant—prevents the cascade and the scarcity trap. The assistant knocking at the door is not a particularly innovative intervention, but it illustrates something profound. Small changes to one’s circumstances can short-circuit the consequences of scarcity. The psychology of scarcity is primitive, and changing it “from within” can be hard. But you don’t need to change the psychology in order to get the right outcome. The foundation president is not tunneling any less. His trick is to change the environment to counteract the psychology. And not even drastically: the assistant does not"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term america?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "problems for the busy these days—at least for those who have access to modern technology —are those tasks that cannot be automated, like a car registration, a driver’s license renewal, or taxes. Worse yet are those that are not automated and do not have a natural deadline or reminder, like writing a will or getting a medical checkup. This thinking applies more broadly, to things that are repetitive and predictable. Picture someone working at home and tunneled on a deadline. We know that they will neglect the quality of their eating; they will eat whatever they can find near at hand. In fact, distracted and depleted, they will tend to prefer the less healthy options, those most immediately tempting. With a pantry full of assorted options, this busy person will end up gaining a few pounds. In contrast, a pantry stocked with only healthy options can insulate the waistline from the deadline. A recent Bank of America program called Keep the Change illustrates a constructive use"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about interest?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "In other words, similar data were presented in slightly different ways: In one case, interest rate, an abstract measure of something, the precise implications of which may be hard to gauge. In the other, dollars paid, familiar units that you need to take out of your pocket. What Bertrand and Morse found was that far fewer customers took the payday loan when they were shown the cost in dollars. Those who come for payday loans are accustomed to seeing, thinking about, and needing dollars. Interest rates, by contrast, are exotic financial instruments that few of us use in daily life and which require substantial intellectual effort to turn into something more palpable. When your bandwidth is taxed, a concrete sum carries a lot more meaning than some abstract term. Nutrition labels present a similar problem. They inundate people with a great deal of exotic information. Consumers now get not just calorie information but also information on calories from fat, good fats versus bad fats, essential nutrients (are you getting your omega-"}
{"instruction": "Why does bandwidth matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "Recall the sugar cane farmers we studied in chapter 2. Right before harvest they were poorer and right after harvest they were richer. But more important, right before harvest they had less bandwidth and right after harvest they had more. In a similar way, because of the failure to smooth their consumption, low-income workers who are paid monthly, as well as food stamps recipients, will likely have the least bandwidth near the end of the month and more bandwidth right at the beginning. And it would be wise to exploit this timing in implementing policy and program design. If you had a program trying to teach almost anything where some bandwidth is required, from health practices to business accounting, when would it be most effective? Right before or right after harvest, if you are teaching farmers? Right before Christmas, when the poor are scraping together money for gifts, or right after? Once you understand the bandwidth timeline, you can mark the calendar for"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame financial here?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "And this requirement appears often to screen out the most needy: those who are most taxed are also those most likely to delay in recertifying and, unfortunately, the ones in greatest need of the benefit. To see the logic of taxing bandwidth, think about it this way. Imagine we imposed a hefty financial charge to filling out applications for financial aid. We would quickly realize that this is a silly fee to impose; a program aimed at the cash stretched should not charge them much cash. Yet we frequently design programs aimed at people who are bandwidthstretched that charge a lot in bandwidth. To use another vivid metaphor, it’s like going to a juggler who is in need of help and tossing one more ball in the air for him to juggle. This, incidentally, is not an argument for removing all snags. Sometimes there is a reason for their existence. Financial aid forms are complex because a lot of information is needed. Recertification happens because circumstances change, and programs need to target those"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about scientists?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "make progress. But this just means you paid a tax on an already scarce resource. We schedule and manage our time but not our bandwidth. And it is striking how little we notice or attend to our own fluctuating cognitive capacities. Contrast this with physical capacity, where we are attuned to the potential effects of eating, sleeping, exercise. Like most workers in modern society, we use our minds to make our living, yet we know remarkably little about our minds’ daily rhythms. If our job were to move boxes from one place to another, we’d have a better sense of how best to maximize our efficiency—when to exert more effort, when to rest. But for a job focused on moving ideas rather than boxes, we know little about how to maximize our limited cognitive capacity. And just as we as individuals know little about our own fluctuating bandwidth, we as social scientists know little about the fluctuating bandwidth of society. Scientists tend to measure what their theories tell them to measure."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about bandwidth?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "drawn on and new ones developed. Some would be focused on scarcity. How best to measure slack? How most effectively to determine whether people are engaging in trade-off thinking? But we can go further, perhaps measure fluctuating cognitive capacity more generally. One can also use these measures to better evaluate social programs and public policies. In a program for the unemployed, we focus on reemployment. Undoubtedly, that is important. But why not also gauge its impact on bandwidth? After all, if the unemployed have greater bandwidth, the benefits will be felt more broadly. The data show that the children of parents who are unemployed do significantly worse in school. If bandwidth is the culprit and we can do something to alleviate it, then these programs may have benefits far outside their initial scope. A focus on bandwidth leads to more than just better measurement. Take the problem of the fast-food manager from chapter 2, the one lamenting the time he must spend"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about financial?", "input": "Source: Scarcity Why Having Too Little", "output": "difficult to imagine, and hardly worth the concern. This belief affected a great many choices. If house prices were destined to keep going up (or at least not tank), highly leveraged transactions seemed sensible, mortgages with high loan-to-value ratios seemed safer. Of course, prices did fall—dramatically, in some cases. And all of the investment decisions predicated on the assumption that they would not fall led to a financial cascade that nearly brought down the global financial system. In this case as well, the acute scarcity of the financial crisis had its roots in the lax behavior that characterized those preceding years of abundance. Of course, we could write off all of those as merely the usual behaviors. People waste time. They are overconfident. But the good times and the abundance before the financial crisis magnified these tendencies—they boosted overconfidence, and reinforced complacency. Follow the thread of scarcity far enough and it leads back to abundance: the recession"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe russia the?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "Of course, the faces are white. There are other differences that creep through also. The towns and the villages are really in very good repair and there is a powerful railroad running parallel to our road. Long, efficient looking trains and tanker cars and ten-car passenger trains pass by us, going through switch houses with blue and white ceramic tiles and painted roofs, all managed by women. Everything looks massive, bigger, in Russia. The roads are wider, the trains longer, the buildings bigger. The ceilings are higher. Everything seems to be on a larger scale. We stopped for a harvest festival lunch at a collective farm, complete with the prerequisite but very engaging cultural presentation, while vodka flowed. Then we all danced and sang together with the busloads of students who had come to help pick cotton. Later on along the roads there were literally hills of cotton being loaded onto trains. Each town that we pass through has a cafe, where the villagers can come and spend an"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term black?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "For Black women as well as Black men, it is axiomatic that if we do not define ourselves for ourselves, we will be defined by others — for their use and to our detriment. The development of self-defined Black women, ready to explore and pursue our power and interests within our communities, is a vital component in the war for Black liberation. The image of the Angolan woman with a baby on one arm and a gun in the other is neither romantic nor fanciful. When Black women in this country come together to examine our sources of strength and support, and to recognize our common social, cultural, emotional, and political interests, it is a development which can only contribute to the power of the Black community as a whole. It can certainly never diminish it. For it is through the coming together of self-actualized individuals, female and male, that any real advances can be made. The old sexual power relationships based on a dominant/subordinate model between"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about black?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "are more easily hired than are Black men. For this reason, Black womenʼs problems of promotion and tenure are not to be considered important since they are only “taking jobs away from Black men.” Here again, energy is being wasted on fighting each other over the pitifully few crumbs allowed us rather than being used, in a joining of forces, to fight for a more realistic ratio of Black faculty. The latter would be a vertical battle against racist policies of the academic structure itself, one which could result in real power and change. It is the structure at the top which desires changelessness and which profits from these apparently endless kitchen wars. Instead of keeping our attentions focused upon our real needs, enormous energy is being wasted in the Black community today in antilesbian hysteria. Yet women-identified women — those who sought their own destinies and attempted to execute them in the absence of male support — have been around in all of our communities for a long time."}
{"instruction": "Why does black matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "community. While a piece of each Black woman remembers the old ways of another place — when we enjoyed each other in a sisterhood of work and play and power — other pieces of us, less functional, eye one another with suspicion. In the interests of separation, Black women have been taught to view each other as always suspect, heartless competitors for the scarce male, the all-important prize that could legitimize our existence. This dehumanizing denial of self is no less lethal than the dehumanization of racism to which it is so closely allied. If the recent attack upon lesbians in the Black community is based solely upon an aversion to the idea of sexual contact between members of the same sex (a contact which has existed for ages in most of the female compounds across the African continent), why then is the idea of sexual contact between Black men so much more easily accepted, or unremarked? Is the imagined threat simply the existence of a self-motivated, self-defined Black woman who will"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame erotic here?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "Uses of the Erotic: The Erotic as Power* THERE ARE MANY kinds of power, used and unused, acknowledged or otherwise. The erotic is a resource within each of us that lies in a deeply female and spiritual plane, firmly rooted in the power of our unexpressed or unrecognized feeling. In order to perpetuate itself, every oppression must corrupt or distort those various sources of power within the culture of the oppressed that can provide energy for change. For women, this has meant a suppression of the erotic as a considered source of power and information within our lives. We have been taught to suspect this resource, vilified, abused, and devalued within western society. On the one hand, the superficially erotic has been encouraged as a sign of female inferiority; on the other hand, women have been made to suffer and to feel both contemptible and suspect by virtue of its existence. It is a short step from there to the false belief that only by the suppression of the erotic"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about erotic?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "encourage excellence. But giving in to the fear of feeling and working to capacity is a luxury only the unintentional can afford, and the unintentional are those who do not wish to guide their own destinies. This internal requirement toward excellence which we learn from the erotic must not be misconstrued as demanding the impossible from ourselves nor from others. Such a demand incapacitates everyone in the process. For the erotic is not a question only of what we do; it is a question of how acutely and fully we can feel in the doing. Once we know the extent to which we are capable of feeling that sense of satisfaction and completion, we can then observe which of our various life endeavors bring us closest to that fullness. The aim of each thing which we do is to make our lives and the lives of our children richer and more possible. Within the celebration of the erotic in all our endeavors, my work becomes a conscious decision — a longed-for bed which I enter gratefully and from which I"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about during world?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "And this is a grave responsibility, projected from within each of us, not to settle for the convenient, the shoddy, the conventionally expected, nor the merely safe. During World War II, we bought sealed plastic packets of white, uncolored margarine, with a tiny, intense pellet of yellow coloring perched like a topaz just inside the clear skin of the bag. We would leave the margarine out for a while to soften, and then we would pinch the little pellet to break it inside the bag, releasing the rich yellowness into the soft pale mass of margarine. Then taking it carefully between our fingers, we would knead it gently back and forth, over and over, until the color had spread throughout the whole pound bag of margarine, thoroughly coloring it. I find the erotic such a kernel within myself. When released from its intense and constrained pellet, it flows through and colors my life with a kind of energy that heightens and sensitizes and strengthens all my experience."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about erotic?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "of our power, or when we look away from ourselves as we satisfy our erotic needs in concert with others, we use each other as objects of satisfaction rather than share our joy in the satisfying, rather than make connection with our similarities and our differences. To refuse to be conscious of what we are feeling at any time, however comfortable that might seem, is to deny a large part of the experience, and to allow ourselves to be reduced to the pornographic, the abused, and the absurd. The erotic cannot be felt secondhand. As a Black lesbian feminist, I have a particular feeling, knowledge, and understanding for those sisters with whom I have danced hard, played, or even fought. This deep participation has often been the forerunner for joint concerted actions not possible before. But this erotic charge is not easily shared by women who continue to operate under an exclusively european-american male tradition. I know it was not available to me when I was"}
{"instruction": "How is black presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "it. This call for self-value and self-love is quite different from narcissism, as Staples must certainly realize. Narcissism comes not out of self-love but out of self-hatred. The lack of a reasonable and articulate Black male viewpoint on these questions is not the responsibility of Black women. We have too often been expected to be all things to all people and speak everyone elseʼs position but our very own. Black men are not so passive that they must have Black women speak for them. Even my fourteen-year-old son knows that. Black men themselves must examine and articulate their own desires and positions and stand by the conclusions thereof. No point is served by a Black male professional who merely whines at the absence of his viewpoint in Black womenʼs work. Oppressors always expect the oppressed to extend to them the understanding so lacking in themselves. For Staples to suggest, for instance, that Black men leave their families as a form of male"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about african-american?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "of my foremothers in power. Your inclusion of African genital mutilation was an important and necessary piece in any consideration of female ecology, and too little has been written about it. To imply, however, that all women suffer the same oppression simply because we are women is to lose sight of the many varied tools of patriarchy. It is to ignore how those tools are used by women without awareness against each other. To dismiss our Black foremothers may well be to dismiss where european women learned to love. As an African-american woman in white patriarchy, I am used to having my archetypal experience distorted and trivialized, but it is terribly painful to feel it being done by a woman whose knowledge so much touches my own. When I speak of knowledge, as you know, I am speaking of that dark and true depth which understanding serves, waits upon, and makes accessible through language to ourselves and others. It is this depth within each of us that nurtures vision."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on jonathan?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "the theory to another time and person. This is one womanʼs telling. I have no golden message about the raising of sons for other lesbian mothers, no secret to transpose your questions into certain light. I have my own ways of rewording those same questions, hoping we will all come to speak those questions and pieces of our lives we need to share. We are women making contact within ourselves and with each other across the restrictions of a printed page, bent upon the use of our own/one anotherʼs knowledges. The truest direction comes from inside. I give the most strength to my children by being willing to look within myself, and by being honest with them about what I find there, without expecting a response beyond their years. In this way they begin to learn to look beyond their own fears. All our children are outriders for a queendom not yet assured. My adolescent sonʼs growing sexuality is a conscious dynamic between Jonathan and me. It would be presumptuous of me to discuss Jonathanʼs sexuality here, except to state my"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat black as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "and Third World women, and lesbians. And yet, I stand here as a Black lesbian feminist, having been invited to comment within the only panel at this conference where the input of Black feminists and lesbians is represented. What this says about the vision of this conference is sad, in a country where racism, sexism, and homophobia are inseparable. To read this program is to assume that lesbian and Black women have nothing to say about existentialism, the erotic, womenʼs culture and silence, developing feminist theory, or heterosexuality and power. And what does it mean in personal and political terms when even the two Black women who did present here were literally found at the last hour? What does it mean when the tools of a racist patriarchy are used to examine the fruits of that same patriarchy? It means that only the most narrow perimeters of change are possible and allowable. The absence of any consideration of lesbian consciousness or the consciousness of Third"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of color?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "seek a world in which we can all flourish. It is learning how to take our differences and make them strengths. For the masterʼs tools will never dismantle the masterʼs house. They may allow us temporarily to beat him at his own game, but they will never enable us to bring about genuine change. And this fact is only threatening to those women who still define the masterʼs house as their only source of support. Poor women and women of Color know there is a difference between the daily manifestations of marital slavery and prostitution because it is our daughters who line 42nd Street. If white american feminist theory need not deal with the differences between us, and the resulting difference in our oppressions, then how do you deal with the fact that the women who clean your houses and tend your children while you attend conferences on feminist theory are, for the most part, poor women and women of Color? What is the theory behind racist feminism?"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect black to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "made to feel surplus, to occupy the place of the dehumanized inferior. Within this society, that group is made up of Black and Third World people, working-class people, older people, and women. As a forty-nine-year-old Black lesbian feminist socialist mother of two, including one boy, and a member of an interracial couple, I usually find myself a part of some group defined as other, deviant, inferior, or just plain wrong. Traditionally, in american society, it is the members of oppressed, objectified groups who are expected to stretch out and bridge the gap between the actualities of our lives and the consciousness of our oppressor. For in order to survive, those of us for whom oppression is as american as apple pie have always had to be watchers, to become familiar with the language and manners of the oppressor, even sometimes adopting them for some illusion of protection. Whenever the need for some pretense of communication arises, those who profit from our oppression call upon us to share"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on somewhere?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "imposed. For we have all been raised in a society where those distortions were endemic within our living. Too often, we pour the energy needed for recognizing and exploring difference into pretending those differences are insurmountable barriers, or that they do not exist at all. This results in a voluntary isolation, or false and treacherous connections. Either way, we do not develop tools for using human difference as a springboard for creative change within our lives. We speak not of human difference, but of human deviance. Somewhere, on the edge of consciousness, there is what I call a mythical norm, which each one of us within our hearts knows “that is not me.” In america, this norm is usually defined as white, thin, male, young, heterosexual, christian, and financially secure. It is with this mythical norm that the trappings of power reside within this society. Those of us who stand outside that power often identify one way in which we are different, and we assume that to"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with why this?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "The “generation gap” is an important social tool for any repressive society. If the younger members of a community view the older members as contemptible or suspect or excess, they will never be able to join hands and examine the living memories of the community, nor ask the all important question, “Why?” This gives rise to a historical amnesia that keeps us working to invent the wheel every time we have to go to the store for bread. We find ourselves having to repeat and relearn the same old lessons over and over that our mothers did because we do not pass on what we have learned, or because we are unable to listen. For instance, how many times has this all been said before? For another, who would have believed that once again our daughters are allowing their bodies to be hampered and purgatoried by girdles and high heels and hobble skirts? Ignoring the differences of race between women and the implications of those differences presents the most serious threat to the mobilization of womenʼs joint power."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise black?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "fraught with guilt. To allow women of Color to step out of stereotypes is too guilt provoking, for it threatens the complacency of those women who view oppression only in terms of sex. Refusing to recognize difference makes it impossible to see the different problems and pitfalls facing us as women. Thus, in a patriarchal power system where whiteskin privilege is a major prop, the entrapments used to neutralize Black women and white women are not the same. For example, it is easy for Black women to be used by the power structure against Black men, not because they are men, but because they are Black. Therefore, for Black women, it is necessary at all times to separate the needs of the oppressor from our own legitimate conflicts within our communities. This same problem does not exist for white women. Black women and men have shared racist oppression and still share it, although in different ways. Out of that shared oppression we have developed joint defenses and joint vulnerabilities to"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe black?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "Exacerbated by racism and the pressures of powerlessness, violence against Black women and children often becomes a standard within our communities, one by which manliness can be measured. But these woman-hating acts are rarely discussed as crimes against Black women. As a group, women of Color are the lowest paid wage earners in america. We are the primary targets of abortion and sterilization abuse, here and abroad. In certain parts of Africa, small girls are still being sewed shut between their legs to keep them docile and for menʼs pleasure. This is known as female circumcision, and it is not a cultural affair as the late Jomo Kenyatta insisted, it is a crime against Black women. Black womenʼs literature is full of the pain of frequent assault, not only by a racist patriarchy, but also by Black men. Yet the necessity for and history of shared battle have made us, Black women, particularly vulnerable to the false accusation that anti-sexist is anti-"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about black?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "identified Black women who are no longer dependent upon men for their self-definition may well reorder our whole concept of social relationships. Black women who once insisted that lesbianism was a white womanʼs problem now insist that Black lesbians are a threat to Black nationhood, are consorting with the enemy, are basically un-Black. These accusations, coming from the very women to whom we look for deep and real understanding, have served to keep many Black lesbians in hiding, caught between the racism of white women and the homophobia of their sisters. Often, their work has been ignored, trivialized, or misnamed, as with the work of Angelina Grimke, Alice Dunbar-Nelson, Lorraine Hansberry. Yet women-bonded women have always been some part of the power of Black communities, from our unmarried aunts to the amazons of Dahomey. And it is certainly not Black lesbians who are assaulting women and raping children and grandmothers on the streets of our communities."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about paulo freire?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "For we have, built into all of us, old blueprints of expectation and response, old structures of oppression, and these must be altered at the same time as we alter the living conditions which are a result of those structures. For the masterʼs tools will never dismantle the masterʼs house. As Paulo Freire shows so well in The Pedagogy of the Oppressed,* the true focus of revolutionary change is never merely the oppressive situations which we seek to escape, but that piece of the oppressor which is planted deep within each of us, and which knows only the oppressorsʼ tactics, the oppressorsʼ relationships. Change means growth, and growth can be painful. But we sharpen self-definition by exposing the self in work and struggle together with those whom we define as different from ourselves, although sharing the same goals. For Black and white, old and young, lesbian and heterosexual women alike, this can mean new paths to our survival. We have chosen each other"}
{"instruction": "Why does racism matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "has something to tell me that I had better learn from, lest we both waste ourselves fighting the truths between us. If I participate, knowingly or otherwise, in my sisterʼs oppression and she calls me on it, to answer her anger with my own only blankets the substance of our exchange with reaction. It wastes energy. And yes, it is very difficult to stand still and to listen to another womanʼs voice delineate an agony I do not share, or one to which I myself have contributed. In this place we speak removed from the more blatant reminders of our embattlement as women. This need not blind us to the size and complexities of the forces mounting against us and all that is most human within our environment. We are not here as women examining racism in a political and social vacuum. We operate in the teeth of a system for which racism and sexism are primary, established, and necessary props of profit. Women responding to racism is a topic so dangerous that when the local media attempt to discredit this conference"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame angela wilson here?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "no quarter. We are not goddesses or matriarchs or edifices of divine forgiveness; we are not fiery fingers of judgment or instruments of flagellation; we are women forced back always upon our womanʼs power. We have learned to use anger as we have learned to use the dead flesh of animals, and bruised, battered, and changing, we have survived and grown and, in Angela Wilsonʼs words, we are moving on. With or without uncolored women. We use whatever strengths we have fought for, including anger, to help define and fashion a world where all our sisters can grow, where our children can love, and where the power of touching and meeting another womanʼs difference and wonder will eventually transcend the need for destruction. For it is not the anger of Black women which is dripping down over this globe like a diseased liquid. It is not my anger that launches rockets, spends over sixty thousand dollars a second on missiles and other agents of war and death, slaughters children in cities, stockpiles"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about black?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "unacceptable. As a Black lesbian mother in an interracial marriage, there was usually some part of me guaranteed to offend everybodyʼs comfortable prejudices of who I should be. That is how I learned that if I didnʼt define myself for myself, I would be crunched into other peopleʼs fantasies for me and eaten alive. My poetry, my life, my work, my energies for struggle were not acceptable unless I pretended to match somebody elseʼs norm. I learned that not only couldnʼt I succeed at that game, but the energy needed for that masquerade would be lost to my work. And there were babies to raise, students to teach. The Vietnam War was escalating, our cities were burning, more and more of our school kids were nodding out in the halls, junk was overtaking our streets. We needed articulate power, not conformity. There were other strong Black workers whose visions were racked and silenced upon some imagined grid of narrow Blackness. Nor were Black women immune."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about revolution?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "comfortable houses with two cars and umpteen tax shelters. None of them go hungry to bed at night. Recently, it was suggested that senior citizens be hired to work in atomic plants because they are close to the end of their lives anyway. Can any one of us here still afford to believe that efforts to reclaim the future can be private or individual? Can any one here still afford to believe that the pursuit of liberation can be the sole and particular province of any one particular race, or sex, or age, or religion, or sexuality, or class? Revolution is not a one-time event. It is becoming always vigilant for the smallest opportunity to make a genuine change in established, outgrown responses; for instance, it is learning to address each otherʼs difference with respect. We share a common interest, survival, and it cannot be pursued in isolation from others simply because their differences make us uncomfortable. We know what it is to be lied to."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on black?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "Because we survived and survival breeds desire for more self. A face we never stopped wanting at the same time as we try to obliterate it. Why donʼt we meet each otherʼs eyes? Do we expect betrayal in each otherʼs gaze, or recognition? If just once we were to feel the pain of all Black womenʼs blood flooding up to drown us! I stayed afloat buoyed by an anger so deep at my loneliness that I could only move toward further survival. When one cannot influence a situation it is an act of wisdom to withdraw.* Every Black woman in america has survived several lifetimes of hatred, where even in the candy store cases of our childhood, little brown niggerbaby candies testified against us. We survived the wind-driven spittle on our childʼs shoe and pink flesh-colored bandaids, attempted rapes on rooftops and the prodding fingers of the superʼs boy, seeing our girlfriends blown to bits in Sunday School, and we absorbed that loathing as a natural state."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about black?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "breath of your hair.… We each learned the craft of destruction. It is all they knew to allow us, yet look how our words are finding each other again. It is difficult to construct a wholesomeness model when we are surrounded with synonyms for filth. But not impossible. We have, after all, survived for a reason. (How do I define my impact upon this earth?) I begin by searching for the right questions. Dear Leora, For two Black women to enter an analytic or therapeutic relationship means beginning an essentially uncharted and insecure journey. There are no prototypes, no models, no objectively accessible body of experience other than ourselves by which to examine the specific dynamics of our interactions as Black women. Yet this interaction can affect all the other psychic matter attended profoundly. It is to scrutinize that very interaction that I sought you out professionally, and I have come to see that it means picking my way through our similarities and our differences, as"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with black?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "and history. There are two very different struggles involved here. One is the war against racism in white people, and the other is the need for Black women to confront and wade through the racist constructs underlying our deprivation of each other. And these battles are not at all the same. But sometimes it feels like better a righteous fury than the dull ache of loss, loss, loss. My daughter leaving her time of daughterhood. Friends going away in one way or another. … as those seemingly alike mature, nature emphasizes their uniqueness and the differences become more obvious.* How often have I demanded from another Black woman what I had not dared to give myself — acceptance, faith, enough space to consider change? How often have I asked her to leap across difference, suspicion, distrust, old pain? How many times have I expected her to jump the hideous gaps of our learned despisals alone, like an animal trained through blindness to ignore the precipice?"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on dozens black?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "Yet it is true that without political work we cannot hope to survive long enough to effect any change. And selfempowerment is the most deeply political work there is, and the most difficult. When we do not attempt to name the confusion of feelings which exist between sisters, we act them out in hundreds of hurtful and unproductive ways. Never speaking from the old pain, to beyond. As if we have made a secret pact between ourselves not to speak, for the expression of that unexamined pain might be accompanied by other ancient and unexpressed hurtings embedded in the stored-up anger we have not expressed. And that anger, as we know from our flayed egos of childhood, is armed with a powerful cruelty learned in the bleakness of too-early battles for survival. “You canʼt take it, huh!” The Dozens. A Black game of supposedly friendly rivalry and name-calling; in reality, a crucial exercise in learning how to absorb verbal abuse without faltering."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat gentle as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "passing, just because she IS; an understanding of each otherʼs shortcomings because we have been somewhere close to that, ourselves. When last did you compliment another sister, give recognition to her specialness? We have to consciously study how to be tender with each other until it becomes a habit because what was native has been stolen from us, the love of Black women for each other. But we can practice being gentle with ourselves by being gentle with each other. We can practice being gentle with each other by being gentle with that piece of ourselves that is hardest to hold, by giving more to the brave bruised girlchild within each of us, by expecting a little less from her gargantuan efforts to excel. We can love her in the light as well as in the darkness, quiet her frenzy toward perfection and encourage her attentions toward fulfillment. Maybe then we will come to appreciate more how much she has taught us, and how much she is doing to keep this world revolving toward some livable"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of black?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "person seriously. Even many Black americans, threatened by some spectre of a socialism that is mythic and undefined at best, have bought the government line of “them” against “us.” But which one of us as a Black american has ever taken the time to examine this threat of socialism for any reality nearly as destructive as racism is within all of our lives? With the constant manipulation of the media, many Black americans are honestly confused, defending “our” invasion of Black Grenada under a mistaken mirage of patriotism. Nineteen eighty-four is upon us, and doublethink has come home to scramble our brains and blanket our protest. In addition to being a demonstration to the Caribbean community of what will happen to any country that dares to assume responsibility for its own destiny, the invasion of Grenada also serves as a naked warning to thirty million African-americans. Watch your step. We did it to them down there and we will not hesitate to do it to you."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect united states to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Sister Outsider Essays and Speeches", "output": "independent of the United States. Grenada is a highly stratified society made up of a large, extremely poor mass of estate workers and small land-holding peasants, a small but growing group of urban service workers, and a tiny well-to-do middle class, civil servants and landed, who traditionally have involved themselves with the economics of import-export rather than the economics of national production. The Bishop government was becoming a successful bridge between these different groups. Problems of color ism and classism are deep, far-reaching, and very complex legacies left from successive colonialisms. Grenadians, rightly so, are highly resistant to any external suggestions of a superficial solution. By bringing the goals of these diverse groups together, the Revolution became even more threatening to the U.S. To the average Grenadian, the United States is a large but dim presence where some dear relative now lives. Until the information campaigns of the PRG, the lack of international"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on alzheimer?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "In a larger sense, much as the components of a computer reveal their true functions when they break down, so the functions of the brain’s neural circuits become dramatically clear when they falter or fail to form correctly. This book explores how the processes of the brain that give rise to our mind can become disordered, resulting in devastating diseases that haunt humankind: autism, depression, bipolar disorder, schizophrenia, Alzheimer’s disease, Parkinson’s disease, and post-traumatic stress disorder. It explains how learning about these disordered processes is essential for improving our understanding of the normal workings of the brain, as well as for finding new treatments for the disorders. It also illustrates that we can enrich our understanding of how the brain works by examining normal variations in brain function, such as how the brain differentiates during development to determine our sex and our gender identity. Finally, the book shows how the"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with pinel?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "character. Treatments for these “weak-minded” people were designed to “toughen them up” by isolating them in asylums, chaining them to the walls, and exposing them to deprivations or even torture. Not surprisingly, this approach was medically fruitless and psychologically destructive. In 1790 the French physician Philippe Pinel formally founded the field we now call psychiatry. Pinel insisted that psychiatric disorders are not moral disturbances but medical diseases, and that psychiatry should be considered a subdiscipline of medicine. At Salpêtrière, Paris’s large psychiatric hospital, Pinel freed the mental patients from their chains and introduced humane, psychology-oriented principles that were a forerunner of present-day psychotherapy. Pinel argued that psychiatric disorders strike people who have a hereditary predisposition and who are exposed to excessive social or psychological stress. This view is remarkably close to the view of mental illness that we"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise disorders?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "Why didn’t they? For a very long time psychiatric and addictive disorders were viewed as fundamentally different from neurological disorders. When pathologists examined the brain of a patient at autopsy and found obvious damage, as they did in cases of stroke, head trauma, or syphilis and other infections of the brain, they classified the disorder as biological, or neurological. When they failed to detect clearly visible anatomical damage, they classified the disorder as functional, or psychiatric. Pathologists were struck by the fact that most psychiatric disorders— namely, schizophrenia, depression, bipolar disorder, and anxiety states—did not produce visibly dead cells or holes in the brain. Since they did not see any obvious damage, they assumed that these disorders were either extracorporeal (disorders of mind rather than the body) or too subtle to detect. Because psychiatric and addictive disorders did not produce obvious damage in the brain, they were considered to be behavioral in nature and thus"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe alzheimer?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "brain gives rise to the mind. We have learned about language from Broca’s and Wernicke’s aphasias, about memory from Alzheimer’s disease, about creativity from frontotemporal dementia, about movement from Parkinson’s disease, and about the link between thought and action from spinal cord injuries. Studies are beginning to show that some diseases that produce different symptoms come about in the same way; that is, they share a common molecular mechanism. For example, Alzheimer’s disease, which primarily affects memory; Parkinson’s disease, which primarily affects movement; and Huntington’s disease, which affects movement, mood, and cognition, are all thought to involve faulty protein folding, as we shall see in later chapters. The three disorders produce strikingly different symptoms because the abnormal folding affects different proteins and different regions of the brain. We will undoubtedly discover common mechanisms in other diseases as well."}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term damage?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "A second apparent difference is in how readily we can see actual physical damage to the brain. Damage resulting from neurological disorders, as we have learned, is often clearly visible at autopsy or in structural imaging. Damage resulting from psychiatric disorders is often less obvious, but as imaging techniques improve in resolution, we are beginning to detect changes resulting from these disorders. For example, as mentioned previously, we can now identify three structural changes in the brains of people with schizophrenia: enlarged ventricles, thinner cortex, and a smaller hippocampus. Thanks to improvements in functional brain imaging, we can now observe certain changes in brain activity that are characteristic of depression and other psychiatric disorders. Finally, as techniques for detecting even subtler damage to nerve cells become available, we should be able to find such damage in the brains of all people with psychiatric disorders."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about autism?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "autism have an impaired ability to engage in social interactions and communications, both verbal and nonverbal; in addition, their interests are restricted. Such barriers to interaction with others profoundly affect social behavior. This chapter explores what autism has taught us about our social brain, including our ability to read the mental and emotional states of others. It describes cognitive psychology’s contribution to our understanding of autism and the insights into the neural circuitry of the social brain that autism studies have given us. Scientists have yet to discover the causes of autism, but genes appear to play a leading role. Remarkable new advances in genetics show how mutations in certain genes disturb key biological processes during development, resulting in autism spectrum disorders. Finally, we will touch on what we have learned from social behavior in animals. AUTISM AND THE SOCIAL BRAIN Based on their studies of chimpanzees, David Premack and Guy Woodruff of"}
{"instruction": "Why does vasopressin matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "brain. Vasopressin also contributes to paternal behavior. While male prairie voles form secure pair bonds and help the females raise their offspring, males of a closely related species, the montane vole, breed widely and promiscuously and exhibit no paternal behavior. The difference between the two species is correlated with the number of vasopressin receptors—and hence the amount of vasopressin—in the male brain. Prairie voles have large concentrations of vasopressin in the brain region that deals with pair bonding, whereas montane voles do not. In the two species, variations in oxytocin concentrations in specific areas of the brain account for the differences in pair and parental bonding.22 Increasing evidence points to an important role for oxytocin and vasopressin in human pair bonding and child rearing as well. Oxytocin is a peptide hormone that is produced in the hypothalamus and released into the bloodstream by the posterior pituitary gland."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame emotion here?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "sleep cycles, and other bodily functions involved in our emotional reactions. As such, it is the executor of emotion, including happiness, sadness, aggression, eroticism, and mating. The prefrontal cortex, the seat of executive function and self-esteem, regulates emotion and its influence on thought and memory. As we shall see, the connections among these structures account for the varied psychological and physical manifestations of mood disorders. Emotion is part of the brain’s early warning system and is intimately linked to the body’s ancient survival mechanisms. As Charles Darwin first pointed out, emotions are part of a preverbal system of social communication that we share with other mammals. In fact, even with our extraordinary facility for language, we use emotion every day to communicate our desires to one another and to monitor our social environment. When our emotions signal that events are dangerous or not unfolding favorably, we experience feelings"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about disorders?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "because they manifest themselves as either depressed or elevated feeling states. We now refer to dementia praecox as schizophrenia, and we refer to manic-depressive illness as bipolar disorder. We refer to depressed states alone, with no manic component, as major depression, or unipolar depression. The majority of people with depressive disorders are unipolar. The distinctions that Kraepelin observed between the two major psychiatric disorders—schizophrenia and bipolar—have carried forward to this day. However, because recent genetic studies suggest that some genes may contribute to both types of disorders, we now realize that there may be overlap between them. There may also be overlap between these disorders and autism, which was recognized fully half a century after Kraepelin’s classic work. Disorders of thought and disorders of mood not only affect people differently, they run different courses and have different outcomes. Schizophrenia is characterized by cognitive decline that begins with the first"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about depression until?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "including the depressive phase of bipolar disorder. THE NEURAL CIRCUIT OF DEPRESSION Until quite recently psychiatric disorders were notoriously difficult to trace to particular regions in the brain. But today’s brain-imaging technologies, specifically PET and functional MRI, have enabled scientists to identify at least some components of the neural circuit responsible for depression. By examining this circuit systematically in patients who have volunteered for studies, scientists have come to understand which patterns of neural activity are altered and can examine the effects of antidepressant drugs and psychotherapy on those abnormal patterns of activity. Moreover, recent brainimaging technology has allowed scientists to identify biological markers in the brain that indicate which patients need just psychotherapy and which need both drug treatment and psychotherapy. Helen Mayberg, a neurologist now at Emory University, found that the"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about depression?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "in fewer and smaller synapses in the hippocampus. In fact, longer depressive episodes are correlated with reductions in the volume of the hippocampus. This correlation would account for the problems with memory that people with depression experience. Defective functioning of the hypothalamus, as revealed in imaging, may account in part for the loss of drive in people with depression, whether the drive for sex or the appetite for food. Finally, defective functioning of the insular cortex, a structure involved with bodily sensations, may account for why people with depression are without vitality, why they often feel dead inside. Studies of depression suggest that whenever area 25 becomes hyperactive, the components of the neural circuit concerned with emotion are literally disconnected from the thinking brain, leading to a loss of personal identity. Mayberg’s brain-imaging studies of depression reveal where these breaks in the circuit occur and help explain why depression can cause bodily sensations"}
{"instruction": "How is modulatory presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "with bipolar disorder. Ketamine works differently from traditional antidepressants. To begin with, it targets glutamate, not serotonin. To understand why this is important, we must first know that neurotransmitters fall into two categories: mediating and modulatory. Mediating neurotransmitters are released by a neuron at the synapse and act directly on the target cell, either exciting the target cell or inhibiting it. Glutamate is the most common excitatory transmitter, and GABA (gamma aminobutyric acid) is the most common inhibitory transmitter. Modulatory neurotransmitters, on the other hand, fine-tune the action of excitatory and inhibitory neurotransmitters. Dopamine and serotonin are modulatory neurotransmitters. Because ketamine acts on the excitatory neurotransmitter glutamate, which directly affects the target cell, the drug reduces depression more quickly than drugs that act on the modulatory transmitter serotonin. In addition, ketamine"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about university college?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "From their fantasies and memories Freud inferred that the origins of mental illness lie in infancy and early childhood. Three modern scholars of psychoanalysis, Steven Roose of Columbia University College of Physicians and Surgeons, Arnold Cooper of Weill Cornell Medical Center, and Peter Fonagy of University College London, point to three key observations of Freud’s that are central to psychoanalysis.9 First, children have sexual and aggressive behavioral instincts. The social prohibitions that hold these instinctual needs in check begin early in life and carry onward into adulthood. In other words, sexuality and aggression do not arise in adulthood; they are present in infancy. Second, children suppress and render unconscious the conflicts between early needs and prohibitions, as well as early traumas. These repressed feelings may result in symptoms of mental illness in adulthood. In the course of free association during psychoanalysis, the patient liberates his or her"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on beck?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "Beck wondered if identifying those negative beliefs and thought processes and then helping the patient replace them with more positive thoughts might relieve depression without having to deal with specific unconscious conflicts. He tested his idea by presenting patients with evidence of their accomplishments, achievements, and successes, thus challenging their negative views of themselves. His patients often improved with remarkable speed, feeling and functioning better after just a few sessions. This positive result encouraged Beck to develop a short, systematic psychological treatment for depression based on a patient’s cognitive style and distorted way of thinking. He called the treatment cognitive behavioral therapy. Once he was certain that it worked repeatedly, he wrote a manual on it so that other people could carry out the same treatment.10 Finally, he conducted outcome studies. The outcome studies showed that for mild and moderate depression,"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat lithium as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "As we have seen, neurotransmitters bind to receptors on the cell membrane. This activates second messenger systems, which transmit signals from the receptors to molecules inside the neuron. Lithium may blunt the activation of second messenger systems, thus reducing signal transmission. Lithium may also damp down a neuron’s responsiveness to neurotransmitters inside the cell. This could explain why lithium works so effectively in bipolar disorder: it may decrease a neuron’s sensitivity to both external and internal stimuli. In addition, lithium affects the modulatory neurotransmitters serotonin and dopamine as well as the mediating neurotransmitter GABA. Thus, its efficacy may be attributable to its wide-ranging neurobiological effects rather than to a single mechanism. Another possible way that lithium exerts its beneficial effects is by resetting ionic homeostasis in overly active neurons. The idea here is that lithium returns neurons to their resting state by increasing or decreasing their"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of looking ahead?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "underlie our everyday emotional well-being. LOOKING AHEAD Our understanding of the genetics of depression and bipolar disorder is still in the early stages. These are, after all, very complex diseases. They disrupt the connections between the brain structures responsible for emotion, thought, and memory—connections that are crucial to our sense of self. This is why people with mood disorders experience such an array of psychological and physical symptoms. Only recently have neuroscientists been able to see, in real time, what goes on in the brains of people with these disorders, thus offering the possibility of correlating genetics, brain physiology, and behavior. Nevertheless, tremendous advances have been made in other areas of research, particularly research on depression—finding the neural circuit for depression, using deep-brain stimulation to change the firing of neurons in that circuit, viewing the disconnect between the brain structures responsible"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect schizophrenia to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "scientists new insights into the biology of schizophrenia. Based on those advances, we are now beginning to understand how schizophrenia affects the brain and to develop animal models that allow us to test specific hypotheses and to explore how the disease begins. These recent advances may provide a path to early intervention and treatment. THE CORE SYMPTOMS OF SCHIZOPHRENIA Schizophrenia produces three types of symptoms, each resulting from disturbances in a different region of the brain. This makes schizophrenia a particularly difficult disorder to understand and to treat. The positive symptoms of schizophrenia—called “positive” not because they are good but because they represent new types of behavior for the person who has them—are the symptoms most frequently associated with the disease and the ones patients often recognize first. Positive symptoms reflect disordered volition and thinking. Disordered thought detaches a person from reality, leading to altered perceptions and behavior, such as hallucinations and"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on dopamine?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "movement as Parkinson’s disease, which is caused by a deficiency in the modulatory neurotransmitter dopamine, scientists reasoned that the drugs might act by reducing dopamine in the brain. They also reasoned, by extension, that schizophrenia might result in part from excessive action of dopamine. In other words, reducing dopamine in the brain might account for both the drugs’ therapeutic effects and their adverse side effects. How would this work? How could a drug produce both undesirable and beneficial effects? It depends on where in the brain the drug acts. When neurons release dopamine into a synapse, the dopamine ordinarily binds to receptors on target neurons. If those receptors are blocked by antipsychotics, the action of dopamine is attenuated. As it turns out, many typical antipsychotics act by blocking dopamine receptors. This finding bolstered the idea that either excessive dopamine production or an excessive number of dopamine receptors is an important factor in causing"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with schizophrenia?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "In addition, computerized brain imaging can sometimes indicate areas of increased dopamine activity, which might serve as a biomarker of the disease before psychosis develops. As we have seen, the first psychotic episode of schizophrenia is usually triggered in late adolescence or early adulthood, when the stresses of daily life can prove too heavy a burden to bear. If treatment is begun immediately, young people can usually be stabilized. All too often, however, they don’t seek treatment until after they have been sick for several years. In addition, if a person with schizophrenia stops taking medication, the regulation of dopaminergic pathways and other neural circuits will be disrupted, and he or she will begin to experience symptoms again. The most promising preemptive treatment thus far is to provide cognitive psychotherapy to adolescents and young adults who exhibit early signs of schizophrenia, in what is known as the prodromal phase."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise schizophrenia?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "because the thalamus itself has lost cells. Indeed, some studies have found that the thalamus is smaller than normal in people with schizophrenia. Thus, schizophrenia presents quite a different problem than depression or bipolar disorder. As we saw in chapter 3, those disorders result from a functional defect, in which properly built neural circuits fail to work correctly. Such defects can often be reversed. Schizophrenia, like autism spectrum disorders, involves an anatomical defect, in which certain neural circuits fail to develop correctly. To remedy these anatomical defects in schizophrenia, scientists will have to think of some way to either intervene in synaptic pruning during development or create compounds that stimulate the growth of new spines later on. Schizophrenia is characterized by other anatomical abnormalities as well. These include a thinning of layers of gray matter in the temporal and parietal regions of the cortex and in the hippocampus, as well as dilation of the lateral"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe schizophrenia?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "anatomical changes that lead to schizophrenia. Thus, McCarroll, Stevens, Sekar, and their colleagues have given us the first real inroad into the etiology of schizophrenia, an inroad that may eventually lead to new treatments. Moreover, important studies such as these inspire other researchers who are trying to use genetics to advance our understanding of psychiatric disorders.8 MODELING THE COGNITIVE SYMPTOMS OF SCHIZOPHRENIA Earlier, we learned that excessive dopamine production may contribute to the development of schizophrenia and that antipsychotic drugs produce their effects by blocking dopamine receptors in the mesolimbic pathway. We also learned that brain-imaging studies have found both more dopamine and more D2 receptors in the striatum of people with schizophrenia. Moreover, in at least some people, the greater-than-normal number of D2 receptors may be determined genetically. In light of these findings, Eleanor Simpson, Christoph"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term schizophrenia?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "that it physically changes the brain, as drugs do. Imaging has even predicted, in some cases of depression, which patients are best treated with drugs, with psychotherapy, or with both. We have also seen how critical insights into the nature of depression and schizophrenia came about by accident, when drugs designed to treat another disorder were observed to have an effect on patients with these brain disorders. Subsequent research on how the drugs act in the brain revealed important biochemical underpinnings of depression and schizophrenia and led to better treatments for people with these disorders. Advances in genetics are uncovering how genetic variations—whether common or rare—create a risk of developing complex brain disorders. Particularly fascinating is the discovery of shared genes that operate in schizophrenia and bipolar disorder, and in schizophrenia and autism spectrum disorders. Such insights into the molecular nature of depression and"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about creative?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "allowing our minds to wander more freely and to seek new connections between ideas. Such communion with the unconscious is shared by all creative people, but it is sometimes particularly striking in creative people with mental disorders. This chapter explores what brain disorders, both psychiatric and neurological, can tell us about our creative capability. We begin by examining creativity from several perspectives. First, we focus on the work of an extraordinarily gifted contemporary artist. Next, we approach creativity from the perspective of the viewer. Finally, we explore what we have learned about the nature of the creative process and the biology of creativity. In earlier chapters we saw people with schizophrenia, depression, and bipolar disorder who express their creative gifts in art, literature, and science. This chapter focuses primarily on the visual art of patients with schizophrenia —so-called psychotic art—not only because it is beautiful and moving but"}
{"instruction": "Why does psychotic art matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "artistic form. Thus, one common characteristic of schizophrenic art is the juxtaposition of unrelated elements. Another is the depiction of delusions and hallucinatory images. Still others are ambiguous images or the reassembling of dismembered body parts. The work of each artist is characterized by recurring motifs that spring from his or her unconscious mind. Thus the works do have, as Kraepelin had predicted, distinctive themes that are specific to their creators. THE IMPACT OF PSYCHOTIC ART ON MODERN ART The Dada movement and the subsequent Surrealist movement emerged largely in response to the carnage of World War I. It is difficult to overestimate the psychic effects of the Great War. When the war began, many young people entered it enthusiastically, believing that war would lead to the rejuvenation of society. But within a year many people were left with a sense of utter, senseless destruction. The war called into question the belief in the"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame creativity here?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "a greater risk of bipolar disorder may also confer a greater likelihood of creativity. This is not to imply that bipolar disorder creates the predisposition to creativity, but rather that people who have the genes associated with bipolar disorder also have the heightened exuberance, enthusiasm, and energy that express themselves in and contribute to creativity. These studies emphasize the importance of genetic factors in contributing to creativity. CREATIVITY IN PEOPLE WITH AUTISM People on the autism spectrum approach creative problem solving differently than neurotypical people do. In a study of both neurotypical people and people on the autism spectrum, Martin Doherty of the University of East Anglia in England and his colleagues found that people with a high number of autism traits generate fewer, but more original, ideas. He proposes that they are more likely to go directly to less common ideas because they rely less on associations or memory, which would constrain their creative thinking.27"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about parkinson?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "Their causative role in Alzheimer’s and Parkinson’s diseases has important implications for the diagnosis as well as the treatment of these common, invariably fatal maladies.13 GENETIC STUDIES OF PROTEIN-FOLDING DISORDERS Drosophila, the fruit fly, is the invertebrate animal model par excellence. It was first developed as an experimental organism by Thomas Hunt Morgan at Columbia University to study the basic function of chromosomes in heredity. Later, Seymour Benzer focused on genes that are involved in behavior. He found that genes work together in complex networks called gene pathways. In many diseases, fruit flies and people share not just genes but entire gene pathways. Scientists use these shared features, which have been conserved through the course of evolution, to gain crucial insights into human disease, including neurological disorders. One advantage of using flies is that it speeds up the research process. A disease like Parkinson’s can take decades to appear"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about parkinson?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "dopamine-producing neurons, caused by misfolded proteins, leads to Parkinson’s disease. A mutant gene that orders up too many glutamines during protein synthesis results in misfolded proteins that clump in the brain and cause Huntington’s disease, as well as several other diseases of the nervous system. The self-replicating, misfolded proteins known as prions, which are responsible for the toxic tangles found in Creutzfeldt-Jakob and related diseases, can even act as infectious agents. At present, there are no drugs that slow brain degeneration, although deepbrain stimulation can calm the neural circuits responsible for uncontrolled movement, thereby giving relief to people with Parkinson’s disease. Research on neurological disorders now includes genetic and molecular studies, which may provide scientists with points of entry for preventing or reversing the process of protein misfolding. As we have seen, genetic studies in animal models are already beginning to move us toward that goal."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about when greene?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "religion we subscribe to: the two trolley scenarios trigger different patterns of activity in the brain. When Greene asked study participants whether or not they should divert the trolley, their conscious decision-making machinery was turned on. A network of brain regions assessed the various alternatives, sent the verdict onward to the prefrontal cortex, and the people chose the clearly superior option. Their brain quickly realized that it was better to kill one person than five people. However, when participants were asked whether they would be willing to push a man onto the track, a separate network of brain regions was activated. These regions are associated with the processing of emotions, both for ourselves and for others. People in the study couldn’t justify their moral decisions, but their certainty never wavered. Pushing a man off a bridge just felt wrong. Such research reveals the surprising ways in which our moral judgments are shaped by our unconscious emotions."}
{"instruction": "How is research presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "and the rest of our society in the decades to come. Studies of psychopaths are likely to have a major impact not only on our understanding of how people can be influenced to make appropriate decisions but also on the development of new kinds of diagnoses and new kinds of treatments. Research suggests that both genes and environment contribute to psychopathy, as they do to other disorders. In his continuing search for biomarkers of psychopathy, Kiehl has recently expanded his brain-imaging studies to include young people who show signs of psychopathic traits.14 This is important because not everyone with psychopathic traits becomes a violent criminal. If scientists could identify children who have a tendency toward psychopathy, they might be able to develop behavioral therapies to head off future violent behavior. If a malfunction of some region of the brain is identified, perhaps some other region of the brain could be encouraged to take"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about addiction?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "are similar to addiction, such as pathological gambling and overeating. The human cost of addiction, for individuals and for society, is incalculable. While we have made progress over the past several decades in treating people with certain kinds of addictions, such as alcoholism, available therapies for most addictions, whether behavioral approaches or medications, have proved inadequate. Fortunately, scientists have made important advances over the last thirty years in understanding the biology of addiction, raising the hope that new treatments will emerge from these new insights. In the past, addiction was considered to be a manifestation of weak moral character. Today, we understand that it is a mental disorder, a malfunction of the brain’s reward system, the neural circuitry responsible for positive emotions and the anticipation of rewards. This chapter introduces us to the brain’s reward system and explains how addiction manipulates it."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on alcoholics anonymous?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "Can behavioral interventions or medication weaken conditioning, so that when a person sees stimuli associated with the addictive substance he or she doesn’t respond to them? Can the reward system be made to respond to natural stimuli, so that things other than drugs will motivate the addicted person? The most successful treatments for addiction to date are behavioral and involve regimented twelve-step programs like Alcoholics Anonymous. But most addicted people return to using drugs even after completing the best available programs. These high relapse rates reflect the long-lasting changes that take place in the brain during addiction. As we have seen, drug addiction is a form of long-term memory. The brain becomes conditioned to associate certain environmental cues with pleasure, and encountering those cues can trigger an urge to use the drug. The memory of pleasure persists long after an addicted person has stopped taking a drug; that is why maintaining treatment"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat behavior as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "of estrogen, a different set of sex-specific behavior circuits develops, one affecting in particular female-male mating and maternal behavior. Because mice display clear gender-specific behaviors, Catherine Dulac at Harvard and David Anderson at the California Institute of Technology can use modern genetic and molecular tools to study the mechanisms in the brain that control those behaviors. Their studies have turned up several interesting things about the mouse brain that may translate to the human brain.2 First, the neural circuits that control the gender-specific behavior of each sex are present in both sexes. Thus, regardless of a mouse’s sex, its brain contains the neural circuitry for both male and female behavior. These circuits are regulated by pheromones, the hormone-like substances released into the environment by other mice. Normally, when a mouse’s brain detects a pheromone, it activates the behavior called for by the mouse’s sex and"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of endocrine society?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "By the time they reach puberty, 75 percent of children who have questioned their gender will identify as the gender assigned at birth. However, those who identify as transgender in adolescence almost always do so permanently. Some people question the idea of providing puberty-blocking drugs when their side effects are not well understood. Yet denying transgender adolescents the ability to transition by withholding the drugs is unethical, say many people who are involved in this area of treatment. Failing to treat adolescents is not simply being neutral, they point out; it means exposing them to harm. The Endocrine Society is working to update its guidelines for treating transgender youth. Stephen Rosenthal, a pediatric endocrinologist at the University of California, San Francisco, and a leader of the effort, expects that the guidelines, which now advise clinicians to withhold cross-sex hormone therapy until age sixteen, will allow greater flexibility, since many children"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect helmholtz to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "turning on the neural correlates of consciousness, and see if consciousness can be turned off by turning off the neural correlates of consciousness. We’re not quite able to do that yet. THE BIOLOGY OF CONSCIOUSNESS The nineteenth-century physiologist and psychologist Hermann von Helmholtz was probably the first person to realize that the brain assembles basic bits of information from our sensory systems and unconsciously draws inferences from them. In fact, the brain can make complex inferences from very scanty information. When you look at a series of black lines, for instance, the lines don’t mean anything; but if the lines begin to move—and particularly if they move forward—your brain instantly recognizes them as a person walking. Helmholtz also realized that unconscious processing of information isn’t just reflexive or instinctive, it’s adaptive—it helps us to survive in the world. Moreover, our unconscious is creative. It integrates a range of information"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on logothetis?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "Logothetis and Schall’s study has spawned additional work, the gist of which is that the number of neurons attuned to percepts, or mental representations of an object, becomes greater as information moves from the primary visual cortex to higher regions of the brain. Logothetis concludes from his and related work: “The picture of the brain that starts to emerge from these studies is of a system whose processes create states of consciousness in response not only to sensory inputs but also to internal signals representing expectations based on past experiences.”7 He goes on to state that “our success in identifying neurons that reflect consciousness is a good start” toward uncovering the neural circuits underlying consciousness. Although we are only beginning to study the biology of consciousness, these experiments have given us some useful paradigms for exploring different states of consciousness. AN OVERALL PERSPECTIVE ON THE BIOLOGY OF CONSCIOUSNESS"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with participants?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "participants a series of paired images. The scientists then separated the images and, using the techniques of conditioned learning, presented some of the images to participants together with a monetary reward. Finally, they showed participants the images that had not been linked to a monetary reward and asked them which of the latter images they preferred. Participants tended to prefer images that had previously been paired with a rewarded image, even though the participants could not consciously recall the original pairs. The researchers concluded that the hippocampus can reactivate the association of the current image with its original mate and, working with the striatum, connect it to the memory of the reward, thus biasing a participant’s choice. Following on the realization that biology is involved in decision making and choice, Newsome and other neuroscientists began applying such economic models on the cellular level in animals in an effort to understand"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise second?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "by listening carefully to individual patients. Moreover, clinical observation of individual patients, in a context as susceptible to observer bias as the psychoanalytic relationship, is not a sufficient basis for a science of mind. Second, although psychoanalysis often thought of itself as a scientific discipline, it has rarely used scientific methods, and it has failed over the years to submit its assumptions to testable experimentation. Indeed, psychoanalysis has traditionally been far better at generating ideas than at testing them. In part that is because, with rare exceptions, the data gathered in psychoanalytic sessions are private: the patient’s comments, associations, silences, postures, movements, and other behaviors are privileged. In fact, privacy is central to establishing the trust needed in a psychoanalytic situation. As a result, we usually have only the analysts’ subjective accounts of what they believe happened in sessions."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe consciousness?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "Do these unconscious processes reach the cerebral cortex, even though they may not reach consciousness? What neural systems govern mechanisms of defense, such as sublimation, repression, and distortion? Twenty-first-century biology is already in a good position to answer some of our questions about the nature of conscious and unconscious mental processes, but those answers will be richer and more meaningful if they are reached through a synthesis of the new biology of mind and psychoanalysis. This synthesis would add greatly to our knowledge of mental disorders and thus to our understanding of the neural circuitry of healthy brain function. New insights into healthy brain function would put us in a better position to understand people with brain disorders and to develop effective treatments for them. LOOKING AHEAD Consciousness remains a mystery. We know that it is not static, that states of consciousness vary. Moreover, consciousness entails making unconscious"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term depending?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "circuitry—the network of neurons and the synapses they form—is overactive, inactive, or unable to communicate effectively. The dysfunction may stem from injury, changes in synaptic connections, or faulty wiring of the brain during development. Depending on what regions of the brain they affect, disorders change the way we experience life—our emotion, cognition, memory, social interaction, creativity, freedom of choice, movement, or, most often, a combination of these aspects of our nature. Thanks in large part to advances in genetics, brain imaging, and animal models, scientists studying brain disorders have confirmed several general principles of how our brain normally functions. For example, imaging studies show that the left and right hemispheres of the brain deal with different aspects of mental functions and that the two hemispheres inhibit each other. Specifically, damage to the left hemisphere can free up the creative capabilities of the right hemisphere."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about second?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "This new biology of mind has revolutionized our ability to understand the brain and its disorders. But how is the synthesis of modern cognitive psychology and neuroscience likely to affect our lives in the future? The new biology of mind will lead to radical changes in the way medicine is practiced, in two ways. First, neurology and psychiatry will merge into a common clinical discipline that focuses increasingly on the patient as an individual with particular genetic predispositions to health and disease. This focus will move us toward a biologically inspired, personalized medicine. Second, we will have, for the first time, a meaningful and nuanced biology of the processes in the brain that go awry in brain disorders, as well as the processes that lead to the sexual differentiation of our brain and our gender identity. It is likely that personalized medicine, with its focus on clinical DNA testing—the search for small genetic differences in individuals—will reveal"}
{"instruction": "Why does laboratory matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "Broca’s area Brookhaven National Laboratory Brothers, Leslie Brunet, Alain Burger, Kyle Byron, Lord Cade, John Caenorhabditis elegans CAG expansion Cajal, Santiago Ramón y; Neuron Doctrine California Institute of Technology Canada Carlsson, Arvid Carnegie Mellon University Casson, Sir Hugh cats cell body cerebellum cerebral cortex Cézanne, Paul C4 gene C4-A gene Charpentier, Paul children; art of; autistic; development of schizophrenia in; emotion in; gender identity; PTSD in; sexuality and; transgender; trauma in; working memory in chimpanzees cholesterol Christakis, Nicholas chromosomes; deleted genes; sex chronic traumatic encephalopathy Churchland, Patricia cleft palate Close, Chuck; Big Self-Portrait; Roy II clozapine clusterin C90RF72 gene cocaine cognitive behavioral therapy cognitive psychology; view of consciousness Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory Columbia University coma combining unrelated elements compassion complete androgen insensitivity syndrome (CAIS)"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame endocrine society here?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "unconscious components of; decision making and; depression and; disconnect between thought and; fear; moral; psychopathic behavior and; PTSD and; regulation of; sense of self and; sexual differentiation and gender identity; valence of. See also specific emotions empathy Endocrine Society energy; lack of entorhinal cortex environment; addiction and; Alzheimer’s disease and; autism and; bipolar disorder and; psychopathy and; PTSD and; schizophrenia and enzymes epilepsy Ernst, Max eros estrogen evolution excitatory signals exercise, beneficial effects on brain of exon amplification experience experimental psychology explicit memory Expressionism face recognition father; autism and; older; schizophrenia and fear; animal models of; anxiety disorders and; classical conditioning of; response to Feinberg, Irwin Feldberg, William fetal development fight, flight, or freeze response fighting and mating, link between figure amalgamation fish 5-alpha reductase 2 deficiency"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about university?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "Nature Neuroscience nervous system; autonomic; integrative action of; sympathetic Nestler, Eric Netherlands Institute for Neuroscience neurofibrillary tangles neurology; divide between psychiatry and; history of; language and neuromelanin Neuron Doctrine neurons; action potentials; communication; depression and; excessive synaptic pruning of; mating/fighting link and; motor; Neuron Doctrine; prions and; social brain and; structure and function of; synaptic connections and memory; synaptic dysfunction neuroscience neurotransmitters Newsome, William New York New York University nicotine nigrostriatal pathway Nobel Prize noradrenaline Northwestern University nuclear inclusion nucleotides nucleus accumbens obesity olanzapine Olds, James Olympics, of 1976 orbital prefrontal cortex orbitofrontal cortex Oregon Research Institute Oregon State University Orth, Viktor; Barque Evening at Sea osteocalcin ovaries oxytocin pain pancreas panic attacks"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about william?", "input": "Source: The Disordered Mind What Unusual Brains Tell Us About Ourselves", "output": "sexual dimorphisms Shadlen, Michael Shakespeare, William, Hamlet shame Sherrington, Charles Shohamy, Daphna shoplifting shopping addiction simple genetic illness Simpson, Eleanor Singer, Alison single-nucleotide variations single-photo emission computed tomography (SPECT) skull sleep; bipolar disorder and; depression and; lack of Small, Scott smell smoking snails SNCA gene Snyder, Allan social brain; in animals; autism and; neural circuitry of; terminology; theory of mind and social withdrawal Socrates sodium ion channels Sokoloff, Louis Solomon, Andrew Soranus Spack, Norman spending, excessive sperm, in older fathers spinal cord; injuries spinocerebellar ataxia Squire, Larry SRY Stanford University State, Matthew Stefánsson, Kári Stevens, Beth Stice, Eric stimuli, responses to stomach, contraction of stress; addiction and; bipolar disorder and; depression and; hormones; PTSD striate cortex striatum stroke structural imaging Styron, William, Darkness Visible"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise mae mobley?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "Fact, her whole body be so full a sharp knobs and corners, it’s no wonder she can’t soothe that baby. Babies like fat. Like to bury they face up in you armpit and go to sleep. They like big fat legs too. That I know. By the time she a year old, Mae Mobley following me around everwhere I go. Five o’clock would come round and she’d be hanging on my Dr. Scholl shoe, dragging over the floor, crying like I weren’t never coming back. Miss Leefolt, she’d narrow up her eyes at me like I done something wrong, unhitch that crying baby off my foot. I reckon that’s the risk you run, letting somebody else raise you chilluns. Mae Mobley two years old now. She got big brown eyes and honey-color curls. But the bald spot in the back of her hair kind a throw things off. She get the same wrinkle between her eyebrows when she worried, like her mama. They kind a favor except Mae Mobley so fat. She ain’t gone be no beauty queen. I think it bother Miss Leefolt, but Mae Mobley"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe miss leefolt?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "—made the chicken salad this morning, ironed the tablecloths yesterday. Miss Leefolt seen me at it too. She ain’t but twenty-three years old and she like hearing herself tell me what to do. She already got the blue dress on I ironed this morning, the one with sixty-five pleats on the waist, so tiny I got to squint through my glasses to iron. I don’t hate much in life, but me and that dress is not on good terms. “And you make sure Mae Mobley’s not coming in on us, now. I tell you, I am so burned up at her—tore up my good stationery into five thousand pieces and I’ve got fifteen thank-you notes for the Junior League to do …” I arrange the-this and the-that for her lady friends. Set out the good crystal, put the silver service out. Miss Leefolt don’t put up no dinky card table like the other ladies do. We set at the dining room table. Put a cloth on top to cover the big L-shaped crack, move that red flower centerpiece to the sideboard to hide"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term miss?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "clothes,” I say and it sound like I’m down in a wellhole. Grease already working itself up my arms. Smell like a underarm in here. Don’t take no time fore sweat’s running down my nose and ever time I scratch at it, I get a plug a crud on my face. Got to be the worst place in the world, inside a oven. You in here, you either cleaning or you getting cooked. Tonight I just know I’m on have that dream I’m stuck inside and the gas gets turned on. But I keep my head in that awful place cause I’d rather be anywhere sides answering Miss Leefolt’s questions about what Miss Skeeter was trying to say to me. Asking do I want to change things. After while, Miss Leefolt huff and go out to the carport. I figure she looking at where she gone build me my new colored bathroom. Chapter 2 YOU’D NEVER KNOW IT living here, but Jackson, Mississippi, be filled with two hundred thousand peoples. I see them numbers in the paper and I got to wonder, where do them peoples live?"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about clyde?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "warm. My man Clyde flash me his white-toothed smile and say Honey, you want you a drink? And I say, Black Mary straight up and then I get to laughing at myself, setting in my kitchen having this daydream, cause the raciest thing I ever take is the purple Nehi. Memphis Minny get to singing on the radio how lean meat won’t fry, which is about how the love don’t last. Time to time, I think I might find myself another man, one from my church. Problem is, much as I love the Lord, church-going man never do all that much for me. Kind a man I like ain’t the kind that stays around when he done spending all you money. I made that mistake twenty years ago. When my husband Clyde left me for that no-count hussy up on Farish Street, one they call Cocoa, I figured I better shut the door for good on that kind a business. A cat get to screeching outside and bring me back to my cold kitchen. I turn the radio off and the light back on, fish my prayer book out my purse."}
{"instruction": "Why does mama matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "paying his boss twelve dollars every week for. Relief hits me. I have finally gotten myself a job. I don’t have to move to the North Pole. Won’t Santy Claus be disappointed. “SIT DOWN ON YOUR BEHIND, Minny, because I’m about to tell you the rules for working in a White Lady’s house.” I was fourteen years old to the day. I sat at the little wooden table in my mama’s kitchen eyeing that caramel cake on the cooling rack, waiting to be iced. Birthdays were the only day of the year I was allowed to eat as much as I wanted. I was about to quit school and start my first real job. Mama wanted me to stay on and go to ninth grade— she’d always wanted to be a schoolteacher instead of working in Miss Woodra’s house. But with my sister’s heart problem and my no-good drunk daddy, it was up to me and Mama. I already knew about housework. After school, I did most of the cooking and the cleaning. But if I was going off to work in somebody else’s house, who’d be looking after"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame miss celia here?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "don’t thread. Friday is heavy cooking for the weekend and what-have-you. And every day is mopping, washing clothes and ironing shirts so they don’t go getting out of hand, and generally keeping things clean. Silver and windows, they’re as needed. Since there aren’t any kids to look after, there’s ample time left for Miss Celia’s so-called cooking lesson. Miss Celia never does any entertaining, so we just fix whatever she and Mister Johnny are having for supper: pork chops, fried chicken, roast beef, chicken pie, lamb rack, baked ham, fried tomatoes, mashed potatoes, plus the vegetables. Or at least I cook and Miss Celia fidgets, looking more like a five-year-old than the rich lady paying my rent. When the lesson’s over, she rushes back to laying down. In fact, the only time Miss Celia walks ten feet is to come in the kitchen for her lesson or to sneak upstairs every two or three days, up in the creepy rooms. I don’t know what she does for five minutes on the"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about hilly?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "MISS SKEETER Chapter 5 I DRIVE MY mama’s Cadillac fast on the gravel road, headed home. Patsy Cline can’t even be heard on the radio anymore, for all the rocks banging the side of the car. Mother would be furious, but I just drive faster. I can’t stop thinking about what Hilly said to me today at bridge club. Hilly and Elizabeth and I have been best friends since Power Elementary. My favorite photograph is of the three of us sitting in the football stands in junior high, all jammed together, shoulder to shoulder. What makes the picture, though, is that the stands are completely empty around us. We sat close because we were close. At Ole Miss, Hilly and I roomed together for two years before she left to get married and I stayed on to graduate. I rolled thirteen curlers in her hair every night at the Chi Omega house. But today, she threatened to throw me out of the League. Not that I care so much about the League, but I was hurt by how easily my friend would be willing to cast me"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about mother?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "the kind of building where single, plain girls lived, spinsters, secretaries, teachers. But the one time I had mentioned using money from my trust fund, Mother had cried—real tears. “That is not what that money’s for, Eugenia. To live in some rooming house with strange cooking smells and stockings hanging out the window. And when the money runs out, what then? What will you live on?” Then she’d draped a cold cloth on her head and gone to bed for the day. And now she’s gripping the rail, waiting to see if I’ll do what fat Fanny Peatrow did to save herself. My own mother is looking at me as if I completely baffle her mind with my looks, my height, my hair. To say I have frizzy hair is an understatement. It is kinky, more pubic than cranial, and whitish blond, breaking off easily, like hay. My skin is fair and while some call this creamy, it can look downright deathly when I’m serious, which is all the time. Also, there’s a slight bump of cartilage along the top of my nose."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about mother?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "pink cherubs in the molding. It’s papered in mint green rosebuds. It is actually the attic with long, sloping walls, and I cannot stand straight in many places. The box bay window makes the room look round. After Mother berates me about finding a husband every other day, I have to sleep in a wedding cake. And yet, it is my sanctuary. The heat swells and gathers like a hot-air balloon up here, not exactly welcoming others. The stairs are narrow and difficult for parents to climb. Our previous maid, Constantine, used to stare those forward-sloping stairs down every day, like it was a battle between them. That was the only part I didn’t like about having the top floor of the house, that it separated me from my Constantine. Three days after my conversation with Mother on the porch, I spread out the help-wanted ads from the Jackson Journal on my desk. All morning, Mother’s been following me around with a new hairstraightening thing while Daddy’s been on the front"}
{"instruction": "How is pascagoula presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "My eyes drift down to HELP WANTED: MALE. There are at least four columns filled with bank managers, accountants, loan officers, cotton collate operators. On this side of the page, Percy & Gray, LP, is offering Jr. Stenographers fifty cents more an hour. “MISS SKEETER, you got a phone call,” I hear Pascagoula holler at the bottom of the stairs. I go downstairs to the only phone in the house. Pascagoula holds the phone out to me. She is as tiny as a child, not even five feet tall, and black as night. Her hair is curly around her head and her white uniform dress has been tailored to fit her short arms and legs. “Miss Hilly on the phone for you,” she says, and hands it to me with a wet hand. I sit at the white iron table. The kitchen is large and square and hot. Black-and-white linoleum tiles are cracked in places, worn thin in front of the sink. The new silver dishwashing machine sits in the middle of the room, attached to a hose stretched from the"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about constantine?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "From a porch a young colored woman named Cat-Bite would holler, “Miss Skeeter! Tell your daddy hey for me. Tell him I’s doing fine.” My own daddy gave her that name years ago. Drove by and saw a rabid cat attacking a little colored girl. “That cat near about ate her up,” Daddy’d told me afterward. He’d killed the cat, carried the girl to the doctor, and set her up for the twenty-one days of rabies shots. A little farther on, we’d get to Constantine’s house. It had three rooms and no rugs and I’d look at the single photograph she had, of a white girl she told me she looked after for twenty years over in Port Gibson. I was pretty sure I knew everything about Constantine—she had one sister and grew up on a sharecropping farm in Corinth, Mississippi. Both her parents were dead. She didn’t eat pork as a rule and wore a size sixteen dress and a size ten ladies’ shoe. But I used to stare at the toothy smile of that child in the picture, a little jealous, wondering why"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on constantine?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "strikingly honey-colored against her dark skin. I’ve never seen light brown eyes on a colored person. In fact, the shades of brown on Constantine were endless. Her elbows were absolutely black, with a dry white dust on them in the winter. The skin on her arms and neck and face was a dark ebony. The palms of her hands were orangey-tan and that made me wonder if the soles of her feet were too, but I never saw her barefooted. “Just you and me this weekend,” she said with a smile. It was the weekend that Mother and Daddy were driving Carlton to look at LSU and Tulane. My brother was going to college next year. That morning, Daddy had moved the cot into the kitchen, next to her bathroom. That’s where Constantine always slept when she spent the night. “Go look what I got,” she said, pointing to the broom closet. I went and opened it and saw, tucked in her bag, a five-hundred-piece puzzle with a picture of Mount Rushmore on it. It was our favorite thing to do"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat constantine as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "Eugenia. Come on to the kitchen, let me introduce you to the new maid, Pascagoula.” But I didn’t follow Mother to the kitchen. I stared down at my college trunks, terrified by the thought of unpacking here. The house felt vast, empty. Outside, a combine whirred in a cotton field. By September, not only had I given up hope of ever hearing back from Harper & Row, I gave up on ever finding Constantine. No one seemed to know a thing or how I could reach her. I finally stopped asking people why Constantine had left. It was like she’d simply disappeared. I had to accept that Constantine, my one true ally, had left me to fend for myself with these people. Chapter 6 ON A HOT SEPTEMBER MORNING, I wake up in my childhood bed, slip on the huarache shoes my brother, Carlton, brought me back from Mexico. A man’s pair since, evidently, Mexican girls’ feet don’t grow to size nine-and-a-half. Mother hates them and says they’re trashy-looking. Over my nightgown, I put on one of Daddy’s old"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of elaine stein?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "Write about what disturbs you, particularly if it bothers no one else. Yours sincerely, Elaine Stein, Senior Editor, Adult Book Division Below the pica type is a handwritten note, in a choppy blue scrawl: P.S. If you are truly serious, I’d be willing to look over your best ideas and give my opinion. I offer this for no better reason, Miss Phelan, than someone once did it for me. A truck full of cotton rumbles by on the County Road. The Negro in the passenger side leans out and stares. I’ve forgotten I am a white girl in a thin nightgown. I have just received correspondence, maybe even encouragement, from New York City and I say the name aloud: “Elaine Stein.” I’ve never met a Jewish person. I race back up the lane, trying to keep the letter from flapping in my hand. I don’t want it wrinkled. I dash up the stairs with Mother hollering to take off those tacky Mexican man shoes, and I get to work writing down every goddamn thing that bothers me in life,"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect home standing to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "makes a call before I’m even out the door. When I get to my car, I sink down into the soft Cadillac leather. I sit there smiling, reading the pages in the folder. I just got a job. I COME HOME STANDING up straighter than I have since I was twelve, before my growth spurt. I am buzzing with pride. Even though every cell in my brain says do not, somehow I cannot resist telling Mother. I rush into the relaxing room and tell her everything about how I’ve gotten a job writing Miss Myrna, the weekly cleaning advice column. “Oh the irony of it.” She lets out a sigh that means life is hardly worth living under such conditions. Pascagoula freshens her iced tea. “At least it’s a start,” I say. “A start at what? Giving advice on how to keep up a home when …” She sighs again, long and slow like a deflating tire. I look away, wondering if everyone in town will be thinking the same thing. Already the joy is fleeting. “Eugenia, you don’t even know how to polish silver,"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on aibileen?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "until I leave: the doorknobs need polishing, the top of the refrigerator needs dusting, Mae Mobley’s fingernails could use a trim. Aibileen is no more than cordial with me, nervous, stands at the kitchen sink and never stops working. It’s not long before I am ahead of copy and Mister Golden seems pleased with the column, the first two of which only took me about twenty minutes to write. And every week, I ask Aibileen about Constantine. Can’t she get her address for me? Can’t she tell me anything about why she got fired? Was there a big to-do, because I just can’t imagine Constantine saying yes ma’am and walking out the back door. Mama’d get cross with her about a tarnished spoon and Constantine would serve her toast burned up for a week. I can only imagine how a firing would’ve gone. It hardly matters, though, because all Aibileen will do is shrug at me, say she don’t know nothing. One afternoon, after asking Aibileen how to get out tough tub rings (never having scrubbed a bathtub in"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with elizabeth?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "the afternoon. Mama, of course, is glued to the color picture, oohing and aahing at the vibrant reds and blues of the team. She and Daddy live by Rebel football. She’s dressed up in red wool pants despite the sweltering heat and has Daddy’s old Kappa Alpha blanket draped on the chair. No one mentions James Meredith, the colored student they let in. I take the Cadillac and head into town. Mother finds it inexplicable that I don’t want to watch my alma mater throw a ball around. But Elizabeth and her family are at Hilly’s watching the game so Aibileen’s working in the house alone. I’m hoping it’ll be a little easier on Aibileen if Elizabeth’s not there. Truth is, I’m hoping she’ll tell me something, anything, about Constantine. Aibileen lets me in and I follow her back to the kitchen. She seems only the smallest bit more relaxed in Elizabeth’s empty house. She eyes the kitchen table, like she wants to sit today. But when I ask her, she answers, “No, I’m fine."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise aibileen chapter?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "light will fade the paper jacket, the black-and-white photo of the humble, impoverished family on the cover. The book is warm and heavy from the sun. I wonder if I’ll ever write anything worth anything at all. I turn when I hear Pascagoula’s knock on my door. That’s when the idea comes to me. No. I couldn’t. That would be … crossing the line. But the idea won’t go away. AIBILEEN Chapter 7 THE HEAT WAVE finally passes round the middle a October and we get ourselves a cool fifty degrees. In the mornings, that bathroom seat get cold out there, give me a little start when I set down. It’s just a little room they built inside the carport. Inside is a toilet and a little sink attached to the wall. A pull cord for the lightbulb. Paper have to set on the floor. When I waited on Miss Caulier, her carport attach to the house so I didn’t have to go outside. Place before that had a maid quarters. Plus my own little bedroom for when I sit at night. This one I got to"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe miss?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "money for it. “Thank you, Robert. I appreciate it.” “You need anything, you call me, alright, Miss Clark?” “Thank you, son.” I hear the doorbell ring and I see Miss Skeeter’s car out front. Miss Skeeter been coming over to Miss Leefolt’s ever week this month, to ask me the Miss Myrna questions. She ask about hard water stains and I tell her cream of tartar. She ask how you unscrew a lightbulb that done broke off in the socket and I tell her a raw potato. She ask me what happen with her old maid Constantine and her mama, and I go cold. I thought if I told her a little, a few weeks ago, about Constantine having a daughter, she’d leave me alone about it after that. But Miss Skeeter just keep on asking me questions. I could tell she don’t understand why a colored woman can’t raise no white-skin baby in Mississippi. Be a hard, lonely life, not belonging here nor there. Ever time Miss Skeeter finish asking me about how to clean the-this or fix the-that or where Constantine,"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about miss?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "vomited, and she say go. Cause besides her own mother, there ain’t nothing Miss Leefolt scared of more than Negro diseases. “ALRIGHT THEN. I’ll be back in thirty minutes. I’ll pull right up here at nine forty-five,” Miss Leefolt say through the passenger car window. Miss Leefolt dropping me off at the Jitney 14 to pick up what else we need for Thanksgiving tomorrow. “You bring her back that receipt, now,” Miss Fredericks, Miss Leefolt’s mean old mama, say. They all three in the front seat, Mae Mobley squeezed in the middle with a look so miserable you think she about to get a tetanus shot. Poor girl. Miss Fredericks supposed to stay two weeks this time. “Don’t forget the turkey, now,” Miss Leefolt say. “And two cans of cranberry sauce.” I smile. I only been cooking white Thanksgivings since Calvin Coolidge was President. “Quit squirming, Mae Mobley,” Miss Fredericks snap, “or I’ll pinch you.” “Miss Leefolt, lemme take her in the store with me."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about cadillac?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "ma’am.” She set the scrap a paper between us on the step, then she get in her Cadillac. I’m too tired to get up. I just stay there, watch while she roll real slow down the road. The boys playing ball clear the street, stand on the side frozen, like it’s a funeral car passing by. MISS SKEETER Chapter 8 I DRIVE DOWN Gessum Avenue in Mama’s Cadillac. Up ahead, a little colored boy in overalls watches me, wide-eyed, gripping a red ball. I look into my rearview mirror. Aibileen is still on her front steps in her white uniform. She hadn’t even looked at me when she said No ma’am. She just kept her eyes set on that yellow patch of grass in her yard. I guess I thought it would be like visiting Constantine, where friendly colored people waved and smiled, happy to see the little white girl whose daddy owned the big farm. But here, narrow eyes watch me pass by. When my car gets close to him, the little colored boy turns and scats behind a house a few down from"}
{"instruction": "Why does mother matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "deliberately planned. And now I’ve scared her off for good. “Darling, just try it on your head. It cost eleven dollars. It must be good.” Mother has me cornered in the kitchen. I glance at the door to the hall, the door to the side porch. Mother comes closer, the thing in hand, and I’m distracted by how thin her wrists look, how frail her arms are carrying the heavy gray machine. She pushes me down into a chair, not so frail after all, and squeezes a noisy, farty tube of goo on my head. Mother’s been chasing me with the Magic Soft & Silky Shinalator for two days now. She rubs the cream in my hair with both hands. I can practically feel the hope in her fingers. A cream will not straighten my nose or take a foot off my height. It won’t add distinction to my almost translucent eyebrows, nor add weight to my bony frame. And my teeth are already perfectly straight. So this is all she has left to fix, my hair. Mother covers my dripping head with a plastic cap."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame mother here?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "head, washes the goo from my hair while I lean back in the kitchen sink. She quickly rolls up a dozen curlers, puts me under her hair dryer hood in her bathroom. An hour later, I emerge pink and soreheaded and thirsty. Mother stands me in front of the mirror, pulling out curlers. She brushes out the giant circular mounds on my head. We stare, dumbfounded. “Ho-ly shit,” I say. All I’m thinking is, The date. The blind date is next weekend. Mother smiles, shocked. She doesn’t even scold me for cursing. My hair looks great. The Shinalator actually worked. Chapter 9 ON SATURDAY, the day of my date with Stuart Whitworth, I sit for two hours under the Shinalator (results, it seems, only last until the next wash). When I’m dry, I go to Kennington’s and buy the flattest shoes I can find and a slim black crepe dress. I hate shopping, but I’m glad for the distraction, to not have to worry about Missus Stein or Aibileen for an afternoon. I charge the eighty-five dollars to Mother’s"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about mother?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "yanks my hair like we’re kids again. “So how are you, sister?” I tell him about the job at the paper, that I’m editor of the League newsletter. I also tell him he better be moving back home after law school. “You deserve some of Mother’s time too. I’m taking more than my fair share here,” I say through gritted teeth. He laughs like he understands, but how could he really? He’s three years older than me and greatlooking, tall with wavy blond hair, finishing LSU law school, protected by a hundred and seventy miles of badly paved roads. When he goes back to his girlfriend, I search for Mother’s car keys, but I can’t find them anywhere. It’s already a quarter to five. I go and stand in the doorway, try to catch Mother’s attention. I have to wait for her to finish firing questions at Ponytail Girl about her people and where she’s from, but Mother will not let up until she finds at least one person they have in common. After that, it’s what sorority the girl"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about aibileen?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "But Aibileen asked me to come early so here I am. I’m curious what she has to say. Plus Leroy was in a good mood and playing with the kids so I figure, if he wants them, he can have them. I see Aibileen in our usual pew, left side, fourth from the front, right by the window fan. We’re prime members and we deserve a prime spot. She’s got her hair smoothed back, a little roll of pencil curls around her neck. She’s wearing a blue dress with big white buttons that I’ve never seen before. Aibileen has white lady clothes out the wazoo. White ladies love giving her their old stuff. As usual, she looks plump and respectable, but for all her prim and proper, Aibileen can still tell a dirty joke that’ll make you tinkle in your pants. I walk up the aisle, see Aibileen frown at something, creasing her forehead. For a second I can see the fifteen-odd years between us. But then she smiles and her face goes young and fat again. “Lord,” I say as soon as I’m settled in."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about miss celia?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "I say to myself all day. I intend to stay on her like hair on soap. When I walk in Thursday morning though, Miss Celia’s not even home. I can’t believe she’s actually left the house. I sit at the table and pour myself a cup of coffee. I look out at the backyard. It’s bright, sunny. That black mimosa tree sure is ugly. I wonder why Mister Johnny doesn’t just go ahead and cut that thing down. I lean in a little closer to the windowsill. “Well look a there.” Down around the bottom, some green fronds are still hanging on, perking up a little in the sun. “That old tree just playing possum.” I pull a pad out of my pocketbook where I keep a list of what needs to be tended to, not for Miss Celia, but my own groceries, Christmas presents, things for my kids. Benny’s asthma has gotten a little better but Leroy came home last night smelling like Old Crow again. He pushed me hard and I bumped my thigh on the kitchen table. He comes home like that tonight, I’ll fix him a knuckle sandwich for supper."}
{"instruction": "How is aibileen presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "windows have no panes. I step into the dark, lock the doors and walk quickly. I keep my head lowered, my noisy heels clicking on the pavement. A dog barks and my keys jangle to the pavement. I glimpse around, pick them up. Two sets of colored people sit on porches, watching, rocking. There are no streetlights so it’s hard to say who else sees me. I keep walking, feeling as obvious as my vehicle: large and white. I reach number twenty-five, Aibileen’s house. I give one last look around, wishing I wasn’t ten minutes early. The colored part of town seems so far away when, evidently, it’s only a few miles from the white part of town. I knock softly. There are footsteps, and something inside slams closed. Aibileen opens the door. “Come on in,” she whispers and quickly shuts it behind me and locks it. I’ve never seen Aibileen in anything but her whites. Tonight she has on a green dress with black piping. I can’t help but notice, she stands a little taller in her"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about mother?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "“I almost forgot to give this to you. From Aibileen, for the Miss Myrna thing? I told her though, y’all cannot powwow on this today, not after all that time she missed in January.” I open the folded piece of paper. The words are in blue ink, in a lovely cursive hand. I know how to make the teapot stop rattling. “And who in the world cares about how to make a teapot not rattle?” Elizabeth says. Because of course she read it. It takes me two seconds and a drink of iced tea to understand. “You wouldn’t believe how hard it is,” I tell her. TWO DAYS LATER, I sit in my parents’ kitchen, waiting for dusk to fall. I give in and light another cigarette even though last night the surgeon general came on the television set and shook his finger at everybody, trying to convince us that smoking will kill us. But Mother once told me tongue kissing would turn me blind and I’m starting to think it’s all just a big plot between the surgeon general and Mother to"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on aibileen?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "I hit the return and the typewriter dings. Aibileen and I look each other straight in the eye. I think this might actually work. Chapter 12 EVERY OTHER NIGHT for the next two weeks, I tell Mother I’m off to feed the hungry at the Canton Presbyterian Church, where we, fortunately, know not a soul. Of course she’d rather I go down to the First Presbyterian, but Mother’s not one to argue with Christian works and she nods approvingly, tells me on the side to make sure I wash my hands thoroughly with soap afterward. Hour after hour, in Aibileen’s kitchen, she reads her writing and I type, the details thickening, the babies’ faces sliding into focus. At first, I’m disappointed that Aibileen is doing most of the writing, with me just editing. But if Missus Stein likes it, I’ll be writing the other maids’ stories and that will be more than enough work. If she likes it … I find myself saying this over and over in my head, hoping it might make it so."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat missus stein as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "Aibileen in the evenings and she does the same. She smiles and nods over the nice parts where everyone gets along fine but on the bad parts she takes off her black reading glasses and says, “I know I wrote it, but you really want to put that in about the—” And I say, “Yes, I do.” But I am surprised myself by what’s in these stories, of separate colored refrigerators at the governor’s mansion, of white women throwing two-year-old fits over wrinkled napkins, white babies calling Aibileen “Mama.” At three a.m., with only two white correction marks on what is now twenty-seven pages, I slide the manuscript into a yellow envelope. Yesterday, I made a long-distance phone call to Missus Stein’s office. Her secretary, Ruth, said she was in a meeting. She took down my message, that the interview is on its way. There was no call back from Missus Stein today. I hold the envelope to my heart and almost weep from exhaustion, doubt. I mail it at the Canton P."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of protect?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "from the last League meeting, and come across Hilly’s envelope. I open it. It is one page, written in Hilly’s fat, curly pen: Hilly Holbrook introduces the Home Help Sanitation Initiative. A disease preventative measure. Low-cost bathroom installation in your garage or shed, for homes without such an important fixture. Ladies, did you know that: • 99% of all colored diseases are carried in the urine • Whites can become permanently disabled by nearly all of these diseases because we lack immunities coloreds carry in their darker pigmentation • Some germs carried by whites can also be harmful to coloreds too Protect yourself. Protect your children. Protect your help. From the Holbrooks, we say, You’re welcome! THE PHONE RINGS IN THE KITCHEN and I practically fall over myself racing to it. But Pascagoula has already answered it. “Miss Charlotte residence.” I stare her down, watch as tiny Pascagoula nods, says, “Yes ma’am, she here,” and hands me the"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect aibileen to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "TWO DAYS LATER, I tell Mother I’m going to pick up a new copy of the King James Bible since I’ve worn mine so thin and all. I also tell her I feel guilty driving the Cadillac what with all those poor starving babies in Africa and I’ve decided to take the old truck today. She narrows her eyes at me from her porch rocker. “Where exactly do you plan on buying this new Bible?” I blink. “The … they ordered it for me. At the Canton church.” She nods, watches me the entire time it takes to start the old truck. I drive to Farish Street with a lawn mower in the back and a rusted-out floorboard. Under my feet, I can see flashes of pavement whiz by. But at least I’m not pulling a tractor. Aibileen opens the door and I come in. In the back corner of the living room, Minny stands with her arms crossed over her huge bosom. I’ve met her the few times Hilly allowed Missus Walters to host bridge club. Minny and Aibileen are both still in their white uniforms."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on mississippi?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "Douglass, an American Slave. I grab it, excited to deliver it to Aibileen, but when I open it, I see the middle section has been ripped out. Inside, someone has written NIGGER BOOK in purple crayon. I am not as disturbed by the words as by the fact that the handwriting looks like a third grader’s. I glance around, push the book in my satchel. It seems better than putting it back on the shelf. In the Mississippi History room, I search for anything remotely resembling race relations. I find only Civil War books, maps, and old phone books. I stand on tiptoe to see what’s on the high shelf. That’s when I spot a booklet, laid sideways across the top of the Mississippi River Valley Flood Index. A regularsized person would never have seen it. I slide it down to glance at the cover. The booklet is thin, printed on onionskin paper, curling, bound with staples. “Compilation of Jim Crow Laws of the South,” the cover reads. I open the noisy cover page."}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with hilly?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "vacations. Then, in July, Hilly leaves for her annual trip down to the coast for three weeks. It’s going to be hard for her to trust an entire town to operate properly without her here. Hilly rolls her eyes. “You cannot give these tribal people money, Mary Joline. There is no Jitney 14 Grocery in the Ogaden Desert. And how would we know if they’re even feeding their kids with it? They’re likely to go to the local voodoo tent and get a satanic tattoo with our money.” “Alright.” Mary Joline teeters off, flat-faced, brainwashed-looking. “I guess you know best.” It is this bug-eyed effect Hilly has on people that makes her such a successful League president. I make my way across the crowded meeting room, feeling the warmth of attention, as if a beam of light is shining down on my head. The room is full of cakeeating, Tab-drinking, cigarette-smoking women all about my age. Some are whispering to each other, glancing my way. “Skeeter,” Liza Presley says before I make it past"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise hilly?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "my satchel. Aibileen and Minny’s notes are still tucked deep in the side pocket, the flap closed, the latch snapped. But Hilly’s bathroom initiative is in the open center section with the paper where I wrote Jim Crow or Hilly’s bathroom plan—what’s the difference? Besides this is the draft of the newsletter that Hilly has examined already. But the booklet—the laws—I tick through again—they are gone. Hilly tilts her head, narrows her eyes at me. “You know, I was just thinking about how Stuart’s daddy stood right next to Ross Barnett when they fought that colored boy walking into Ole Miss. They’re awfully close, Senator Whitworth and Governor Barnett.” I open my mouth to say something, anything, but then two-year-old William, Jr., totters in. “There you are.” Hilly picks him up, nuzzles his neck. “You are perfect, my perfect boy!” she says. William looks at me and screams. “Well, enjoy the picture show,” I say, going for the front door. “Alright,” she says."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe miss hilly?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "monkey grass on the edge a the yard, to the swingset that hitch up on one side if you swing too high and scare me to death, and back into the baby pool. One thing I got to say about Miss Hilly, she love her children. About every five minutes, she kiss little Will on the head. Or she ask Heather, is she having fun? Or come here and give Mama a hug. Always telling her she the most beautiful girl in the world. And Heather love her mama too. She look at Miss Hilly like she looking up at the Statue a Liberty. That kind a love always make me want a cry. Even when it going to Miss Hilly. Cause it makes me think about Treelore, how much he love me. I appreciate seeing a child adoring they mama. We grown-ups is setting in the shade a the magnolia tree while the kids play. I put a few feet between me and the ladies so it’s proper. They got towels down in them black iron chairs that gets so hot. I like to sit in the plastic green folding chair. Keep my legs cool."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect miss to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "something you known all your life: the white lady don’t ever forget. And she ain’t gone stop till you dead. THE NEXT MORNING, Miss Skeeter pull her Cadillac up in Miss Leefolt’s driveway. I got raw chicken on my hands and a flame on the stovetop and Mae Mobley whining cause she starving to death but I can’t stand it another second. I walk in the dining room with my dirty hands up in the air. Miss Skeeter, she asking Miss Leefolt about a list a girls who serving on a committee and Miss Leefolt say, “The head of the cupcake committee is Eileen,” and Miss Skeeter say, “But the cupcake committee chairman is Roxanne,” and Miss Leefolt say, “No, the cupcake co-chair is Roxanne and Eileen is the cupcake head,” and I’m getting so peckertated over this cupcake talk I want to poke Miss Skeeter with my raw-chicken finger but I know better than to interrupt so I don’t. There ain’t no talk at all about the satchel. Before I know it, Miss Skeeter out the door."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about mayor thompson?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "Three hundred arrested. Colored paper say thousands a people came to the service, but you could count the whites on one hand. The police know who did it, but they ain’t telling nobody his name. I come to find that the Evers family ain’t burying Medgar in Mississippi. His body’s going to Washington, to the Arlington Cemetery, and I reckon Myrlie real proud a that. She should be. But I’d want him here, close by. In the newspaper, I read how even the President a the United States telling Mayor Thompson he need to do better. Put a committee together with blacks and whites and work things out down here. But Mayor Thompson, he say—to President Kennedy—“I am not going to appoint a biracial committee. Let’s not kid ourselves. I believe in the separation of the races, and that’s the way it’s going to be.” Few days later, the mayor come on the radio again. “Jackson, Mississippi, is the closest place to heaven there is,” he say. “And it’s going to be like this for the"}
{"instruction": "Why does miss leefolt matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "black lot. Gridlines make it like we on a charcoal grill, roasting like corncobs. My face getting tight, burning in the sun. Baby Girl lagging back on my hand looking stunned like she just got slapped. Miss Leefolt panting and frowning at the door, still twenty yards away, wondering, I reckon, why she park so far. The part in my hair get to burning, then itching, but I can’t scratch at it cause both hands is full then whoo! somebody blow out the flame. The lobby’s dark, cool, heaven. We blink awhile. Miss Leefolt look around, blind and shy, so I point to the side door. “Pool that a way, ma’am.” She look grateful I know my way around so she don’t have to ask like poor folk. We push open the door and the sun flash in our eyes again, but it’s nice, cooler. The swimming pool shining blue. The black-and-white stripe awnings look clean. The air smell like laundry soap. Kids is laughing and splashing and ladies is laying around in they swimsuits and sunglasses reading magazines."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame yule may here?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "he thinking so that he can’t look in our faces. Then I see Yule May shaking her head, real small, but like she mean it and I reckon the Deacon and Yule May is thinking the same thing. They thinking about what Jessup ask. And Yule May, she just answering the question. THE MEETING Ends around eight o’clock. The ones who got kids go on, others get ourselves coffee from the table in the back. They ain’t much chatter. People quiet. I take a breath, go to Yule May standing at the coffee urn. I just want to get this lie off that’s stuck on me like a cocklebur. I ain’t gone ask nobody else at the meeting. Ain’t nobody gone buy my stinky smellgood tonight. Yule May nod at me, smile polite. She about forty and tall and thin. She done kept her figure nice. She still wearing her white uniform and it fit trim on her waist. She always wear earrings, tiny gold loops. “I hear the twins is going to Tougaloo College next year. Congratulations.” “We hope so."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about miss?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "this far in life without knowing where the lines are drawn? I mean, a floozy calling the society ladies is bad enough. But she has sat down and eaten lunch with me every single day since I started working here. I don’t mean in the same room, I mean at the same table. That little one up under the window. Every white woman I’ve ever worked for ate in the dining room as far away from the colored help as they could. And that was fine with me. “But why? I don’t want to eat in there all by myself when I could eat in here with you,” Miss Celia said. I didn’t even try to explain it to her. There are so many things Miss Celia is just plain ignorant about. Every other white woman also knows that there is a time of the month when you do not to talk to Minny. Even Miss Walters knew when the Min-O-Meter was running hot. She’d smell the caramel cooking and cane herself right out the door. Wouldn’t even let Miss Hilly come over. Last week, the sugar and butter had filled Miss"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about roberts?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "workers, five Negroes, pull up in a truckbed. The men jump from the tailgate, hoofing up dust when they hit the dirt. They stand a moment, dead-faced, stupefied. The foreman drags a red cloth across his black forehead, his lips, his neck. It is so recklessly hot, I don’t know how they can stand baking out there in the sun. In a rare breeze, my copy of Life magazine flutters. Audrey Hepburn smiles on the cover, no sweat beading on her upper lip. I pick it up and finger the wrinkled pages, flip to the story on the Soviet Space Girl. I already know what’s on the next page. Behind her face is a picture of Carl Roberts, a colored schoolteacher from Pelahatchie, forty miles from here. “In April, Carl Roberts told Washington reporters what it means to be a black man in Mississippi, calling the governor ‘a pathetic man with the morals of a streetwalker. ’ Roberts was found cattle-branded and hung from a pecan tree.” They’d killed Carl Roberts for speaking out, for"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect mother to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "I wonder how it would feel to spend your whole life trying to remember other people’s preferences on toast butter and starch amounts and sheet changing. She sets my coffee down in front of me. She doesn’t hand it to me. Aibileen told me that’s not how it’s done, because then your hands might touch. I don’t remember how Constantine used to do it. “Thank you,” I say, “very much.” She blinks at me a second, smiles weakly. “You … welcome.” I realize this the first time I’ve ever thanked her sincerely. She looks uncomfortable. “Skeeter, you ready?” I hear Mother call from the back. I holler that I am. I eat my toast and hope we can get this shopping trip over quickly. I am ten years too old to have my mother still picking out clothes for me. I look over and notice Pascagoula watching me from the sink. She turns away when I look at her. I skim the Jackson Journal sitting on the table. My next Miss Myrna column won’t come out until next Monday, unlocking the mystery of hard-water stains."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on pascagoula?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "much as we had saved. Sincerely, Yule May Crookle Women’s Block 9 Mississippi State Penitentiary The penitentiary. I shudder. I look around for Pascagoula but she’s left the room. I want to ask her when this happened, how it happened so goddamn fast? What can be done? But Pascagoula’s gone outside to help Mother. We can’t talk out there. I feel sick, nauseous. I switch off the television. I think about Yule May, sitting in a jail cell writing this letter. I bet I even know what ring Yule May’s talking about—Hilly’s mother gave it to her for her eighteenth birthday. Hilly had it appraised a few years ago and found out it wasn’t even a ruby, just a garnet, hardly worth anything. Hilly never wore it again. My hands turn to fists. The sound of the ice cream churning outside sounds like bones crunching. I go to the kitchen to wait for Pascagoula, to get answers. I’ll tell Daddy. I’ll see if there’s anything he can do. If he knows any lawyers"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about foote?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "“I caught her taking the milk after it expired and that’s how it starts, you know, first it’s washing powder, then they work their way up to towels and coats. Before you know it, they’re taking the heirlooms, hocking them for liquor pints. God knows what else she took.” I fight the urge to snap each of her flapping fingers in half, but I hold my tongue. Let her think everything is fine. It is safer for everyone. After the game, I rush home to prepare for Aibileen’s that night, relieved there’s not a soul in the house. I quickly flip through Pascagoula’s messages for me —Patsy my tennis partner, Celia Foote, whom I hardly know. Why would Johnny Foote’s wife be calling me? Minny’s made me swear I’ll never call her back, and I don’t have the time to wonder. I have to get ready for the interviews. I SIT AT AIBILEEN’S KITCHEN table at six o’clock that night. We’ve arranged for me to come over nearly every night until we’re finished. Every two"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on faye belle?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "inexplicable love. Faye Belle, palsied and grayskinned, cannot remember her own age. Her stories unfold like soft linen. She remembers hiding in a steamer trunk with a little white girl while Yankee soldiers stomped through the house. Twenty years ago, she held that same white girl, by then an old woman, in her arms while she died. Each proclaimed their love as best friends. Swore that death could not change this. That color meant nothing. The white woman’s grandson still pays Faye Belle’s rent. When she’s feeling strong, Faye Belle sometimes goes over and cleans up his kitchen. Louvenia is my fifth interview. She is Lou Anne Templeton’s maid and I recognize her from serving me at bridge club. Louvenia tells me how her grandson, Robert, was blinded earlier this year by a white man, because he used a white bathroom. I recall reading about it in the paper as Louvenia nods, waits for me to catch up on my typewriter. There is no anger in her voice at all."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat mother as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "boys’ education. Chapter 20 THE PHELAN FAMILY stands tense, waiting on the brick steps of State Senator Whitworth’s house. The house is in the center of town, on North Street. It is tall and white-columned, appropriately azalea-ed. A gold plaque declares it a historical landmark. Gas lanterns flicker despite the hot six o’clock sun. “Mother,” I whisper because I cannot repeat it enough times. “Please, please don’t forget the thing we talked about.” “I said I wouldn’t mention it, darling.” She touches the pins holding up her hair. “Unless it’s appropriate.” I have on the new light blue Lady Day skirt and matching jacket. Daddy has on his black funeral suit. His belt is cinched too tight to be comfortable much less fashionable. Mother is wearing a simple white dress—like a country bride wearing a hand-medown, I suddenly think, and I feel a rush of panic that we have overdressed, all of us. Mother’s going to bring up the ugly girl’s trust fund and we look like"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of senator?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "younger than my mother but looks older, especially now as her face turns long and prudish. “Surely you must feel some obligation, for the sake of history …” Mother says, and I shoot her a look to let it go. No one says anything for a second and then the Senator laughs loudly. “There was kind of a mix-up,” he booms. “Patricia van Devender’s mother is head of the council so after all that … ruck-a-muck with the kids, we decided we’d just as soon get off the tour.” I glance at the door, praying Stuart will get here soon. This is the second time she has come up. Missus Whitworth gives the Senator a deafening look. “Well, what are we gonna do, Francine? Just never talk about her again? We had the damn gazebo built in the backyard for the wedding.” Missus Whitworth takes a deep breath and I am reminded of what Stuart said to me, that the Senator only knows part of it, but his mother, she knows all. And what she knows must be much worse than just"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect senator to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "fork against his plate. The table is silent, except for Mother’s thorough, methodical chewing to try to turn solid food into paste. I touch the scratch, still pink along my arm. The maid lays pressed chicken on our plates, tops it with a perky dollop of mayonnaisey dressing, and we all smile, glad for the mood breaker. As we eat, Daddy and the Senator talk about cotton prices, boll weevils. I can still see the anger on Stuart’s face from when the Senator mentioned Patricia. I glance at him every few seconds, but the anger doesn’t seem to be fading. I wonder if that’s what they’d argued about earlier, when I was in the hall. The Senator leans back in his chair. “Did you see that piece they did in Life magazine? One before Medgar Evers, about what’s-’is-name—Carl … Roberts?” I look up, surprised to find the Senator is aiming this question at me. I blink, confused, hoping it’s because of my job at the newspaper. “It was … he was lynched. For saying the governor was …” I stop,"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on afraid?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "I truly don’t know if Missus Stein will want to print it. But what I do know is, the responsibility of the project lays on my shoulders and I see it in their hardworking, lined faces, how much the maids want this book to be published. They are scared, looking at the back door every ten minutes, afraid they’ll get caught talking to me. Afraid they’ll be beaten like Louvenia’s grandson, or, hell, bludgeoned in their front yard like Medgar Evers. The risk they’re taking is proof they want this to get printed and they want it bad. I no longer feel protected just because I’m white. I check over my shoulder often when I drive the truck to Aibileen’s. The cop who stopped me a few months back is my reminder: I am now a threat to every white family in town. Even though so many of the stories are good, celebrating the bonds of women and family, the bad stories will be the ones that catch the white people’s attention. They will make their blood boil and their fists swing."}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with mae mobley?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "Got cellophane across the front, and inside they’s the doll baby tall as Mae Mobley. Name Allison. She got blond curly hair and blue eyes. Frilly pink dress on. Evertime the commercial come on the tee-vee Mae Mobley run over to the set and grab the box on both sides, put her face up to the screen and stare so serious. Miss Leefolt look like she gone cry herself, looking down at that toy. I reckon her mean old mama never got her what she wanted when she little. In the kitchen, I fix some grits without no seasoning, and put them baby marshmallows on top. I toast the whole thing to make it a little crunchy. Then I garnish it with a cut-up strawberry. That’s all a grit is, a vehicle. For whatever it is you rather be eating. The three little pink candles I done brought from home is in my pocketbook. I bring em out, undo the wax paper I got em in so they don’t turn out bent. After I light em, I bring them grits over to her booster chair, at the white linoleum table in the middle a the"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat hilly as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "“But they’re not steady anymore.” “Well, he still needs to know. In case he has any inclination of patching things up with her. For the sake of Senator Whitworth’s career.” “But maybe it really was a mistake, the newsletter. Maybe she—” “Elizabeth.” Hilly cross her arms up. “I’m not talking about pots. I am talking about the laws of this great state. Now, I want you to ask yourself, do you want Mae Mobley sitting next to a colored boy in English class?” Miss Hilly glance back at me doing my ironing. She lower her voice but Miss Hilly never knew how to whisper good. “Do you want Nigra people living right here in this neighborhood? Touching your bottom when you pass on the street?” I look up and see it’s starting to sink in on Miss Leefolt. She straighten up all prim and proper. “William had a fit when he saw what she did to our house and I can’t soil my name hanging around her anymore, not with the election coming up. I’ve already asked Jeanie Caldwell to take Skeeter’s"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe favorite?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "squirming. She has to jump off my lap, squirm a little to get it out. Then she crawl back up. That’s her favorite story cause when I tell it, she get two presents. I take the brown wrapping from my Piggly Wiggly grocery bag and wrap up a little something, like piece a candy, inside. Then I use the white paper from my Cole’s Drug Store bag and wrap another one just like it. She take it real serious, the unwrapping, letting me tell the story bout how it ain’t the color a the wrapping that count, it’s what we is inside. “We doing a different story today,” I say, but first I go still and listen, just to make sure Miss Leefolt ain’t coming back cause she forgot something. Coast is clear. “Today I’m on tell you bout a man from outer space.” She just loves hearing about peoples from outer space. Her favorite show on the tee-vee is My Favorite Martian. I pull out my antennae hats I shaped last night out a tinfoil, fasten em on our heads. One for her and one for me."}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term miss celia?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "me coming, making the camellia bush rattle. Last spring Miss Celia was always nagging at me to take those flowers home. But I know camellias. You bring a bunch inside, thinking how it’s so fresh it looks like it’s moving and as soon as you go down for a sniff, you see you’ve brought an army full of spider mites in the house. I hear a stick break, then another, behind the bushes. I prickle inside, hold still. We’re out in the middle of nowhere and nobody would hear us call for miles. I listen, but I don’t hear anything else. I tell myself it’s just the old dregs of waiting for Mister Johnny. Or maybe I’m paranoid because I worked with Miss Skeeter last night on the book. I’m always jittery after talking to her. Finally, I go back to cleaning pool chairs, picking up Miss Celia’s movie magazines and tissues the slob leaves out here. The phone rings inside. I’m not supposed to answer the phone what with Miss Celia trying to keep up the big fat lie with Mister Johnny."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about hilly?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "A dance floor and bandstand are off to the side, opposite the podium where Hilly Holbrook will give her speech. After the dinner, there will be dancing. Some of the husbands will get drunk, but never the member wives. Every member there considers herself a hostess and will be heard asking one another, “Is it going alright? Has Hilly said anything?” Everyone knows it is Hilly’s night. At seven on the dot, couples begin drifting through the front doors, handing their furs and overcoats to the colored men in gray morning suits. Hilly, who’s been there since six o’clock sharp, wears a long taffeta maroon-colored dress. Ruffles clutch at her throat, swathes of material hide her body. Tight-fitted sleeves run all the way down her arms. The only genuine parts of Hilly you can see are her fingers and her face. Some women wear slightly saucier evening gowns, with bare shoulders here and there, but long kidleather gloves ensure they don’t have more than a"}
{"instruction": "Why does miss matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "They walk away, heads leaned close together, and Celia is alone again. Five minutes later, the doors to the dining room slide open. The crowd moves forward. Guests find their tables using the tiny cards in their hands as oohs and aahs come from the bidding tables along the walls. They are full of silver pieces and hand-sewn daygowns for infants, cotton handkerchiefs, monogrammed hand towels, a child’s tea set imported from Germany. Minny is at a table in the back polishing glasses. “Aibileen,” she whispers. “There she is.” Aibileen looks up, spots the woman who knocked on Miss Leefolt’s door a month ago. “Ladies better hold on to they husbands tonight,” she says. Minny jerks the cloth around the rim of a glass. “Let me know if you see her talking to Miss Hilly.” “I will. I been doing a super power prayer for you all day.” “Look, there Miss Walters. Old bat. And there Miss Skeeter.” Skeeter has on a long-sleeved black velvet dress, scooped at the neck, setting off her blond hair, her"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame hilly here?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "anonymous contributor of, ahem, supplies, for the Home Help Sanitation Initiative.” A few people laugh nervously, but most turn their heads to see if Skeeter has had the gall to show up. “I just wish instead of being so shy, you’d step up and accept our gratitude. We honestly couldn’t have accomplished so many installations without you.” Skeeter keeps her eyes on the podium, her face stoic and unyielding. Hilly gives a quick, brilliant smile. “And finally, a special thanks to my husband, William Holbrook, for donating a weekend at his deer camp.” She smiles down at her husband, adds in a lower tone, “And don’t forget, voters. Holbrook for State Senate.” The guests offer an amicable laugh at Hilly’s plug. “What’s that, Virginia?” Hilly cups her ear, then straightens. “No, I’m not running with him. But congressmen with us tonight, if you don’t straighten this thing out with the separate schools, don’t think I won’t come down there and do it myself.”"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe hilly?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "She’s come up from behind without Hilly noticing. As she trots toward Hilly, Celia stumbles over a chair leg. There are sideline giggles. Hilly stands very still, watching her approach. “Celia, is this some kind of joke?” Skeeter moves in closer too. She’s bored to death by this predictable evening. Tired of seeing embarrassed faces of old friends too scared to come and speak to her. Celia’s the only interesting thing to happen all night. “Hilly,” Celia says, grasping Hilly’s arm, “I’ve been trying to talk to you all night. I think there’s been some kind of miscommunication between us and I just think if I explained …” “What have you done? Let me go—” Hilly says between gritted teeth. She shakes her head, tries to walk off. But Celia clutches Hilly’s long sleeve. “No, wait! Hang on, you got to listen—” Hilly pulls away, but still Celia doesn’t let go. There’s a moment of determination between them—Hilly trying to escape, Celia holding on, and then a ripping"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about miss celia?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "You ain’t gone believe what that fool done yesterday with Doctor Bigmouth.” But she just lays there. Later on, I bring her a tray of chicken pot pie. Even though what I really want to do is tell Miss Celia to pull herself together and go in the kitchen and eat proper. “Now, Miss Celia, I know it was terrible what happened at the Benefit. But you can’t set in here forever feeling sorry for yourself.” Miss Celia gets up and locks herself in the bathroom. I start stripping the bed. When I’m done, I pick up all the wet tissues and glasses off the nightstand. I see a stack of mail. At least the woman’s gotten up to go to the mailbox. I pick it up to wipe the table and there I see the letters H W H across the top of a card. Before I know it, I’ve read the whole note: Dear Celia, In lieu of reimbursing me for my dress you tore, we at the League would gladly receive a donation of no less than two hundred dollars. Furthermore, please withhold from volunteering for"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about mother?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "all over her Butterbatch. MISS SKEETER Chapter 27 I STARE AT THE PHONE in the kitchen. No one’s called here in so long, it’s like a dead thing mounted to the wall. There’s a terrible quiet looming everywhere—at the library, at the drugstore where I pick up Mother’s medicine, on High Street where I buy typewriter ink, in our own house. President Kennedy’s assassination, less than two weeks ago, has struck the world dumb. It’s like no one wants to be the first to break the silence. Nothing seems important enough. On the rare occasion that the phone does ring lately, it’s Doctor Neal, calling with more bad test results, or a relative checking on Mother. And yet, I still think Stuart sometimes, even though it’s been five months since he’s called. Even though I finally broke down and told Mother we’d broken up. Mother looked shocked, as I suspected she would, but thankfully, just sighed. I take a deep breath, dial zero, and close myself up in the pantry."}
{"instruction": "How is elizabeth presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "the ceiling because someone’s retied the seat springs too tight. I have to drive with the window down, my arm hanging out so the door won’t rattle. The front window has a new smash in it the shape of a sunset. I pull up to a light on State Street across from the paper company. When I look over, there’s Elizabeth and Mae Mobley and Raleigh all crammed in the front seat of their white Corvair, headed home from supper somewhere, I guess. I freeze, not daring to look over again, afraid she’ll see me and ask what I’m doing in the truck. I let them drive ahead, watching their tail-lights, fighting a hotness rising in my throat. It’s been a long time since I’ve talked to Elizabeth. After the toilet incident, Elizabeth and I struggled to stay friends. We still talked on the phone occasionally. But she stopped saying more than a hello and a few empty sentences to me at League meetings, because Hilly would see her. The last time I stopped by Elizabeth’s house was a month ago."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about rachel?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "I go to my seat. This is new, from her, here. Instead of my usual seat up front, I slip in the back row, angry that Elizabeth wouldn’t even say hello. Beside me is Rachel Cole Brant. Rachel hardly ever comes to meetings, with three kids, working on her master’s in English from Millsaps College. I wish we were better friends but I know she’s too busy. On my other side is damn Leslie Fullerbean and her cloud of hairspray. She must risk her life every time she lights a cigarette. I wonder, if I pushed the top of her head, would aerosol spray out of her mouth. Almost every girl in the room has her legs crossed, a lit cigarette in her hand. The smoke gathers and curls around the ceiling. I haven’t smoked in two months and the smell makes me feel ill. Hilly steps up to the podium and announces the upcoming gimme-drives (coat drive, can drive, book drive, and a plain old money drive), and then we get to Hilly’s favorite part of the meeting, the trouble list."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise constantine?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "She’s always kept tabs on all the colored help and their situations— where they live, if they’re married, how many children they have. It’s more of a control thing than a real interest. She wants to know who’s walking around her property. “Was it a colored orphanage or a white one?” Because I am thinking, I am hoping, maybe Constantine just wanted a better life for her child. Maybe she thought she’d be adopted by a white family and not feel so different. “Colored. White ones wouldn’t take her, I heard. I guess they knew … maybe they seen that kind a thing before. “When Constantine went to the train station with Lulabelle to take her up there, I heard white folks was staring on the platform, wanting to know why a little white girl was going in the colored car. And when Constantine left her at the place up in Chicago … four is … pretty old to get given up. Lulabelle was screaming. That’s what Constantine told somebody at our church. Said Lula was screaming and"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe mother?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "satisfied. It sounds macabre, but when Mother realized that after she’s dead, she won’t be able to tell me what to wear anymore, she came up with this ingenious postmortem system. She’s assuming I’ll never go buy new, unsatisfactory clothes on my own. She’s probably right. “Still no vomiting yet?” I ask, because it’s four o’clock and Mother’s had two bowls of broth and hasn’t been sick once today. Usually she’s thrown up at least three times by now. “Not even once,” she says but then she closes her eyes and within seconds, she’s asleep. ON NEW YEAR’S DAY, I come downstairs to start on the black-eyed peas for good luck. Pascagoula set them out to soak last night, instructed me on how to put them in the pot and turn on the flame, put the ham hock in with them. It’s pretty much a two-step process, yet everyone seems nervous about me turning on the stove. I remember that Constantine always used to come by on January first and fix our good-luck peas for us, even though it was her day"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of mother?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "I drove right through downtown and got on Highway 51 and headed for New Orleans. I drove through the guilt of leaving Mother for so long, knowing that Doctor Neal was coming by that afternoon and Daddy would be home all day with her. Three hours later, I walked into Maison Blanche’s department store on Canal Street. I’d been there umpteen times with Mother and twice with Elizabeth and Hilly, but I was mesmerized by the vast white marble floors, the miles of hats and gloves and powdered ladies looking so happy, so healthy. Before I could ask for help, a thin man said, “Come with me, I have it all upstairs,” and whisked me in the elevator to the third floor, to a room called MODERN WOMEN’S WEAR. “What is all this?” I asked. There were dozens of women and rock-and-roll playing and champagne glasses and bright glittering lights. “Emilio Pucci, darling. Finally!” He stepped back from me and said, “Aren’t you here for the preview? You do have an invitation, don’t you?”"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect mississippi to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "tell yet. When I get there, she setting at the kitchen table drinking a glass a milk. Leroy asleep in the back and Benny and Sugar and Kindra is shelling y g g peanuts in the backyard. The kitchen’s quiet. I smile, hand Minny her copy. She eye it. “I guess the dove bird looks okay.” “Miss Skeeter say the peace dove be the sign for better times to come. Say folks is wearing em on they clothes out in California.” “I don’t care bout no peoples in California,” Minny say, staring at that cover. “All I care about is what the folks in Jackson, Mississippi, got to say about it.” “Copies gone show up in the bookstores and the libraries tomorrow. Twenty-five hundred in Mississippi, other half all over the United States.” That’s a lot more than what Miss Stein told us before, but since the freedom rides started and them civil rights workers disappeared in that station wagon here in Mississippi, she say folks is paying more attention to our state. “How many copies going to the white Jackson"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on hilly?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "I sit back on the bed and press my hand to my heart. It’s still pounding. Nothing is going as planned. People know the book is about Jackson. I can’t believe I forgot what a slow goddamn reader Hilly is. I’ll bet she’s telling people she’s read more than she has. Now things are spinning out of control, a maid named Annabelle was fired, white women are whispering about Aibileen and Louvenia and who knows who else. And the irony is, I’m gnawing my hands waiting for Hilly to speak up when I’m the only one in this town who doesn’t care what she has to say anymore. What if the book was a horrible mistake? I take a deep, painful breath. I try to think of the future, not the present. A month ago, I mailed out fifteen résumés to Dallas, Memphis, Birmingham, and five other cities, and once again, New York. Missus Stein told me I could list her as a reference, which is probably the only notable thing on the page, having a recommendation from someone in"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame elizabeth here?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "and I am the one responsible for this. The front bell tinkles. I look over and in walk Elizabeth and Lou Anne Templeton. I slip back into beauty creams, hoping they don’t see me. But then I peek over the shelves to look. They’re heading for the lunch counter, huddled together like schoolgirls. Lou Anne’s wearing her usual long sleeves in the summer heat and her constant smile. I wonder if she knows she’s in the book. Elizabeth’s got her hair poufed up in front and she’s covered the back in a scarf, the yellow scarf I gave her for her twenty-third birthday. I stand there a minute, letting myself feel how strange this all is, watching them, knowing what I know. She has read up to Chapter Ten, Aibileen told me last night, and still doesn’t have the faintest idea that she’s reading about herself and her friends. “Skeeter?” Mr. Roberts calls out from his landing above the register. “Your mama’s medicine’s ready.” I walk to the front of the store, and have to pass"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise miss?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "Means she carried it with her somewhere. I peek over and see the bookmark’s gone. I want to look in her eyes and see what she know, but Miss Leefolt stay in the kitchen most a the day trying to make a cake. Won’t let me in there to help. Say it’s not like one a my cakes, it’s a fancy recipe she got out the Gourmet magazine. She hosting a luncheon tomorrow for her church and the dining room’s stacked up with party serving stuff. She done borrowed three chafing dishes from Miss Lou Anne and eight settings a Miss Hilly’s silver cause they’s fourteen people coming and God forbid any a them church folk got to use a regular ole metal fork. Li’l Man be in Mae Mobley’s bedroom playing with her. And Mister Leefolt pacing round the house. Time to time he stop in front a Baby Girl’s bedroom, then go to pacing again. Probably thinks he should be playing with his kids with it being Saturday, but I reckon he don’t know how. So that don’t leave a whole lot a places for me to go."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe demetrie?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "But besides the subject of Clyde, she’d talk to us all day. And God, how I loved to talk to Demetrie. After school, I’d sit in my grandmother’s kitchen with her, listening to her stories and watching her mix up cakes and fry chicken. Her cooking was outstanding. It was something people discussed at length after they ate at my grandmother’s table. You felt loved when you tasted Demetrie’s caramel cake. But my older brother and sister and I weren’t allowed to bother Demetrie during her own lunch break. Grandmother would say, “Leave her alone now, let her eat, this is her time,” and I would stand in the kitchen doorway, itching to get back with her. Grandmother wanted Demetrie to rest so she could finish her work, not to mention, white people didn’t sit at the table while a colored person was eating. That was just a normal part of life, the rules between blacks and whites. As a little girl, seeing black people in the colored part of town, even if they were"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term the help?", "input": "Source: The Help", "output": "person who raises an ill word about her around me, unless she is their mother too. I WROTE THE HELP while living in New York, which I think was easier than writing it in Mississippi, staring in the face of it all. The distance added perspective. In the middle of a whirring, fast city, it was a relief to let my thoughts turn slow and remember for a while. The Help is fiction, by and large. Still, as I wrote it, I wondered an awful lot what my family would think of it, and what Demetrie would have thought too, even though she was long dead. I was scared, a lot of the time, that I was crossing a terrible line, writing in the voice of a black person. I was afraid I would fail to describe a relationship that was so intensely influential in my life, so loving, so grossly stereotyped in American history and literature. I was truly grateful to read Howell Raines’s Pulitzer Prize-winning article, “Grady’s Gift”: There is no trickier subject for a writer from the South than that"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on excellent?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "student you will be good at research. If you are good at research, you will be good at teaching. If you are good at teaching, you will wish to go on fieldwork. None of these connections holds. Excellent students do appalling research. Superb academic performers, whose names are never out of the trade journals, provide lectures of such stultifying tedium that students vote with their feet and disappear like dew in the African sun. The profession is full of devoted fieldworkers, skins leathery from exposure to torrid climes, teeth permanently gritted from years of dealing with natives, who have little or nothing of interest to say in an academic discipline. The whole subject of fieldwork, we effete ‘new anthropologists’ with our doctorates based on library research had decided, had been made rather too much of. Of course, older teaching staff who had seen service in the days of empire and ‘just sort of picked up anthropology in the line of"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat anthropology as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "are saints of the English church of eccentricity for its own sake. The chance of joining them was not to be lightly rejected. To be fair, there was also the possibility to be considered – slight though it might be – that fieldwork would make some great contribution to human knowledge. On the face of it this seemed rather unlikely. Fact-gathering in itself has few charms. Anthropology is not short of facts but simply of anything intelligent to do with them. The notion of ‘butterfly-collecting’ is familiar within the discipline and serves to characterize the endeavours of many ethnographers and failed interpreters, who simply amass neat examples of curious customs arranged by area, or alphabetically, or by evolutionary order, whatever the current style may be. Frankly, it seemed then, and seems now, that the justification for fieldwork, as for all academic endeavour, lies not in one’s contribution to the collectivity but rather in some selfish development."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of south america?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "their fingers at me and warn me to work henceforth in more conventional geographic areas. I thus had no loyalties to any particular continent and, not having specialized at the undergraduate level, I was not repelled by any particular locale. Judging personally on the basis of completed work as the reflection of the people studied rather than as the image of those who had studied them, Africa seemed by far the dullest continent. After a great start with Evans-Pritchard the work tailed rapidly downhill into pseudosociology and descent systems as functioning wholes, rallying a little as it was dragged screaming into the consideration of ‘difficulf’ topics such as prescriptive marriage and symbolism, but basically remaining true to its ‘plain and sensible’ persona. African anthropology must be one of the few areas where dull pedestrianism is advanced seriously as a claim to merit. South America looked fascinating but I knew from colleagues that working there was"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect research to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "I began work at once, having now totally forgotten the problem of whether I wanted to go at all. The two obstacles were to get the money to go and the permission to conduct research. Had I realized at the outset that it would take two years of constant effort to get both together at the same time, I might have returned to the problem of whether it was all worth while. But fortunately my ignorance stood me in good stead and I began to learn the art of grovelling for funds. Be Prepared I assumed the first time round that what was necessary was to show a grant-giving body why proposed research was interesting/new/important. Nothing could be further from the truth. When an inexperienced ethnographer pushes this aspect of his research, a grant-giving committee begins, perhaps on the basis of sound experience, to wonder how the research is standard/normal/a continuation of previous work. By stressing the vast theoretical implications of my little bit of research for the continued existence of"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on vaccinations?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "The basic difficulty here, as in other areas, is explaining why the British government should find it worth while to pay its young people fairly large sums of money to go off to desolate parts of the world purportedly to study peoples who are locally notorious for their ignorance and backwardness. How could anyone make money out of such studies? Clearly some sort of hidden purpose is involved. Spying, mineral prospecting or smuggling must be the real motive. The only hope is to pass oneself off as a harmless idiot who knows no better. I succeeded in this. Finally I was given my visa, a huge rubber-stamped confection with what was clearly a heavily Africanized version of Marianne, the French revolutionary heroine. As I left, I felt strangely tired with a lingering sense of humiliation and disbelief. It was a feeling I was to grow to know well. I now had something like a week to put my affairs in order and complete my arrangements. Vaccinations had played quite a large"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with french?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "more outrageous their lies the greater will be the amusement they cause. The saddest cases are the diplomats who seem to pursue a policy of minimal contact with the locals, fleeing from locked office to locked compound via the café. For reasons that will become apparent later, I occasioned the British community some inconvenience. Far more interesting were the young French community of coopérants, people doing foreign service as an alternative to national service in the army. They had somehow managed to set up a replica of provincial French social life incorporating factors such as barbecues, motor rallies and parties with minimal regard to the fact that they were in West Africa. I rapidly established links with one ménage, one girl and two boys who were variously engaged in professional teaching and later proved invaluable. Unlike the diplomatic community, they actually left the capital and had information about the state of roads, the vehicle market, etc., and"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise north?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "between thirty and fifty. Should the vehicle give the false impression of bursting at the seams, a popular expedient is to drive off at speed and apply the brakes, which always makes room for one or two more at the back. It seems to be required that each vehicle shall contain a couple of army corporals or lieutenants. Gendarmes normally find themselves the best seats, beside the driver, and blandly refuse to pay for them. A couple of southern schoolteachers resentful at being sent to the Muslim North are standard. With but little prompting, they entertain the company with tales of their sufferings in that benighted area, denouncing the lack of entrepreneurial spirit, the savagery of the pagan inhabitants, the inedibility of the food. Then there will be a pagan woman in blue plastic shoes suckling a child, an operation that seems to involve most of the women full time. A couple of gaunt Muslims from the semi-desert of the North, swathed in Arab robes"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe westerner?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "and South, popular with Whites for its cool climate and rail link with the capital. Although changing under the impact of the railway, it still maintains large areas of traditional thatched compounds. Further south, these have been displaced totally by a passion for corrugated iron or aluminium sheeting, unbearably hot in the sun and acting as a vast radiator which ensures that night becomes as hot as day. These corrugated shanties contribute greatly to the ugliness of African cities to a Westerner’s eyes. This is partly sheer ethnocentrism; while thatched huts are ‘picturesque and rustic’, corrugated huts are ‘slums’. N’gaoundere, however, was less immediately offensive than most African towns. In the dark, with hundreds of cooking fires glowing, it looked like a Westerner’s view of Africa. In the daylight one sees the piles of rotting rubbish through which the gilded youth picks its way on mopeds adorned with plastic flowers. But for the moment, the German and I were totally absorbed in"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term christianize?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "studio whose programmes were distributed over much of West Africa – when the transmitters were not being nationalized by any particular government. He and his wife radiated a sort of calm strength far removed from the god-squad hysteria I had rather expected; after all, anyone who went out to Christianize the heathen must be a religious fanatic. I certainly found the latter among some of the more extreme groups working in Cameroon, people who railed against me for taking a couple of fertility dolls back to Europe on the grounds that I was importing the devil into God’s territory; they should be burnt, not exhibited. Fortunately they were in the minority and, it seemed, a declining one if the younger missionaries I met were anything to go by. On the whole, it was surprising how much work was being done on the local cultures and languages, translation work, pure linguistic research and attempts to adapt liturgy to local symbolic idiom; my"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about cameroon?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "I was wakened punctually by sounds of beating metal and screaming and guessed that my local missionary was about his business. I had been allocated a large, old mission house to myself. At the time I had no idea what luxury I was enjoying; this was the last time I was to see running water, not to mention electricity. I was intrigued to find a paraffin refrigerator next door, the first time I had seen one of these monsters. Capriciously unpredictable, these erstwhile staples of bush life have become rare and expensive as electricity has been introduced into the towns. Out of sheer perversity, they will spontaneously defrost and destroy a month’s meat supply or give out so much heat as to incinerate anyone in the room. They must be protected from draughts, damp, unevenness of the floor and with luck they may consent to exert a mild cooling effect. In Cameroon, with numerous languages and pijins, there are other dangers. English paraffin and petrol get mixed"}
{"instruction": "Why does dowayo matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "palisade of millet stalks and cacti lay the village. Dowayo huts are circular mud constructions with conical roofs. Being built of the mud and grass of the countryside, they assume a picturesque quality that is a relief after the ugliness of the cities. On the roofs grow long, trailing melons like the rambling roses of an English cottage. Following Matthieu’s lead, I entered the circle that stands before every Dowayo village. This is the place where all public meetings and courts of law are conducted, where rituals are held and the various shrines important in religious life are to be found. Behind it lies a second circle where the communally owned cattle are kept. We passed through these and into the courtyard of the chief. It is not strictly accurate to use this term: the Dowayos have no real chiefs in the sense of leaders with power and authority. The French tried to create such men so that they would have figureheads to rule through and someone to collect taxes."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame dowayos here?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "There is also the consideration that Dowayos do not normally talk Fulani among themselves. There was, admittedly, one man in my village who refused to talk anything else even to his friends, but this was a standard joke of the kind Dowayos get themselves bogged down in. He would complain loudly when labouring with other Dowayos in the fields. How was it that he, a noble Fulani, was obliged to labour with savage pagans? He would elaborately recount the manifold faults of this race of dogs amid growing hysteria until there came a point at which people would begin to fall about with laughter and gasp for breath. It was considered highly amusing that I always insisted on talking to him in my own poor Fulani, and sometimes we would conduct a sort of double-act. Extended use of the trade language would have had numerous disadvantages. I could certainly have conducted interviews in it, but never real conversations. Dowayos speak a bastardized form of"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about dowayoland?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "According to some authorities, one foot injudiciously placed in a stream confers lifelong bilharzia; according to others, it is necessary to immerse oneself for hours in polluted water before infection is possible. A passing French geographer told me that the water was perfectly safe after the first heavy rains. These, it seemed, washed downstream the watersnails that carry the parasite. Thus, provided one avoided stagnant or slow-flowing water in the dry season, the risk was minimal. Since I had been tortured by the sight of Dowayos joyfully splashing in the cool streams while I laboured past bathed in sweat, I was greatly tempted to take the plunge; it was in any case impossible to travel far in Dowayoland without wading waist-deep across raging torrents. I therefore decided to accept the geographer’s diagnosis and go to the men’s bathing place, a deep pool in the granite rocks at the bottom of a waterfall, forbidden to women on the grounds that boys were circumcised"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about garoua?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "was letters from the bank in Garoua with outrageously inaccurate statements of my account. By some sleight of hand I now had three accounts, one in Yaounde, one in Garoua, and another, quite mysteriously, in a town I had never even visited. An important feature of ‘collecting the mail’ was that it provided me with a break from my assistant. I had never in my life spent so much time in the uninterrupted company of one person and had begun to feel like one married against his will to a most unsuitable partner. Hence Friday afternoons began with the cheerful filtering of water for my trip, which I insisted on undertaking on foot, firstly because petrol was impossible to obtain in Poli and so had to be carefully husbanded, secondly because otherwise I had to take the entire village. In the rainy season there was a copious flow of water so I contented myself with simply filtering it for drinking purposes. In the dry season all waterholes become stinking stagnant pools and it is"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about augustin?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "responsibility, decided that I must pay him compensation. I discussed this with the Chief and other ‘legal advisers’ and politely refused. The husband appeared outside my hut with his brothers. He would seize Augustin the next time he came to see me. Worse still, he would beat on his motorbike with sticks. It seemed politic at this point to warn Augustin not to come out to the village for a while. True to his nature, he appeared the next day; he even parked his motorbike in front of the wronged husband’s house. I was seriously concerned that there might be violence or that my relationship with the Dowayos would be jeopardized. The husband, in fact, appeared with his brothers. Augustin produced beer he had brought from town. We all drank in silence. Several more beers were produced and Zuuldibo, with his incredible drink-scenting abilities, materialized at once. My assistant hovered nervously in the background. I distributed tobacco. Suddenly the"}
{"instruction": "How is pimento-head presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "snakes. There was a peace and tranquillity that were far removed from the turmoil of a village and a blessed relief from trying to make sense of the Dowayos, from being stared at and pointed at, shouted at and interrogated. One’s essential privacy, the first casualty of African life, was magically restored. I always arrived back from my nocturnal treks refreshed. Very occasionally I would meet people, often rushing headlong in groups to escape from the terrors of the night, visitors having incautiously tarried in mountain villages, men returning from festivals. Sometimes they simply turned tail and bolted at the mere sight of me. The next day, there would be much amusement as they told their tale of meeting Pimento-head but having escaped from his clutches; everyone was careful to avoid the conclusion that the considerable increase in the frequency of Pimento-head sightings was largely due to my efforts. They considered that the fear of the"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about nowadays?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "He ripostes by mentioning an unliquidated debt three generations back where one of his female relatives was not paid for. A hopelessly convoluted lawsuit ensues. Dowayos never justify their choice of a wife in terms of beauty, but rather with references to her being obedient and good-natured. A woman must never see a penis after circumcision or she would become ill. A man should never see a vagina or he would lose all sexual desire. Hence the sexual act is a rather furtive affair conducted in total darkness, with neither party naked. The woman does not remove the bunch of leaves she wears fore and aft. In former times, men wore a loin-cloth that would be unfastened to allow removal of the gourd penis-sheath that was required for the circumcised. Nowadays shorts are the fashion and only old men or those engaged in ritual activity wear sheaths. As a joke, women make with their cheeks the plopping sound of a male privy member being removed from a sheath; this sound also serves as a coy"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on nigerian?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "across, clinging to the rocks with his bare feet. Bands of people were teeming over the bush on small paths, all converging on the festival. The women had relinquished their customary leaves for strips of cloth, a sure sign that this was a public occasion. By law, Dowayos have to wear clothes and it is forbidden to take photographs of bare female breasts. If strictly observed, this would make photography impossible and so, like most others, I disregarded this regulation, uncomfortably aware that it might cause trouble if the gendarmes had turned up. When we reached the village we were overwhelmed by the number of strangers to be greeted. A swarm of grinning children followed us, giggling and wrestling in the mud, doddering old men shook hands with us, obliging youths offered to let me listen to their radios so I would not be deprived of constant Nigerian music. Patiently, I tried to explain that what I really wanted was Dowayo music. The old men were"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat westerners as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "creatures. They are expert in identifying them from spore, scent, marks on trees. They engage in meticulous analysis of which plant a certain leaf, fruit or bark belongs to. It is their singular misfortune to be constantly interpreted by Westerners who have various axes to grind. In the days of the bland assumption of Western cultural superiority, it was intuitively obvious to all that Africans were wrong about most things and simply not too bright. It was therefore not surprising that their minds never rose higher than their bellies. The anthropologist was inevitably cast in the role of the refuter of this view of primitive man, seeking to show that there was a sense or logic in his ways and possibly a wisdom in his mind that escaped the Western observer. In these days of the New Romanticism, the ethical anthropologist is surprised to find himself suddenly on the other wing. Primitive man is used by Westerners nowadays as surely as he was by Rousseau or Montaigne to prove a point about their"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of dowayos?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "lion as wife. They lived in a cave in the mountains and had three children. One day the leopard roared. Two children were afraid and ran away. They became the serval and civet cat. The one who stayed became a leopard. It is finished.’ It seemed natural to ask whether this had happened only once or whether this was the origin of all servals and civet cats. Some said one thing, some another. Some maintained that this was the origin of all civet cats but that servals were born only from servals. Others claimed that servals were born thus but civet cats were the offspring of civet cats alone. This was no isolated phenomenon. The most straightforward questions about birds, monkeys, or whatever were fraught with the most appalling complexities that seemed to bear precious little resemblance to bland statements about The Dowayos believe that…’ that one reads in standard monographs. What the Dowayos believed was a matter that it was hard to establish by the obvious means of"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect english to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "Face-to-face with Africa, the differences between a French botanist and an English anthropologist seem minimal and we talked far into the night. The next day my local healer was more than a little brusque at this outrageous raid staged by my ‘brother’. I finally convinced him that we were not even from the same country by referring to the fact that Zuuldibo had offered him beer which he had refused. He was a foreigner, like Herbert Brown at the Protestant mission. The distinction between these races and the English was like that between the terrible Fulani and the good Dowayos. By our lights, the remedies handed out by traditional practitioners are ineffective or even harmful. So alien to our world view are such practices as rubbing goats’ horns on a patient’s chest to cure tuberculosis that we do not even bother to check their effectiveness. We can handle them quite well under general principles of sympathetic and contagious magic, so that for the anthropologist"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on lebanese?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "sympathy. It was time to be dogmatic and I roused myself with difficulty. The woman seemed to fear an attempt to assault her daughter from the rear and leaped to interpose herself with clenched fists. Profiting from her distraction, the attendant seized her from behind and began dragging her howling into the corridor. A large crowd, consisting largely of travelling policemen, gathered to watch with serene detachment, while meaner spirits urged the combatants on. As for me, I limped off down the corridor where I found almost all the couchettes empty and chose one at random. The attendant regarded this as a vile defection and favoured me with his views on the Lebanese at great length until I bribed him to simply go away. At intervals throughout the night I would hear the door of the compartment down the corridor open as the lady sentinel spotted her enemy passing and hurled abuse after him. The next morning as we pulled into Yaounde, he was dedicating himself to preventing her"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with dowayos?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "they structure it and interpret it. Since most of the data will be unconscious, this cannot simply be approached by asking about it. A Dowayo, when faced with the question, ‘What sort of a world do you live in?’ is rather less able to answer than we ourselves would be. The question is simply too vague. One has to piece it all together bit by bit. Possibly a linguistic usage will be significant, a belief or the structure of a ritual. One then seeks to incorporate it all into some sort of scheme. For example, I have already explained that blacksmiths are set apart from the rest of Dowayos and that this separateness finds its expression in rules enforcing separate cultivation, eating, sex, drawing of water. An anthropologist would suspect that other forms of communication would also stress the separateness of blacksmiths; there might well be beliefs about language, for instance. I found that blacksmiths were supposed to speak with a particular"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise dowayos?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "was rather early, and it was clearly time for me to become ubiquitous in the fields. For the harvest a threshing floor must be constructed. This consists of a shallow depression scooped in the earth and plastered with mud, cattle excrement and sticky plants to form a firm base. It must be protected against witchcraft with spiky remedies: thistles, barbs of millet stems or bamboo, even porcupine quills are used. Here the heads of the cut millet are normally allowed to dry for several days before being beaten with sticks to dislodge the grain. This is very hard work and hated by Dowayos. The husk is fiercely irritating to the skin and even the toughened hides of Dowayos come up in huge weals. They sit around alternately beating and drinking, scratching with an unrestrained enjoyment that brooks no modesty. I became especially interested in the threshing floor. Everywhere such places are the focus of symbolic elaboration and there is a complex"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe old testament?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "optimistically displayed images of choking cockroaches, gasping flies, mosquitoes going into tailspins, etc. This was just enough to make them break cover and career woozily over the floor where they could be dispatched with about ten blows from a heavy object. After several sleepless nights the violence and rage required for such a proceeding comes quite naturally. What had really provoked me to a declaration of all-out war was the discovery that scorpions were nesting in one corner of the hut where I kept my spare pair of shoes. Having picked these up in all innocence, I was appalled when a large, snapping scorpion rushed out and made straight for me. Shrieking in most unmanly fashion, I retreated through the door where stood a Dowayo waif of about six who looked at me quizzically. Stress had somewhat disrupted my lexicon and I could not find the word for ‘scorpion’. There are hot beasts within!’ I cried in an Old Testament voice. The child peered"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term matthieu?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "This enabled me to renounce all claims to the proffered food without giving offence, Matthieu eating for two of us while I crouched in a corner and tried to think of other things. While this feast was being concocted, I began to talk to my host about inconsequential matters, asking, for example, for information on subjects I already knew about. As I had feared, the answers I received were evasive and liberally mixed with half-truths. Moreover, it seemed that there was some doubt as to whether or not the harvest was imminent. Perhaps he would be able to arrange it for tomorrow, perhaps not. Ideally, in the course of fieldwork one would have no truck with such informants but restrict one’s activities to those of a polite, kindly and generous disposition who found that answering the relentless and pointless questions of an anthropological inquirer was an amusing and rewarding pursuit. Alas, such people are rare. Most people have other things to do, are"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about christmas?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "Dowayoland at that most depressing of calendrical rites, and had arranged with Jon and Jeannie to join them at the mission at N’gaoundere. Here we enjoyed a simple but refreshing Christmas, rather more religious than most of my markings of this event, but alternately restful and frenetic. Walter was at his most manic, throwing himself into the festival with an energy worthy of a better cause. Hangovers were liberally exchanged and we somehow contrived to forget that outside the snow was not deep and crisp and even. There were, of course, poignant moments. One sturdy expatriate burst into tears when ice-cream was produced; another was visibly moved by a Christmas cake with dried mangoes and bananas in it. I mysteriously developed an attack of malaria after exposure to flashing Christmas lights but was back, revictualled and revitalized after a week, to push forward the building of my house. This was an extremely onerous task. At one moment the earth"}
{"instruction": "Why does dowayos matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "He did not take this ill, however, agreeing that even the best remedies sometimes went wrong. He shook his head sagely, There are no remedies that make an old field new,’ he remarked. Another incident that did much to cement our solidarity was an extraordinary visit by the new sous-préfet later in the year. As part of his modernization of the Dowayos, he came to announce that Dowayo cattle sacrifices must cease and that circumcision must be limited to the school holidays. A large party of officials and bureaucrats had driven out in a fleet of cars from Poli and held court under a huge tree. One after another, they gave impassioned speeches forbidding this or that. The Dowayos nodded solemnly and covertly grinned at one another. The Bamileke schoolteacher had prepared himself in advance for this visit, clearly having been tipped off by someone. He took the opportunity of denouncing the people of the village for their slothful and barbarous ways."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame kpan the here?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "by a foot pressed into its throat. When it lost consciousness, its throat was slit, the blood being collected in a gourd. We all rushed off into the bush to a distinctly down-at-heel skullhouse that contained the rainpots. These were the same as those I would see later at Kpan. The area was forbidden to strangers and we had to crawl on our bellies under thorn bushes to reach the overgrown, gloomy glade where it stood. After a perfunctory splashing about we returned to the village and began a talk that lasted several hours. It was here that I learned perhaps the most important piece of information for the interpretation of Dowayo cultural symbolism. Previous information about rainchiefs had linked together human fertility and rainfall. The ‘true cultivator’s’ harvest had linked together plant fertility and circumcision through the ‘beating to death of the old Fulani woman’. Here I learned of links between rainfall, circumcision and plant fertility."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about zuuldibo?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "The absence of this central part of Dowayo symbolism was not, however, as serious as it might otherwise have been since most other ceremonies were ‘quotes’ from circumcision, reproducing exactly what happened on that occasion. I was nonetheless glad to be able to witness the dance of the boys before they are cut. They are decorated in burial cloth, leopard skins, animal horns and a great weight of robes and other decorative material. Two boys who had already been circumcised were obliged to undertake this uncomfortable and rather humiliating task, since there was no time to teach younger boys how to deport themselves. They were disgusted at the idea and refused point blank to have anything to do with it. Zuuldibo made promises of beer and money and they reluctantly accepted. The next day he appeared at my hut asking me to reimburse him since, after all, the whole thing had been organized simply because it would interest me. His own generous indulgence in sloth was threatened by an edict"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about england?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "onlookers and beating them from time to time. The whole main street was a solid mass of people, singing, dancing, shouting greetings. Many, if not most, were cheerfully drunk. Perhaps this was the occasion for which my suit had been intended; if so, I would have melted in the heat. It being an official party, everything was extremely formal. Serried ranks of stiff, very uncomfortable chairs were drawn up. There was clearly some arcane system for their allocation according to strict rules of precedence, but whatever it was eluded me. The doctor was there with his enormous wife. The bureaucrats were there. The police chief stared at me pointedly; the postmaster stonily ignored me – doubtless the result of my inquiring why all mail posted in Poli arrived in England without stamps. A large number of kinsmen of the man checking invitations seemed to have turned up. The beauty contest had been organized by the simple expedient of sending official letters to all chiefs instructing them to send a"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about nigerian?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "The party had begun. The music consisted of a mixture of the latest Western hits and endless Nigerian offerings. It was my extreme misfortune to be required to dance with the doctor’s wife during one of the latter; it lasted about twenty minutes. We circled the floor almost in splendid isolation as others were either overwhelmed by the heat or dumbstruck by our graceful passage. She was a big woman and after some ten minutes exhibited clear signs of strain, bumping into chairs and tripping over her feet. Neither of us wished to offend the other by giving in, so we continued to lurch around, streaming with sweat and gasping until some kind spirit handed us two beers. It is not easy to drink beer from the bottle while dancing but we acquitted ourselves fairly creditably and were rewarded by cheers from the crowd. I felt that I had made my contribution to the festivities and collapsed quietly in a corner, urged on to drink by the doctor who"}
{"instruction": "How is einsteinian presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "A paradox that has much exercised mathematicians is that of the Einsteinian space traveller. Having journeyed at great speed for several months around the universe, he returns to Earth to find that whole decades have passed. The anthropological traveller is in the reverse position. He goes away for what seems an inordinately long period to other worlds, ponders cosmic problems, ages greatly. When he returns, only a few months have elapsed. The acorn he planted has not become a great tree; it has scarcely had time to put forth a tentative shoot. His children have not grown to adulthood; only his closest friends have noticed he has been away at all. It is positively insulting how well the world functions without one. While the traveller has been away questioning his most basic assumptions, life has continued sweetly unruffled. Friends continue to collect matching French saucepans. The acacia at the foot of the lawn continues to come along nicely."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about dowayoland?", "input": "Source: The Innocent Anthropologist Notes from a Mud Hut", "output": "with neither. It is impossible, of course, at such moments not to try to draw up a balance sheet of profit and loss. I had certainly learnt a lot about a small and relatively unimportant people of West Africa. Finishing fieldwork is always a matter of definition, not of fact. It would have been quite possible to go on for another five years in Dowayoland, albeit with diminishing returns, without exhausting the scope of a project aimed at ‘understanding’ a people so different from ourselves. But more general competences always lie beneath the particular. Henceforth I was to find that the monographs of which anthropology as a subject is composed would appear to me in quite different light I would be able to feel which passages were deliberately vague, evasive, forced, where data were inadequate or irrelevant in a way that had been impossible before Dowayoland. All this makes the work of other anthropologists more available than it had ever been before."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise darwinism?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "ness, whereas, if anything, it devotes more attention to altruism. The correct word of the title to stress is ‘gene’ and let me explain why. A central debate within Darwinism concerns the unit that is actually selected: what kind of entity is it that survives, or does not survive, as a consequence of natural selection. That unit will become, more or less by definition, ‘selfish’. Altruism might well be favoured at other levels. Does natural selection choose between species? If so, we might expect individual organisms to behave altruistically ‘for the good of the species’. They might limit their birth rates to avoid overpopulation, or restrain their hunting behaviour to conserve the species’ future stocks of prey. It was such widely disseminated misunderstandings of Darwinism that originally provoked me to write the book. Or does natural selection, as I urge instead here, choose between genes? In this case, we should not be surprised to find individual"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe personification?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "Should he run to a point on the beach directly opposite his target, thereby minimizing his swimming time? Better, but still not the best. Calculation (if he had time to do it) would disclose to the lifeguard an optimum intermediate angle, yielding the ideal combination of fast running followed by inevitably slower swimming. Atkins concludes: That is exactly the behaviour of light passing into a denser medium. But how does light know, apparently in advance, which is the briefest path? And, anyway, why should it care? He develops these questions in a fascinating exposition, inspired by quantum theory. Personification of this kind is not just a quaint didactic device. It can also help a professional scientist to get the right answer, in the face of tricky temptations to error. Such is the case with Darwinian calculations of altruism and selfishness, cooperation and spite. It is very easy to get the wrong answer. Personifying genes, if done with due care and caution, often turns out to be"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term thatcher?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "human ambitions and perceptions. To accuse science of robbing life of the warmth that makes it worth living is so preposterously mistaken, so diametrically opposite to my own feelings and those of most working scientists, I am almost driven to the despair of which I am wrongly suspected. A similar tendency to shoot the messenger is displayed by other critics who have objected to what they see as the disagreeable social, political or economic implications of The Selfish Gene. Soon after Mrs Thatcher won her first election victory in 1979, my friend Steven Rose wrote the following in New Scientist: I am not implying that Saatchi and Saatchi engaged a team of sociobiologists to write the Thatcher scripts, nor even that certain Oxford and Sussex dons are beginning to rejoice at this practical expression of the simple truths of selfish genery they have been struggling to convey to us. The coincidence of fash ionable theory with political events is messier than that."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about dawkins?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "Broadly educated in biology, he gives the reader a taste of its rich and fascinating literature. Where he differs from published work (as he does in criticizing a fallacy of my own), he is almost invariably exactly on target. Dawkins also takes pains to make clear the logic of his arguments, so that the reader, by applying the logic given, can extend the arguments (and even take on Dawkins himself ). The arguments themselves extend in many directions. For example, if (as Dawkins argues) deceit is fundamental in animal communication, then there must be strong selection to spot deception and this ought, in turn, to select for a degree of self-deception, rendering some facts and motives unconscious so as not to betray—by the subtle signs of self-knowledge—the deception being practiced. Thus, the conventional view that natural selection favors nervous systems which produce ever more accurate images of the world must be a very naïve view of mental evolution."}
{"instruction": "Why does dawkins matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "Gene Machine’, Desmond Morris; ‘Genesmanship’, Tim Clutton- Brock and Jean Dawkins, independently with apologies to Stephen Potter. Imaginary readers may serve as targets for pious hopes and aspirations, but they are of less practical use than real readers and critics. I am addicted to revising, and Marian Dawkins has been subjected to countless drafts and redrafts of every page. Her considerable knowledge of the biological literature and her understanding of theoretical issues, together with her ceaseless encouragement and moral support, have been essential to me. John Krebs too read the whole book in draft. He knows more about the subject than I do, and he has been generous and unstinting with his advice and suggestions. Glenys Thomson and Walter Bodmer criticized my handling of genetic topics kindly but firmly. I fear that my revision may still not fully satisfy them, but I hope they will find it somewhat improved. I am most grateful for their time and patience."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame selfish here?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "If you look at the way natural selection works, it seems to follow that anything that has evolved by natural selection should be selfish. Therefore we must expect that when we go and look at the behaviour of baboons, humans, and all other living creatures, we shall find it to be selfish. If we find that our expectation is wrong, if we observe that human behaviour is truly altruistic, then we shall be faced with something puzzling, something that needs explaining. Before going any further, we need a definition. An entity, such as a baboon, is said to be altruistic if it behaves in such a way as to increase another such entity’s welfare at the expense of its own. Selfish behaviour has exactly the opposite effect. ‘Welfare’ is defined as ‘chances of survival’, even if the effect on actual life and death prospects is so small as to seem negligible. One of the surprising consequences of the modern version of the Darwinian theory is that apparently trivial tiny influences on survival"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about predator?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "teristic ‘alarm call’, upon which the whole flock takes appropriate evasive action. There is indirect evidence that the bird who gives the alarm call puts itself in special danger, because it attracts the predator’s attention particularly to itself. This is only a slight additional risk, but it nevertheless seems, at least at first sight, to qualify as an altruistic act by our definition. The commonest and most conspicuous acts of animal altruism are done by parents, especially mothers, towards their children. They may incubate them, either in nests or in their own bodies, feed them at enormous cost to themselves, and take great risks in protecting them from predators. To take just one particular example, many ground-nesting birds perform a so-called ‘distraction display’ when a predator such as a fox approaches. The parent bird limps away from the nest, holding out one wing as though it were broken. The predator, sensing easy prey, is lured away from the nest"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about species?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "For some purposes this does not greatly matter, but when we are talking about altruism it is obviously crucial. If it is species that are competing in what Darwin called the struggle for existence, the individual seems best regarded as a pawn in the game, to be sacrificed when the greater interest of the species as a whole requires it. To put it in a slightly more respectable way, a group, such as a species or a population within a species, whose individual members are prepared to sacrifice themselves for the welfare of the group, may be less likely to go extinct than a rival group whose individual members place their own selfish interests first. Therefore the world becomes populated mainly by groups consisting of self-sacrificing individuals. This is the theory of ‘group selection’, long assumed to be true by biologists not familiar with the details of evolutionary theory, brought out into the open in a famous book by V. C. Wynne-Edwards, and popularized by Robert"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about ardrey?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "This is a gem of a circular argument, but the point I am making here is that the group selection idea is so deeply ingrained that Lorenz, like the author of the Nuffield Guide, evidently did not realize that his statements contravened orthodox Darwinian theory. I recently heard a delightful example of the same thing on an otherwise excellent B.B.C. television programme about Australian spiders. The ‘expert’ on the programme observed that the vast majority of baby spiders end up as prey for other species, and she then went on to say: ‘Perhaps this is the real purpose of their existence, as only a few need to survive in order for the species to be preserved’! Robert Ardrey, in The Social Contract, used the group selection theory to account for the whole of social order in general. He clearly sees man as a species that has strayed from the path of animal righteousness. Ardrey at least did his homework. His decision to disagree with orthodox theory was a conscious one,"}
{"instruction": "How is species presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "‘racism’, I do not know. What I do know is that it has no proper basis in evolutionary biology. The muddle in human ethics over the level at which altruism is desirable—family, nation, race, species, or all living things—is mirrored by a parallel muddle in biology over the level at which altruism is to be expected according to the theory of evolution. Even the group selectionist would not be surprised to find members of rival groups being nasty to each other: in this way, like trade unionists or soldiers, they are favouring their own group in the struggle for limited resources. But then it is worth asking how the group selectionist decides which level is the important one. If selection goes on between groups within a species, and between species, why should it not also go on between larger groupings? Species are grouped together into genera, genera into orders, and orders into classes. Lions and antelopes are both members of the class Mammalia, as are we."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about haemoglobin?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "there are 574 amino acid molecules. These are arranged in four chains, which twist around each other to form a globular threedimensional structure of bewildering complexity. A model of a haemoglobin molecule looks rather like a dense thornbush. But unlike a real thornbush it is not a haphazard approximate pattern but a definite invariant structure, identically repeated, with not a twig nor a twist out of place, over six thousand million million the replicators · 17 million times in an average human body. The precise thornbush shape of a protein molecule such as haemoglobin is stable in the sense that two chains consisting of the same sequences of amino acids will tend, like two springs, to come to rest in exactly the same three-dimensional coiled pattern. Haemoglobin thornbushes are springing into their ‘preferred’ shape in your body at a rate of about four hundred million million per second, and others are being destroyed at the same rate."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on molecule?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "creatures. But bacteria and the rest of us are late-comers, and in those days large organic molecules could drift unmolested through the thickening broth. At some point a particularly remarkable molecule was formed by accident. We will call it the replicator. It may not necessarily have been the biggest or the most complex molecule around, but it had the extraordinary property of being able to create copies of itself. This may seem a very unlikely sort of accident to happen. So it was. It was exceedingly improbable. In the lifetime of a man, things that are that improbable can be treated for practical purposes as impossible. That is why you will never win a big prize on the football pools. But in our human estimates of what is probable and what is not, we are not used to dealing in hundreds of millions of years. If you filled in pools coupons every week for a hundred million years you would very likely win several jackpots. Actually a molecule that makes copies of itself is not as difficult"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat replicators as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "these mistakes that make evolution possible. Probably the original replicators were far more erratic, but in any case we may be sure that mistakes were made, and these mistakes were cumulative. As mis-copyings were made and propagated, the primeval soup became filled by a population not of identical replicas, but of several varieties of replicating molecules, all ‘descended’ from the same ancestor. Would some varieties have been more numerous than others? Almost certainly yes. Some varieties would have been inherently more stable than others. Certain molecules, once formed, would be less likely than others to break up again. These types would become relatively numerous in the soup, not only as a direct logical consequence of their ‘longevity’, but also because they would have a long time available for making copies of 22 · the replicators themselves. Replicators of high longevity would therefore tend to become more numerous and, other things being equal, there"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of evolutionary?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "theory of evolution is that everybody thinks he understands it!’ To return to the primeval soup, it must have become populated by stable varieties of molecule; stable in that either the individual molecules lasted a long time, or they replicated rapidly, or they replicated accurately. Evolutionary trends toward these three kinds of stability took place in the following sense: if you had sampled the soup at two different times, the later sample would have contained a higher proportion of varieties with high longevity/ fecundity/copying-fidelity. This is essentially what a biologist means by evolution when he is speaking of living creatures, and the mechanism is the same—natural selection. Should we then call the original replicator molecules ‘living’? Who cares? I might say to you ‘Darwin was the greatest man who has ever lived’, and you might say ‘No, Newton was’, but I hope we would not prolong the argument. The point is that no conclusion"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect replicators to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "of any kind. But they were struggling, in the sense that any miscopying that resulted in a new higher level of stability, or a new way of reducing the stability of rivals, was automatically preserved and multiplied. The process of improvement was cumulative. Ways of increasing stability and of decreasing rivals’ stability became more elaborate and more efficient. Some of them may even have ‘discovered’ how to break up molecules of rival varieties chemi cally, and to use the building blocks so released for making their own copies. These proto-carnivores simultaneously obtained food and removed competing rivals. Other replicators perhaps discovered how to protect themselves, either chemically, or by building a physical wall of protein around themselves. This may have been how the first living cells appeared. Replicators began not merely to exist, but to construct for themselves containers, vehicles for their continued existence. The replicators that survived were the"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on survival?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "Exactly how this eventually leads to the development of a baby is a story which it will take decades, perhaps centuries, for embryologists to work out. But it is a fact that it does. Genes do indirectly control the manufacture of bodies, and the influence is strictly one way: acquired characteristics are not inherited. No matter how much knowledge and wisdom you acquire during your life, not one jot will be passed on to your children by genetic means. Each new generation starts from scratch. A body is the genes’ way of preserving the genes unaltered. The evolutionary importance of the fact that genes control embryonic development is this: it means that genes are at least partly responsible for their own survival in the future, because their survival depends on the efficiency of the bodies in which they live and which they helped to build. Once upon a time, natural selection consisted of the differential survival of replicators floating free in the primeval soup."}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with another?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "it is to be represented many times over in the world, in the form of copies. The chance coming together, through crossing-over, of previously existing sub-units is the usual way for a new genetic unit to be formed. Another way—of great evolutionary importance even though it is rare—is called point mutation. A point mutation is an error corresponding to a single misprinted letter in a book. It is rare, but clearly the longer a genetic unit is, the more likely it is to be altered by a mutation somewhere along its length. Another rare kind of mistake or mutation which has important long-term consequences is called inversion. A piece of chromosome detaches itself at both ends, turns head over heels, and reattaches itself in the inverted position. In terms of the earlier analogy, this would necessitate some renumbering of pages. Sometimes portions of chromosomes do not simply invert, but become reattached in a completely different part of the chromo-"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise expressions?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "and selfishness. Genes are competing directly with their alleles for survival, since their alleles in the gene pool are rivals for their slot on the chromosomes of future generations. Any gene that behaves in such a way as to increase its own survival chances in the gene pool at the expense of its alleles will, by definition, tautologously, tend to survive. The gene is the basic unit of selfishness. The main message of this chapter has now been stated. But I have glossed over some complications and hidden assumptions. The first complication has already been briefly mentioned. However independent and free genes may be in their journey through the generations, they are very much not free and independent agents in their control of embryonic development. They collaborate and interact in inextricably complex ways, both with each other, and with their external environment. Expressions like ‘gene for long legs’ or ‘gene for altruistic behaviour’ are con-"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe medawar?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "On the other hand, a gene that made young adult bodies develop cancer would not be passed on to very many offspring, and a gene that made young children develop fatal cancer would not be passed on to any offspring at all. According to this theory then, senile decay is simply a by-product of the accumulation in the gene pool of late-acting lethal and semi-lethal genes, which have been allowed to slip through the net of natural selection simply because they are late-acting. The aspect that Medawar himself emphasizes is that selection will favour genes that have the effect of postponing the operation of other, lethal genes, and it will also favour genes that have the effect of hastening the effect of good genes. It may be that a great deal of evolution consists of genetically-controlled changes in the time of onset of gene activity. It is important to notice that this theory does not need to make any prior assumptions about reproduction occurring only at"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term answer?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "duction anyway, since both occur by simple mitotic cell division. Sometimes the plants produced by vegetative reproduction become detached from the ‘parent’. In other cases, for instance elm trees, the connecting suckers remain intact. In fact an entire elm wood might be regarded as a single individual. So, the question is: If greenflies and elm trees don’t do it, why do the rest of us go to such lengths to mix our genes up with somebody else’s before we make a baby? It does seem an odd way to proceed. Why did sex, that bizarre perversion of straightforward replication, ever arise in the first place? What is the good of sex?* This is an extremely difficult question for the evolutionist to answer. Most serious attempts to answer it involve sophisticated mathematical reasoning. I am frankly going to evade it except to say one thing. This is that at least some of the difficulty that theorists have with explaining the evolution of sex results from the"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about nowadays?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "machines, and to avoid being eaten, there must have been a premium on central coordination rather than anarchy within the communal body. Nowadays the intricate mutual co-evolution of genes has proceeded to such an extent that the communal nature of an individual survival machine is virtually unrecognizable. Indeed many biologists do not recognize it, and will disagree with me. Fortunately for what journalists would call the ‘credibility’ of the rest of this book, the disagreement is largely academic. Just as it is not convenient to talk about quanta and fundamental particles when we discuss the workings of a car, so it is often tedious and unnecessary to keep dragging genes in when we discuss the behaviour of survival machines. In practice it is usually convenient, as an approximation, to regard the individual body as an agent ‘trying’ to increase the numbers of all its genes in future generations. I shall use the language of convenience."}
{"instruction": "Why does patterns matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "They are analogous in that both types of machine generate complex patterns of output, after analysis of complex patterns of input, and after reference to stored information. The main way in which brains actually contribute to the success of survival machines is by controlling and coordinating the contractions of muscles. To do this they need cables leading to the muscles, and these are called motor nerves. But this leads to efficient preservation of genes only if the timing of muscle contractions bears some relation to the timing of events in the outside world. It is important to contract the jaw muscles only when the jaws contain something worth biting, and to contract the leg muscles in running patterns only when there is something worth running towards or away from. For this reason, natural selection favoured animals that became equipped with sense organs, devices which translate patterns of physical events in the outside world into the pulse code of the neurones."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame computers here?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "sively involved in the working of living bodies. Nothing remotely approaching consciousness needs to be postulated, even though a layman, watching its apparently deliberate and purposeful behaviour, finds it hard to believe that the missile is not under the direct control of a human pilot. It is a common misconception that because a machine such as a guided missile was originally designed and built by conscious man, then it must be truly under the immediate control of conscious man. Another variant of this fallacy is ‘computers do not really play chess, because they can only do what a human operator tells them’. It is important that we understood why this is fallacious, because it affects our understanding of the sense in which genes can be said to ‘control’ behaviour. Computer chess is quite a good example for making the point, so I will discuss it briefly. Computers do not yet play chess as well as human grand masters, but they have reached the standard of a good amateur."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about tactics?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "dure. They record past decisions, and whenever they win a game they slightly increase the weighting given to the tactics that preceded the victory, so that next time they are a little bit more likely to choose those same tactics again. One of the most interesting methods of predicting the future is simulation. If a general wishes to know whether a particular military plan will be better than alternatives, he has a problem in prediction. There are unknown quantities in the weather, in the morale of his own troops, and in the possible countermeasures of the enemy. One way of discovering whether it is a good plan is to try and see, but it is undesirable to use this test for all the tentative plans dreamed up, if only because the supply of young men prepared to die ‘for their country’ is exhaustible, and the supply of possible plans is very large. It is better to try the various plans out in dummy runs rather than in deadly earnest. This may take"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about rothenbuhler?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "drones), he obtained a most beautiful result. The daughter hives fell into three groups. One group showed perfect hygienic behaviour, a second showed no hygienic behaviour at all, and the third went half way. This last group uncapped the wax cells of diseased grubs, but they did not follow through and throw out the larvae. Rothenbuhler surmised that there might be two separate genes, one gene for uncapping, and one gene for throwing-out. Normal hygienic strains possess both genes, susceptible strains possess the alleles—rivals—of both genes instead. The hybrids who only went half way presumably possessed the uncapping gene (in double dose) but not the throwing-out gene. Rothenbuhler guessed that his experimental group of apparently totally non-hygienic bees might conceal a sub-group possessing the throwing-out gene, but unable to show it because they lacked the uncapping gene. He confirmed this most elegantly by removing caps himself."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about animals?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "court of survival. We shall come later to ways in which gene survival can be fostered by what appears to be altruistic behaviour. But the obvious first priorities of a survival machine, and of the brain that takes the decisions for it, are individual survival and reproduction. All the genes in the ‘colony’ would agree about these priorities. Animals therefore go to elaborate lengths to find and catch food; to avoid being caught and eaten themselves; to avoid disease and accident; to protect themselves from unfavourable climatic conditions; to find members of the opposite sex and persuade them to mate; and to confer on their children advantages similar to those they enjoy themselves. I shall not give examples—if you want one just look carefully at the next wild animal that you see. But I do want to mention one particular kind of behaviour because we shall need to refer to it again when we come to speak of altruism and selfishness. This is the behav-"}
{"instruction": "How is whenever presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "will prefer to think of the wreckers of the old days, who used lanterns to lure ships on to the rocks, and then plundered the cargoes that spilled out of the wrecks. Whenever a system of communication evolves, there is always the danger that some will exploit the system for their own ends. Brought up as we have been on the ‘good of the species’ view of evolution, we naturally think first of liars and deceivers as belonging to different species: predators, prey, parasites, and so on. However, we must expect lies and deceit, and selfish exploitation of communication to arise whenever the interests of the genes of different individuals diverge. This will include individuals of the same species. As we shall see, we must even expect that children will deceive their parents, that husbands will cheat on wives, and that brother will lie to brother. Even the belief that animal communication signals originally evolve to foster mutual benefit, and then afterwards become"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about strategy?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "tant to realize that we are not thinking of the strategy as being consciously worked out by the individual. Remember that we are picturing the animal as a robot survival machine with a pre-programmed computer controlling the muscles. To write the strategy out as a set of simple instructions in English is just a convenient way for us to think about it. By some unspecified mechanism, the animal behaves as if he were following these instructions. An evolutionarily stable strategy or ESS is defined as a strategy which, if most members of a population adopt it, cannot be bettered by an alternative strategy.* It is a subtle and important idea. Another way of putting it is to say that the best strategy for an individual depends on what the majority of the population are doing. Since the rest of the population consists of individuals, each one trying to maximize his own success, the only strategy that persists will be one which, once evolved, cannot be bettered"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on prober?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "A bully goes around behaving like a hawk until somebody hits back. Then he immediately runs away. Yet another conditional strategist is Prober–retaliator. A prober–retaliator is basically like a retaliator, but he occasionally tries a brief experimental escalation of the contest. He persists in this hawk-like behaviour if his opponent does not fight back. If, on the other hand, his opponent does fight back he reverts to conventional threatening like a dove. If he is attacked, he retaliates just like an ordinary retaliator. If all the five strategies I have mentioned are turned loose upon one another in a computer simulation, only one of them, retaliator, emerges as evolutionarily stable.* Prober–retaliator is nearly stable. Dove is not stable, because a population of doves would be invaded by hawks and bullies. Hawk is not stable, because a population of hawks would be invaded by doves and bullies. Bully is not stable, because a population of bullies would be"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat maynard smith as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "dent was there all the time. There is a more abstract reason why, of the two stable states, the ‘resident wins, intruder retreats’ one is the more probable in nature. This is that the reverse strategy, ‘intruder wins, resident retreats’ has an inherent tendency to self-destruction—it is what Maynard Smith would call a paradoxical strategy. In any population sitting at this paradoxical ESS, individuals would always be striving never to be caught as residents: they would always be trying to be the intruder in any encounter. They could only achieve this by ceaseless, and otherwise pointless, moving around! Quite apart from the costs in time and energy that would be incurred, this evolutionary trend would, of itself, tend to lead to the category ‘resident’ ceasing to exist. In a population sitting at the other stable state, ‘resident wins, intruder retreats’, natural selection would favour individuals who strove to be residents. For each individual, this would"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of strategies?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "This is less likely to be true in contests between members of different species, which is why so many prey animals run away instead of retaliating. It probably stems originally from the fact that in an interaction between two animals of different species there is a built-in asymmetry which is greater than that between members of the same species. Whenever there is strong asymmetry in a contest, ESSs are likely to be conditional strategies dependent on the asymmetry. Strategies analogous to ‘if smaller, run away; if larger, attack’ are very likely to evolve in contests between members of different species because there are so many available asymmetries. Lions and antelopes have reached a kind of stability by evolutionary divergence, which has accentuated the original asymmetry of the contest in an ever-increasing fashion. They have become highly proficient in the arts of, respectively, chasing, and running away. A mutant antelope that adopted a ‘stand and fight’ strategy"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect left-handers to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "oarsman. Conversely, in a pool dominated by left-handers, a right-hander would have an advantage. This is similar to the case of a hawk doing well in a population of doves, and a dove doing well in a population of hawks. The difference is that there we were talking about interactions between individual bodies—selfish machines—whereas here we are talking, by analogy, about interactions between genes within bodies. The coach’s blind selection of ‘good’ oarsmen will lead in the end to an ideal crew consisting of four left-handers and four right-handers. It will look as though he selected them all together as a complete, balanced unit. I find it more parsimonious to think of him as selecting at a lower level, the level of the independent candidates. The evolutionarily stable state (‘strategy’ is misleading in this context) of four left-handers and four right-handers will emerge simply as a consequence of low-level selection on the basis of apparent merit."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on albino?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "Should we then expect albinos to be especially nice to each other? Actually the answer is probably no. In order to see why not, we must temporarily abandon our metaphor of the gene as a conscious agent, because in this context it becomes positively misleading. We must translate back into respectable, if more longwinded terms. Albino genes do not really ‘want’ to survive or to help other albino genes. But if the albino gene just happened to cause its bodies to behave altruistically towards other albinos, then automatically, willy-nilly, it would tend to become more numerous in the gene pool as a result. But, in order for this to happen, the gene would have to have two independent effects on bodies. Not only must it confer its usual effect of a very pale complexion. It must also confer a tendency to be selectively altruistic towards individuals with a very pale complexion. Such a double-effect gene could, if it existed, be very successful in the"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with conceivably?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "than break their rule against eating pork. What simple practical rules could animals obey which, under normal conditions, would have the indirect effect of benefiting their close relations? If animals had a tendency to behave altruistically towards individuals who physically resembled them, they might indirectly be doing their kin a bit of good. Much would depend on details of the species concerned. Such a rule would, in any case, only lead to ‘right’ decisions in a statistical sense. If conditions changed, for example if a species started living in much larger groups, it could lead to wrong decisions. Conceivably, racial prejudice could be interpreted as an irrational generalization of a kin-selected tendency to identify with individuals physically resembling oneself, and to be nasty to individuals different in appearance. 130 · genesmanship In a species whose members do not move around much, or whose members move around in small groups, the chances may"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise serengeti national?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "the Serengeti National Park. On the basis of his knowledge of their reproductive habits, he has estimated the average relatedness between individuals in a typical lion pride. The facts that he uses to make his estimates are things like this. A typical pride consists of seven adult females who are its more permanent members, and two adult males who are itinerant. About half the adult females give birth as a batch at the same time, and rear their cubs together so that it is difficult to tell which cub belongs to whom. The typical litter size is three cubs. The fathering of litters is shared equally between the adult males in the pride. Young females remain in the pride and replace old females who die or leave. Young males are driven out when adolescent. When they grow up, they wander around from pride to pride in small related gangs or pairs, and are unlikely to return to their original family. Using these and other assumptions, you can see that it would"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe selection?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "tion’ when it is ‘deciding’ whether to behave altruistically or not. In a species in which children have a longer average life expectancy than parents, any gene for child altruism would be labouring under a disadvantage. It would be engineering altruistic selfsacrifice for the benefit of individuals who are nearer to dying of old age than the altruist itself. A gene for parent altruism, on the other hand, would have a corresponding advantage as far as the life-expectancy terms in the equation were concerned. One sometimes hears it said that kin selection is all very well as a theory, but there are few examples of its working in practice. This criticism can only be made by someone who does not understand what kin selection means. The truth is that all examples of child-protection and parental care, and all associated bodily organs, milk-secreting glands, kangaroo pouches, and so on, are examples of the working in nature of the kin selection principle."}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term starvation?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "In many cases, lemmings being a famous example, the population fluctuates widely, with violent explosions alternating with crashes and near extinction. Occasionally the result is outright extinction, at least of the population in a local area. Sometimes, as in the case of the Canadian lynx—where estimates are obtained from the numbers of pelts sold by the Hudson’s Bay Company in successive years—the population seems to oscillate rhythmically. The one thing animal populations do not do is go on increasing indefinitely. Wild animals almost never die of old age: starvation, disease, or predators catch up with them long before they become really senile. Until recently this was true of man too. Most animals die in childhood, many never get beyond the egg stage. Starvation and other causes of death are the ultimate reasons why populations cannot increase indefinitely. But as we have seen for our own species, there is no necessary reason why it ever has to come"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about edwards?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "But as we saw in Chapter 5, the overall effect of the automatic submission by lower-ranking individuals is that few prolonged fights actually take place, and serious injuries seldom occur. Many people think of this as a ‘good thing’ in some vaguely group selectionist way. Wynne-Edwards has an altogether more daring interpretation. High-ranking individuals are more likely to breed than low-ranking individuals, either because they are preferred by females or because they physically prevent lowranking males from getting near females. Wynne-Edwards sees high social rank as another ticket of entitlement to reproduce. Instead of fighting directly over females themselves, individuals fight over social status, and then accept that if they do not end up high on the social scale they are not entitled to breed. They restrain themselves where females are directly concerned, though they may try even now and then to win higher status, and therefore could be said to compete indirectly over females."}
{"instruction": "Why does contraception matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "state in nature. Any gene for over-indulgence is promptly punished: the children containing that gene starve. Since we humans do not want to return to the old selfish ways where we let the children of too-large families starve to death, we have abolished the family as a unit of economic self-sufficiency, and substituted the state. But the privilege of guaranteed support for children should not be abused. Contraception is sometimes attacked as ‘unnatural’. So it is, very unnatural. The trouble is, so is the welfare state. I think that most of us believe the welfare state is highly desirable. But you cannot have an unnatural welfare state, unless you also have unnatural birth control; otherwise, the end result will be misery even greater than that which obtains in nature. The welfare state is perhaps the greatest altruistic system the animal kingdom has ever known. But any altruistic system is inherently unstable, because it is open to abuse by selfish individuals, ready to exploit"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame fertility here?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "expected to continue to invest all her resources in him for the rest of her life, and perhaps suckle him well into adulthood. Never theless, she should ‘weigh up’ whether it would not pay her more to invest in grandchildren or nephews and nieces, since although these are half as closely related to her as her own children, their capacity to benefit from her investment may be more than double that of one of her own children. This seems a good moment to mention the puzzling phenomenon known as the menopause, the rather abrupt termination of a human female’s reproductive fertility in middle age. This may not have occurred too commonly in our wild ancestors, since not many women would have lived that long anyway. But still, the difference between the abrupt change of life in women and the gradual fading out of fertility in men suggests that there is something genetically ‘deliberate’ about the menopause—that it is an ‘adaptation’. It is rather difficult to explain."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about spread?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "The reason the foster parents responded to the screams in this way was that genes for responding to the screams had spread through the gene pool of the foster species. The reason these genes spread was that individual foster parents who did not feed 172 · battle of the generations the cuckoos extra food reared fewer of their own children— fewer than rival parents who did feed their cuckoos extra. This was because predators were attracted to the nest by the cuckoo cries. Although cuckoo genes for not screaming were less likely to end up in the bellies of predators than screaming genes, the non-screaming cuckoos paid the greater penalty of not being fed extra rations. Therefore the screaming genes spread through the cuckoo gene pool. A similar chain of genetic reasoning, following the more subjective argument given above, would show that although such a blackmailing gene could conceivably spread through a cuckoo gene pool, it is unlikely to spread through the gene pool of an"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about female?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "can have is virtually unlimited. Female exploitation begins here.* battle of the sexes · 185 Parker and others showed how this asymmetry might have evolved from an originally isogamous state of affairs. In the days when all sex cells were interchangeable and of roughly the same size, there would have been some that just happened to be slightly bigger than others. In some respects a big isogamete would have an advantage over an average-sized one, because it would get its embryo off to a good start by giving it a large initial food supply. There might therefore have been an evolutionary trend towards larger gametes. But there was a catch. The evolution of isogametes that were larger than was strictly necessary would have opened the door to selfish exploitation. Individuals who produced smaller than average gametes could cash in, provided they could ensure that their small gametes fused with extra-big ones. This could be achieved by making the small ones"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect ardrey to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "receptive to his own sexual advances. Ardrey, incidentally, sees the Bruce effect as a population control mechanism! A similar example is that of male lions, who, when newly arrived in a pride, sometimes murder existing cubs, presumably because these are not their own children. A male can achieve the same result without necessarily killing step-children. He can enforce a period of prolonged courtship before he copulates with a female, driving away all other males who approach her, and preventing her from escaping. In this way he can wait and see whether she is harbouring any little stepchildren in her womb, and desert her if so. We shall see below a reason why a female might want a long ‘engagement’ period before copulation. Here we have a reason why a male might want one too. Provided he can isolate her from all contact with other males, it helps to avoid being the unwitting benefactor of another male’s children. Assuming then that a deserted female cannot fool a new male"}
{"instruction": "How is conversely presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "Any male who can pass himself off as a good loyal domestic type, but who in reality is concealing a strong tendency towards desertion and unfaithfulness, could have a great advantage. As long as his deserted former wives have any chance of bringing up some of the children, the philanderer stands to pass on more genes than a rival male who is an honest husband and father. Genes for effective deception by males will tend to be favoured in the gene pool. Conversely, natural selection will tend to favour females who become good at seeing through such deception. One way they can do this is to play especially hard to get when they are courted by a new male, but in successive breeding seasons to be increasingly ready to accept quickly the advances of last year’s mate. This will automatically penalize young males embarking on their first breeding season, whether they are deceivers or not. The brood of naïve first year females would tend to contain a relatively high"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about american?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "bird of paradise species preferentially went for males with longer than average tails. Provided there was some genetic contribution to the natural variation in male tail-length, this would in time cause the average tail-length of males in the population to increase. Females followed a simple rule: look all the males over, and go for the one with the longest tail. Any female who departed from this rule was penalized, even if tails had already become so long that they actually encumbered males possessing them. This was because any female who did not produce long-tailed sons had little chance of one of her sons being regarded as attractive. Like a fashion in women’s clothes, or in American car design, the trend toward longer tails took off and gathered its own momentum. It was stopped only when tails became so grotesquely long that their manifest disadvantages started to outweigh the advantage of sexual attractiveness. battle of the sexes · 207"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on females?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "to mate with males who win fights may benefit their genes by so doing. As we have seen, there are examples of females preferring 210 · battle of the sexes to mate with males who hold territories and with males who have high status in the dominance hierarchy. To sum up this chapter so far, the various different kinds of breeding system that we find among animals—monogamy, promiscuity, harems, and so on—can be understood in terms of conflicting interests between males and females. Individuals of either sex ‘want’ to maximize their total reproductive output during their lives. Because of a fundamental difference between the size and numbers of sperms and eggs, males are in general likely to be biased towards promiscuity and lack of paternal care. Females have two main available counter-ploys, which I have called the he-man and the domestic-bliss strategies. The ecological circumstances of a species will determine whether the females are"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat excess as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "Brother/sister incest should be intermediate in commonness. In general, males should tend to be more promiscuous than females. Since a female produces a limited number of eggs at a relatively slow rate, she has little to gain from having a large number of copulations with different males. A male on the other hand, who can produce millions of sperms every day, has everything to gain from as many promiscuous matings as he can snatch. Excess copulations may not actually cost a female much, other than a little lost time and energy, but they do not do her positive good. A male on the other hand can never get enough copulations with as many different females as possible: the word excess has no meaning for a male. I have not explicitly talked about man but inevitably, when we think about evolutionary arguments such as those in this chapter, we cannot help reflecting about our own species and our own experience. Notions of females withholding copulation until a"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of zebras?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "that is in demand, the sex that can afford to be choosy? If so, why? W e have considered parental, sexual, and aggressive interactions between survival machines belonging to the same species. There are striking aspects of animal interactions which do not seem to be obviously covered by any of these headings. One of these is the propensity that so many animals have for living in groups. Birds flock, insects swarm, fish and whales school, plains-dwelling mammals herd together or hunt in packs. These aggregations usually consist of members of a single species only, but there are exceptions. Zebras often herd together with gnus, and mixed-species flocks of birds are sometimes seen. The suggested benefits that a selfish individual can wrest from living in a group constitute rather a miscellaneous list. I am not going to trot out the catalogue, but will mention just a few suggestions. In the course of this I shall return to the remaining examples of apparently altruistic behaviour that I gave in"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect information to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "particular their astonishing feats of cooperation and apparent altruism. Suicidal stinging missions typify their prodigies of self-abnegation. In the ‘honey-pot’ ants there is a caste of workers with grotesquely swollen, food-packed abdomens, whose sole function in life is to hang motionless from the ceiling like bloated light-bulbs, being used as food stores by the other workers. In the human sense they do not live as individuals at all; their individuality is subjugated, apparently to the welfare of the community. A society of ants, bees, or termites achieves a kind of individuality at a higher level. Food is shared to such an extent that one may speak of a communal stomach. Information is shared so efficiently by chemical signals and by the famous ‘dance’ of the bees that the community behaves almost as if it were a unit with a nervous system and sense organs of its own. Foreign intruders are recognized and repelled with something of the selectivity"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on droplets?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "the arrangement. It is possible that the fungi benefit too, even though they are cropped: the ants propagate them more efficiently than their own spore dispersal mechanism might achieve. Furthermore, the ants ‘weed’ the fungus gardens, keeping them clear of alien species of fungi. By removing competition, this may benefit the ants’ own domestic fungi. A kind of relationship of mutual altruism could be said to exist between ants and fungi. It is remarkable that a very similar system of fungus-farming has evolved independently, among the quite unrelated termites. Ants have their own domestic animals as well as their crop plants. Aphids—greenfly and similar bugs—are highly specialized for sucking the juice out of plants. They pump the sap up out of the plants’ veins more efficiently than they subsequently digest it. The result is that they excrete a liquid that has had only some of its nutritious value extracted. Droplets of sugar-rich"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with associations?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "species as things apart from associations between members of the same species. In general, associations of mutual benefit will evolve if each partner can get more out than he puts in. This is true whether we are speaking of members of the same hyena pack, or of widely distinct creatures such as ants and aphids, or bees and flowers. In practice it may be difficult to distinguish cases of genuine two-way mutual benefit from cases of one-sided exploitation. The evolution of associations of mutual benefit is theoretically easy to imagine if the favours are given and received simultaneously, as in the case of the partners who make up a lichen. But problems arise if there is a delay between the giving of a favour and its repayment. This is because the first recipient of a favour may be tempted to cheat and refuse to pay it back when his turn comes. The resolution of this problem is interesting and is worth discussing in detail. I can do this best in terms of a hypothetical"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise trivers?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "are left in sole possession. Paradoxically, the presence of the suckers actually endangered the grudgers early on in the story because they were responsible for the temporary prosperity of the cheats. By the way, my hypothetical example about the dangers of not being groomed is quite plausible. Mice kept in isolation tend you scratch my back, i’ll ride on yours · 243 to develop unpleasant sores on those parts of their heads that they cannot reach. In one study, mice kept in groups did not suffer in this way, because they licked each others’ heads. It would be interesting to test the theory of reciprocal altruism experimentally and it seems that mice might be suitable subjects for the work. Trivers discusses the remarkable symbiosis of the cleaner-fish. Some fifty species, including small fish and shrimps, are known to make their living by picking parasites off the surface of larger fish of other species. The large fish obviously benefit from being"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe evolution?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "nology, all evolve in historical time in a way that looks like highly memes · 247 speeded up genetic evolution, but has really nothing to do with genetic evolution. As in genetic evolution though, the change may be progressive. There is a sense in which modern science is actually better than ancient science. Not only does our understanding of the universe change as the centuries go by: it improves. Admittedly the current burst of improvement dates back only to the Renaissance, which was preceded by a dismal period of stagnation, in which European scientific culture was frozen at the level achieved by the Greeks. But, as we saw in Chapter 5, genetic evolution too may proceed as a series of brief spurts between stable plateaux. The analogy between cultural and genetic evolution has fre quently been pointed out, sometimes in the context of quite unnecessary mystical overtones. The analogy between scientific progress and genetic evolution by natural selection has been illu-"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term popular?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "If the meme is a scientific idea, its spread will depend on how acceptable it is to the population of individual scientists; a rough measure of its survival value could be obtained by counting the number of times it is referred to in successive years in scientific journals.* If it is a popular tune, its spread through the meme pool may be gauged by the number of people heard whistling it in the streets. If it is a style of women’s shoe, the population memeticist may use sales statistics from shoe shops. Some memes, like some genes, achieve brilliant short-term success in spreading rapidly, but do not last long in the meme pool. Popular songs and stiletto heels are examples. Others, such as the Jewish religious laws, may continue to propagate themselves for thousands of years, usually because of the great potential permanence of written records. This brings me to the third general quality of successful replicators: copying-fidelity. Here I must admit that I am on shaky"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about celibacy?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "priest to influence his flock, say because it occupied a large proportion of his time and attention. This has, indeed, been advanced as an official reason for the enforcement of celibacy among priests. If this were the case, it would follow that the meme for celibacy could have greater survival value than the meme for marriage. Of course, exactly the opposite would be true for a gene for celibacy. If a priest is a survival machine for memes, celibacy is a useful attribute to build into him. Celibacy is just a minor partner in a large complex of mutually-assisting religious memes. I conjecture that co-adapted meme-complexes evolve in the same kind of way as co-adapted gene-complexes. Selection favours memes that exploit their cultural environment to their own advantage. This cultural environment consists of other memes which are also being selected. The meme pool therefore comes to have the attributes of an evolutionarily stable set, which new"}
{"instruction": "Why does professor anatol matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "Their human authors played the same role as genes programming bodies (think of Chapter 4’s computer chess and the Andromeda computer). You can think of the strategies as miniature ‘proxies’ for their authors. Indeed, one author could have submitted more than one strategy (although it would have been cheating—and Axelrod would presumably not have allowed it—for an author to ‘pack’ the competition with strategies, one of which received the benefits of sacrificial cooperation from the others). Some ingenious strategies were submitted, though they were, of course, far less ingenious than their authors. The winning strategy, remarkably, was the simplest and superficially least ingenious of all. It was called Tit for Tat, and was submitted by Professor Anatol Rapoport, a well-known psychologist and games theorist from Toronto. Tit for Tat begins by cooperating on the first move and thereafter simply copies the previous move of the other"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame axelrod here?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "Axelrod had already begun to think in ESS terms, but I felt that this tendency was so important that I wrote to him suggesting that he should get in touch with W. D. Hamilton, who was then, though Axelrod didn’t know it, in a different department of the same university, the University of Michigan. He did indeed immediately contact Hamilton, and the result of their subsequent collaboration was a brilliant joint paper published in the journal Science in 1981, a paper that won the Newcomb Cleveland Prize of the American Association for the Advancement of Science. In addition to discussing some delightfully way-out biological examples of Iterated Prisoner’s Dilemmas, Axelrod and Hamilton gave what I regard as due recognition to the ESS approach. Contrast the ESS approach with the ‘round-robin’ system that Axelrod’s two tournaments followed. A round-robin is like a football league. Each strategy was matched against each other strategy an equal number of times."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about coventry?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "Coventry. These three teams, then, had everything to play for on that Saturday. Sunderland were playing against a fourth team (whose tenure in the First Division was not in doubt). Bristol and Coventry happened to be playing against each other. It was known that, if Sunderland lost their game, then Bristol and Coventry needed only to draw against each other in order to stay in the First Division. But if Sunderland won, then the team relegated would be either Bristol or Coventry, depending on the outcome of their game against each other. The two crucial games were theoretically simultaneous. As a matter of fact, however, the Bristol–Coventry game happened to be running five minutes late. Because of this, the result of the Sunderland game became known before the end of the Bristol–Coventry game. Thereby hangs this whole complicated tale. For most of the game between Bristol and Coventry the play was, to quote one contemporary news report, ‘fast and often furi-"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about long reach?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "could tell a different moral tale. To the bats themselves, not only is blood thicker than water. They rise above the bonds of kinship, forming their own lasting ties of loyal blood-brotherhood. Vampires could form the vanguard of a comfortable new myth, a myth of sharing, mutualistic cooperation. They could herald the benignant idea that, even with selfish genes at the helm, nice guys can finish first. The Long Reach of the Gene A n uneasy tension disturbs the heart of the selfish gene theory. It is the tension between gene and individual body as fundamental agent of life. On the one hand we have the beguiling image of independent DNA replicators, skipping like chamois, free and untrammelled down the generations, temporarily brought together in throwaway survival machines, immortal coils shuffling off an endless succession of mortal ones as they forge towards their separate eternities. On the other hand we look at the individual bodies them-"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about darwinians?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "of the genes themselves, but because of their consequences— their phenotypic effects. Darwinians have usually chosen to discuss genes whose phenotypic effects benefit, or penalize, the survival and reproduction of whole bodies. They have tended not to consider benefits to the gene itself. This is partly why the paradox at the heart of the theory doesn’t normally make itself felt. For instance a gene may be successful through improving the running speed of a predator. The whole predator’s body, including all its genes, is more successful because it runs faster. Its speed helps it survive to have children; and therfore more copies of all its genes, including the gene for fast running, are passed on. Here the paradox conveniently disappears because what is good for one gene is good for all. But what if a gene exerted a phenotypic effect that was good for itself but bad for the rest of the genes in the body? This is not a flight of fancy."}
{"instruction": "How is chlorohydra presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "providing them with oxygen. Now here is the interesting point. Just as we should expect, in Chlorohydra the algae transmit themselves to the next generation by means of the hydra’s egg. In the other two species they do not. The interests of alga genes and Chlorohydra genes coincide. Both are interested in doing every thing in their power to increase production of Chlorohydra eggs. But the genes of the other two species of hydra do not ‘agree’ with the genes of their algae. Not to the same extent, anyway. Both sets of genes may have an interest in the survival of hydra bodies. But only hydra genes care about hydra reproduction. So the algae hang on as debilitating parasites rather than evolving towards benign cooperation. The key point, to repeat it, is that a parasite whose genes aspire to the same destiny as the genes of its host shares all the interests of its host and will eventually cease to act parasitically. Destiny, in this case, means future generations."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about beavers?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "loyal, doting parent and even grandparent. The caddis lives inside its house, and the parasites that I have so far discussed have lived inside their hosts. The genes, then, are physically close to their extended phenotypic effects, as close as genes ordinarily are to their conventional phenotypes. But genes can act at a distance; extended phenotypes can extend a long way. One of the longest that I can think of spans a lake. Like a spider web or a caddis house, a beaver dam is among the true wonders of the world. It is not entirely clear what its Darwinian purpose is, but it certainly must have one, for the beavers expend so much time and energy to build it. The lake that it creates probably serves to protect the beaver’s lodge from predators. It also provides a convenient waterway for travelling and for transporting logs. Beavers use flotation for the same reason as Canadian lumber companies use rivers and eighteenth-century coal mer-"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on whatever?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "internal drug or hormone. As in the case of internal parasites, we should now rephrase the whole matter in terms of genes and extended phenotypes. In the evolutionary arms race between cuckoos and hosts, advances on each side took the form of genetic mutations arising and being favoured by natural selection. Whatever it is about the cuckoo’s gape that acts like a drug on the host’s nervous system, it must have originated as a genetic mutation. This mutation worked via its effect on, say, the colour and shape of the young cuckoo’s gape. But even this was not its most immediate effect. Its most immediate effect was upon unseen chemical happenings inside cells. The effect of genes on colour and shape of gape is itself indirect. And now here is the point. Only a little more indirect is the effect of the same cuckoo genes on the behaviour of the besotted host. In exactly the same sense as we may speak of cuckoo genes having (phenotypic) effects on the colour and"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat proteins as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "further. I shall divide the question up into three. Why did genes gang up in cells? Why did cells gang up in many-celled bodies? And why did bodies adopt what I shall call a ‘bottlenecked’ life cycle? First then, why did genes gang up in cells? Why did those ancient replicators give up the cavalier freedom of the primeval soup and take to swarming in huge colonies? Why do they cooperate? We can see part of the answer by looking at how modern DNA molecules cooperate in the chemical factories that are living cells. DNA molecules make proteins. Proteins work as enzymes, catalysing particular chemical reactions. Often a single chemical reaction is not sufficient to synthesize a useful end-product. In a human pharmaceutical factory the synthesis of a useful chemical needs a production line. The starting chemical cannot be transformed directly into the desired end-product. A series of intermediates must be synthesized in strict sequence."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of bottle-wrack?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "just like the original plant. This shedding of parts is the species’s method of reproducing. As you will notice, it isn’t really different from its method of growing, except that the growing parts become physically detached from one another. Bottle-wrack looks the same and grows in the same straggly way. There is one crucial difference, however. It reproduces by releasing single-celled spores which drift off in the sea and grow into new plants. These spores are just cells of the plant like any others. As in the case of splurge-weed, no sex is involved. The daughters of a plant consist of cells that are clone-mates of the cells of the parent plant. The only difference between the two species is that splurge-weed reproduces by hiving off chunks of itself consisting of indeterminate numbers of cells, while bottlewrack reproduces by hiving off chunks of itself always consisting of single cells. By imagining these two kinds of plant, we have zeroed in on the"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect particular to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "and order our lives. In the same way, the endlessly repeated growth rhythms imposed by a bottlenecked life cycle will—it seems almost inevitable—be used to order and structure embryology. Particular genes can be switched on and off at particular times because the bottleneck/growth-cycle calendar ensures that the long reach of the gene · 339 there is such a thing as a particular time. Such well-tempered regulations of gene activity are a prerequisite for the evolution of embryologies capable of crafting complex tissues and organs. The precision and complexity of an eagle’s eye or a swallow’s wing couldn’t emerge without clockwork rules for what is laid down when. The third consequence of a bottlenecked life history is a genetic one. Here, the example of bottle-wrack and splurge-weed serves us again. Assuming, again for simplicity, that both species reproduce asexually, think about how they might evolve. Evolution requires genetic change, mutation."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on extended phenotype?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "If life cycles become bottlenecked, living material seems bound to become boxed into discrete, unitary organisms. And the more that living material is boxed into discrete survival machines, the more will the cells of those survival machines concentrate their efforts on that special class of cells that are destined to ferry their shared genes through the bottleneck into the next generation. The two phenomena, bottlenecked life cycles and discrete organisms, go hand in hand. As each evolves, it reinforces the other. The two are mutually enhancing, like the spiralling feelings of a woman and a man during the progress of a love affair. 342 · the long reach of the gene The Extended Phenotype is a long book and its argument cannot easily be crammed into one chapter. I have been obliged to adopt here a condensed, rather intuitive, even impressionistic style. I hope, nevertheless, that I have succeeded in conveying the flavour of the argument."}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with environment?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "environment. But the environment means not just the external environment of the body—trees, water, predators, etc.—but also the internal environment, and especially the other genes with which the selfish gene shares a succession of bodies through the population and down the generations. It follows that natural selection favours genes that flourish in the company of other genes in the breeding population. Genes are indeed ‘selfish’ in the sense promoted in this book. They are also cooperative with other genes with which they share, not just the present particular body, but bodies in general, generated by the species’ gene pool. A sexually reproducing population is a cartel of mutually compatible, cooperating genes: cooperating today because they have flourished by cooperating through many generations of similar bodies in the ancestral past. The important point to understand epilogue · 347 (it is much misunderstood) is that the cooperativeness is favoured,"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise selection?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "I hasten to add that, when I say ‘higher-level’, I do not mean anything to do with ‘group selection’. I am talking about something much more subtle and much more interesting. My feeling now is that not only are some individual organisms better at surviving than others; whole classes of organisms may be better at evolving than others. Of course, the evolving that we are talking about here is still the same old evolution, mediated via selection on genes. Mutations are still favoured because of their impact on the survival and reproductive success of individuals. But a major new mutation in basic embryological plan can also open up new floodgates of radiating evolution for millions of years to come. There can be a kind of higher-level selection for embryologies that lend themselves to evolution: a selection in favour of evolvability. This kind of selection may even be cumulative and therefore progressive, in ways that group selection is not."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe dennett?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "The transputers take the sub-problem away, solve it, hand in the answer and report for a new task. Meanwhile other gangs of transputers are reporting in with their solutions, so the whole supercomputer gets to the final answer orders of magnitude faster than a normal serial computer could. I said that an ordinary serial computer can create an illusion of being a parallel processor, by rotating its ‘attention’ sufficiently fast around a number of tasks. We could say that there is a virtual parallel processor sitting atop serial hardware. Dennett’s idea is that the human brain has 374 · endnotes to chapter 4 done exactly the reverse. The hardware of the brain is fundamentally parallel, like that of the Edinburgh machine. And it runs software designed to create an illusion of serial processing: a serially processing virtual machine riding on top of parallel architecture. The salient feature of the subjective experience of thinking, Dennett thinks, is the"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term conversely?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "According to our interpretation, wasps can benefit by entering because some nests are abandoned by their original diggers and are reusable. It does not pay to enter a nest that is occupied, but an enterer has no way of knowing which nests are occupied and which abandoned. She runs the risk of going for days in double-occupation, at the end of which she may come home to find the burrow sealed up, and all her efforts in vain—the other occupant has laid her egg and will reap the benefits. If too much entering is going on in a population, available burrows become scarce, the chance of double-occupation goes up, and it therefore pays to dig. Conversely, if plenty of wasps are digging, the high availability of burrows favours entering. There is a critical frequency of entering in the population at which digging and entering are equally profitable. If the actual frequency is below the critical frequency, natural selection favours entering, because there is a good supply of available abandoned burrows."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about marshall sahlins?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "The fallacy that the theory of kin selection demands unrealistic feats of calculation by animals is revived without abatement by successive generations of students. Not just young students, either. The Use and Abuse of Biology, by the distinguished social anthropologist Marshall Sahlins, could be left in decent obscurity had it not been hailed as a ‘withering attack’ on ‘sociobiology’. The following quotation, in the context of whether kin selection could work in humans, is almost too good to be true: In passing it needs to be remarked that the epistemological problems presented by a lack of linguistic support for calculating r, coefficients of relationship, amount to a serious defect in the theory of kin selection. Fractions are of very rare occurrence in the world’s languages, appearing in Indo-European and in the archaic civilizations of the Near and Far East, but they are generally lacking among the so-called primitive peoples. Hunters and gatherers generally do not have counting systems"}
{"instruction": "Why does mother matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "offspring. Of course this neglects all kinds of practical considerations. For instance, your mother is older than you, though whether this makes her a better or worse bet for future reproduction than you yourself depends on particular circumstances—we can’t give a general rule. That argument assumes that your mother can be relied upon to continue producing your father’s children, as opposed to some other male’s children. The extent to which she can be relied upon depends upon the mating system of the species. If you are a member of a habitually promiscuous species, you obviously cannot count on your mother’s offspring being your full siblings. Even under ideally monogamous conditions, there is one apparently inescapable consideration that tends to make your mother a worse bet than you are yourself. Your father may die. With the best will in the world, if your father is dead your mother can hardly be expected to go on producing his children, can she?"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame difference here?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "To see this, suppose that the two sexes, the As and the Bs, differ from one another, right from the start, in whether they can most influence their success by investing in children or by investing in fighting (I’ll use ‘fighting’ to stand for all kinds of direct competition within one sex). Initially the difference between the sexes can be very slight, since my point will be that there is an inherent tendency for it to grow. Say the As start out with fighting making a greater contribution to their reproductive success than parental behaviour does; the Bs, on the other hand, start out with parental behaviour contributing slightly more than fighting to variation in their reproductive success. This means, for example, that although an A of course benefits from parental care, the difference between a successful carer and an unsuccessful carer among the As is smaller than the difference between a successful fighter and an unsuccessful fighter among the As."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about disease?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "He believes that hereditary disease-resistance among males is the most important criterion by which females choose them. Disease is such a powerful scourge that females will benefit greatly from any ability they may have to diagnose it in potential mates. A female who behaves like a good diagnostic doctor and chooses only the healthiest male for mate will tend to gain healthy genes for her children. Now, because the definition of the ‘best rabbit’ is always changing, there will always be something important for females to choose between, when they look the males over. There will always be some ‘good’ males and some ‘bad’ males. They won’t all become ‘good’ after generations of selection, because by then the parasites will have changed and so the definition of a ‘good’ rabbit will have changed. Genes for resisting one strain of myxoma virus will not be good at resisting the next strain of myxoma virus that mutates on to the scene. And"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about hamilton?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "females positively going for a snorer at all. Still, personal intuition is notoriously unreliable. Perhaps at least this would make a research project for an insomniac doctor. Come to think of it, she might be in a good position to test the other theory as well. These two speculations should not be taken too seriously. They will have succeeded if they bring home the principle of Hamilton’s theory about how females try to choose healthy males. Perhaps the most interesting thing about them is that they point up the link between Hamilton’s parasite theory and Amotz Zahavi’s ‘handicap’ theory. If you follow through the logic of my penis hypothesis, males are handicapped by the loss of the bone and the handicap is not just incidental. The hydraulic advertisement gains its effectiveness precisely because erection sometimes fails. Darwinian readers will certainly have picked up this ‘handicap’ implication and it may have aroused in them grave suspicions."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about zahavian-handicap?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "each rule being stable in the presence of itself and the other. If we can find such an evolutionarily stable pair of rules we can examine them to see what life would be like in a society consisting of males and females playing by these rules. Specifically, would it be a Zahavian-handicap world? Grafen set himself the task of finding such a mutually stable pair of rules. If I were to undertake this task, I should probably slog through a laborious computer simulation. I’d put into the computer a range of males, varying in their rule for relating quality to advertisement. And I’d also put in a range of females, varying in their rule for choosing males on the basis of the males’ advertising levels. I’d then let the males and females rush around inside the computer, bumping into one another, mating if the female choice criterion is met, passing on their male and female rules to their sons and daughters. And of course individuals would survive or fail to survive as a result of their inherited ‘quality’."}
{"instruction": "How is locusts presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "instance. Naked mole rats don’t regulate their individual body temperatures in the way that normal mammals do; they are more like ‘coldblooded’ reptiles. Perhaps they control temperature socially—another resemblance to termites and bees. Or could they be exploiting the wellknown constant temperature of any good cellar? At all events, my hypothetical dispersing individuals might well, unlike the underground workers, be conventionally ‘warm-blooded’. Is it conceivable that some already known hairy rodent, hitherto classified as an entirely different species, might turn out to be the lost caste of the naked mole rat? There are, after all, precedents for this kind of thing. Locusts, for instance. Locusts are modified grasshoppers, and they normally live the solitary, cryptic, retiring life typical of a grasshopper. But under certain special conditions they change utterly—and terribly. They lose their camouflage and become vividly striped."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about hamilton?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "they are not haplodiploid! It is hard to believe that the author could possibly have even seen Hamilton’s classic pair of papers, since haplodiploidy occupies a mere four of the fifty pages. She must have relied on secondary sources—I hope not The Selfish Gene. Another revealing example concerns the soldier aphids that I described in the notes to Chapter 6. As explained there, since aphids form clones of identical twins, altruistic self-sacrifice is very much to be expected among them. Hamilton noted this in 1964 and went to some trouble to explain away the awkward fact that—as far as was then known—clonal animals did not show any special tendency towards altruistic behaviour. The discovery of soldier aphids, when it came, could hardly have been more perfectly in tune with Hamilton’s theory. Yet the original paper announcing that discovery treats soldier aphids as though they constituted a difficulty for Hamilton’s theory, aphids not being haplodiploid!"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on mendelian?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "same for all, but it is simplest to consider a brother–sister mating. If both brother and sister are identically heterozygous their offspring will be a highly variable mish-mash of genetic recombinations. This follows from elementary Mendelian genetics and would apply, in principle, to all animals and plants, not just termites. If you take uniformly heterozygous individuals and cross them, either with each other or with one of the homozygous parental strains, all hell breaks loose, genetically speaking. The reason can be looked up in any elementary textbook of genetics and I won’t spell it out. From our present point of view, the important consequence is that during this stage of the development of a termite colony, an individual is typically closer, genetically, to its siblings than to its potential offspring. And this, as we saw in the case of the haplodiploid hymenoptera, is a likely precondition for the evolution of altruistic-"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat faith as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "because evidence is explicitly eschewed. Indeed the fact that true faith doesn’t need evidence is held up as its greatest virtue; this was the point of my quoting the story of Doubting Thomas, the only really admirable member of the twelve apostles. Faith cannot move mountains (though generations of children are solemnly told the contrary and believe it). But it is capable of driving people to such dangerous folly that faith seems to me to qualify as a kind of mental illness. It leads people to believe in whatever it is so strongly that in extreme cases they are prepared to kill and to die for it without the need for further justification. Keith Henson has coined the name ‘memeoids’ for ‘victims that have been taken over by a meme to the extent that their own survival becomes inconsequential . . . You see lots of these people on the evening news from such places as Belfast or Beirut.’ Faith is powerful enough to immunize people against all appeals"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of genetic?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "could have become part of the behavioural repertoire of the species, having regard to the fact that the genetic make-ups conducive to it must have perished with their possessors in this grand demographic auto-da-fe. To dismiss this as a myth is not to deny, however, that genetically selfish actions may sometimes ‘present’ (as clinicians say) as disinterested or altruistic actions. Genetic factors conducive to grandmotherly indulgence, as opposed to callous indifference, may prevail in evolution because kindly grandmothers are selfishly promoting the survival and propagation of the fraction of their own genes that are present in their grandchildren. Richard Dawkins, one of the most brilliant of the rising generation of biologists, gently and expertly debunks some of the favourite illusions of social biology about the evolution of altruism, but this is on no account to be thought of as a debunking kind of book: it is, on the contrary, a most"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect english to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "With much of the light, unencumbered style that has lately sold new and sometimes erroneous biology to the public, it is, in my opinion, a more serious achievement. It succeeds in the seemingly impossible task of using simple, untechnical English to present some rather recondite and quasimathematical themes of recent evolutionary thought. Seen through this book in their broad perspective at last, these will surprise and refresh even many research biologists who might have supposed themselves already in the know. At least, so they surprised this reviewer. Yet, to repeat, the book remains easily readable by anyone with the least grounding in science. Even without intention to be snobbish, reading a popular book in a field close to one’s research interests almost forces one to tally errors: this example misapplied, that point left ambiguous, that idea wrong, abandoned years ago. This book had an almost clean sheet from me. This is not"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on wilson?", "input": "Source: The Selfish Gene 40th Anniversary Edition", "output": "pattern that includes the simplest cell wall, the simplest multicell body, and the blackbird’s song. The impression should be avoided, however, that this book is some sort of layman’s or poor man’s Sociobiology. First, it has many original ideas, and second, it counterweights a certain imbalance in Wilson’s massive tome by strongly emphasizing the game-theoretic aspect of social behavior, which Wilson hardly mentioned. ‘Game-theoretic’ is not quite the right word, especially in the context of lower levels of social evolution, since the genes themselves don’t rationalize about their methods of operation; nevertheless, it has become clear that at all levels there are useful similarities between the conceptual structures of game theory and those of social evolution. The cross-fertilization implied here is new and is still in progress: only recently, for example, I learned that game theory had already given a name (“Nash equilibrium”) to a concept that"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term another?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "more comfortable being approached by the young women. They adjusted their plan so that the male students ran around town making reservations at different restaurants while the female students sold those places in line. They also learned that the entire operation worked best at restaurants that use vibrating pagers to alert customers when their table is ready. Physically swapping pagers made customers feel as though they were receiving something tangible for their money. They were more comfortable handing over their money and pager in exchange for the new pager. This had an additional bonus—teams could then sell the newly acquired pager as the later reservation time grew nearer. Another team took an even simpler approach. They set up a stand in front of the student union where they offered to measure bicycle tire pressure for free. If the tires needed filling, they added air for one dollar. At first they thought they were taking advantage of their fellow"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about innovation tournament?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "disease, and a public service commercial—called Unplug-It—about saving energy. This exercise ultimately evolved into what has become known as the “Innovation Tournament,” with hundreds of teams from all over the world participating.2 In each case, participants use the competition as a means to look at the world around them with fresh eyes, identifying opportunities in their own backyard. They challenge traditional assumptions, and in doing so generate enormous value from practically nothing. The entire adventure with Post-it notes was captured on film and became the foundation for a professional documentary called Imagine It.3 The exercises described above highlight several counterintuitive points. First, opportunities are abundant. At any place and time you can look around and identify problems that need solving. Some are mundane, such as scoring a table at a popular restaurant or pumping up bike tires. Many, as we well know, are much larger, relating to major world issues."}
{"instruction": "Why does stanford matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "topics, from design for extreme affordability to creating infectious action to design for agile aging. As part of the d.school teaching team, I’ve experienced the thrill of radical collaboration, extreme brainstorming, and rapid prototyping as we give our students and ourselves big, messy problems with more than one right answer. This book draws upon the stories that come out of the classrooms at Stanford as well as from my prior experiences as a scientist, entrepreneur, management consultant, educator, and author. Other stories come from those who have taken a wide range of paths, including entrepreneurs, inventors, artists, and academics. I’m fortunate to be surrounded by those who have done remarkable things by challenging assumptions and are eager to share their tales of success and failure. Many of the ideas presented here are the polar opposite of the lessons we are taught in a traditional education system. In fact, the rules that"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame jeff here?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "confident and proficient we become at solving them. And the better able we are to see them as opportunities. Attitude is perhaps the biggest determinant of what we can accomplish. True innovators face problems directly and turn traditional assumptions on their head. A wonderful example is Jeff Hawkins, who revolutionized the way people organize their lives with the Palm Pilot. Jeff was drawn to the problem of creating small personal computers that were easily accessible to the general public. This was a grand goal, and along the way he faced an endless array of additional challenges. In fact, he admits that being an entrepreneur means constantly facing big problems and finding creative ways to tame them. Jeff’s problems began at the very beginning. When Palm released its first product, the Zoomer, it failed miserably. Instead of walking away in defeat, Jeff and his team called the customers who had purchased the Zoomer, as well as those who had purchased its rival, the Apple"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about paul yock?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "improved. They whittle a list of hundreds of needs to just a handful, with the goal of picking the biggest problems they can find. After they settle on the challenge, they design and quickly build prototypes for a variety of solutions. After a focused, iterative process, they present their new product concepts to the key stakeholders to find out if they have successfully met the need. Interestingly, in many cases those who are on the front lines are so used to the problems they experience every day that they don’t even see them, or can’t imagine radical approaches to solving them. Paul Yock shared a story about the development of balloon angioplasty, a technique that involves inserting a balloon into an artery and expanding it so that it opens up the blocked artery. Before this breakthrough invention, most cardiologists felt that the only way to deal with clogged arteries was to do bypass surgery to remove the damaged blood vessels. This procedure requires open-heart surgery,"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about sandra?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "rebuild the university library and to get books into the hands of people throughout the country through their Box Library Extension. After they got to know each other a little better, Sandra wrote a business plan for the center and was eventually asked to serve on the organization’s board of directors. She is now co-president of the board and spends most of her time building awareness of and raising money for this organization. Besides her official duties, Sandra also takes on grassroots projects in Afghanistan, such as distributing pomegranate trees throughout the city of Kabul. She personally purchased twenty thousand bare-root trees and handed them out to families so they could start replacing trees destroyed during the war. Most people do not leave comfortable lives to tackle enormous problems in far-flung lands. But, in many cases, much smaller challenges seem just as daunting. For many, changing jobs or moving across town feels just as risky as traveling to an exotic location to"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about problems?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "This message is echoed by author Guy Kawasaki, who says it is better to “make meaning than to make money.”5 If your goal is to make meaning by trying to solve a big problem in innovative ways, you are more likely to make money than if you start with the goal of making money, in which case you will probably not make money or meaning. What do the entrepreneurs, venture capitalists, and inventors described above have to do with the students who started with five dollars, paper clips, or water bottles and were challenged to create as much value as possible? A tremendous amount. All of these examples reinforce the idea that there is great benefit to identifying problems in your midst and then relentlessly working to solve them by challenging traditional assumptions. Problems are abundant, just waiting for those willing to find inventive solutions. This takes acute observation, coordinated teamwork, the ability to execute a plan, a willingness to"}
{"instruction": "How is endeavor presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "Leila, along with her sister-in-law Heloisa Assis, invented a product that transforms knotty hair into curly hair. It took years of trial-and-error experimentation, resulting in many extreme failures along the way, but once she found a solution, she opened a salon in Rio. Her business was brisk and Leila had the fantasy of creating a franchise. Along came Endeavor, which helped her realize her dream. This business, called Beleza Natural, now employs a thousand people and earns millions in annual revenue. This is but one of hundreds of success stories from Endeavor. I was at Endeavor’s biannual summit two years ago and was overwhelmed with the energy and enthusiasm in the room. Each entrepreneur was indebted to Endeavor for providing the tools they needed, as well as the inspiration to succeed. This would never have happened if Linda had listened to those who told her that her ideas were crazy. One of the biggest obstacles to taking on “impossible tasks” is that"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about cooliris?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "very difficult time recruiting people to work at the company. This was a big problem. They were never going to reach their aggressive product development goals unless they brought in dozens of talented people. And to make that happen, they were going to have to do things differently. Josh, who was in charge of recruiting, started with all the traditional approaches to recruiting, including posting positions on job boards and craigslist, advertising on social networking sites such as LinkedIn and Facebook, and even hiring professional recruiters. But nothing was working. So the team decided to look at the entire recruiting situation differently, and to break with these standard approaches. Instead of trying to convince young, talented people to join the company, they decided to focus on making Cooliris such an appealing place to work that students would be begging to join. They wanted it to be the coolest “party” in town. They hosted special events for students, made sure to"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on mike rothenberg?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "They question every assumption about food preparation and presentation, develop brand-new cooking techniques, and even design custom utensils that are used to consume the food. This is a great reminder that in any arena, from your kitchen to your career, you can break free of the constraints that might be comfortable but are often limiting. I met with a dozen current and former students, and asked them to share their stories about breaking free from expectations. After listening to all their tales about getting around obstacles in school, in the workplace, and when traveling, Mike Rothenberg, who graduated two years ago, summarized all he heard by stating, “All the cool stuff happens when you do things that are not the automatic next step.” The well-worn path is there for everyone to trample. But the interesting things often occur when you are open to taking an unexpected turn, to trying something different, and when you are willing to question the"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat allen hamilton as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "disparate fields is completely different, but the job functions are remarkably similar. Consider the similarities between being a scientist and a management consultant: soon after earning my PhD in neuroscience, my sights were set on working in a startup biotechnology company. The only problem? I wanted a job in marketing and strategy, not in the lab. This seemed nearly impossible without any relevant experience. The startup companies with whom I interviewed were looking for individuals who could hit the ground running. I interviewed for months and months and often got close to a job offer, but nothing came through. Eventually, I got an introduction to the managing director of the San Francisco branch of Booz Allen Hamilton, an international consulting company. My goal was to impress him enough that he would introduce me to some of the company’s life science clients. I walked into the meeting and he asked me why someone with a PhD in neuroscience"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of david?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "experiences, from primary school education in the United States to irrigation of crops in rural India and management of innovative organizations. If you study each situation with an eye for improvement, you will find countless opportunities. It is then up to you to decide if you will put yourself in the position to take on that challenge. Some people are masters at taking on challenges and seizing leadership roles. I learned a lot about this from David Rothkopf, author and CEO of Garten Rothkopf, a Washington, DC–based international advisory firm, whose book Superclass focuses on those people in the world who have more power and influence than the rest of us.3 David studied leaders who’ve made it to the inner circle, interacting with one another in the elite World Economic Forum that meets annually in Davos, Switzerland. I asked David what sets these people apart from the rest of us. He echoed many of the things that others in this book mentioned: people"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect silicon valley to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "equally unforgiving. Once you fail, your friends, neighbors, and colleagues will always view you as a failure. A recent issue of the Wall Street Journal describes humiliating tactics currently used by debt collectors in several countries, including Spain.2 The collectors literally show up at individuals’ houses in bizarre costumes, with the goal of drawing attention from the neighbors and shaming the debtors. Why would anyone in these communities risk public ridicule by taking on any unnecessary risk? This is in sharp contrast to Silicon Valley, where failure is acknowledged as a natural part of the process of innovation. Steve Jurvetson,3 a partner at the venture firm Draper Fisher Jurvetson, describes failure as the secret sauce of Silicon Valley, while Randy Komisar of KPCB notes that being able to view failure as an asset is the hallmark of an entrepreneurial environment. Randy also says that when he sees people who have never had a failure, he wonders what they have really"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on wishing tree?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "wish. Unfortunately, people just weren’t interested. In an attempt to build momentum, the team started seeding the tree with wishes. This had little affect. They then became more aggressive in their promotion and more actively invited passersby to contribute. Again, this had little impact. But the students’ disappointment was amplified by the fact that not more than fifty feet away a similar project was getting lots of attention. Another team had created a huge web of large rubber bands from which they invited students to suspend their secrets. The rubber-band web was brimming with hundreds of brightly colored papers, each with a different secret. They fluttered in the light breeze, in sharp contrast to the nearly naked Wishing Tree next door. The Wishing Tree team decided to chalk this one up as a failure. However, they didn’t stop there. They extracted as much as they could from this experience by making a provocative three-minute video"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with successful?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "serendipitous options that might present themselves. Planning a career should be like traveling in a foreign country. Even if you prepare carefully, have an itinerary and a place to stay at night, the most interesting experiences usually aren’t planned. You might end up meeting a fascinating person who shows you places that aren’t in the guidebook, or you might miss your train and end up spending the day exploring a small town you hadn’t planned to visit. I guarantee that the things you’re likely to remember from the journey are those that weren’t on your original schedule. They will be the unexpected things that jumped in your path, surprising you along the way. This is true in all endeavors. For example, most major discoveries in science come from paying attention to surprising results and interpreting unexpected findings. Successful scientists quickly learn not to be afraid of data that leads them into uncharted territory. Instead of"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise teresa?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "working with a very large client, and when she rotated off the team there weren’t other comparable opportunities. But she learned that a new Deloitte group was forming that focused on mergers and acquisitions. While mergers and acquisitions was not her area of expertise, she was offered the opportunity to take a key position. She found that her skills transferred beautifully. Even though Teresa would not have planned this path herself, she realized that her ability to build relationships with clients and lead teams allowed her to excel in this new role. After a short time, Teresa was transferred to the Deloitte national office in New York, where her leadership and management skills again allowed her to shine. Teresa was then asked to head up the Silicon Valley practice for the firm, where she had to learn new strategies and a brand-new vocabulary, this time for high technology. None of Teresa’s steps could have been predicted, and yet, by excelling in an"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe lucky?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "They’re more likely to pay attention to an announcement for a special event in their community, to notice a new person in their neighborhood, or even to see that a colleague is in need of some extra help. Lucky people are also open to novel opportunities and willing to try things outside of their usual experiences. They’re more inclined to pick up a book on an unfamiliar subject, to travel to less familiar destinations, and to interact with people who are different than themselves. Not surprisingly, lucky people tend to be extraverted. They make more eye contact and smile more frequently, leading to more positive and extended encounters. These actions, in turn, open the door to more opportunities. Lucky people also tend to be optimistic and to expect good things to happen to them. This becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy, because even when things don’t go as expected, lucky people find ways to extract positive outcomes from the worst situations."}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term collections?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "therefore be objective when judging your own ideas. Ideas are like shoes because you need to break them in, therefore take time to evaluate new ideas. Ideas are like mirrors because they reflect the local environment, therefore consider changing contexts to get more diverse collections of ideas. Ideas are like hiccups because when they start they don’t stop, therefore take advantage of idea streaks. Ideas are like bubbles because they easily burst, therefore be gentle with them. Ideas are like cars because they take you places, therefore go along for the ride. Ideas are like chocolates because everyone loves them, therefore make sure to serve them up frequently. Ideas are like the measles because they are contagious, therefore hang out with other people with ideas if you want to get them yourself. Ideas are like waffles because they are best when fresh, therefore keep new ideas coming all the time. Ideas are like spider webs because they are stronger than they"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about chapter paint?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "tools at our disposal, including being open to opportunities that come our way, taking full advantage of chance occurrences, paying careful attention to the world around us, interacting with as many people as we can, and making those interactions as positive as possible. Making one’s own luck is ultimately about turning bad situations around and making good situations much better. We dramatically increase the chances that we will be lucky by exposing ourselves to as many diverse experiences as possible, boldly recombining these experiences in unusual ways, and fearlessly striving to get to the stage on which we want to play out our life. Chapter 8 PAINT THE TARGET AROUND THE ARROW Who would have thought that the package of notecards my mother gave me for my tenth birthday would have been one of the most valuable gifts I have ever received. They were light blue and said “Tina” in block letters on the top. At that age my mother taught me how to write a"}
{"instruction": "Why does parties matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "when in actuality they have two objectives in common, two that are opposing, two that are much more important to the candidate, and two that are much more important to the recruiter. Though contrived, this case mirrors most situations in life. Parties often share interests, even when they believe they’re on opposite sides of an issue, and some issues are usually more important to one person than to the other. The key to a successful negotiation is to ferret out everyone’s interests so you can maximize the outcome for everyone. This is easier said than done, since most people hold their interests close to the vest, believing this gives them a stronger negotiating position. But oftentimes this strategy is misguided, because in actuality what you want might be right in line with what the other party wants. Let’s take my recent experience purchasing a car. I assumed the salesperson wanted me to spend as much as possible, because I wanted to spend as little as possible."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame perry here?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "during which they had to rely on each other in the rawest sense. This made office issues seem mundane by comparison. Next, Perry decided to reward employees in a way that reflected and reinforced the company’s goals. Each month all employees fill out a survey about their interests and activities, and a name is drawn via a lottery. The chosen employee receives a custom messenger bag designed around his or her passions. The bags are wildly unique and a terrific physical artifact that demonstrates the creativity and innovation that are the hallmarks of the business. Then, inspired by open-source design at companies like Mozilla, where the users are empowered and encouraged to improve the product, Perry opened up Timbuk2’s design process to an online community, inviting customers to weigh in on the features for the next wave of products. Hundreds of customers participated in the process the first time around, looking at drawings and providing great ideas that"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about lance armstrong?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "This meant the final pieces didn’t offer any additional value.3 This exercise offers a strong reminder that in environments where there are limited resources, being driven to make yourself and others successful is often a much more productive strategy than being purely competitive. Those who do this are better able to leverage the skills and tools that others bring to the table, and to celebrate other people’s successes along with their own. This happens in sports as well as in business settings, which are both often thought to be purely competitive environments. For example, in It’s Not about the Bike, Lance Armstrong provides details about how competitors in the Tour de France work together over the course of the race in order to make everyone successful. And many competitive companies, including Yahoo! and Google, embrace “coopetition” by finding creative ways to work together, leveraging each business’s strengths. When it comes to being fabulous, many businesses select one area"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about nordstrom?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "managing shoe departments, serving as buyers, managing individual stores, and then as regional managers. Now, as leaders of this multibillion-dollar business, they’re still constantly looking for ways to improve. They watch and listen carefully, with great humility, and then, based on the information they have gathered, act with confidence and conviction. They’re so intent on continuing to enhance customer satisfaction that they’ve made it remarkably easy for any customer to reach each of them. All three brothers answer their own phones, read their own e-mail, and respond to messages personally. The idea that the customer comes first is so embedded into the culture of Nordstrom that the brothers describe the organization as an upsidedown pyramid, with the customer at the top and the senior management at the bottom. When you advance in the company, you literally move down the corporate ladder. There’s also no chief executive officer at the bottom."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about hopefully?", "input": "Source: What I Wish I Knew When I Was 2", "output": "innovation and the engine that drives us forward. Hopefully, the stories in this book underscore the idea that boundless possibilities result from extracting yourself from your comfort zone, being willing to fail, having a healthy disregard for the impossible, and seizing every opportunity to be fabulous. Yes, these actions inject chaos into your life and keep you off-balance. But they also take you places you couldn’t even have imagined and provide a lens through which to see problems as opportunities. Above all, they give you growing confidence that problems can be solved. The poem I wrote twenty-five years ago is a poignant reminder of the anxiety I experienced in my twenties when I looked ahead, not knowing what lay around the next curve. I wish someone had told me to embrace that uncertainty. As the stories in this book demonstrate, the most interesting things happen when you get off the predictable path, when you challenge assumptions, and when you give yourself permission to"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述博弈论？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "如今，在绝大多数大学，博弈论成了热门课程，在不少商学院甚至被规定为一门必修课。博弈论在实践中也得到了广泛的应用。从拍卖金额高达几十亿美元的用于承载手机信号的电波波段，到为麦肯锡这样的顶尖咨询公司提供策略咨询服务，再到预测谁会在真人秀《幸存者》中被淘汰出局，博弈论可说无处不在。策略思维在中国有着很深的渊源。人人都知道孙武和他的《孙子兵法》注1，其实在中国还有很多不那么知名的策略作者和思想家。译者王尔山在翻译本书的时候，就想到了中国历史和传说中的几个故事，意识到这些故事包含博弈论的基本要素，可以用于解释这个理论。现在，她正在考虑撰写一部以这些历史故事为基础阐述博弈论的著作；我们期待早日看到这部作品。我们希望各位可以从本书得到一些收获。一是改变观点。我们希望你可以从别人的角度观察这个世界。正确做到这一点对于确定你自己的最佳策略是必不可少的。不过，从别人的角度观察这个世界做起来并不容易。我们总喜欢把别人看做和我们一样的人，而不是完全不同的类型。博弈论要求你设身处地，仔细分析自己若处于对方的境地，思路会有什么变化，哪怕你完全不能同意他们的见解。说不定，在你读完本书的时候，你会发现自己对美国人的见解有了进一步的认识。二是向前展望，倒后推理。这里说的是做出一系列行动和反行动，"}
{"instruction": "重庆在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "的。那么，是什么难言之隐让运营商要收取漫游费呢？博弈论让我们很容易推演出运营商难言的秘密：如果取消漫游费，那么运营商们就处于全国统一的竞争性市场中，它们之间就会打起价格战，导致大多数运营商退出，而留下极少数幸存者垄断市场。并不是所有的运营商都有这样的自信：我会是最后的幸存者。所以它们之间就达成这样的默契：通过漫游费将市场分割为各个区域性市场。漫游费是地区市场分割的壁垒，各个地区的运营商都在自己的地盘里过着垄断带来的好日子。比如，在漫游费的高墙下，你是北京的用户，想用重庆的电话，因为重庆的话费可能要便宜一些。但是，漫游费就让你用重庆的电话比用北京的电话还要贵。这样，即使重庆的电话费比北京的电话费便宜，漫游费也让你难以企及，因为加上漫游费，对你来说用重庆的电话就要比用北京的电话贵了。同样，重庆的用户也会只用重庆的电话，各个地区的用户都只用本地区的电话，全国性的统一竞争性市场就被分割成各个地区的垄断市场，而用户们也不得不支付高额的话费。在这里，博弈论所起的作用是：它预言统一市场中会出现价格战。因为如果你知道一点博弈论，就一定知道“囚徒困境”这样简单的博弈论模型，也知道两个小偷在警察面前都会相互出卖同伙的结果。竞争性市场里的企业相互杀价，进行价格战就是“囚徒困境”，而相互出卖是它们的选择。"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里声誉究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "专制会带来贪污腐败，或者说比非专制社会更加普遍的贪污腐败现象，这种因果关系并不是简单地因为专制社会缺乏对于官员的监督，而是因为在专制社会里，官员向其上司表忠诚，可以通过自己贪污腐败来发送忠诚的信号，以利于保护自己。在专制社会，官员的全部命运基本上都掌握在他上司手里。上司可以决定他们的升迁，甚至掌控着他们的身家性命！官员为了保护自己，让上司找不到任何可以灭掉自己的口实，或者让上司相信自己不会谋反，自己是完全忠诚于上司的，就需要发送这样的信号给上司——我是忠诚于您的！但是，发送的信号必须要满足“可置信”的条件。上司怎么才会相信你的表白呢？如果你非常清廉，这样就会有好的声誉。一旦你谋反成功，譬如谋朝篡位，你的好声望就会让人民接受你，而让想攻击你的潜在敌人感到要击败你是比较困难的。正是你的好声誉会助你谋反成功。但是，如果你的声誉很糟糕，即使你谋反成功，人民也不会接受你，你的敌人也会利用这一点对你发起攻击，并且会得到人民的响应，你会落败的。这样，当你具有好的声誉时，你谋反成功并且取而代之的动机就会比较强烈，相反，你的坏声誉会增加你谋反成功的难度，你的谋反动机也就比较小了。如果你并不想谋反，同时也要向上司表明你的忠诚，你就可以采取自毁声誉的办法，增加你谋反成功的难度，同时也告诉你的上司，你是"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，伯德为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "队友就无人看管，更有机会投篮得分。换句话说，托尼的妙手大大改善了76人队的团队表现，尽管托尼自己的个人表现可能有所下降。因此，我们也许应该通过考察团队合作连续得分的数据来测试妙手一说。许多其他团队项目也有类似情况。比如在一支橄榄球队里，一个出色的助攻后卫将大大改善全队的传球质量，而一个拥有优异的接球才能的运动员则有助于提高全队的攻击力，因为对方被迫将大部分防守资源用于看管这些明星。在1986年的世界杯足球决赛上，阿根廷队的超级明星迭戈·马拉多纳自己一个球也没有进，不过，全靠他从一群联邦德国后卫当中把球传出来，阿根廷队两次射门得分。明星的价值不能单凭他的得分表现来衡量；他对其他队友的贡献更为至关重要，而助攻数据有助于衡量这种贡献的大小。冰球项目排列个人表现名次的时候，助攻次数和射门得分次数占有同等分量。一个运动员甚至可能通过一只妙手带动另一只手热身，进而变成妙手，帮助他自己提高个人表现水准。比如波士顿凯尔特人队的明星拉里 ·伯德，他喜欢用右手投篮，虽然他的左手投篮技术同样远在大多数人之上。防守一方知道伯德通常用右手投篮，自然会不惜集中一切兵力防他的右手。不过，他们的这一计划不能完全奏效，因为伯德的左手投篮技术亦实在了得，他们不敢大意，非得同样派人看守不可。"}
{"instruction": "围绕加薪，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "公司大可以利用其职员预期的搬家成本高，向他们支付较低薪水或降低加薪幅度。电脑公司可以给新出的可兼容的外围设备标出更高的价码，因为它们知道，它们的消费者不会轻易转向同样是新出的却不兼容的技术。至于航空公司，一旦找到数目庞大的里程积分计划参加者，就不大愿意参与价格战了。夫妻签订的平均分担家务的协议一旦遇到小孩出生，就不得不重新谈判一番。能够预见到上述后果的策略家会赶在他们的讨价还价能力仍然存在的时候充分利用，换句话说就是在他们订下契约之前。一般情况是采取预先支付酬劳再签约的形式。潜在的利益谋取者相互竞争会导致同样的结果。比如，公司不得不提供更具吸引力的起薪；电脑制造商不得不为它们生产的中央处理器(CPU)标出足够低的价格；而航空公司的里程积分计划也不得不为登记参加者提供更多的积分奖励以吸引他们。至于结了婚的夫妇，其对各自利益的谋取可能会变成一场两个人玩的博弈游戏。同样的深谋远虑也使许多好奇却又理智的人不至于亲身尝试会上瘾的毒品，比如海洛因。汤姆·莱勒(Tom Lehrer)写的一首歌这样描述毒品贩子的策略：他给孩子赠送免费样品，因为他实在太了解，今天仍然天真无邪的面孔，明天就会变成他的新客户。聪明的孩子也了解这一点，所以拒绝了那些免费样品。8.多管齐下"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，利比亚意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "掉了战争。我们必须看到很重要的一点：虽然我们考虑过许多可能的建议和反建议，预期结果却是阿里的第一个条件能够被对方接受。谈判过程的后期阶段不会再发生。不过，假如第一轮不能达成一致，这些步骤将不得不走下去，这一点在阿里盘算怎样提出一个刚好足够引诱对方接受的第一个条件时非常关键。这个观察结果反过来提示了另一种讨价还价策略。向前展望、倒后推理的原理可能在整个过程开始之前就已经确定了最后结果。策略行动的时间可能提前，在确定谈判规则的时候就已经开始。同样的观察结果还会引出一个谜。假如讨价还价的过程真像这里阐述的那样，应该不会出现罢工。当然，罢工的可能性会影响最终达成的协议，不过公司会把握第一个提条件的机会，提出一个刚好足以引诱对方接受的条件，工会也会这样做。罢工变成现实，或者更普遍的情况，即谈判破裂，一定是现实生活更微妙或者更复杂的特征引出的结果，而这些特征早已从上述这个简单的故事中排除出去，未予考虑。我们会在第11章探讨其中一些问题。7.战争与和平倒后推理的另一个实例是怎样通过一系列双边谈判维护和平。我们举一个只有部分假设的例子：苏丹是一个相对弱小的国家，现在面临被其邻国利比亚入侵的危险。假如这两个国家在某种程度上都是与外界隔绝的，那么，要想阻止利比亚入侵并击败苏丹简直毫无可能。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画合作？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "会出现什么情况。假如你按照自己的私心行事，那么在一个反复进行有限次的囚徒困境博弈里，你会从一开始就作弊。而这会使其他参与者看清楚你的本质。于是，为了掩盖真相，或者是至少掩盖一会儿真相，你不得不装出善良的样子。为什么你会那么做呢？假设你一开始就按照善良人的方式行事，其他参与者就会认为你大约属于周围少有的几个善良人之一。合作一段时间将会带来实实在在的好处，而且其他参与者也会打算仿效你的善良人的做法，换取这些好处。这对你也有好处。当然，你和其他参与者一样，仍然打算在博弈接近尾声的时候偷偷作弊。但你们仍然会在最初一个阶段进行互利互惠的合作。因此，在各人假装善良等待占别人便宜的时机的当口，大家都会从这种共同欺骗中得到好处。三是，能在一个反复进行的囚徒困境中使信任出现的条件是，作弊所得早于合作破裂产生的代价之前出现。这么一来，两者相比哪一个更重要，就取决于现在与将来相比哪一个更重要。在商界，比较现在与将来的利润的时候，会用一个合适的利率对将来的利润打折扣。而在政界，现在与将来的重要性比较更加带有主观色彩，不过，一般而言，下一次竞选之后的时间看起来无关大局。这使合作变得难以达成。即便是在商界，若是遇到不景气的年份，整个产业处于崩溃边缘，管理层觉得已经走到山穷水尽，没有明天了，那么，竞争就有可能变得比正常年份"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把美国放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "这就提出了几个问题：为什么日本应该相信美国的声明？它难道就不会预计到美国会改变主意吗？假如它料到美国会有这么一个改变，它还会选择高水平吗？换言之，美国走出的无条件行动的第一步的可信度值得怀疑。假如美国并不可信，那么这一招将毫无作用。大多数策略行动都会遇到这个可信度的问题。回顾本章开始提到的几个例子，虽然政治家们发誓不会加税，这是无条件的，却并非不可收回。一旦当选，他们常常可以找到借口加税。即便是有条件的规则，在特定的时候也会出现例外情况，比如一个精神科医生用一支非法的手枪自卫，抵抗一名神经错乱的病人的袭击，那么强制判刑的条例就失去了效力。为了使一个策略行动可信，你必须采取其他附加行动，使扭转这一行动变得代价高昂乃至完全没有可能。可信度要求对这个策略行动做出一个承诺。当斯大林威胁说要饿死他的敌人，烧毁田野的行动就使他的威胁变得非常可信。而在其他情况下，可信度是一个程度问题。(大多数时候)法律体系中的先例使强制判刑条例显得可信；至于政治家的承诺，例外情况反而更加常见。在高清晰度电视的竞赛里，美国可以划拨专项资金，专供有意参与开发计划的公司申请支取，从而使自己投入高水平研发力量的选择显得更加可信。因此，策略行动包含两个要素：计划好的行动路线以及使这一路线"}
{"instruction": "作者借许诺想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "每一次只要遭遇恐怖分子，以色列的信誉和可信度就会面临考验。屈服一次的意义绝不仅仅是满足眼下这批恐怖分子的要求那么简单，还会给以后的恐怖行动增添诱人的魅力。注51 对于承诺而言，信誉的影响是一把双刃剑。有时候，破坏信誉可能为达成一个承诺铺设道路。破坏你的信誉这一行动会使你跟你自己达成一个承诺，决心以后不再采取任何在你预计当中并不符合自己最佳利益的行动。要不要跟劫机者谈判的问题有助于说明这个观点。在任何具体劫机事件发生前，政府可以做出决定，通过威胁说决不谈判，对劫机行动进行阻吓。不过，劫机者预计到，一旦他们夺取飞机，政府就会发现它根本不可能坚守绝不谈判的立场。政府怎样才能剥夺自己跟劫机者谈判的能力呢？一个答案是破坏其许诺的可信度。设想一下，在双方谈判达成协议后，政府却突然背弃自己的承诺，向劫机者发动攻击。这么做的结果是，政府对劫机者的处理方式值得信赖的信誉将会丧失殆尽。政府失去了做出一个可信的许诺的能力，同时不可逆转地断绝了自己对劫机者发出的威胁进行回应的后路。这种破坏许诺的可信度的做法将使决不谈判的威胁变得非常可信。美国国会在税收特赦计划方面也遇到了类似的保持前后一致性的问题。这种计划允许以前欠缴税款者补足差额而不必支付罚金。表面看来，这是一个不费分毫即可增加国库收入的办法。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价工会领袖？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "而未能及时告发同样违反荣誉准则。这一违规行为同样会导致开除。一旦发现有人违反荣誉准则，学生们就会举报，因为他们不想由于自己保持缄默而成为同样违规的同伙。与此相仿，刑法也将未能举报罪行者作为罪犯同谋予以处罚。受托谈判代理人假如一名工人声称自己不能接受任何低于5%的工资涨幅，凭什么老板应该相信他一定不肯退让而接受4%的工资涨幅呢？摆在桌面上的银子完全可以引诱人们回头再作一次谈判。如果这名工人有别人代为谈判，他的地位就会有所改善。工会领袖担任谈判者的时候，其地位可能不够灵活。他可能被迫坚守自己的许诺，否则就会失去工会会员的支持。这名工会领袖要么从其会员那里得到一份有条件的委托，要么公开宣布自己的强硬立场而使自己的声望面临考验。实际上，工会领袖变成了一个受托谈判代理人。他作为一个谈判者的权威建立在他的地位之上。有时候他根本无权妥协，批准合同的必须是工人们，而非这名工会领袖。有时候，这名工会领袖若是做出妥协，可能导致他下台走人。在实践中，我们不仅关注承诺实现后的结果，同样关注其实现方法。假如一名工会领袖自愿用其声望换取某种地位，你应不应该(会不会)把他的这种屈辱行为当做受到外界压力而不得已为之的行为对待呢？将自己绑在铁轨上企图阻止列车前进的人，他能得到的同情可能比"}
{"instruction": "这段关于混合策略的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "该记住。假如你想知道的只不过是一个选手之得或者另一个选手之失，你只要计算其中一个选手的最佳混合策略并得出结果就行了。我们的其他工具，比如威廉斯的方法和上述图表，能够很好地解决一切只有两个选手参加且他们各有两个策略的零和博弈。不幸的是，这些工具并不适用于任何非零和博弈，也不适用于选手数目超过两个或者他们拥有的策略数目超过两个的零和博弈。经济学家和数学家发明了更加普遍的技巧，比如线性规划方法，可以找出最复杂的零和博弈的均衡策略。虽然这些技巧超出了本书的范围，我们还是可以利用其中得出的结果。所有混合策略的均衡具有一个共同点：每个参与者并不在意自己在均衡点的任何具体策略。一旦有必要采取混合策略，找出你自己的均衡混合策略的途径就在于使别人对他们自己的具体行动无所谓。虽然这听上去像是一种倒退，其实不然，因为它正好符合零和博弈的随机化动机：你想阻止别人利用你的有规则的行为占你的便宜。假如他们确实倾向于采取某一种特别的行动，从你的角度观察，这只能表示他们选择了最糟糕的方针。说到这里，我们已经解释了采取混合或者随机策略的好处，以及这么做的策略必要性。基本要点在于，运用偶然性防止别人利用你的有规则的行为占你的便宜。将这一原理用于实践则是一个更微妙的问题。下面五个部分可以看做是运用混合策略的迷你指南。"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对公司的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "推广让概率决定结果的主张。出了问题之后更是如此，因为随机选择行动的时候总会出现偶然问题。有些人认为，一名橄榄球教练应该不时假装踢一个悬空球，以此迫使守方不敢轻举妄动；但在商界，类似的冒险策略一旦遭到失败，你就可能被炒了鱿鱼。不过，关键并不在于冒险策略总能成功，而在于冒险策略可以避免出现固定模式，并防止别人轻易预测自己的行动。折扣券是运用混合策略改善企业业绩的一个例子。公司使用折扣券来建立自己的市场份额，想法是为了吸引新的消费者，而不仅仅是向现有消费者提供折扣。假如几个竞争者同时提供折扣券，消费者就没有特别的动机转投其他牌子。相反，他们满足于自己现在使用的牌子，并接受该公司提供的折扣。只有在一家公司提供折扣券而其他公司不提供的时候，消费者才会被提供折扣券的公司吸引过去，尝试这个新牌子。诸如可口可乐与百事可乐这样的竞争对手之间的折扣券策略博弈，其实就跟吉姆和德拉的合作问题极为类似。两家公司都想成为提供折扣券的公司。但是，假如他们同时这么做，折扣券就不能发挥原来设想的作用，两家的结局甚至会比原来更糟。一个解决方案是遵守一种可预测的模式，每隔半年提供一次折扣券，几个竞争者轮流提供折扣券。这个方案的问题在于，当可口可乐预计到百事可乐快要提供折扣券的时候，它就应该抢先一步提供折扣券。"}
{"instruction": "文中关于肯尼迪的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "的威胁，从而这些威胁也就不能阻吓他或迫使他就范。肯尼迪可以宣称有这么一台自动发射机，这台机器已经得到授权，假如苏联直到星期一还没有将导弹撤出古巴，它就要自行向莫斯科发射导弹；不过，赫鲁晓夫可以肯定，肯尼迪一定还有一个象征更高授权的按钮，这个按钮可以撤销这台机器发出的发射命令。虽然表明战争必然爆发的确定性的威胁并不能让人信服，但表明战争可能爆发的风险或概率却可以变得可信。假如赫鲁晓夫不肯退让，就会出现一种风险，而不是一种确定性，表明导弹可能发射。这种不确定性降低了这个威胁的程度，从而使美国觉得这个威胁比较容易承受，因此在苏联看来也更加可信。这跟我们在第6章提到的另一个提高可信度的办法相似，即小步前进。当时我们认为应该把一个大的承诺分解为一系列小的承诺。如果我打算卖给你一条价值1 000美元的重要消息，我可能不愿意仅凭你的承诺就和盘托出，而是一点一点地告诉你，相应地，你也会一笔一笔地付钱。同样的原则也适用于威胁。在这里，每一步都包含一定程度的风险。美国或苏联方面的每一次不让步都会加大爆发世界大战的风险；而他们的每一个小的让步则都会减少这个风险。假如肯尼迪愿意走得比赫鲁晓夫更远，那么肯尼迪的边缘政策就会取胜。肯尼迪不能令人信服地威胁说他马上就要发动一场全面的核打击，"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对美国给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "斯佩德必须得到保证，只要古特曼知道那个秘密，他的心情就一定会马上平静下来，而赫鲁晓夫也必须得到确认，只要他一退让，美军就会马上撤退。否则，如果无论你做或不做，你都会遭到惩罚，也就不存在什么退让的激励了。美国贸易政策的做法，代表了一种缺乏控制机制的边缘政策。美国贸易当局企图以国会将要通过更具保护主义色彩的行动作为威胁，迫使日本和韩国向美国出口货物敞开大门(同时减少对美国的出口)。“假如我们不能达成一个适中的协议，国会就会立法限制进口，这对你们更加不利。”1981年日本同意的所谓汽车自愿出口限制就是这么一个较量的结果。经常动用这样的战术存在一个问题，即这些战术可以创造风险，却不能将风险控制在一个必要的范围。只要立法者的心思转向其他一些事情，国会采取保护主义行动的风险就会降到一个很低的水平，以至于这个威胁一点也不管用。另一方面，假如国会正在讨论解决贸易赤字问题，那么这个风险要么会高到我们的政府自己也难以承受的水平，要么就是对外国的限制迟迟没有反应，从而同样变成一个没有效力的威胁。换言之，美国政府机构之间的相互制衡可以创造风险，却不能有效控制风险。5.跌落边缘无论怎样运用边缘政策，总有一种跌落边缘的风险。虽然策略家们回顾古巴导弹危机的时候会把它当做边缘政策的一个成功应用，但假如"}
{"instruction": "这一段对补偿的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "的价值超出这些资源在社会其他人眼里的成本。这么一来，这个市场机制就能控制我买更多面包的欲望，使这种欲望维持在恰当的水平。这就好比价格是一种“罚金”，我要为自己使用了这些资源而向社会其他人做出补偿。而另一方面，面包师傅作为社会其他人的代表，则会由于向我提供了我所看重的面包付出了成本而得到补偿，因此又会获得恰当的激励继续生产面包。我们估计，这一推论的简洁、清晰和完美，正是它如此引人注目的原因所在。实际上，这种简洁同样清晰地传达了这一推论存在局限性的信息。“看不见的手”至多也就适用于一切都能标出价格的情况。但在经济学以外的许多情况，甚至经济学内部的许多情况中，人们并不会由于损害社会其他人的利益而被征收罚金，也不会由于造福其他人而得到奖励。比如，生产商几乎不会由于将清洁的空气消耗殆尽而被迫支付一笔足够高的费用，也不会由于培训一名工人而得到补偿，而这名工人可能上完培训课就辞职，另找一份工作。在这里，污染是一种没有标价的货物(实际上也是一种不好的货物)，而我们的问题在于，并不存在什么经济激励，可以调节一家公司制造大量污染谋求私利的做法。一家公司培训了一名工人，而这一货物并未在市场上交易，也就不存在什么价格可以指导这家公司的行动；这家公司必须使自己的成本与收益持平，它不"}
{"instruction": "家庭在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "类似的回到中间的势头。虽然隔离是一个早已料到的均衡，但这并不意味着人们会在这一均衡过得更好。每一个人大约都希望住在一个混居社区。但这样的社区几乎不存在，即便找到了多半也维持不下去。这里我们再次看到，问题的根源在于一户人家的行动对其他人家的影响。从70∶30的比例开始，若有一户白人家庭取代一户黑人家庭，这个社区在打算搬进来的黑人家庭看来就会减少一分吸引力。但造成这一结果的人不会被罚款。用道路收费站打个比方吧，我们也许应该设立一个离开税。不过，这么做将与一个更具根本性的原则发生矛盾，这一原则就是选择在何处居住的自由。假如社会希望防止出现“颠覆”，就不得不另找其他政策方法。假如我们不能向一户打算搬走的家庭收缴罚金，说他们对仍然住在那里的住户以及现在可能不想搬进来的住户造成了损害，那么，我们就要采取措施，降低其他人跟随照搬的激励。假如一户白人家庭走了，社区不该就此对外面的另一户白人家庭减少一分吸引力。假如一户黑人家庭走了，社区不该就此对外面的另一户黑人家庭减少一分吸引力。公共政策有助于阻止这个颠覆过程加速。芝加哥橡树园作为一个种族和谐混居社区，提供了一个绝妙的例子，说明了什么样的政策管用。这一社区采用了两种手段：一是该镇禁止在房屋前院使用写有“出售”字样的招牌，二是该镇提供保险，保证住"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的参与者是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "9.复习本章我们讨论了许多博弈案例，这些博弈的输家多于赢家。未经协调的选择之间相互影响，导致整个社会的一个糟糕结果。现在我们简要回顾这些问题，而读者也可以借助后面的案例分析，实际运用前面提到的方法。首先我们讨论了各人只能二选其一的博弈。其中的一个问题是似曾相识的多人囚徒困境：每一个人都做了相同的选择，却也是错误的选择。然后我们看到了另一些博弈，在这些博弈里，一部分参与者做了一个选择，另一部分参与者做了另一个选择，但若是把全体参与者作为一个整体，从这个整体的立场出发考察，这两种选择都没有达到最优比例。原因在于其中一个选择可能对其他人产生更大的影响，而做出这个选择的人没有预先将这个影响考虑在内。接下来我们遇到另外一种情况，在这种情况下，无论哪个极端，即无论选择这个方向或那个方向，都是一种均衡。要想做出选择，或确保做出正确的选择，我们需要能指导人们行为举止的社会习俗、惩罚或制约。即便如此，强大的历史力量仍有可能使这个团体陷入错误均衡的困境。我们又回到了包含好几种选择的情况，看到了这个团体可能怎样自愿滑下那道光滑倾斜的道路，直到达成让全体参与者一致感到遗憾的结果。而在另一些例子中，我们发现了一种过度相同的趋势。有时候可能由于人们彼此加强对他人想法的预计而达到一个均衡。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述城市？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "呢？为了达到这个案例分析的目的，我们大大简化了牙医的抉择问题。假定住在城市的吸引力和住在乡村一样大。牙医的抉择单单取决于经济上的考虑，也就是说他们会去自己赚钱最多的地方。这个抉择是基于自利的本性做出的，就如同旅客在伯克利与旧金山之间选择交通方式一样；牙医一心想使自己的收益最大化。由于存在许多缺少牙医的乡村，这表明乡村具有容纳更多牙医开业行医而又不至于导致拥挤的空间。于是在乡村行医就好比乘坐火车。在最理想的情况下，一个乡村牙医赚的钱都比不上他在大城市的同行，但在乡村行医却是一种更加稳妥的、能获得超过平均工资水平收入的方式。乡村牙医的收入及其社会价值随着他们人数的增加基本保持不变。在城市行医更像是开车跨越海湾大桥：只有你一个人这么做的时候当然非常愉快，但一旦城市变得拥挤，就不那么美妙了。一个地区的首位牙医当然具有极高的社会价值，他的生意可以做得很大。不过，假如周围出现许许多多牙医，就有可能出现拥挤和价格竞争。假如牙医人数增长过快，他们将不得不开始争夺病人，且他们的才能也将得不到充分发挥。假如城市牙医的数目增长得再快一些，他们的收入可能还比不上乡村的同行。256简言之，随着城市牙医的数目增加，他们提供的服务的边际价值就会下降，收入也会随之下降。我们可以用一个简单的图表(如图9—6所示)反映这个情况，你会发"}
{"instruction": "威胁在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "它而言，这种安排非常不利。那么，管理层为什么应该让步呢？为什么不应该让谈判没完没了地继续下去呢，反正原有合同实际上仍然有效？在这种情况下，威胁仍然在于谈判破裂而举行罢工的可能性。工会走的是边缘政策路线，但现在是在原有合同到期之后进行。常规谈判的时间已经过去。一边按照原有合同规定继续工作，一边继续谈判，这会被大家看做工会示弱的迹象。必须保持举行罢工的某种可能性，才能刺激公司满足工会的要求。一旦发生罢工，要紧的是，什么会使罢工继续下去？达成承诺的关键在于降低这个威胁，使其变得更加可信。边缘政策按照一天之后再来一天的模式将罢工进行下去。永不返回工作岗位的威胁并不可信，假如管理层已经差不多满足工会的要求了，就更没人相信了。不过，多持续一天或一星期就是一个可信的威胁。由此造成的工人的损失比他们将会得到的收益小。假如他们相信他们将会取胜(而且会很快取胜)，他们再持续一会儿就是值得的。假如工人们的信念是正确的，那么，管理层就会意识到，屈服的代价比较小，实际上自己也应该马上这么做。于是工人的威胁就不会造成任何损害。问题是，公司对整个局面的看法可能抱有同样的乐观看法。假如它相信工人马上就会退让，以再失去一天或一星期的利润换取一份对自己更有利的合同就是值得的。"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里合作究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "一旦认识到这一点，各方就会受到诱惑，希望重开合作协议谈判，以从对方身上多为自己榨取一点好处，同时，假如自己的要求遭到拒绝，就会以退出整个合作项目相威胁。不过，假如双方都是聪明的策略家，发生这样的事情并不令人惊讶。各方可以预料到这种可能性，并且不大愿意签下一份会使自己在以后遭受对方剥削的合同。这时，整个有利可图的计划面临夭折的威胁。解决方案是，在原有合作关系中，加上强制性的惩罚条款，以打消事后反悔的念头。本章主要讲述怎样设计这样的条款。人际合作关系的问题与商业合作关系如出一辙。假定有一对双职工夫妻，双方都不喜欢做饭，却又负担不了每周外出就餐超过一次的开销。他们出于直觉或经过协商决定大家平等分担家务活，每人每周做饭三天。但是，打个比方，假定妻子知道，丈夫不会单单因为她把自己承担的义务减为两天就跟她分手。她就有一种激励，希望发掘额外的工作，好使自己在一周当中总有几天不得不在办公室多呆一小时，这么一来，她是无论如何也来不及回家做饭了，哪怕当天确实轮到她负责做饭。反过来，丈夫应该向前展望，预计到这个结果，然后尝试从一开始就使这个交易有助于降低妻子以后偷懒的激励。当然，一段婚姻的个人与长期方面的因素通常已经足以确保各方不会采取诸如此类的小把戏，或是在这类分歧出现的时候，能保证大家可"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，公司为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "项，用于弥补不足的部分。假如两家公司事先投入相当于预计不足部分的统计平均值的款项，那么，它们将在某些情况下有盈余，而在另一些情况下出现亏损。在我们提出的例子中，事先投入的数目应为400万美元。不过，我们还有可能做得更好。我们可以设计一份合同，使得(1)两家公司都有报告真实成本的激励，(2)这份合同总能确保有效的继续下去或取消的决策，(3)合同能在个案分析基础上做到不盈不亏，而不仅仅是做到平均值不盈不亏。有效合同背后的原理，是使公司将它们通过自身行动加在对方身上的成本考虑在内。我们刚才已经看到，假如每家公司都要支付对方的成本，它们就有一种激励，要宣布真实成本数字以及做出有效的继续下去的决策。不过，这又引出预算平衡的一个问题。因此，各方与其向对方支付实际成本，倒不如支付通过自身行动加在对方身上的成本的预计值或统计平均值。假如一方宣布了一个低水平的成本，这就增加了项目继续下去的机会，相应地也增加了对方公司不得不承担某些生产成本的可能性。为了促使各方将自己加到对方身上的成本考虑在内，各方的收入应为这个项目经营利润的统计平均值减去如果项目继续下去对方公司不得不承担的成本的平均值而得到的数目。假如一家公司夸大自己的成本，它将不得不经常冒项目取消而使自己得到较少收入的风险，假如它"}
{"instruction": "围绕罗森克，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "必愿意告诉双方的律师。他可以叫陪审团留在办公室里玩“大富翁”游戏，为他多争取一两天时间。如果陪审团陷入僵局的消息泄露了，那么风险也就荡然无存，原告和被告会因此失去相互让步的激励。正是由于原告和被告对这一风险有不同的看法，他们才肯坐下来共同寻求一个折中方案。一旦一个案子送到陪审团面前，我们就创造了一种风险，而这一风险是我们不能控制的。起初，我们可能以为我们知道陪审团可能做出怎样的判决，这个风险也是可以控制的。不过，随着陪审团审议过程的进行，这一判决的不确定性也会变得越来越大。对立的原告和被告双方开始对陪审团可能做出什么判决出现某种相似的想法，接着，他们可以通过谈判，提出自己的解决方式，以消除这一风险。不管贝尔法官是不是有意识地采取边缘政策的策略，他还是设法保住了一道光滑的斜坡，迫使大家坐下来调解，并使他们希望返回安全的高地。18.管闲事的自由自由主义或自由意志主义社会哲学家有一个基本的原则，认为人人都有在不受外界干扰的前提下做出某个决定的权利。我们能不能在符合这一原则的基础上做出社会决策呢？考察一个大多数人都会认为是个人决定范畴的话题：卧室墙壁的颜色。假定有两个人，罗森克兰茨和吉尔登斯顿，还有两种颜色，红和绿。于是就有四种可能的组合。我们用RG表示罗森克兰茨用的是红色"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，天赋意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 策略思维：商界、政界及日常生活中的策略竞争阿维纳什·K·迪克西特", "output": "现，要在毫无物质激励的前提下提高工作质量，简直难于登天。这使他们陷入一个恶性循环，工人这样描述自己的政府：“我们假装工作；他们假装支付我们的工资。” 在实践当中，努力的程度必须借助一个间接指标进行判断，该指标通常是由努力换取的收入。但这一指标并不完美；高收入可能源于大量的努力或高质量的努力，但也可能就是由于运气比较好的缘故。因此，税制不再能精确量度每一个人的努力程度。税制不能向逃税者施加严厉的惩罚，相反，却能对实现低收入者施加严厉的惩罚，这么一来，就会将倒霉蛋连同逃税者一起惩罚了。在平均主义与税制的激励作用之间存在一个根本的冲突，税制必须在两者之间取得平衡。接着，我们考察天赋才能的差别。平均主义者可能认为，立法抽取由天赋才能获得的收益是天经地义的。但能不能做到这一点，取决于能不能找出才华卓著者，并且促使他们在知道政府要通过税收方式抽取他们凭借天赋才能获得的收入的前提下，发挥自己的天赋才能。然而，即便最了不起的天才，也仍然需要努力工作才能使自己的才华充分发挥出来，因此，整个问题变得难上加难。我们再次看到，平均主义的追求是有限的，因为这么做是以社会不能充分利用人才为前提。确定什么成果来自天赋才能并对其征税是很困难的，一个最好的例子，要数苏联等共产主义国家对待一流艺术家和体育明星的方式。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对人脑给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 世界之门：感官的故事", "output": "这里就显出了感觉和知觉之间的瓶颈，它们一个只管收集信息，另一个还要加工信息，使之进入人的意识。这一区分对于视觉尤其重要。人脑利用一套模板寻找规律、化繁为简，这套模板称为“内部模型”，有了这个模型，人脑就能根据之前的感觉体验来预测将来的感觉。这个模型用处极大，它使人脑能够加工不完整的信息，并从碎片中构建出一幅完整的图像。然而这也正是我们会出现错觉的原因，其中又以视觉特别容易受骗。一个著名的例子是旋转的舞台面具。当我们在影片中看着面具慢慢旋转，我们可能首先看到的是它向外凸出的一面——很容易如此，因为面孔是人脑接收的基本信息，一切都很合理。可是当我们看到了面具向内凹陷的一面呢？脑自会将它内外翻转，使我们仍看到一个外凸的表面，就像我们看过的每张脸一样。就算我们知道自己看见的其实是一块内凹，脑的内部模型仍会凌驾于我们的理性。人脑在知觉中的主导作用，意味着我们可以把感觉视作一支管弦乐队，将脑视作指挥，经它的协调与整合，原本孤立的输入才汇成连贯而丰富的单一体验。不过要是没有管弦乐队，指挥也就失去了意义。脑之所以存在，完全是因为有感觉信息需要加工。回到那个古老的“鸡生蛋还是蛋生鸡”的问题，我们可以说是感觉这枚蛋生下了脑这只鸡。事实上，有大量生物没有脑子照样存活，但其中许多仍"}
{"instruction": "这一段对蓝光的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 世界之门：感官的故事", "output": "鳗的尾巴或是果蝇的幼虫，它们会匆匆逃开寻找掩蔽——对于这两种生物，这个反应都没有眼睛的参与。雏鸽在上方的光线变化时会坐起来乞食——它们天生会从光线的变化联想到父母的到来。奇妙的是，即使用一只套子将雏鸽的头完全罩住，它们仍会做出这一反应，但如果被一块斗篷整个包住身体，彻底切断光源，它们就不会这么做了。这些动物的反应都有赖于皮肤中能够觉察光线的感光蛋白。我们人类体内也有类似的蛋白。每天早上我们睁眼醒来，光线的涌入会启动一连串事件，它们驱散睡意，让我们准备好迎接新的一天。光线之所以有这个作用，要多亏一种叫“视黑素”的特殊蛋白，它分布于我们头部的多个位置以及眼球内部。视黑素一经光线照射，就会跳起一支分子级的舞蹈，从而将一条消息发送给脑深部的视交叉上核。作为回应，那里的一团神经细胞会停止生产令人入睡的激素“褪黑素”，并催促身体活跃起来。视黑素特别容易受蓝光激发，而我们喜欢呆呆凝视的背光屏幕发出的正是蓝光，这是你不该带手机上床的一个原因：用这样的设备阅读会激活视黑素，进而说服脑部让你保持清醒。视黑素虽然功能强大，但并不能令你产生视觉。它的工作只是记录光线的有无，而从察觉光线到产生视觉还有很长的道路要走，为此你需要眼睛。在池塘底部的厚厚一层淤泥上滑动着一种小生物，名为“扁虫”，它们已经长出最原始的眼睛。"}
{"instruction": "颜色在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 世界之门：感官的故事", "output": "这一结论还从另一个巧妙的发现那里得到了额外支持：我们只有在右眼看到颜色时，才能有效地为其分类（或者说右眼的分类能力要好得多，具体要看你读的是哪项研究）。由于两侧视神经在连入脑部前会左右交叉，解码右眼信息的是我们的左脑半球。那又怎么样？我们的语言中枢就在左脑。这是不是说，语言完全规定了我们对颜色的划分？也不尽然。你如果想知道人类离开了语言会怎么划分颜色，就得去问还没有发展出语言的人类，换句话说就是去问婴儿，这可不简单。幸好我们有一项很棒的技术，能追踪婴儿在观看屏幕上的哪部分图像，他们对各种刺激又投入了多少关注。根据这类研究，我们得知婴儿在语言产生干预之前就在划分颜色了。不仅如此，他们似乎更擅长用右脑来划分颜色。随着年纪增长，语言和左脑半球开始占据主导，但此时划分颜色的基础工作可能已经完成。和其他问题一样，颜色知觉究竟是来自语言还是天生如此，真相也不是非此即彼：实际上两方面都很重要。我们可以将颜色知觉的问题加以扩展，将其他物种也包括进来，这既能解释这方面存在的多样性，又能使我们明白自身的色觉来自何方。比如，一条狗或一只猫在观看世界时，其颜色知觉要比我们黯淡得多。它们看不出红或鲜艳的绿，其色谱局限于两种主要颜色，黄和蓝。我们无法通过这些动物的眼睛观看世界，但根据模拟可"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的动物是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 世界之门：感官的故事", "output": "推入红外段。这样的效果就相当于一副肉体夜视镜，使它们能在浑水中辨明方向。虽然这样的光谱偏移很是了得，但我们仍应将眼光投到脊椎动物之外，去看看那些可说是有着最佳视力的动物。螳螂虾是一种甲壳类动物，“虾”这个名称可能让你产生渺小之感，但这是一种错觉。几年前，我在大堡礁浮潜时，看见有一只动物从它安全的洞穴里朝我打量。它有一只香蕉那么大，身子前部是一团色彩斑斓、样貌复杂的感觉器官。虽然一看就是甲壳动物，但它的奇特外表和鲜艳制服，却显示它的祖辈之一可能是某种中国神话中的龙。一丛颤动的触须从流过身边的海水中收集化学信息；头部两侧摇摆着黄色和绿色的扁平附肢，用来相互交流。见到外观如此特异的动物，我相当兴奋，不过我也谨慎地不敢太过接近。螳螂虾是礁石区的致命猎手。它有一对棒槌似的前肢，在脑袋下面端着，像拳击手摆出防守的架势。当发现一只蟹，或一只没有防备的人手时，它就会挥出重重一拳，这一拳有极大的速度和力量，其加速会把前方的海水蒸发为一串空泡。如果被转运进一间不合心意的水族馆，它可能会生气地砸碎玻璃，大张旗鼓地逃之夭夭，以此表达不满。螳螂虾有惊人的拳击实力，然而对科学贡献最大的还是它那对眼睛。就像这种动物身上的一切一样，它们的眼睛也色彩斑斓：大大的紫红色眼睛长在头部上方的青绿"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述麻醉剂？", "input": "Source: 世界之门：感官的故事", "output": "或许是合成脸兼容了遗传多样性和发育稳定性，而这两样如果在潜在配偶身上，都是优秀的性状。我们眼中的吸引力多少也受性别的影响。虽说男性和女性都认为女性化的特质更好看，但两性在看异性时，情况就不同了。研究指出，异性恋女子喜欢的男性特质包括高颧骨、有力的下颌线，还有比一般女性更突出的眉弓和略长的脸型。相对地，异性恋男子则认为女性更小的下巴和鼻子更具魅力，同时眼距最好略宽，嘴也要小一点。需要指出，虽然研究显示男性比女性更看重外表，但无论男女，在看见喜欢的对象时都会发放同一片脑区，效果类似阿片类麻醉剂，令人意乱神迷。这里还须补充一点：我们无法从吸引力中提炼出某个单一的特征或品质。虽然人的审美多有相似之处，但每个人依然有自己的癖好，部分原因关乎许多人的一种自我膨胀倾向：我们总喜欢和自己相像的脸；还有部分原因涉及肤色这一更加细微的线索，因为好看的肤色标志着身体健康、饮食均衡。不过，对于什么是性感、什么是乏味，无论你分析出怎样的通用标准，都必然与我们评价另一个人的魅力时那些丰富而隐秘的心思相悖。在这一点上，就像在许多其他方面一样，视知觉蕴含着无限曲折和无限趣味。我们对美的兴趣源于感官对视觉的偏好。好坏不论，总之视觉左右着其他感觉，它不仅得到我们更多的注意，分配到的感觉装置比例也最高。"}
{"instruction": "北美洲在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 世界之门：感官的故事", "output": "我们平时沉浸在丰富的声学环境里，倾听无数言语和音乐的组合，于是很容易忘记听觉的基础不过是简单的物理，它最初演化出来为的也不是取乐，而是生存。所谓 “声音”，其实就是我们对于环境中振动的解释。振荡的能量会激起振源周围的空气分子。它们被推向更远的分子，造成空气的轻微压缩，由此形成的波动以振源为中心发散出去，如同池塘上的一圈圈涟漪。但是和涟漪不同，声音是一种纵波。它并不垂直于波的推进方向上下起伏，而是更像一列多米诺骨牌，靠一连串压缩和稀释向外扩张。对生物而言，声波承载信息的方式也不同于光或化学物质。生物拥有接收声波的独特感觉通道，这从一个极重要的方面增强了它们对世界的整体知觉。一只夜里出来收集种子的小鼠或许无法在黑暗中看到别的动物，处于上风时也无法闻到别的动物，但它却能听见它们的动静，并很可能因此死里逃生。与此同时，小鼠一旦做出不明智的举动，猫头鹰就能凭它发出的些微响声断定它的方位。声音不仅让这些动物可以相互刺探情报，也让它们能主动交流。北美洲的食蝗鼠能靠后腿立起身子，像一只微小的狼似的发出尖啸，警告竞争者不要接近；鸟类也在清晨齐声鸣唱以申明领土，也可能是表达自己准备好了开始一段情缘。我们平常一说起声音就想到听觉，但是在更基本的层面上，我们也能“感到”声音。"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里听小骨究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 世界之门：感官的故事", "output": "部有三块很小的骨头，分别是锤骨、砧骨和镫骨，它们各自仅几毫米长，串联在一起将信息从鼓膜传入内耳。这三块合称“听小骨”的骨头在运动中相互挤压，就像一部狂暴机器的杠杆和齿轮，通过物理过程，将空气中的振动由外耳传入内耳的液体介质。虽然样子怪怪的，但这串小骨头却能千百倍地改善声能的传递。控制它们运动的是一连串同样微小的肌肉，这些肌肉能稳住它们，并保护耳朵免受巨响的伤害。这套由袖珍骨头和袖珍肌肉形成的结构改善并增强了声音的传输，也拓展了我们能够听见的声音范围。最奇怪的是，这些小骨头最初在古代鱼类的鳃和其他头部位置上时，发挥的是和今天截然不同的功能。当爬行类在地球上出现时，锤骨和砧骨是长在颌骨里的，只有镫骨担负着连通内外耳的工作，直到今天，这种排布仍然保留在现代爬行类和鸟类身上。在略早于1亿年前的时候，哺乳类的锤骨和砧骨从下颌迁移到了中耳。为什么会有这种迁移，我们并不确定，但有可能是关系到一种哺乳类特有的进食习惯：咀嚼。两块小骨的迁移使哺乳类获得了优势，可能是因为咀嚼因此变得更为有效，更可能是因为这次分离使哺乳动物除了自身无休止的咀嚼声外，也能听见其他声音了。无论如何，总之听小骨是哺乳动物的听觉如此出色的一大原因。我们的听觉如此灵敏，另一个原因在和听小骨紧邻的一处结构上。"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，烯酮为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 世界之门：感官的故事", "output": "喷洒了这种东西，那么一个人面对一大群痴情母猪潮水一般的爱，那景象还是很精彩的。雄烯酮虽然无法像煽动猪那样煽动我们，却仍是有用的研究对象，因为它仍能在人身上引出各式各样的反应。有的人根本闻不到它，也有小部分人说能闻到一种怡人的甜味，而绝大多数人都把它描述成汗水和尿液的气味。有此差别，不是因为大家的挑剔程度不同；这三组人的反应都是由各自的基因决定的。雄烯酮除了能让猪女士们两眼放光之外，还会造成所谓的“公猪骚味”，令一些人对猪肉反胃作呕。我们人类刚刚演化出来时带有一个嗅觉基因的变体，使雄烯酮闻起来很臭，也使我们讨厌吃猪肉。但随着人类扩散到非洲以外，这个基因发生了突变，改变了我们的知觉。新变体的携带者要么闻不到雄烯酮，要么闻到了也不以为意。这为猪在两个地方的独立驯养打下了基础，一个是中东，一个是如今中国所在的区域，猪肉最终也成了世界许多地区的人类主要食材。即使到今天，那个基因的原始变体仍在非洲普遍存在，而在欧洲和亚洲，占主导的已经是对猪味较宽容的新变体了。将这个例子推而广之，对同一物质有各式反应，尤其体现了人类感官知觉的缤纷多样。除了基因，文化对人类知觉的塑造也起着关键作用。西方人对气味的相对冷漠在语言中有清晰的体现。在英语中，我们使用的词语有近3/4基于视觉体验，和嗅觉相"}
{"instruction": "围绕苦味，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 世界之门：感官的故事", "output": "令人抗拒，其中尤以苦味食物为最。我们天生厌恶苦味，以至于对苦味食物有近乎反射的排斥。问题是，蔬菜中的许多化合物，还有提取植物化学物质制成的药品，也都含有特别招儿童厌恶的苦味成分。球芽甘蓝和其他十字花科植物的苦味大多来自“硫代葡萄糖苷”，这种物质会令许多孩子和一些大人觉得反胃。因此一些食品厂家研究起了遮盖这股苦味的可能。一种方法是加入甜味，这有一定的效果，但是我们对苦味的敏感决定了要加入大量糖分才能完全把苦味盖掉。而加盐的方法则能产生一些颇有价值的效果。我们常说盐能增强风味，但更准确的说法是盐能有针对性地抑制某些味道。它似乎特别能够降低食物中的苦味，并增强人对其他风味的知觉：因为氯化钠的作用，它们都从苦味的阴影中冒了出来。当然，这种做法也带来了一批新问题——一种对策可能还要用另一种来补救。用糖平衡酸，用盐制约苦，用鲜带出美味，这套组合千百年来一直是烹饪的主要手法。我们常听到一种观点，说只要注意五味调和，就能做出臻于完美的菜肴。科学家们也认为，鲜味的发现已经补上了拼图的最后一块。然而最新的研究显示，口腔中除了知名的那些受体细胞之外，还隐藏着许多别的细胞，它们的功能长久以来都是谜团。多年来一直有人主张，既然三种宏量营养素中的两种即碳水化合物和蛋白质都有专门的受体，我们自然也应该能尝出那第三种，即脂肪。"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，感受器意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 世界之门：感官的故事", "output": "气道、肠道和膀胱中的味觉感受器也有相似的作用，它们能捕捉细菌等微生物排出的化学物质，由此发现这些不速之客的入侵。这些感受器会早早拉响警报，一面提醒免疫系统，一面启动强制手段将这些寄生生物喷出体外。别看味觉感受器的功能这么精彩多样，它们的正职仍是检测营养物质并调动身体做好接待。肠道及脑内的味觉感受器的工作是监测能量水平和饱腹感。在我们一段时间不吃东西之后，它们会触发一种激素的释放，它名为“食欲刺激素”（ghrelin），能使我们产生饥饿感。而当我们吃进有毒物质时，它们又会给消化系统踩下刹车，以减缓毒素通过身体的速度，防止它进入肠道继而渗入血液。我们空腹喝酒时更容易难受，也是因为相似的过程；如果我们先“垫垫肚子”，酒精（严格说也是一种毒素）就会在胃里滞留较长时间，然后再转入肠道。包括口腔在内，遍布全身的味觉感受器结成了一张高效的感觉网络，把我们发动起来去寻觅身体缺乏的营养物质。比如有的疾病会使肾上腺减少分泌皮质醇，造成低血压，对此身体有一个快速的临时解决方案——这就是为什么患这些病的人或动物会渴望盐分。这不是有意为之，而是一股内心深处的驱力。还有一种类似疾病和甲状旁腺有关，它的患者会渴望钙质。在血糖降低时，人也会觉得糖尝起来格外美味。我们许多人都见过饥荒地区的孩子腹部隆起的心痛画面，那是蛋白质严重短缺"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画龙舌兰？", "input": "Source: 世界之门：感官的故事", "output": "现出的却是另一种模式：这时，带出苯甲醛气味的变成了味精水。这体现的很可能是，在日本，一般都认为扁桃仁是咸的而非甜的。我们知道，脑内某些神经元会对气息和味道的特定关联做出反应，而这些风味关联是我们在人生阅历中形成的，可见文化对人的风味知觉的塑造是多么重要。虽然文化上的偏好与倾向构成了人的味觉基础，但在一生中，我们仍会不断了解新的风味。到成年时，我们或许已经开始欣赏较为浓郁的风味，比如味重的奶酪或红酒，人也变得更加乐于探索。不过到中年以后，我们又会再度保守。有几项对跨国移民的研究显示，如果人在大约40岁后迁居至另一个文化，他多半会坚守原来熟悉的那一套。每当我们尝试新的食物，口腔中即刻产生的味觉，背后都有消化过程中来自全身的代谢反馈，这个反馈会塑造我们的反应。当我们吃下喝下的东西味道很好但身体无法适应时，身体就会发出最强烈的信号。比如我几年前有一次稍微多喝了几杯龙舌兰酒，从此便无法再接近这种饮料——我的脑知道了摄入太多龙舌兰酒的后果，对它一点也喜欢不起来了。而对于喜欢的东西，我们也是这么了解的，但过程更加微妙。一种食物的风味信息和相关代谢后果的信息在脑中整合，由此激活中脑边缘通路等奖赏网络，并在我们吃下喜欢的东西时引发一阵幸福感：具体方式就是分泌多巴胺，再通过这种神经递质来影响人的行为。"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把神经纤维放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 世界之门：感官的故事", "output": "在双手之后的是面部，尤其是嘴唇一带，那里每平方厘米约有84条纤维。每块皮肤的神经纤维数与表征它的脑区的大小非常相称，但两者的关系还远不是完全吻合。奇妙的是，尽管双手和面部已经满布了一丛丛神经纤维，但脑仍然觉得不够。它将来自这些区域的信息进一步放大，加以额外关注——它对这些部位宠得不行，就像老师钟爱得意弟子。话虽如此，脑的青睐也是会变的，这至少部分地取决于一个部位的使用频率。我们的某些部位在触觉任务中用得越勤，脑就越是会重新组织以升级它的相应区域。弦乐手左手的五指就练得格外灵巧，因为左手要负责在演奏中控制和修饰音符。检查小提琴家的脑，会发现其中表征这些手指的区域要明显大于非音乐家，并且他们演奏的时间越长，这种差异就越显著。类似的规律还出现在经常使用触摸屏尤其是常用手机的人身上。手机用得越多，脑就越会提升对某几根手指特别是拇指的关注。伴着iPhone之类的产品长大的一代，已经将脑塑造得适应他们的世界了。人在这方面虽然有一定可塑性，但仍有一些部位是专门用于触觉的，这一点并没有变。手指尖上的神经纤维簇拥缠结，服务着一支密集的触觉感受器大军。这意味着我们用指尖分辨细节的能力远强于别处，因为上面每块特别小的皮肤都有一个感受器单独报告它的情况。而身上的其他部位神经纤维较为分散，每个感受器要负责很"}
{"instruction": "作者借龙虾想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 世界之门：感官的故事", "output": "还有一系列其他感觉，识别的是体内更深处发生的事。我最近到大堡礁去做野外考察，潜水的时候在几米深的海下发现一只洞穴，并和趴在里面的一只巨型龙虾对上了眼。我很难说在这次邂逅中谁才是更惊奇的那个，一个重要原因是龙虾的脸上表情有限。但是看它的体型，我又在水下多逗留了片刻。对视一阵后，我脑子的吸气需求很快变得急迫难忍。虽然回海面很近，但情况之紧急仍不容小觑：当时的我只觉得最要紧的就是深深吸一口空气。我的脑如此坚持，吵着要我上去，多半不是因为它真的缺氧了，而是因为感到了有毒的二氧化碳正在堆积，得赶紧重建平衡才行。这样的冲动在意识中很快升到议程头条，巨型龙虾的短暂魅力且一边去，先把全副精神用来呼吸。当然，我们的内部状态还会在许多别的情境下宣示自身。不久前我正在一场酒会上和别人聊得起劲，膀胱壁中的牵张感受器却开始报告摄入太多液体的后果。时间一点点过去，起初的一点背景噪声变得越发尖锐，逼得我最后只得抛下同伴往厕所走去。不过大多数时候，人的行为所受的引导是较为隐蔽的。比如，我们虽然觉得伸手去拿一杯水喝是完全自主的决定，但这一冲动至少有部分是因为我们在潜意识中敏锐地感到了血液渗透压的轻微变化。这样的每一种情形，根本原因都是心身之间的不断对话。无论是心脏的跳动，血液中化学成分的变化，还是胃、肠或膀胱的牵张，"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价明白？", "input": "Source: 世界之门：感官的故事", "output": "别看这个实验简单，结果却不寻常。有八成的被试自称，他们虽然“明知”这是个花招，却仍然产生了那条橡胶臂就属于自己的不安印象。在得到移动右手去和左手重叠的指令后，许多人将右手放到了那只假手而非自己的左手下方。在这里，视觉、触觉和本体感觉的输入出现了感觉混淆，使脑错误认领了那条假臂。最近有人重复了这个实验，这一次把人与人在内感受觉知方面的差异也考虑了进去。结果显示，对自己身体十分熟悉的人，不太容易受这个错觉误导。我们已经明白了内感受的重要作用，知道它能塑造人对自己的知觉并建立稳健的精神卫生状态，这是感觉科学领域近年来最重要的突破之一。我们对世界的感觉认识远超出五大感觉之外。我们平日里或许会错误地低估本体感觉、平衡觉之类较受轻视的感觉，但只要其中哪一种遭到破坏，我们就再不会小觑它们。与此同时，内感受无疑也会对我们的知觉加以上色、扭曲。当我们初陷爱河或者刚刚克服人生的重大障碍时，感觉的刺激会无比鲜活；而当我们消沉忧郁，同样的刺激又会变得暗淡甚至恼人。另一方面，放下主观体验的透镜，去其他动物的感觉体验中寻求启发，或许会使我们对周围世界产生更深的感悟。“我们有多少种感觉”这个问题有许多答案。它们肯定多于五个，或许连五十个都不止。要我说，干巴巴地给感觉计数并不能带给我们多少教益。"}
{"instruction": "这段关于声音的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 世界之门：感官的故事", "output": "光集中在说话人的嘴上，而花更少时间做眼神交流，如此就能调动更多的视力去克服耳朵遇到的困难。无论视觉还是听觉，单凭哪一种都不能使听者完整理解对方的话语，而两者的配合却能“超加性”（superadditive）地，即一加一大于二地提升我们的理解力。人脑有多少能力整合感觉输入，要看不同感觉信号间的匹配程度。在上述这样一场对话中，说话人的声音和面部动作如果吻合，听者就容易在脑中将两者融合成一个清晰的知觉；而两者越是在时间上不同步或在空间上分离，我们就越不容易获得一个连贯的知觉。比如一段录像的音轨和画面匹配不好，我们虽然还看得懂，但整个体验会很别扭、不舒服。不过，人脑还是留了点余地。其实类似的事情也发生在影院里，在那里音箱往往位于银幕侧面，但观众的脑并不会将声音和画面分开定位，而是将声音叠加到画面之上，造成声音确实来自演员的印象。这个例子再次证明，人脑会创造自己的主观现实，而不是简单地反映客观真相。我们可以通过一种错觉了解人脑是如何匹配不同感觉的，这种错觉包含一道闪光，还有两个迅速的声音脉冲。一般情况下，这两个声音会使我们误以为闪光也有两道而非一道。该错觉出奇地逼真，是人脑会在这类事上捣鬼的又一个证据，但它最有趣的地方，或许是它的逼真程度还取决于两个声音脉冲在时间上靠得多"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对经历的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 世界之门：感官的故事", "output": "地描述过往的经历，其中许多是他们早就忘却了的。后来他触到同一个点位，那些经历又再度播放。这些经历本是五花八门，而患者对它们的回忆竟详尽备至。一位母亲发现自己蓦地回到了产房，正在分娩孩子；另一个小男孩发现自己在园子里和几个朋友一起大笑；还有一个女孩回想起她听过的一支管弦乐队，还跟着重新浮到意识表面的曲调哼唱起来。潘菲尔德似乎找到了记忆在脑中的确切位置。不过对患者来说，这和单单在脑海中看见一段往事还有点不同。他们许多人都觉得仿佛是将当时的情形又重新经历了一次。在那一刻，当潘菲尔德的电极触到颞叶，他们的知觉从当下调开，转到了一件已经完结的事情上。那么，因为精神疾病而经历幻觉的人又如何呢？比如我们听说，精神分裂患者会对现实做反常解读，但他们的体验对于他们自己仍是真实的，就像我们的体验之于我们一样。当一个人对现实的知觉大幅偏离常人的共识，我们就很容易把那看作一种反常、一种异端，认为这并不能告诉我们大多数人是如何体验世界的。在这一点上，我们可以反思一下目击者证词，千百年来那一直是法律程序的一块基石。我们对于目击者证言的信任在一项研究中得到了体现，此项研究开展了两轮虚拟审判，它们在其他方面都完全相同，只除了一轮有目击证人，一轮没有。虽然两轮审判使用的是同一批证据，但因为其中一次有目击证人称能指认罪犯，使得陪"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的佩德罗是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 佩德罗巴拉莫", "output": "因此，我是一个已写了五本不甚出名的书的作家。但是，我的问题不在于此，因为，无论在当时还是之前，我写作从不为成名，而是为了让我的朋友更加爱我，这一点我认为我已经做到了。我作为作家最大的问题是，在写过那些书以后，我觉得自己进了一条死胡同，我到处寻找一个可以从中逃脱的缝隙。我很熟悉那些本可能给我指明道路的或好或坏的作家，但我却觉得自己是在绕着同一点打转。我不认为我已才尽。相反，我觉得我还有很多书未写，但是我找不到一种既有说服力又有诗意的写作方式。就在这时，阿尔瓦罗·穆蒂斯带着一包书大步登上七楼到我家，从一堆书中抽出最小最薄的一本，大笑着对我说：“读读这玩意，妈的，学学吧！” 这就是《佩德罗·巴拉莫》。那天晚上，我将书读了两遍才睡下。自从大约十年前的那个奇妙夜晚，我在波哥大一间阴森的学生公寓里读了卡夫卡的《变形记》后，我再没有这么激动过。第二天，我读了《燃烧的原野》，它同样令我震撼。很久以后，在一家诊所的候诊室，我在一份医学杂志上看到了另一篇结构纷乱的杰作：《玛蒂尔德·阿尔坎赫尔的遗产》。那一年余下的时间，我再也没法读其他作家的作品，因为我觉得他们都不够分量。当有人告诉卡洛斯·维罗，说我可以整段地背诵《佩德罗·巴拉莫》时，我还没完全从眩晕中恢复过来。其实，不止如此：我能够背诵全书，且能倒背，不出大错。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述声音？", "input": "Source: 佩德罗巴拉莫", "output": "” 我发觉她的声音细如发丝。她口中牙齿齐全，但用舌头说话时有些结结巴巴。两只眼睛则和生活在地球上的人们的眼睛一样。天已经黑了。她再一次向我道了声晚安。此时虽说没有孩子在嬉闹，也没有鸽子，更没有那蓝色的屋顶，我却感到这个村庄有了点生气。如果说我听到的只是一片寂静，那是因为我还不习惯于寂静；也许是我头脑中还充满着喧闹和各种嘈杂声。是的，我的耳际确实还在鸣响着各种喧闹声。在这风平浪静的地方，这种声音听得更清楚了。这种沉重的声音此时仍停留在我的心间。我回忆起母亲对我说过的话：“到了那里，我的话你将会听得更清楚，我将离你更近。如果死亡有时也会发出声音的话，那么，你将会发现我的回忆发出的声音比我死亡发出的声音更为亲近。”我的母亲……她的声音还活着。我当时本该对她说：“你把地址给搞错了，你给我的地址不对。你叫我来到一个张口就得问一问‘这是什么地方，那是什么地方’的地方，叫我来到一个荒无人烟的村庄，寻找一个早已不在世的人。” 我凭着河里的流水声来到桥边的那所房子，我敲了敲门，但敲了个空，我的手只是在空中挥动了一下，那门仿佛是给风吹开的。一个女人站在门口，她对我说：“请进来吧。” 我走了进去。我在科马拉住了下来。那赶驴人还要往前走。临别时，他对我说：“我还得朝前走，到前面连接两座小山的那个地方去。"}
{"instruction": "和索斯在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 佩德罗巴拉莫", "output": "只是自从他以我为妻的那个时候起才这样。从那个时候起，我就成天关在房子里，因为我怕人们看到我。他不愿意相信这一点，我真的叫人看了害怕吗？”于是，她来到阳光下，“您看看我的脸！” 这是一张普普通通、平平常常的脸。“您叫我看您什么？” “您没有看到我的罪孽吗？您没有看到我浑身上下那些像疥癣一样的棕黑色斑点吗？这还只是外表的问题，我的内心早已是一团泥浆了。” “这里连一个人也没有，又有谁能看见您呢？整个村庄我都跑遍了，连一个人影儿也没有见到。” “这只是您的看法而已，但人还是有那么几个的。您说菲洛梅诺不还活着吗？还有，多罗脱阿、梅尔卡德斯，还有普鲁登西奥老人和索斯德纳斯，这些人难道也都死了吗？问题是这些人眼下都关起门来过日子了。白天我也不知他们在干些什么，可是，一到夜里他们就把自己关在房子里。这儿一到夜里便一片恐怖。您要是能看到在街道里单个儿地游荡的那为数众多的鬼魂就好了。天一黑他们就出来，谁也不愿意见到他们。他们的数量这么多，我们人数又这么少，以至于我们都无法为他们作出努力，替他们进行祈祷，让他们脱离苦难。他们数量这么多，我们做的祷告也不够用。即使分摊上了，每个鬼魂也只摊到几句《天主经》。这几句经文对他们是无济于事的，更何况我们自己也有罪孽呢。我们活着的这些人中间没有一个人能得到上帝青睐的，我们谁也不能抬头仰望苍天而不感到双眼中饱含着羞惭。"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里普雷西究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 佩德罗巴拉莫", "output": "” “我也不知道，胡安·普雷西亚多。我已有好多年没有仰面观天了，我连天空也忘记了。即使我这样做了，我又能看到什么呢？天是如此之高，我的两只眼睛又是这么无神，我能知道地在哪里便心满意足了。再说，自从雷德里亚神父对我说，我永远也进不了天堂后，我对一切都失去了兴致，他还说我从远处也见不到天堂了……这都是由于我作了孽。然而，他也不该把这些事都告诉我。没有这些事日子本来就不好过，眼下唯一促使我移动自己双脚的是我还抱有这样的希望：我死后人们会把我从一个地方搬迁到另一个地方。可是，我这边的门已给关死，另一边的门虽开着，却通向地狱，真还不如当年没有降临到这人世……胡安·普雷西亚多，天堂对我来说，就是我现在所在的这个地方。” “你的灵魂呢，你认为它已经到什么地方去了？” “它一定和其他许许多多灵魂一样，在世界上飘零，寻求活人替它祈祷。它也许由于我待它不好而仇恨我，但这点我就不去操心了，过去我为此内疚过，目前已恢复了平静。过去连它吃得太少也使我感到痛苦，它常使我夜不成眠，还用各种罪人的形象和诸如此类的东西使得我思绪不安，烦躁不安。在我坐下来死去的时候，它却请求我站起来，继续过那种不死不活的日子，好像还在等待着某种奇迹来洗刷我的罪过。我根本没有试图这样做。‘这里已经没有路了，’我对它说，‘我已经再也没有力气活下去了。"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，苏萨为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 佩德罗巴拉莫", "output": "这就使你父亲到这里来了。他在信中对我说，他想把你带到一个有人居住的地方，这倒不是为他本人着想，是为了你的安全。“我觉得天门已开，我精神十足地向你奔去，想使你充满愉快，让你耳中充满我的哭声。我哭了，苏萨娜，当我知道最终你将回来的时候。” “苏萨娜，有些村庄具有一种不幸的滋味。和一切陈腐的事物一样，只要吮吸了那一点点陈腐、麻木、贫困而微弱的空气，人们就会把它们辨认出来。这个村庄便是其中之一。“你还记得吗？在我们来这里之前的那个地方，你至少可以看看一些事物（例如云、鸟儿和苔藓）是如何形成或长成的，以此自娱自乐。在这里正好相反，你只能闻到那种好像到处散发着的黄色的酸味，因为这是一个不幸的村庄，一切都沾上了不幸。“他要我们回去，还把他的房子借给我们住，把我们需要的一切都给了我们，但我们不应该感谢他。由于待在这里，我们成了不幸的人，因为在这里我们得不到任何的拯救。我早已感觉到了这一点。“你知道佩德罗·巴拉莫向我提出了什么要求？我当时就想到他不会白白给我们这些东西的。我打算替他干活，以此偿还他的这笔债，因为这笔债我们总得以某种方式偿还给他。我跟他详细地谈了谈拉安特罗梅达矿的情况，并使他明白，只要有好的经营管理，这矿是有可能办好的。你知道他是怎么回答我的吗？‘我对你的那个矿不感兴趣，巴托洛梅·圣胡安。"}
{"instruction": "围绕富尔，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 佩德罗巴拉莫", "output": "” “我一定照办，老、老爷。” 佩德罗·巴拉莫回到办公室，将自己关在里面。他感到自己已年老力衰。富尔戈尔倒并不使他难过，因为富尔戈尔终究是个入土半截的人了。富尔戈尔这辈子总算贡献了他能贡献的一切，办事勤快，这也是符合他的身份。“不管怎么说，让那些疯子来尝尝蒂尔夸脱的厉害吧。”他想。他更记挂起苏萨娜·圣胡安来了。她成天躲在房间里睡觉，醒着时也好像在梦中。昨天夜里他一夜都靠墙站着，借助台灯微弱的灯光，注视着苏萨娜不断翻动的身躯，注视着她那张汗涔涔的脸，看着她的双手在抖动床单，挤压着枕头，一直把枕头都压扁了。自从让她住到这里来后，他每夜都是这样痛苦地在她身边度过的，总是带着无空无尽的不安和焦虑。他常自问这样的日子什么时候才能结束。总会结束的吧，他等待着。万事都有个尽头。任何一种回忆，不管怎样强烈，总有一天会消失。要是他至少能知道是什么东西在内心折磨她，使她辗转反侧，夜不成眠，好像要撕裂她，使她成为无用之人，那该多好啊。他原来以为是了解她的。即使情况并非如此，她知道自己是他在世界上最爱的女人，难道有这点还不够吗？此外，还有一点也是非常重要的，那就是，她可以带着能使其他的一切回忆都消失的这样的想象离开人世，难道这还不够吗？但是，苏萨娜·圣胡安的内心世界究竟如何，这是佩德罗·巴拉莫永远也不知道的一件事。"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，佩德罗意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 佩德罗巴拉莫", "output": "与他的一些短篇小说相比，这部作品不仅立意更深，而且在艺术形式上也更富有新意。小说的情节很简单。主人公佩德罗·巴拉莫幼年时因家道中落，做过小工，当过学徒。长大后，靠巧取豪夺，不仅恢复了家业，而且一跃成为科马拉村的统治者，成为独霸一方的庄园主和酋长。他无恶不作。在他的欺诈下，村民们有的死了，不死的只好远走他乡，以逃脱他的淫威。科马拉成了荒无人烟的山村。妇女们谁也逃不了他的蹂躏，以至他的私生子多得连他本人也不认识了。然而，佩德罗·巴拉莫这个土霸王也有不顺心的地方。爱子米盖尔·巴拉莫年方十七岁，便和父亲一样残害无辜，奸淫妇女。后来，米盖尔因马失前蹄毙命，这无疑给佩德罗·巴拉莫以重重的一击。接踵而来的是他的爱妻苏萨娜·圣胡安的去世。这是致命的一击，终于使这个不可一世的庄园主心力交瘁，萎靡不振，最后走向死亡。《佩德罗·巴拉莫》的重要意义首先在于作者成功地塑造了佩德罗这样一个庄园主的形象。他为人狡诈、残忍，为了发财致富，他可以不择手段。他与自己最大的女债主多罗莱斯结婚，目的是想赖账，并侵吞她的财产。他并不爱她，婚后不久便抛弃她，使她含恨死去。为了抢夺一个叫阿尔德莱德的人的土地，他竟派手下人将他活活勒死。对待墨西哥革命军的态度则集中地表现了佩德罗·巴拉莫的奸诈、阴险。当一支革命军来找他算账时，他心里虽对这一群拿起武器的穷人恨之入骨，表面上却不露声色。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述障碍？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "文化中特定的疗法社会文化取向的评价预防计划有效治疗的共同要素第3章异常的评估与诊断连续谱模型下的评估和诊断评估工具效度信度标准化临床访谈症状问卷人格量表行为观察和自我监控智力测验神经心理测验脑成像技术心理生理测试投射测验评估中的挑战阻抗提供信息评估儿童跨文化评估诊断《精神障碍诊断与统计手册》（DSM）诊断的社会心理危险第4章研究方法连续谱模型下的研究科学方法定义问题和提出假设研究方法的选择和实施研究中的伦理问题个案研究的评价相关研究测量变量之间的关系选择样本相关研究的评价流行病学研究流行病学研究的评价实验研究人类实验室研究治疗效果研究单被试实验设计动物研究遗传研究家族史研究双生子研究领养研究分子遗传学研究和连锁分析跨文化研究元分析元分析的评价第5章创伤、焦虑、强迫及相关障碍连续谱模型下的恐惧和焦虑创伤后应激障碍和急性应激障碍导致创伤后应激障碍的创伤创伤后应激障碍的理论创伤后应激障碍的治疗特定恐怖症和广场恐怖症特定恐怖症广场恐怖症恐怖症的理论恐怖症的治疗社交焦虑障碍社交焦虑障碍的理论社交焦虑障碍的治疗惊恐障碍惊恐障碍的理论惊恐障碍的治疗广泛性焦虑障碍广泛性焦虑障碍的理论"}
{"instruction": "障碍在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "第12章进食障碍连续谱模型下的进食障碍进食障碍的特征神经性厌食症神经性贪食症暴食障碍其他特定的喂食或进食障碍肥胖理解进食障碍生物学因素社会文化和心理因素进食障碍的治疗神经性厌食症的心理疗法神经性贪食症和暴食障碍的心理疗法生物疗法第13章性障碍连续谱模型下的性性功能失调性兴趣/性欲和唤起障碍性高潮或性交疼痛障碍性功能失调的原因性功能失调的治疗同性恋男性、同性恋女性和双性恋者性欲倒错障碍恋物障碍和异装障碍性施虐和性受虐障碍窥阴障碍、露阴障碍和摩擦障碍恋童障碍性欲倒错的原因性欲倒错的治疗性别烦躁性别烦躁的成因性别烦躁的治疗第14章物质使用和赌博障碍连续谱模型下的物质使用物质使用障碍的定义抑制剂酒精苯二氮卓类和巴比妥类兴奋剂可卡因苯丙胺类尼古丁咖啡因阿片类物质致幻剂和苯环利定大麻吸入剂其他被滥用的药物物质使用障碍的理论生物学因素心理因素社会文化因素性别差异物质使用障碍的治疗生物治疗心理社会疗法动机性访谈老年人的物质使用治疗各种疗法的比较预防计划赌博障碍第15章健康心理学连续谱模型下的应激心理因素与总体健康状况评价与悲观主义应对策略心理障碍与身体健康特定疾病的心理社会因素"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里心理障碍究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "苏珊·诺伦-霍克西玛是该领域的领军者，曾担任美国耶鲁大学心理学系主任，她所著的《变态心理学》（第6版）是美国高校中广泛采用的变态心理学教材。作者基于最新出版的《精神障碍诊断与统计手册》（），以代表未来发展趋势的连续谱模型为视角，结合相关个案和前沿研究，全面而深入地介绍了各种心理障碍的症状、诊断、成因和治疗手段。作者始终强调心理障碍的连续性，即正常与异常之间并不存在泾渭分明的界限，同时注重实证性和整合，关注文化和性别的作用。第6版不仅根据进行全面修订，对章节进行重新编排，而且书中详细列出了诊断标准以及相对于 DSM-IV-TR 的变化。此外还更新了300多篇参考文献，其中80%都是2010年之后的文献。本书既是一部科学、严谨的科学著作，而其引人入胜的写作风格以及贯穿全书的非常人物、个案研究、灰色地带、批判性思考等各种专栏和图表，也会让读者对心理障碍产生更多的感性认识，进入心理障碍者的主观世界。本书既可作为高等院校变态心理学课程的教材或参考书，也可供心理咨询与治疗领域的工作者在实践中参考，同时也有助于普通读者正确地认识异常心理和行为。（本书自2018年8月第2次印刷起因第三方版权问题对部分插图进行了处理，特此说明。）前言我们对心理障碍的理解正在发生革命性的变化。新出现的证据表明，很多心理障碍，例如抑郁和焦虑，只是代表了普遍经验的一种极端状态，“正常”和“异常”之间不再那么界限分明。"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，雷蒙为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "另一方面，极端自信、雄心勃勃、敢于冒险、精力充沛是在我们这个蓬勃发展的高科技社会取得成功的秘诀。其实在历史上，这些就是商业、政治、政府和艺术领域中很多领导者和创新者的特征（Jamison, 1993）。我们要如何区分创造性天才或创业精神和躁狂症呢？每一章也包含一个名为 “灰色地带” 的新专栏，此处会展示一些模棱两可的案例研究，以说明对正常和异常做出判断的复杂性。学生要回答这个案例中的诊断是否有依据；然后，在这一章的末尾会讨论做出判断所涉及的问题，学生从而了解到 DSM 是如何看待这个案例的。阅读下面的案例研究。上个星期，雷蒙在变灯时左转，当时另一辆车加速冲过十字路口并撞上了他的车，副驾驶那边整个被撞烂了。幸运的是，雷蒙没有受伤，他的安全气囊起到了部分作用。他从车里出来，冲着撞他的那位司机吼叫，然而他看到对方失去了意识并且在流血。雷蒙马上拨打了911，救护车几分钟之内赶到。事故发生后，雷蒙就一直做噩梦。在梦中他又一次发生了事故，只是这一次后座上有他三岁的女儿，她在事故中受伤严重。他醒来时大汗淋漓，不时还会尖叫。他不得不走进女儿的卧室，抚摸她以确信她没事。他因为失眠而疲惫，并且一直在回想那次事故，思考自己应该怎么做才能避免它，因而在工作时不能集中精神。今天他坐在办公桌前，再次在脑海中回放事故，这时候老板走过来向他提了一个问题。"}
{"instruction": "围绕贝克汉姆，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "贝克汉姆会花费数个小时将家里的家具以某种方式摆整齐，或者将衣橱里的衣服按颜色排列整齐。他的太太维多利亚（前辣妹组合成员）说：“如果你打开我们的冰箱，每一边都是十分协调的。我们有三个冰箱——一个用来放食物，一个用来放沙拉，第三个用来放饮料。在放饮料的冰箱里，所有的东西都是对称的。如果有三罐饮料，他会扔掉一罐，因为必须是偶数才行”（引自Frith, 2006）。贝克汉姆的足迹遍及世界各地。他曾为世界顶级的球队效力，包括皇家马德里、曼彻斯特联、洛杉矶银河和AC米兰。每次新入住一个酒店房间，他都必须把每件东西整理得井然有序：“进到酒店房间，我必须把所有的散页纸和书都收到抽屉里之后，才能够放松下来。所有的一切都必须非常完美”（引自Frith，2006）。他在曼联的队友知道他有这种强迫症，他们会故意弄乱他的衣服或者搬动他酒店房间的家具来使他抓狂。每一章都包含了名为 “讲述” 的专栏，其中引用了心理障碍者的自述。通过让承受心理障碍症状折磨的人描述他们的体验，这些引述使学生在主观上对各种心理障碍的症状有所认识。在这个专栏中，学生们可以更加深刻地理解心理障碍的症状及其对人们生活的影响。关注文化和性别从第1版起，《变态心理学》就一直在探索文化和性别在心理障碍中的作用，它们影响人们对某种心理障碍的易感性、心理障碍的表现或对治疗的反应。"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，学生老师意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "他们在大街上跳跃并狂野地跳舞，不停撕扯自己的衣服，还用鞭子互相抽打。有些人在地上挖洞、翻滚；其他人则嚎叫并做出下流动作。当时，很多人认为疯狂舞蹈症和毒蜘蛛舞蹈症是由于邪魔附身引起的。其行为可能是希腊神狄奥尼索斯崇拜者所举行的古老仪式的残余。时至今日，我们依然能见到精神时疫事件的发生。1991年2月8日，罗得岛一所高中的大量师生认为他们嗅到了来自通风系统的有害气体。第一个嗅到毒气的是一名14岁女生，她倒在地上又哭又叫，说自己胃痛且眼睛刺痛。教室里的其他学生和老师也开始有同样的症状。在一片混乱中他们被转移到了大厅里。相邻教室里，凡是能看见大厅的学生和老师的人很快都出现了同样的症状。最后，共有21个人（17名学生和4名老师）被送往当地医院急诊室。所有患者都表现出呼吸急促，其中多数人感到眩晕、头痛和恶心。虽然血液化验显示，一些患者初期表现为轻度一氧化碳中毒，但是学校里找不到毒气存在的证据。当值医生得出的结论是：由于对海湾战争中使用的化学武器的恐惧而导致的大规模癔病爆发（Rockney & Lemke, 1992）。精神时疫不再被认为是邪魔附身或狼蛛叮咬的结果。相反，心理学家试图用社会心理学中关于他人对个体自我感知的影响的研究来理解这些现象。社会情境甚至可以影响到我们对自己身体的感知，此外，在讨论人对精神活性物质（如大麻）的不同反应（见第14章）以及对体内的生理感觉的不同理解（见第6章）时，我们也可以看到这种影响。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画保健？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "理性―情绪疗法。这种疗法具有争议性，因为它要求治疗者挑战非理性信念，有时甚至是相当严厉地挑战患者的非理性信念系统。然而，这种治疗方法非常受欢迎，并将心理学推进到研究严重情绪问题背后的思维过程。亚伦·贝克（Aaron Beck）提出了针对心理疾病患者非理性思维的另一种治疗手段。贝克的认知疗法被广泛用于各种心理障碍的治疗（见第2章）。20世纪70年代以来，尽管行为主义理论仍然十分强大，而且我们将在第2章探讨的人际理论也变得更加引人注目，但理论家们仍在持续强调心理病理中的认知因素。现代心理健康保健 20世纪中叶，对一些主要类型的心理障碍的药物治疗取得了重大突破，特别是发现了可以减轻幻觉和妄想的酚噻嗪类药物（见第2章）。这让多年禁锢在精神病院或医院的大量患者得以出院回家。自此之后，心理病态的新的药物疗法猛增，此外，如第2章将要讨论的，人们发展出了几种心理疗法，这些疗法被证明可以有效治疗多种心理疾病。然而，心理健康保健的实施仍存在一些严重问题，其中一部分从20世纪中叶的去机构化运动就开始了。去机构化运动 1960年出现了一场大规模且声势宏大的运动—— 患者权利运动（patients' rights movement）。患者权利倡导者认为，如果病人能够融入社会并得到社区治疗设施的帮助，那么他们就能恢复得更彻底，或者过上更满意的生活，这就是所谓的"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把工作放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "精神科护士（psychiatric nurse）拥有护理学学位，在治疗严重心理障碍患者方面接受过专业培训。她们通常在医院的精神病住院部工作，提供医疗护理以及某些形式的心理治疗，如帮助病人之间建立联系的团体治疗。在有些州，他们有开具心理治疗药物的处方权。这些职业都有各自的长处和不足。对其中一种或多种职业感兴趣的学生常常会发现，做一些志愿工作对他们很有帮助，如在心理障碍研究中充当助手，或在精神病诊所或医院做志愿工作。有些学生发现和心理障碍患者一起工作能够给他们带来巨大的满足感，而其他学生则觉得从事能解答关于这些障碍的重要问题的研究工作更有成就感。实际上，很多不同类型的心理健康专家在其职业生涯中，都会将临床实践和研究结合起来。尽管在解释心理障碍时，传统上是将心理异常现象的生物学、心理学和社会学理论视为彼此竞争的理论，但现在很多临床工作者和研究者认为，整合了心理异常现象的生物学、心理学和社会学观点的理论将是最有用的（图1.2）。例如，在第5章我们将讨论焦虑障碍理论，综合考虑了个体在基因和生化方面的脆弱性、压力事件的影响，以及认知在解释人们患衰弱性焦虑的原因时所起的作用。在本书中，我们将强调生物、心理和社会因素是如何相互作用、彼此影响，从而产生心理健康问题的。换句话说，我们将展示心理问题的整合主义观点。"}
{"instruction": "作者借运动想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "管理型医疗保健系统的目的是给患者提供协作式的综合医疗保健。这对于罹患慢性严重心理障碍的病人十分有利。变态心理学领域的职业包括精神病学家、临床心理学家、婚姻和家庭治疗师、临床社会工作者、执业心理健康顾问以及精神科护士。异常的连续谱模型心理病理学文化相对论生物学理论超自然理论心理学理论环钻术精神时疫心理卫生运动人道治疗麻痹性痴呆麦斯默术精神分析经典条件作用行为主义认知自我效能信念患者权利运动去机构化运动社区精神卫生运动社区精神卫生中心中途之家日间护理中心管理型医疗保健第2章异常的理论与治疗本章提纲连续谱模型下的三种取向非常人物：史蒂夫·海斯生物学取向心理学取向社会文化取向预防计划有效治疗的共同要素连续谱模型下的三种取向本章将讨论理解心理障碍的一般取向。社会文化取向（sociocultural approach）将心理障碍看作环境条件和文化规范的结果。生物学取向（biological approach）将这些障碍看作异常基因或神经生理失调的结果。心理学取向（psychological approach）将障碍视为思维过程、人格类型和条件作用的结果。倾向于社会文化取向的人一般认为心理障碍是一个连续谱，因为他们并不认为这些障碍与正常功能有着根本不同。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价素质？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "同样，诱因可以是生物的，如引起人体特定激素分泌失调的疾病；也可以是心理或社会的，如创伤事件。只有当易感性和应激同时作用于一个人时，心理障碍才全面显露出来。人们称之为素质–应激模型（diathesis-stress model；素质是高危因素的另一种说法）（见图2.1）。尽管海斯可能确实具有焦虑的易感基因（他的素质），但只有在他经历了特定的应激源时才会表现出严重的焦虑。图2.1　心理障碍发生和发展的素质–应激模型素质–应激模型表明，心理障碍的发生和发展需要兼具易患某障碍的素质以及诱因或应激。异常的各个不同取向都发展出了以减轻症状为目的的治疗方法。心理障碍生物学理论的支持者擅长开处方，不过本书也会讨论其他几种生物学取向的治疗方法。心理学取向和部分社会文化取向的支持者则最常使用心理治疗。心理治疗有很多形式，但是绝大多数都包含了治疗师（精神病学家、心理学家、临床社会工作者）和遭遇心理问题的人（通常称为患者或来访者）的谈话，谈论的是他的症状及导致这些症状的原因。会谈的具体主题取决于治疗师的理论取向。业已证明，药物和心理疗法对治疗很多障碍都有效。在障碍的整合取向中经常结合使用药物和心理疗法（Benjamin, 2005）。社会文化取向的支持者可能还会致力于改变社会政策或易感个体的社会状况，以改善其心理健康。"}
{"instruction": "这段关于患者的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "到了20世纪50年代，精神外科手术（psychosurgery）的使用急剧下降，在美国以外的国家尤其如此。如今，我们几乎不再使用精神外科手术，除非用于治疗那些对其他治疗方式毫无疗效的严重患者。随着现代神经测量和外科技术的进步，虽然精神外科手术仍然具有很大的争议性，特别是在专业人士中，但它比过去更精确、更安全了。精神外科医生力图损伤或破坏与患者症状相关的微小脑区。然而，精神外科手术一直存在着一个悬而未决的大问题，即我们不知道引起绝大部分精神病症状的究竟是哪些脑区，而且，似乎任何障碍都可能是多个脑区共同作用的结果（Valenstein, 1986）。生物学取向的评价生物治疗给心理障碍患者的治疗带来了一场革命。20世纪初，我们只能安置和安抚严重的心理障碍患者。进入21世纪后，由于近几十年来在生物治疗方面取得的成就，我们能够成功地治疗许多患者，让他们过上正常生活。很多人都发现，生物学理论的吸引力在于它们似乎消除了患者可能遭受的任何责难或责任。实际上，很多精神病患者的支持机构都主张将心理障碍视为医学疾病，与糖尿病或高血压等一视同仁，而且心理障碍患者必须接受他们患病的事实，并寻求恰当的药物治疗。尽管目前非常流行，但生物治疗并非万能，不是对每个人都有效。实际上，有些心理障碍患者对现行药物或其他生物治疗毫无效果。"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对反应的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "部分强化程序是指只在某些时候对行为反应进行奖励或惩罚。通过部分强化程序习得的行为比通过连续强化程序习得的行为更难以消退（extinction），消退是指消除已经习得的行为。这是因为，在偶尔得到奖励的情况下习得的行为，并不需要持续的奖励来维持。赌博行为就是一个很好的例子。经常赌博的人很少得到奖励，但他们会继续赌博，期望着偶然的、不可预期的赢钱。赌博行为只是偶尔通过赢钱得到强化，然而这让该行为更加难以消退。霍巴特·莫勒（Mowrer, 1939）提出的两因素模型指出，把经典条件作用和操作性条件作用结合起来，可以解释恐惧的持久性。一开始，人们在经典条件作用的作用下对之前的某个中性刺激产生恐惧反应，然后通过操作性条件作用，他们形成了回避恐惧诱因的行为。例如，某位女士通过经典条件作用对桥产生了恐惧，她小的时候从桥上掉进过冰冷的水里，现在每当靠近桥时，她就会感到极度的焦虑。她研究出了一套在城内行走而不经过任何一座桥的复杂方法。避开桥的行为减轻了她的焦虑感，因此这种回避行为得到了强化。这位女士通过操作性条件作用形成了条件化的回避反应（conditioned avoidance response）。然而，结果她一直避开桥，也就没有机会消除对桥的原始恐惧。正如我们将看到的，行为主义者提出的很多治疗技术主要用于消除条件化的回避反应，这种反应往往会严重干扰个体应对日常生活的能力。"}
{"instruction": "文中关于儿童的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "每个人都在某种程度上使用了防御机制，因为每个人都必须保护自己，以防意识到那些不被接受的愿望，并遵循社会规范。当个体的行为被防御机制控制，或防御机制本身适应不良时，这些防御机制就会导致异常、病态的行为。表2.3　防御机制性心理发展阶段精神分析理论认为，儿童从其早期照料者那里得到的养育极大地影响了其人格发展。弗洛伊德提出，儿童在发育过程中要经历一系列普遍存在的性心理发展阶段（psychosexual stages）。性驱力在各个阶段会集中刺激特定的身体部位，而且特定的心理问题能够诱发儿童的焦虑。儿童试图满足其基本需求和愿望，照料者（一般为父母）对此所采取的反应极大地影响到儿童能否顺利度过特定阶段。如果父母未能作出恰当的反应，没能帮助儿童学会用可行的方法来满足和控制内驱力和冲动，那么儿童的发育就会固着在某个阶段，陷入该阶段的焦虑和问题，永远无法成功地跨过这个阶段进入到下一阶段。根据弗洛伊德的观点，生命的第一个阶段是口欲期（oral stage），从出生持续到第18个月。在此期间，婴儿通常通过进食或吸奶对嘴唇区域进行刺激，使力比多的冲动得到最好的满足。这个阶段的婴儿完全依赖照料者来获得满足，因此，此阶段的中心问题是个人的依赖和他人的可靠性问题。如果照料者，特别是母亲，不能随时在儿童身边，儿童就会养成极深的不信任感和被遗弃的恐惧感。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对来访者给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "有时候，来访者会接受这些解释，把它当成一种暴露。还有的时候，来访者不愿意接受这些解释。治疗师可以把来访者的抗拒看作一种好的迹象，表示该解释已经从来访者的无意识中识别出了重要的问题。来访者对治疗师的移情（transference）也可以成为无意识冲突和需要的线索。当来访者对治疗师做出的反应，好像是把治疗师当成了成长早期的某个重要人物，比如父亲或母亲，这时移情作用就发生了。例如，治疗师赴约仅迟到了几分钟，来访者就发现自己对此感到愤怒或极度恐惧，这一反应可能源于儿童时期他在情感上遭到父母遗弃的感受。治疗师可以给来访者指出反映移情作用的行为，并帮助来访者探索他在重要人际关系中的行为根源。通过修通（working through）或一遍遍地重温痛苦记忆和困难问题，来访者能够理解它们，并以可接受的方式将它们整合到自我定义中。这让他们能够在生活中前行。很多治疗师认为宣泄，或者与记忆和冲突相关的情感表达，在心理动力学治疗的治愈过程中具有核心地位。宣泄可以释放被无意识记忆和冲突束缚的能量，使释放的这些内容能并入更具适应性的自我概念之中。经典精神分析和现代心理动力学治疗有何差异？精神分析一般每周进行3到4次治疗，整个疗程持续很多年。其重点主要是阐释移情、阻抗以及来访者过去的经验（Luborsky & Barrett, 2006）。"}
{"instruction": "这一段对波多黎各的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "显然，调解方必须受到冲突双方的信赖，并对他们具有影响力。在对梅的第二次治疗中，我让她列了一张可以充当调解方的人员清单，这样我们就可以讨论让其他人进行干预的适宜性。梅不假思索地提到了她的舅舅（婆婆的哥哥），根据她的描述，舅舅是一个善解人意和通情达理的人。我们讨论了梅应该向舅舅讲述的内容。梅给住在离她50英里外的舅舅打了电话，事后她报告说他愿意来看望他们。显然这位舅舅认识到了事态的严重性，并愿意提供所需的帮助。梅说，舅舅过来吃晚饭，她偷听了他和婆婆的谈话。大体上，舅舅告诉她婆婆，梅看上去很不开心，也许她太辛苦了，她为了照顾家里所有人所做的工作应该受到多一点肯定，等等。婆婆表示对媳妇的不快乐感到吃惊，她承认梅做得不错。兄妹二人没有发生直接冲突，对谈话的目的心照不宣。哥哥指出某些方面有问题，妹妹承认了问题的存在。这次互动之后，梅说婆婆的批评明显减少，她甚至开始帮梅干一些家务活了。珍妮特·罗塞洛和吉勒莫·伯纳尔（Rosselló & Bernal，1999）对认知行为疗法和人际疗法进行了调整，使其在治疗患抑郁症的波多黎各青少年时更具文化敏感性。波多黎各人的家庭主义价值观，即对家庭的强烈依恋，被包含在治疗当中。家庭团体要直言不讳地讨论独立和依赖之间的平衡问题。调整后的疗法被证明能够有效地治疗这些青少年的抑郁症。"}
{"instruction": "阿尼卡在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "反映：“搞砸而毁掉你的机会，真的很令人沮丧；感觉像是你身上的某种东西让这样的事情一次又一次地发生。” 心理动力学治疗师可能会推测这名学生表达出来的忧虑反映了有关成功的无意识冲突。当治疗师感到有足够的证据时，就可能提出如下的解释：心理动力学解释：“听起来像是每一次你接近成功时你都会无意识地自我破坏。或许成功对你来说是某种令你感到困扰或不舒服的东西，并且你不知道那是什么。” 也许心理动力学解释是正确的，不过以来访者为中心的治疗师可能会认为这是不适宜的，因为它让来访者注意到原本不在其意识中的一些东西（Bohart, 1995, p. 101）。阅读下面阿尼卡的个案，然后根据三种不同的取向来解释造成她这些症状的原因：生物学取向，至少一种心理学取向，以及社会文化取向。（讨论见本书末尾。）阿尼卡的母亲生她时才16岁，而且对酒精及多种违禁药物成瘾。阿尼卡出生后，她的母亲试图戒除酒瘾和毒瘾，但她的瘾太大了。因为持续的物质滥用以及对女儿的忽视和虐待，她失去了对阿尼卡的监护权。阿尼卡的母亲重回街头，阿尼卡则辗转于各个寄养家庭之间。有些家庭的人充满爱心，他们在阿尼卡闹脾气的时候尽最大努力来安抚她，而有些家庭在她发作的时候会变得粗暴。阿尼卡的学业表现非常差。她总是开小差，几乎不做家庭作业。"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的评估是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "激素垂体行为遗传学多基因表观遗传学抗精神病药抗抑郁药锂抗惊厥药抗焦虑药电休克治疗精神外科手术行为取向经典条件作用无条件刺激无条件反应条件刺激条件反应操作性条件作用模仿观察学习行为治疗系统脱敏疗法脱敏冲击疗法认知理论认知因果归因整体性假定认知治疗认知行为治疗心理动力学理论精神分析宣泄压抑力比多本我自我超我无意识前意识意识防御机制性心理发展阶段自我心理学客体关系自体心理学集体无意识心理动力学治疗自由联想阻抗移情修通人际关系治疗人本主义理论自我实现人本主义治疗来访者中心疗法反映家庭系统理论家庭系统治疗第三浪潮取向一级预防二级预防三级预防第3章异常的评估与诊断本章提纲连续谱模型下的评估和诊断非常人物：玛雅·郝芭琪评估工具评估中的挑战诊断连续谱模型下的评估和诊断喝酒时，在两个小时的时间里你通常能喝下多少杯葡萄酒？你做学生时参加过各种各样的考试，这些考试旨在评估你在不同学科上的学习情况。类似地，心理健康专家使用不同的测试或工具来评估心理健康。本章所描述的评估工具中有些基于下述假设，即行为或感受呈连续性分布，我们的任务是确定个体的经验位于连续谱的哪一处。例如，有一份问卷涉及你的饮酒，这份问卷可能有几个选项分别指向不同程度的饮酒。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述临床？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "。标准的施测方法能避免无关因素对个体反应的影响。例如，如果施测者偏离了书面问题，向应答者提示“正确”答案，就会降低测验的效度和信度。相反，如果施测者只是大声读出测验中的具体问题，就会提高测验的效度和信度。类似地，用标准方式解释结果（例如，认为分数超出特定临界值时是严重的）使测验的解释更加有效和可信。因此，施测和解释的标准化对于测验的效度和信度都很重要。记住这些概念，我们将要探索一些常用的评估工具。临床访谈第一次访谈能收集大部分的评估信息。这次访谈可能会包括一次心理状态测试，目的是评估来访者的一般功能。在心理状态测试中，临床医生要考察五类信息。第一，个体的外表和行为。他是穿着整洁、仪表得体，还是蓬头垢面？打理个人基本仪表的能力显示了来访者一般功能运作的好坏。临床医生还会注意个体是否移动得特别缓慢或看起来焦虑不安，前者可能是抑郁症的表现。第二，在心理状态测试中，临床医生会记录来访者的思维过程，包括其说话的连贯性和语速。第三，临床医生会考虑个体的心境和情感。他看起来是沮丧、抑郁，还是兴高采烈？这种情感与情境是否相符？例如，个体似乎对自己开的玩笑笑得过于夸张，而这可能是神经质或不能与他人建立良好关系的表现。第四，临床医生会观察个体的智力功能，即言语能力以及是否存在任何记忆困难或注意困难的迹象。"}
{"instruction": "图像在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "研究者使用脑成像来寻找心理障碍人群和正常人群在脑活动或脑结构方面的差异。让我们回顾一下现有的脑成像技术以及它们现在能给我们提供的信息。计算机断层扫描（computerized tomography; CT）是X射线程序的优化。在CT中，狭窄的X射线束从不同角度对大脑的单层平面进行扫描。测量各光束被吸收的辐射量，计算机程序可以根据测量数据构建大脑切面的图像。通过多次类似的扫描，计算机可以构造出包含主要脑结构的三维图像。CT扫描可以发现脑损伤、肿瘤和脑结构异常。CT技术有两个主要缺点，一是患者必须暴露在对人体有害的X射线中；二是它只能提供脑结构图像，不能提供脑活动图像。CT扫描能够探测诸如脑瘤这样的结构异常。正电子发射断层扫描（positron-emission tomography; PET）可以提供脑活动的图像。PET要求给患者注射一种无害的放射性同位素，如氟脱氧葡萄糖（fluorodeoxyglucose; FDG）。这种物质可以通过血液进入脑中。活跃的脑区需要FDG中的葡萄糖作为营养成分，因此FDG就聚集在这些脑区。同位素衰减的过程会释放FDG中一种称为正电子的亚原子粒子。释放出来的正电子与电子发生碰撞，两者在碰撞中湮灭，转化成两个光子，并分别朝相反方向运行。PET扫描仪能检测到这些光子以及它们湮灭的位置，并构建出脑图像，从而显示出最活跃的脑区。"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里翻译人员究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "当个体试图使用评估者的语言来描述病症时，评估者可能会将个体缓慢、含糊的描述，解释为比实际更严重的病理状态，因而造成过度诊断。如果个体无法使用评估者的语言对复杂的情绪或者怪异的感知体验进行清晰描述，进而因此避而不谈，那么就会致使诊断不全面。来访者和治疗师之间的文化差异会导致对来访者问题的错误解释。其中一个解决办法就是为临床医生和来访者找一个翻译人员。良好的交流离不开翻译人员，但如果翻译人员本身不是受过训练的评估者，就可能错误地理解和翻译治疗师的问题以及来访者的回答，比如下面这个例子（Marcos, 1979, p. 173）：临床医生问讲西班牙语的患者：“你觉得忧伤或情绪低落吗？你有时会觉得生活没有意义吗？” 翻译人员对患者说：“医生想知道你是否忧伤以及你是否喜欢你的生活。” 患者的回答：“不，是的，我知道孩子们需要我，我不能放弃，我不想考虑这个问题。” 翻译人员对临床医生说：“她说不，她说她爱孩子们，而且孩子也需要她。” 在这个例子中，翻译人员没有准确地把个体的回答反馈给临床医生，因而让临床医生觉得个体的实际情况要比她报告的情况好。此外，来自同一国家的不同的人也可能使用不同方言，各自用不同的方式来表达感受或态度。如果翻译人员不会说个体所说的特定方言，或者来自不同的亚文化，都会出现翻译错误。"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，布莱特为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "例如，心境障碍与焦虑障碍的大多数症状都属于主观体验（如悲伤、害怕、绝望），只有个体才能报告他们是否有那些症状以及症状的严重程度。临床医生诊断任何一种人格障碍，都必须确定此人有生以来的那些特定的功能失调的行为历史，或者他与世界相联系的方式。除非临床医生了解了此人的一生，否则他必须依赖了解此人及其家庭成员提供这个人的历史信息，不同的信息来源对来访者功能的描述可能迥然不同。阅读下述个案，比较布莱特的症状与表3.4中的标准。布莱特的症状符合惊恐障碍的标准吗？（讨论见本章末尾。）布莱特与约好的医生见面时，看起来面色苍白，并表现出明显的神经质。他告诉医生自己上个月发作了两次，都是心跳突然加速，感到呼吸短促和全身发冷，并且无法控制地颤抖。当产生这些感觉时，他相信自己要死于心脏病发作了。症状持续了大约10分钟，然后消退了。医生询问布莱特，当这些症状开始的时候他在哪里。布莱特说，第一次有这种感受时，他马上要在一个非常重要的课上做演讲。第二次则发生在要跟父母见面并共进晚餐的路上。为了提高中诊断的信度，工作小组进行了大量的现场试验（见Frances & Widiger, 2012）。他们对要收录在中的大部分诊断标准进行了临床与研究环境下的测试。在现场试验中，测试可以确定诊断标准的应用是否可靠，以及它们是否符合来访者的经历。"}
{"instruction": "围绕孩子，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "反过来，与没有被贴上行为问题标签的孩子相比，被贴上行为问题标签的孩子在交流中获得的乐趣更少，对自己在任务中的表现评价更低，并报告伙伴对自己不够友好。最重要的是，不管一个孩子是否真的有行为问题，只要给他贴上这样一个标签，就会影响伙伴对他的态度以及他自己在任务中得到的乐趣。这些结果表明，给一个孩子贴上变态的标签，就会极大地影响其他孩子对他的态度，即使完全没有理由给这个孩子贴上这种标签。我们是否应该完全回避精神病诊断呢？也许不必这样。虽然诊断系统有潜在的危险，但是它们也有非常重要的功能。诊断系统的基本作用是，使用大家一致同意的方式将杂乱无章的心理症状系统组织起来。这种组织能推动临床医生之间的交流以及不同时代之间的信息交换。例如，如果琼斯医生在阅读某位患者的病史时发现，根据 DSM-IV-TR 标准患者曾被诊断为精神分裂症，那么她就知道该诊断所依据的标准为何，还可以将当时的诊断与患者目前的症状进行比较。这些信息可以帮助琼斯医生对患者目前的症状进行准确的评估，并确定合适的治疗手段。例如，如果来访者目前的症状也显示他患有精神分裂症，并且几年前患病时X药物对他有疗效，这就表明X药物现在对来访者可能同样有疗效。拥有一个标准的诊断系统还能极大地促进对心理障碍的研究。例如，如果州立大学的研究者使用 DSM-IV-TR"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，美国意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "心理生理测试包括脑电图（EEG）和皮肤电反应、测量体表（例如头皮和皮肤上）上可探测的脑和神经系统活动。投射测验向个体呈现模棱两可的刺激。由临床医生解释个体对刺激的反应。这些测验的效度和信度都偏低。评估过程中可能会产生很多问题和偏见。个体可能阻抗评估，因而会歪曲所提供的信息。个体也有可能由于认知缺陷、悲伤或言语技能发展不足而无法提供信息。此外，当临床医生和个体来自不同文化时，也会产生很多偏差。分类系统指对一组综合征给予定义以及确定个体的症状是否属于某个综合征的规则。在美国，心理问题的主要分类系统是由美国精神医学学会制定的《精神障碍诊断与统计手册》（DSM）。该手册的最新版本为得到公认的各心理障碍提供了具体诊断标准以及有关其病程和患病率的信息。DSM 的明确标准提高了诊断的信度，但还有改进的空间。临床医生可以使用提供的三个轴来评估个体。轴Ⅰ关注个体具有的主要临床症状和躯体疾病。轴Ⅱ关注心理社会和环境应激源。轴Ⅲ评估个体的整体功能水平。批评者指出了将人们贴上精神疾病标签的很多危险性，包括污名化的危险。然而，诊断对临床医生和研究者的交流十分重要。只有心理障碍的定义系统达成一致，交流才能得到促进。评估诊断效度信度结构化访谈症状问卷人格量表行为观察自我监控"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画伦理？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "应激或压力是一个更难定义的术语，因为它在研究和一般新闻报道中都得到了如此广泛的使用。很多研究者认为应激事件是无法控制、无法预测、挑战人们应对能力极限的事件（见第15章）。操作化（operationalization）是指研究中我们测量或操纵变量的方法。我们对抑郁症和应激的定义会影响我们如何测量这些变量。例如，如果我们将抑郁症定义为可诊断的抑郁障碍，那么我们将根据人们的症状是否达到抑郁障碍诊断标准来测量抑郁症。如果我们将抑郁症定义为症状从轻到重变化的整个范围，那么我们就可以通过抑郁问卷的得分来测量抑郁。在测量应激的时候，我们会评估个体遭遇大多数人认为会产生应激的事件的频繁程度。或者我们也可以设计一个操纵或产生应激的方法，从而可以检验人们对应激的抑郁反应。在本章的其余部分，我们将讨论不同的假设检验方法，以及能否从这些方法中得出结论。研究中的伦理问题任何类型的研究，不论是实验室研究还是其他类型的研究，都必须做伦理方面的评估。所有大学和学院都有人类参与者委员会（human participants committee）（有时也称为人类被试委员会、机构审查委员会或伦理委员会）。这些委员会审查以人类为对象的研究程序，以确保研究的益处远远超过参与者可能遇到的任何风险，并且保证把参与者的风险降到最低。"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把柯本放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "如果想使用个案研究来检验应激导致抑郁症的观点，我们应该关注一个个体，对他进行详细的访谈，以便发现抑郁期与生活中的应激事件之间的联系。我们也可以询问其密友和家人来获取额外信息。根据收集来的信息，我们可以详细描述抑郁发作期的诱因，着重于应激事件在发作期间的作用。例如，下页这个简要的个案研究描述了自杀的歌手科特·柯本，他是20世纪90年代轰动一时的摇滚乐队涅槃的歌手。科特·柯本这种心理障碍个体的深度个人史虽然细节丰富，但缺乏普遍性。个案研究的评价个案研究作为研究方法由来已久，这有几个原因。没有任何其他方法可以像个案研究方法那样能抓住个人的独特性。个体生活和经历的细微差别可以得到详细的描述，还可以使用个人自身的语言来描述其经历。对很多研究者来说，探索个人的独特经历，尊重他们对自身经历的看法都是重要的目的。近年来，对个人生活的深入个案研究甚至变得更加盛行。有时候，个案研究是研究罕见问题的唯一方法，仅仅是因为没有足够的研究对象来使用别的方法。例如，对有多重人格障碍个体的大部分研究来源于个案研究，因为这种形式的心理病态在历史上很少见。科特·柯本（美国已故著名摇滚歌手，经典摇滚乐队涅槃乐队的主唱兼吉他手——译者注）向来体质虚弱（他患有支气管炎和频繁的胃痛，他自称这些造成他海洛因成瘾）。他给人的印象是一个在父母的冲突中被推来搡去的柔弱孩子。"}
{"instruction": "作者借测量想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "相关研究是心理学和医学领域最常见的研究方法。例如，你经常可以读到关于看电视与暴力行为、抽烟与心脏病以及使用互联网与抑郁症的关系的研究，其中研究者只是考察了变量间自然发生的关系。相关研究有很多种。变态心理学中最常见的相关研究是对两个或两个以上连续变量的研究。连续变量（continuous variable）的测量是在一个连续谱上进行的。例如，在测量抑郁严重程度的量表上，得分落入一个从0（无抑郁表现）到100（极度抑郁）的连续谱。在测量近期应激源数量的量表上，得分可能落入一个从0（无应激源）到20（20或20个以上的近期应激源）的连续谱。如果我们对同一人群的抑郁程度和应激源数量进行测量，并考察这些连续变量之间的关系，我们就是在做连续变量的相关研究。相关研究的另一种形式是对照组研究（group comparison study）。在这种研究类型中，研究者感兴趣的是人们在某个特定组中的成员资格与他们在其他变量上的得分之间的关系。例如，我们可能想知道抑郁和人们是否经历特定类型的应激（如考试失败）之间的关系。这种情况下，一组是考试失败的学生，另一组则是考试没有失败的学生。我们会找到代表这两个组的不同人群，然后测量他们的抑郁程度。这仍然是一个相关研究，因为我们只是在观察两个变量（考试失败和抑郁程度）之间的关系，而没有操作其中任何变量。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价研究者？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "纵向相关研究中，研究者可以确定在重大事件发生前是否存在组间差异。如果事件发生前没有差异，而事件发生后出现了明显差异，那么研究者就更加确信是这个事件导致了组间差异。纵向研究的设计也让研究者可以进行足够久的追踪调查，以评估人们对事件的短期和长期反应。纵向研究可能既费时又费钱。第8章报告了对精神分裂症高危儿童的研究。研究追踪调查学龄前儿童直到其成年早期，目的是确定何种特征能够预测人们是否会患精神分裂症（Erlenmyer-Kimling, Rock, Squires-Wheeler, & Roberts, 1991）。有些纵向研究历时超过25年之久，花费数百万美元。虽然从中获得了极具价值的数据，但科研时间和经费的成本也很高。所有相关研究的最大缺陷是它们无法辨别原因和结果。例如，抑郁障碍者所报告的许多应激事件可能是抑郁症的结果，而不是导致抑郁症的原因（Hammen, 2005）。抑郁症状可能会通过损害人际交往技巧、干扰工作注意力和引起失眠而产生应激。研究许多不同类型的心理病态都存在同样的问题。例如，精神分裂症症状会破坏社会关系，酗酒会导致失业，等等。最后，所有相关研究都会面临第三变量的问题。研究者很难测量所有可能影响参与者抑郁水平或其他心理病态的因素。第三变量问题是研究者转向实验研究的主要原因之一。"}
{"instruction": "这段关于参与者的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "例如，如果我们对抑郁的测量过于明显，参与者可能会猜测我们正在检验的假设。为了避免出现需求特征，我们可以使用更巧妙的测量手段，将其混在其他测试中，以掩盖真正的研究目的。其他这些测试常被称为填充测试。研究者还经常使用掩饰性故事：向参与者讲述一个虚假的故事，防止他们猜出实验的真正目的并据此调整其行为。实验结束后，应向参与者事后解释他们在研究中受到的欺骗以及研究的真正目的。如果参与者预先知道自己属于哪个组，那么他们在实验中的行为就会受到影响。类似地，如果主试知道参与者处于哪个条件下，他们可能会无意地做出一些行为，从而影响参与者对操纵的反应。为了减少这些需求特征，不论是参与者还是与参与者进行交流的主试，都应该对参与者所处的是实验条件还是控制条件不知情。这种情况被称为双盲实验（double-blind experiment）。我们设置了一系列的保障措施以确保研究的内部效度：参与者的随机抽样和随机分配，以及参与者和主试均对参与者所处条件不知情。现在可以进行研究了。对数据进行收集和分析后，我们发现就像预想的一样，与被给予可破解字谜游戏的参与者相比，被给予无法破解字谜游戏的参与者的抑郁心境增长得更多。研究者将无法破解的字谜交给参与者，以观察应激对心理健康的影响。根据这项研究，针对我们的抑郁观点可以得出什么样的结论呢？"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对伦理的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "绝大多数心理疗法都涉及一系列回应人们问题的技巧。例如，实验治疗组中，抑郁的参与者可以学习获得自信的技巧、解决社会问题的技巧以及改变自我挫败思维方式的技巧。哪种技巧真正有助于减轻他们的抑郁呢？即使治疗有效，研究者常常也并不确定究竟是治疗的哪个部分在起作用。在治疗效果研究中使用简单控制组、等候名单控制组和安慰剂控制组会产生伦理问题。一些研究者认为，向痛苦中的人们提供被认为无效的治疗或者不给他们治疗，这是不符合研究伦理的。例如，很多被分配到控制组的抑郁参与者可能非常痛苦或处于自我伤害的危险中，因此可能需要马上得到治疗。作为对这一顾虑的回应，现在很多治疗效果研究都对两种或更多预期有积极效果的疗法进行比较。这些研究基本上就是不同疗法及其背后理论的竞争。理论上，在这样的研究中所有参与者都会受益，而研究也会针对最有效的疗法类型产生一些有用的信息。在治疗效果研究中，不管主试使用何种控制组或对照组，都必须告知参与者研究包括哪几个组，以及他们将会被随机分配到不同的组（因此存在得不到作为研究组成部分的有效治疗的风险）。治疗效果研究关注获得治疗的人们的体验。另一个伦理问题关注的是，治疗师有责任回应来访者的需求。一种疗法能在多大程度上进行修改以适应具体参与者的需求，而不损害研究的科学诚信？治疗师可能会觉得需要改变药物剂量，或为达到心理干预的目的而背离研究程序。"}
{"instruction": "文中关于家族的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "动物研究的评价动物研究也有明显的问题。首先，有些人认为，在动物身上进行痛苦、危险甚至致命的研究与在人身上进行同样的研究一样，都是违背伦理的。其次，从科学的观点出发，我们必须询问我们是否能够将动物实验的结果推广到人身上。狗的习得性无助真的可以类比为人类的抑郁吗？关于动物研究的伦理和科学问题的争论还在继续。尤其是在药物临床效果的研究中，然而，对于如何帮助人们克服心理病态方面的知识进步，动物研究可能是十分关键的。遗传研究多种研究方法可用于识别与心理病理学有关的遗传因素。研究者通过家族史研究、双生子研究和领养研究来考察基因对特定障碍的影响程度或遗传性。为了考察可能与障碍有关的特定基因，他们会使用分子遗传学研究（也称关联研究）或连锁分析。家族史研究一般情况下，通过基因传递的障碍在有患者的家族中比没有患者的家族出现得更频繁。无论该障碍是与单个基因还是多个基因有关，都是如此。要进行家族史研究（family history study），科学家首先要确认明显患有所研究障碍的群体，该群体被称为先证者（proband）。研究者也要确定一个控制组，即明显没有患此障碍的群体。然后，他们追溯这两组人的家族系谱，或者说家谱，并确定他们有多少亲属患该障碍。研究者最感兴趣是一级亲属，例如亲兄弟姐妹、父母或子女，因为这类亲属与被试的基因相似度最高（除非他们有同卵双生子，这种双生子的基因完全相同）。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对研究者给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "连锁分析（linkage analysis）。例如，本章开始的非常人物部分描述了对阿米什人心境障碍的研究，研究者发现11号染色体上有两个遗传标记与某个大家族中出现心境障碍相关，一个是胰岛素基因，另一个是已知的癌症基因（Biron et al., 1987）。这表明影响心境障碍易感性的基因可能位于11号染色体上。遗憾的是，这一关联在其他研究中没能得到重复。在第8章，我们将讨论其他遗传连锁研究，该研究识别了精神分裂症可能的遗传标记。跨文化研究不久以前，绝大多数心理学研究都是以大学生为对象进行的，这些大学生大都是中上阶层的白人。研究者认为，从这些样本得到的任何结论都可以推广到其他任何相关样本。只有人类学家以及少数的心理学家和精神病学家指出，适用于某个种族、文化或性别的结论并不一定适用于其他情况。然而，过去几十年来，变态心理学的跨文化研究如雨后春笋般涌现。研究者正在对心理病态的本质、诱因和治疗在不同文化中的异同进行研究。这些跨文化研究者面临着一些特有的挑战。首先，研究者在把一个文化中形成的理论或概念应用于另一个文化时要十分谨慎（Rogler, 1999）。因为心理障碍在不同文化中的表现形式不同，研究者如果坚持使用障碍的狭义定义，就有可能无法识别那些以文化定义的方式表现出来的心理障碍患者。"}
{"instruction": "这一段对分析的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "一个研究者可以仔细阅读所有的研究，并从中得出结论：绝大多数研究是支持还是不支持该假设。然而，这样的结论会有偏差，因为是由读者对这些研究作出主观解释。从多个研究中得出结论的一个更客观的方法是进行元分析（meta-analysis），一种将若干个研究的结果综合起来的统计方法。元分析的第一步是做一次彻底的文献搜索，研究者常常使用计算机搜索引擎来协助搜索，找出所有包含关键词的研究。各个研究通常使用不同的方法和测量来检验假设，因此元分析的第二步是将每个研究的结果转换为所有研究通用的统计量。这个统计量称为效应量（effect size），是组间差异（例如一组接受某种特殊形式的治疗而另一组没有）大小或两个连续变量之间相关（例如应激水平和抑郁水平的相关）大小的指标。然后研究者可以检测不同研究的平均效应量，并把效应量和研究的特征联系起来，如研究发表的年份、使用的测量类型或者参与者的年龄或性别。例如，对儿童抑郁水平研究的元分析发现，近期完成的研究得出的抑郁水平比以前研究得出的抑郁水平更低（Twenge & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2002）。这一发现表明，儿童中的抑郁水平可能下降了。元分析的评价在单个研究中，参与者数量少会带来一些问题，而元分析通过汇总大量参与者的数据，更有利于发现显著性效应，从而克服这些问题。"}
{"instruction": "参与者在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "参与者必须知道，参与研究可能让他们经受心理痛苦。他们必须了解，他们可以拒绝参加研究，也可以在任何时刻退出研究。通常，参与者在决定参加研究之前应该先阅读一份正式的知情同意书，这些声明必须出现在知情同意书上。这个文件也应该告诉参与者，他们在研究中的反应将得到怎样的保密。在这个案例中，没有理由不为参与者的反应保密。如果研究者在研究开始前就告诉参与者，他们将要得到的反馈是假的，这显然会影响参与者对反馈的反应。研究者会争辩说，知情同意书上不应该告知参与者研究包含欺骗。伦理委员会必须做出决定，即研究收集到的信息的潜在益处是否值得进行欺骗。研究完成后，研究者应该揭露欺骗的本质，以及使用欺骗手段的正当理由。很多参与者，尤其是大学生，甚至在被告知受到了欺骗之后，还会继续相信他们在实验中得到的消极反馈。建议发现这种现象的研究者做一次实验过程的事后解释（process debriefing; Ross, Lepper, & Hubbard, 1975）。在这个汇报中，主试要详细地讨论实验的目的和程序，解释实验反馈并不是参与者能力的反映。想象你要检验一个假设：瘦身的压力导致女性患上进食障碍。1. 因变量和自变量分别是什么？2. 你会为研究招募哪类样本？3. 你将如何定义瘦身的压力和进食障碍？4."}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的分析是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "领养研究确定被领养的患者的血缘亲属是否比其领养亲属更可能患某种障碍。双生子研究确定同卵双生子是否比异卵双生子更可能同时出现某种障碍。分子遗传学（或关联）研究寻找与某种障碍相关的特定基因。连锁分析研究一个基因已知的生物学特征和一个基因未知的心理障碍之间的关系。跨文化研究提出了挑战。在一种文化中有意义的理论或概念或许不能应用于其他文化。调查问卷和其他评估工具必须得到准确的翻译。另外，文化可能影响人们对研究的社会需求的反应。最后，研究者需要注意，在研究过程中不要预先对文化正常与否做出假设。元分析是一种汇总若干个研究结果的统计工具。在元分析中，通过一个叫效应量的统计量对每一个单个研究的结果进行标准化。然后检测效应量的大小及其与研究特征值的关系。当研究者以一种更主观的方式从不同的研究中得出结论时，会产生偏差，而元分析可以减少这种偏差，但是它会引入使用了劣质方法的研究，或者排除了一些因为没有发现显著效应而无法发表的优质研究。科学方法假设虚无假设变量因变量自变量操作化个案研究（或案例研究）可推广性相关研究连续变量对照组研究横断纵向相关系数统计显著性第三变量问题样本外部效度流行病学患病率发病率高危因素实验研究人类实验室研究内部效度控制组实验组"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述交感神经部分？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "每次新入住一个酒店房间，他都必须把每件东西整理得井然有序：“进到酒店房间，我必须把所有的散页纸和书都收到抽屉里之后，才能够放松下来。所有的一切都必须非常完美”（引自Frith，2006）。他在曼联的队友知道他有这种强迫症，他们会故意弄乱他的衣服或者搬动他酒店房间的家具来使他抓狂。我们在面对任何类型的威胁或应激源时，都会调动身体去应对它。在进化过程中，人类发展出了特有的战斗或逃跑反应（fight-or-flight response），这是一组生理和心理反应，有助于我们与威胁抗争或从中逃脱。战斗或逃跑反应的生理变化是下丘脑所控制的两个系统激活的结果，见图5.1：自主神经系统（尤其是该系统的交感神经部分）和肾上腺–皮质系统（一种激素释放系统；见第2章）。下丘脑首先激活自主神经系统的交感神经部分。交感神经部分直接作用于平滑肌和内脏而产生一些重要的躯体变化：肝脏释放额外的糖份（葡萄糖）来给肌肉供应能量，身体的新陈代谢也会加快，共同为消耗能量的躯体活动做准备。心率、血压和呼吸频率上升，肌肉变得紧张。一些不太重要的活动如消化则减少了。唾液和黏液变干，增大了通向肺部的呼吸道面积。身体会分泌天然的镇痛剂内啡肽，同时体表血管收缩，以减少一旦受伤时的出血量。脾脏产生更多的红细胞以携带氧气。"}
{"instruction": "创伤性事件在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "创伤后应激障碍的症状可能表现为轻度到中度，这些人可以正常生活。然而，另一些人的症状则会让他们无法行动，导致其工作表现、家庭生活和社交生活恶化。世贸中心恐怖袭击这样的创伤性事件会产生创伤后应激。诊断为创伤后应激障碍需要出现四种症状（见表5.2）。首先是反复体验创伤性事件。创伤后应激障碍患者的脑海中会突然闯入一些影像或想法，反复做噩梦，或发生使他们再次体验该事件的闪回现象。关于世贸中心恐怖袭击的记忆违背了她的意愿，闯入布莱尔的意识，当她遇到能够唤起创伤记忆的事情时更是如此。她还反复体验当时的情绪反应，长期体验负性情绪，且不随时间推移而缓解。表5.2　创伤后应激障碍的 A. 以下述1种（或多种）方式接触于实际的或被威胁的死亡、严重的伤害或性暴力：1. 直接经历创伤性事件。2. 亲眼目睹发生在他人身上的创伤性事件。3. 获悉亲密的家庭成员或朋友身上发生了创伤性事件。在实际的或被威胁死亡的案例中，创伤性事件必须是暴力的或意外的。4. 反复经历或极端暴露于创伤性事件的令人作呕的细节中（例如，急救员收集人体残骸；警察反复接触虐待儿童的细节）。注：诊断标准A4不适用于通过电子媒体、电视、电影或图片的接触，除非这种接触与工作相关。B. 在创伤性事件发生后，存在以下1个（或多个）与创伤性事件有关的闯入性症状："}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里汉斯究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "也就是说，人们对某些事物感到恐惧，并不是因为他们真的害怕这些事物，而是因为他们把自己对其他问题的焦虑转移到了这些事物上。在一个名叫汉斯的小男孩长达150页的病例记录中，弗洛伊德详细说明了这个理论。汉斯因为曾经看到马摔倒在地上使劲挣扎的场面而对马产生了恐惧。汉斯的恐怖症是怎样产生的呢？根据弗洛伊德的理论，小男孩对自己的母亲有性欲，他们嫉妒自己的父亲，但是又担心父亲会因此报复而阉割自己。正如我们在第2章讨论过的，这种现象被称为俄狄浦斯情结。按照弗洛伊德的解释，小汉斯无意识地将这种焦虑转移到了马身上，对他来说，马就是父亲的象征。弗洛伊德的证据来自汉斯对一系列诱导问题的回答。弗洛伊德就汉斯心中真正害怕的对象与他进行长时间交谈后，汉斯报告对马的恐惧减轻了，按照弗洛伊德的说法，这是因为汉斯了解了其焦虑的真正根源。我们几乎没有理由去接受弗洛伊德的恐怖症理论。汉斯从未提供任何自发或直接的证据来证明他真正的问题是俄狄浦斯情结而非对马的恐惧。此外，汉斯对马的恐惧是随着时间推移逐渐减轻的，而不是作为对了解根源的突然反应。许多儿童都会产生特定的恐惧，这些恐惧会随时间逐渐消退。总之，心理动力学疗法治疗恐怖症的效果并不好。这说明治疗恐怖症并不需要了解无意识焦虑。行为理论和心理动力学理论相比，行为理论在解释恐怖症方面非常成功。"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，来访者为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "这名男子记录了惊恐发作期间的想法，并在认知治疗中致力于改变它们。很多来访者在产生惊恐症状的时候都会被症状所压垮，无暇顾及他们的想法。他们需要在治疗师在场的情况下经历惊恐症状才能识别他们的灾难化认知（Barlow, 2011）。会谈期间，治疗师可以通过多种方法来诱发惊恐症状，比如让来访者做运动，使其心跳加快；让他们原地转圈直到头晕目眩；或者让他们把头放在两膝之间然后迅速起身，产生头晕的感觉（由于血压的突然变化）等等。这些活动都没有危险性，但是都可能产生会让来访者产生灾难化的症状。在来访者经历这些症状及其灾难化认知的同时，治疗师帮助他们“收集”这些想法。第三，治疗过程中，让来访者在经历惊恐症状的时候做放松和呼吸练习。如果会谈中出现惊恐发作，治疗师将一直与来访者谈话来帮助他们度过发作期，指导他们使用放松和呼吸技术，提出改进技巧的建议，并对来访者成功使用这些技巧终止了发作进行记录。第四，治疗师质疑来访者对其躯体感受的灾难化想法，并指导来访者使用第2章所描述的认知技术来质疑自己的这些想法。治疗师可以帮助来访者准确地重新解释躯体感受。例如，图5.6中列举了一名来访者的想法，他经常有窒息的感觉。治疗师可以探索他的窒息感是否是办公室狭小或夏天地铁的窒闷造成的。如果来访者把自己的心跳加快解释为心脏病发作，治疗师可以让来访者从自己的内科医生处收集证据来证明他的心脏是完全健康的。"}
{"instruction": "围绕玛丽亚，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "冷静、积极反应的母亲对应激情境的反应是恰当的，它们养大的猴子在青少年期或成年期出现焦虑问题的可能性低于生来行为压抑的猴子。儿童会从其父母那里学会焦虑，或者将焦虑作为对其环境的可理解的反应（Rapee et al., 2009）。在一些案例中，如下面的个案研究中，分离焦虑障碍发生在创伤性事件之后。某天清晨，7岁的玛丽亚被巨响和剧烈的震动突然吵醒。她坐在床上，向她10岁的姐姐罗丝玛丽大喊，她的姐姐从床上跳出一米远。两个女孩跑向妈妈的卧室，她们的玩具和书从书架和梳妆台最上方掉落下来。走廊上的瓷器柜摇摇欲坠，哗啦一声倒了，挡住了她们去妈妈卧室的路。玛莎尔夫人大声喊着让她们回去，待在门口。她们蜷缩在一起，直到地震最后结束。玛莎尔夫人越过柜子和破碎的瓷器，朝着女儿们走去。尽管她们都非常恐惧，但所幸并未受伤。两周后，玛丽亚开始说每天早晨胃疼、头疼和头晕，想要与妈妈待在家里。4天后，医学检查没有发现有什么生理疾病，玛丽亚被告知她必须回去上学。她哭着抗拒，但她的妈妈一再坚持，罗丝玛丽答应她一起挽着手去学校。在教室里，玛丽亚无法集中注意在功课上，经常离开座位，望向窗外家的方向。她跟老师说她需要回家看看妈妈是否安然无恙。当被告知不能回家时，她开始大哭并剧烈颤抖，校医叫来了玛莎尔夫人，她把玛丽亚接上带回家。"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，物品意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "B. 这种困难是由于感受到积攒物品的需要及与丢弃它们有关的痛苦。C. 难以丢弃物品导致了物品的堆积以及使用中的生活区域的拥挤和杂乱，且明显地影响了其用途。如果生活区域不杂乱，则只是因为第三方的干预（例如，家庭成员、清洁工、权威人士）。D. 这种囤积引起具有临床意义的痛苦，或导致社交、职业和其他重要功能方面的损害（包括为自己和他人保持一个安全的环境）。E. 这种囤积不能归因于其他躯体疾病（例如，脑损伤、脑血管疾病、肌张力减退-智力减退-性腺功能减退与肥胖综合征）。F. 这种囤积症状不能用其他精神障碍来更好地解释（例如，强迫症中的强迫思维，抑郁症中的能量减少，精神分裂症或其他精神病性障碍中的妄想，重度神经认知障碍中的认知缺陷，孤独症[自闭症]谱系障碍中的兴趣受限）。标注如果是：伴过度收集：如果难以丢弃物品伴随在没有可用空间的情况下过度收集不需要的物品。标注如果是：伴良好或一般的自知力：个体意识到与囤积相关的信念和行为（与难以丢弃物品、杂物或过度收集有关）是有问题的。伴差的自知力：尽管存在相反的证据，个体仍几乎确信与囤积相关的信念和行为（与难以丢弃物品、杂物或过度收集有关）没有问题。缺乏自知力/妄想信念：尽管存在相反的证据，个体仍完全确信与囤积有关的信念和行为（与难以丢弃物品、杂物或过度收集有关）没有问题。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画障碍？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "图5.9　易感性–应激模型焦虑障碍的易感性–应激模型描述了生物、心理和社会因素如何共同作用来产生这些障碍。创伤后应激障碍和急性应激障碍都不适用于雷蒙的情况。尽管反复做噩梦满足创伤后应激障碍和急性应激障碍的“反复体验”标准，但是他会主动思考事故，而不是回避有关它的想法。我们没有证据表明他对活动失去兴趣，感到与其他人疏离，情感受限，或感到前途未卜。我们也没有证据证明雷蒙有明显的唤起症状。在与老板的互动中过度的惊吓反应似乎是一个无关的意外事件，而他的睡眠困难主要是噩梦造成的。现在看来，对于那起令人恐惧的事件，雷蒙的反应似乎可以理解，但是还不能做出诊断。如果你是他的心理医生，你可能想要在一到两个星期后再做一次检查。如果他的噩梦和对事故的思考仍然持续，并且开始更明显地损害他的功能，你可以对他做出适应障碍的诊断。近年来，对创伤后应激障碍的诊断在两个前沿领域受到质疑。第一，一些研究者提出，创伤后应激障碍的标准太宽泛，可接受为诱因的应激事件过多（Spitzer, First, & Wakefield, 2007）。对创伤后应激障碍的诊断标准变得更加严格，这可能会减少符合诊断标准的人数。第二，人们批评创伤后应激障碍的研究者忽视了一些证据，即大多数经历严重创伤的人并没有产生严重的创伤后应激障碍症状或其他心理障碍。"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把障碍放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "这些脑区的功能失调可能导致系统无法终止原始冲动（如攻击冲动）或实施刻板化行为。这些脑区富含5–羟色胺。调节5–羟色胺水平的药物被证明有助于治疗强迫症及相关障碍。认知行为理论认为，强迫症患者将大多数人都会偶然出现的闯入性想法判断为不可接受的，认为他们应该能够控制所有的想法。研究进一步表明，强迫症患者过于说教，对他们自己和他人的健康有过度的责任感。强迫行为通过操作性条件作用形成。强迫行为减轻了焦虑症状，从而得到强化。治疗强迫症最有效的药物是选择性5–羟色胺再摄取抑制剂。暴露与反应阻止疗法也被证明有助于治疗强迫症及相关障碍。焦虑战斗或逃跑反应皮质醇创伤后应激障碍（PTSD）急性应激障碍伴明显解离（人格解体或现实解体）症状的创伤后应激障碍适应障碍应激接种疗法特定恐怖症动物型恐怖症自然环境型恐怖症情境型恐怖症血液–注射–损伤型恐怖症广场恐怖症负强化有准备的经典条件作用应用紧张技术社交焦虑障碍惊恐发作惊恐障碍蓝斑焦虑敏感性内感受知觉内感受条件作用条件化回避反应广泛性焦虑障碍（GAD）分离焦虑障碍行为抑制强迫观念强迫行为强迫症（OCD）囤积障碍拔毛障碍（拔毛癖）皮肤搔抓障碍躯体变形障碍暴露与反应阻止疗法第6章躯体症状障碍和分离障碍"}
{"instruction": "作者借症状想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "正如贝莎·帕彭海姆的故事所展示的，这些现象为布鲁尔、弗洛伊德及其他精神分析学者的早期理论提供了材料。近年来，围绕这些障碍以及人们对痛苦的记忆和情绪可以完全失去意识的观点产生了争议。我们将在本章末尾讨论这一争议。躯体症状障碍前面的章节提到，随着我们逐渐认识到生物因素和心理因素密切相连，越来越不可能在身心之间划出明确界线。躯体症状障碍（somatic symptom disorders）就是一个最好的例子，表明心理和身体之间的界线并不是固定的。这些障碍的患者可能出现严重的躯体症状，而没有明显的器质性病变，但看起来似乎是心理因素造成的。患者经常过度担忧他们的症状，耗费大量时间在担忧和寻求医学治疗上。诊断躯体症状障碍的困难在于，个体可能确实存在难以检测或诊断的身体疾病。很多人可能都有这样的朋友或亲戚，他们对医生抱怨自己长年存在某些躯体症状，这些症状被医生归因为“神经质”或“寻求关注”，但后来却被确诊为某些严重疾病的早期症状。如果可以确定导致症状发展的心理因素，或者身体检查能够证明这些症状与身体疾病无关，则该障碍较易诊断。例如，周末还健康的孩子早上快要上学时却突然严重腹痛，这可能是因为上学让孩子感到痛苦。明确的躯体症状障碍的一个更极端的例子是假孕，出现假孕症状的女性以为自己怀孕，但是体检和实验室检查却证实她们并未怀孕。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价言语？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "例如，在对一名转换性失声妇女的个案研究中，研究者使用功能性脑成像发现，当这名妇女进行发声任务时，大脑言语区（额下回）的活动是正常的，但这些言语区和焦虑调节脑区（特别是前扣带回）之间的连接受损（Bryant & Das, 2012）。这名妇女接受失声的认知行为治疗之后，言语区和焦虑调节脑区之间的连接得以重建，同时言语区和参与焦虑体验的脑区（杏仁核）之间的连接减少。这类研究表明，转换障碍并不涉及与功能丧失特定相关的脑区（如失声中的言语区）活动受损，而是这些脑区与焦虑产生及调节的相关脑区之间的连接发生了变化。转换障碍的治疗转换障碍的治疗难点在于有该障碍的人不相信他们的心理有任何问题。转换障碍的精神分析治疗强调表达痛苦的情绪和记忆，并洞察它们与转换症状之间的关系（Feinsten, 2011）。行为治疗致力于缓解个体因最初导致转换障碍的创伤所产生的焦虑，以及减少患者从转换症状中所获取的任何好处（Rothbaum & Foa, 1991）。例如，对上述个案研究中妇女简的治疗使用了系统脱敏法和暴露法（见第2章和第5章）。将简所回避的情境按照严重程度建立等级序列，其中绝大部分情境会令她回想起被强奸的经历。在暴露疗法中，治疗人员帮助简接近让其感到焦虑的情境，并按照恐惧等级顺序递增的情境逐步推进，同时练习运用放松技术。"}
{"instruction": "这段关于分离性的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "这项研究没有比较接受治疗和未接受治疗的患者情况，也没有对不同的治疗方法进行比较。分离性遗忘症在分离性身份障碍中，个体自称遗忘了交替人格控制的时期。然而，有些人有明显的记忆缺失，但并不会产生新的人格或身份。他们不记得生活中的重要事实和个人身份，并且通常能够意识到在自己的记忆或自我认识方面有大段的空白期。这些人被认为患有分离性遗忘症（dissociative amnesia）（见表6.5）。表6.5　分离性遗忘症的 A. 不能回忆起重要的、自传式的个人信息，通常具有创伤或应激性质，且与普通的健忘不一致。注：分离性遗忘症通常具有对特定事件的局限性的或选择性遗忘；或对身份和生活史的广泛性遗忘。B. 这些症状引起有临床意义的痛苦，或导致社交、职业或其他重要功能方面的损害。C. 这些症状不能归因于某种物质（例如，酒精或其他滥用的毒品、药物）的生理效应或神经系统或其他躯体疾病（例如，复杂部分性发作、短暂性全面性遗忘症、闭合性头部损伤/创伤性脑损伤后遗症、其他神经系统疾病）。D. 该障碍不能用分离性身份障碍、创伤后应激障碍、急性应激障碍、躯体症状障碍、重度或轻度的神经认知障碍来更好地解释。标注如果是：伴分离性漫游：似乎有目的的旅行，或与遗忘身份或其他重要个人信息有关的漫无目标的游荡。遗忘症分为器质性的和心因性的（表6.6）。"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对心理的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "一项注意力分配任务要求参与者一边注意并记住电脑屏幕上出现的单词，一边按键盘上的某个键来完成另一个次级任务。在这些分心任务情况下，分离测试得分高的人对创伤相关的词回忆的更少，但对中性词回忆的更多；而分离测试得分低的参与者情况则正好相反。这意味着分离测试得分高的人能够更好地阻止具有威胁性的信息进入意识，如果他们能够将注意力转移到当时环境中的其他任务或事件时尤其如此。关于记忆压抑的争论看来还会持续一段时间。研究者试图运用科学方法来支持他们的观点，而心理学家也被召到法庭上为记忆恢复或虚假记忆的情况作证。贯穿所有这些争议，那些努力理解自身痛苦症状的人，发现他们自己正位于这场科学漩涡的中心。哲学家和科学家就心身问题的争论由来已久：心理会对身体机能产生影响吗？身体的变化会影响人的“自我”意识吗？身体和心理通过什么机制相互影响呢？正如之前提到的，分离障碍和躯体症状障碍有力地证明了身体和心理之间千丝万缕的联系（图6.3）。在转换障碍中，心理应激导致失明、失聪或其他重要生理系统的功能丧失。在躯体症状障碍中，处于心理应激状态的人会产生剧烈头痛等生理症状。这些障碍产生的一个根本共同点是，可能是因为文化或社会规范的束缚，与直接表达悲伤、恐惧或愤怒相比，有些人觉得通过身体变化来体验心理痛苦会更容易或更能接受。"}
{"instruction": "文中关于障碍的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "躯体症状障碍疾病焦虑障碍转换障碍（功能性神经症状障碍）做作性障碍诈病对他人的做作性障碍分离障碍分离分离性身份障碍分离性遗忘症器质性遗忘症顺行性遗忘心因性遗忘症逆行性遗忘分离性漫游人格解体/现实解体障碍第7章心境障碍和自杀本章提纲连续谱模型下的心境障碍非常人物：凯·雷德菲尔德·贾米森，不平静的心抑郁障碍的特征双相障碍的特征抑郁的理论双相障碍的理论心境障碍的治疗自杀连续谱模型下的心境障碍当考试成绩不如预期或有个朋友生气不理你时，你可能会说“我好郁闷”这样的话。这样的事件常常会消耗我们的精力，削弱我们的动机，动摇我们的自尊，让我们感到沮丧和忧郁，这都是抑郁的症状。更重大的事件，如亲人死亡、婚姻破裂或失业，会引起更加严重的抑郁症状。有些人的症状可能是轻度或中度的，不影响日常功能。然而，负性事件之后出现的抑郁症状会令人衰弱，并且会持续很长一段时间。在一些案例中，重度的抑郁症状没有任何明显原因就出现了。抑郁的诊断取决于症状的严重程度和持续时间。与抑郁症状一样，躁狂症状在严重程度和持续时间上也各有不同。当生活中某件事进行得非常顺利时，如被大学录取或跟某个特别的对象开始一段恋情，你可能会体验到一种“迫切”的兴奋感。跟抑郁一样，中度的躁狂症状通常与特定情境有关，情境消失后症状也随之减轻。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对亚型给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "实际上，与只具有抑郁症的人相比，具有持续性抑郁障碍的人显示出更高的共病风险，尤其是焦虑和物质滥用障碍，并且倾向于产生更严重的功能不良。在被诊断为抑郁症或持续性抑郁障碍的人中，超过70%的人在一生中的某些时候也患有另一种心理障碍。最常与抑郁共病（同时出现）的心理障碍包括物质滥用，例如酗酒；焦虑障碍，例如惊恐障碍；以及进食障碍（Kessler et al., 2003）。有时，抑郁障碍先出现，再导致其他心理障碍。其他时候，抑郁在其他心理障碍之后发生，可能是其结果。确定了抑郁的几个亚型，也就是该障碍的不同表现形式（表7.2）。第一个亚型是伴焦虑痛苦的抑郁，焦虑在抑郁障碍中非常普遍（Watson, 2009），并且具有该亚型的人在抑郁症状之外还具有明显的焦虑症状。第二个亚型是伴混合特征的抑郁。具有该亚型的人符合抑郁症的诊断标准，并出现至少3种躁狂症状，但没有达到躁狂发作的全部标准（见后文讨论）。第三个亚型是伴忧郁特征的抑郁，其中抑郁的生理症状特别突出。第四个亚型是伴精神病性特征的抑郁，具有该亚型的人出现妄想和幻觉。妄想和幻觉的内容可能与典型的抑郁主题一致，如个人的无能、内疚、死亡或惩罚（心境协调），也可能与抑郁主题无关或混杂（心境不协调）。第五个亚型是伴紧张症特征的抑郁，具有该亚型的人会表现出统称为紧张症的奇怪行为，范围从完全不动到亢奋。"}
{"instruction": "这一段对抑制剂的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "此外，三环类药物剂量过大会危及生命，而平均每日处方量的三至四倍即为过量。因而，临床医生在开具这类药物的处方时很谨慎，对于可能存在自杀倾向的抑郁者尤其如此。单胺氧化酶抑制剂另一类已经不太被用来治疗抑郁的早期药物是单胺氧化酶抑制剂（monoamine oxidase inhibitors; MAOIs）。单胺氧化酶是一种会引起突触中的单胺类神经递质分解的酶。单胺氧化酶抑制剂使单胺氧化酶的活性降低，从而提高突触内的神经递质水平。单胺氧化酶抑制剂和三环类抗抑郁药同样有效，但它们的副作用也有很大的潜在危害（Thase & Denko, 2008）。服用单胺氧化酶抑制剂的患者在食用陈年干酪、红酒或啤酒时会发生可能致命的血压升高。单胺氧化酶抑制剂也会和抗高血压药及抗组胺药等非处方药相互作用。单胺氧化酶抑制剂还会造成肝脏损伤、体重增加、血压严重降低，以及一些与三环类抗抑郁药一样的副作用。心境稳定剂双相障碍个体可能会服用抗抑郁药物来缓解其抑郁症状，但是他们也通常服用心境稳定剂（锂盐或抗惊厥药物）来缓解或防止躁狂症状。锂盐对抑郁者的抑郁症状也有积极效果。此外，医生也给很多人开了非典型抗精神病药以控制心境波动。锂盐锂盐可能是通过改善心境障碍中出现异常的细胞内过程来起作用（Belmaker, 2004）。"}
{"instruction": "人际在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "治疗师会用一系列的问题来帮助来访者思考看待情境的其他方式及其优缺点，例如“有什么证据能证明你解释这件事情的方式是正确的？”“有没有看待这件事情的其他方式？”以及“如果发生最糟糕的情况，你能够做什么？” 认知行为治疗的第三步是帮助来访者识别他们所持有的加剧其抑郁症状的更深层的基本信念或假设。这些信念可能包括“如果不能取悦所有人，我就是失败者”或“如果做不到事事成功，我的人生便毫无意义。”治疗师帮助来访者质疑这些信念，并确定他们是否真的希望将自己的生活建立在这些信念之上。苏珊的案例显示了认知行为治疗中的一些认知成分。人际治疗在人际治疗（interpersonal therapy; IPT）中，治疗师会在抑郁个体身上寻找四类问题（表7.6; Weissman &Verdeli, 2013）。首先，许多抑郁者确实会因失去一位他所爱的人而哀伤，可能并非因为死亡，而是因为一个重要关系的破裂。人际治疗师帮助来访者正视这种丧失，并探讨来访者对此的感受。治疗师还会帮助来访者开始投入新的关系。表7.6　人际治疗人际治疗师关注诱发抑郁的四类人际问题。人际治疗关注的第二类问题是人际角色冲突。当人们不同意自己在某种关系中的角色定位时，就会引起此类冲突。例如，在选择职业应在多大程度上遵从父母意愿上，大学生和父母可能会产生分歧。"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的迪尔凯姆是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "自我伤害也可以作为一种获得他人的支持和同情或惩罚其他人的方式（Nock & Prinstein, 2004）。然而，对自我伤害的诱因还需要更多的研究。认识自杀我们对自杀原因的了解受到许多因素制约。第一，虽然自杀比我们预期的更常见，但还是比较少见，因而很难对其进行科学研究。第二，自杀发生后，家人或朋友可能会选择性地记住有关死者的某些信息（例如死者抑郁的证据），而遗忘了其他信息。第三，大部分自杀者没有留下遗言。留下的遗言也不能提供多少关于自杀原因的信息（Jamison, 1999）。在这一部分，我们将简要讨论自杀的历史观点，以及有关自杀成因的研究发现。自杀的历史观点弗洛伊德曾经提出，抑郁者不会对背叛或抛弃自己的人发泄怒气，反而将自己作为发泄的对象。当抑郁者的愤怒变得极其强烈，以至于他们希望毁灭此人的形象时，他们就会毁灭自己。例如，无法对父母表达愤怒的少年可能试图用自杀来惩罚父母。像弗洛伊德的很多其他理论一样，这种观点难以验证，因为它涉及人们不能或不愿表达或承认的情绪。社会学家埃米尔·迪尔凯姆（Durkheim, 1897）在其有关自杀的经典著作中，关注特定社会环境下产生的能够增加自杀风险的思维模式。他提出三种自杀类型。与他人感到疏远、缺少社会接触、生活孤立无援的自杀者属于利己型自杀"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述发作？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "出现1次或多次轻躁狂发作或躁狂发作是双相障碍的核心特征（见表7.4）。抑郁症是抑郁障碍中的典型疾病，其特征为抑郁心境的间断发作和/或丧失兴趣或愉悦感及其他症状持续至少两周。此外，抑郁症还有几种亚型：伴混合特征、伴焦虑特征、伴忧郁特征、伴精神病性特征、伴紧张症特征、伴非典型特征、伴季节性模式以及伴围产期起病。持续性抑郁障碍（恶劣心境）是抑郁的慢性形式，在成人中持续至少两年，或在儿童和青少年中持续至少1年。它的严重程度可能低于抑郁症（过去两年中不符合全部的诊断标准），或者可能代表间歇性或持续性的重性抑郁发作，它包括很多与抑郁症相同的亚型。被诊断为经前期烦躁障碍的女性在月经开始前一周痛苦症状增加，并在月经开始后症状减轻。抑郁是最常见的心理障碍之一，具有明显的年龄、性别和跨文化差异。双相障碍不及抑郁障碍常见，并且大多是终生问题。跟抑郁一样，双相障碍的发作时间长短在个体之间以及一生中不同时期都有较大差异。去甲肾上腺素、5–羟色胺和多巴胺等神经递质都与心境障碍有关。异常基因可能导致这些神经递质系统的功能失调。此外，神经成像研究显示几个脑区的结构或活动异常，包括前额叶皮层、海马、前扣带回和杏仁核。有证据表明抑郁者的下丘脑–垂体–肾上腺轴长期过度活跃，这可能使他们更容易受到应激的影响。抑郁的行为理论认为，在生活中承受大量应激的人可能强化水平过低，而惩罚水平过高，从而导致抑郁。"}
{"instruction": "精神分裂症在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "承认精神病性体验的连续性，根据严重程度按顺序列出了精神分裂症及其他精神病性障碍。连续谱上的第一个障碍是分裂型人格障碍，涉及与精神分裂症相似的轻度症状，但与现实还保留一些联系。人格障碍个体说话的方式古怪反常，他们拥有异常的信念或知觉，很难与其他人相处。沿着连续谱往下是一些脱离现实的障碍。在妄想障碍中，个体拥有持久的、与现实相反的信念，但是并没有精神分裂症的其他症状，并且功能往往没有受损。他们的妄想常与可能发生但实际并未发生的事情有关。在短暂精神病性障碍中，个体的精神分裂症症状持续1个月或不足1个月。在精神分裂症样障碍中，个体的精神分裂症症状持续1～6个月，但通常可以过正常生活。分裂情感性障碍表现为精神分裂症与抑郁症或双相障碍的混合。其他精神病性障碍包括物质所致的精神病性障碍和与其他躯体疾病相关的精神病性障碍（或紧张症），分别是由某种物质或者疾病特别导致的精神病。它们可能是短期的，也可能是持久的。这里展示的障碍连续谱在中被称为精神分裂症谱系，它是一组精神病性障碍，与精神分裂症具有一些相似之处，但不如后者严重或持久。约翰·纳什，《美丽心灵》1959年，30岁的约翰·纳什是麻省理工学院的教授，也是一位广受赞誉的数学家。还在普林斯顿读研究生时，他已经在博弈论中引入均衡的概念，最终让经济学领域发生了革命性变化，也为他赢得了诺贝尔奖。"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里精神分裂症究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "音连（clangs）；或者持续不断地重复同一个词或同一段话。精神分裂症的男性比女性更可能出现严重的言语缺陷，这可能是因为女性的语言更多是由双侧大脑半球共同控制的（Goldstein et al., 2002）。因为女性的双侧脑半球可以相互补偿缺陷，所以与精神分裂症相关的大脑异常对女性的语言和思维能力的影响要小于男性。相反，男性的语言能力更为局部化，因此当这些脑区受到精神分裂症影响时，男性可能不能像女性那样补偿这些缺陷。紊乱或紧张症行为精神分裂症个体的紊乱行为经常引起其他人的恐惧。个体可能会表现出不可预测的、无明显原因的激动，如突然大喊大叫、破口大骂或快走。这些行为可能由幻觉或妄想造成。例如，一个有被害妄想的人可能幻想有个可怕的人在追赶他，因此做出尖叫和逃跑的反应。另一个人认为其皮肤下被植入了电脑芯片并受到控制，因为没有人相信他并提供帮助而激动地踱步。精神分裂症患者的日常生活一般不能自理，例如洗澡、选择合适的穿着以及按时饮食。因为注意和记忆都受到损害，即使完成简单任务（如刷牙）他们也必须付出他们全部的注意力（NIMH, 2008; Torrey, 2006）。他们可能做出一些社会不可接受的行为，如在公共场所手淫。很多人外表邋遢，有时在寒冷的天气里衣着单薄，天气炎热时却层层包裹。"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，精神分裂症为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "此外，其他研究表明，精神分裂症个体在复发前经历的很多生活事件可能是复发的前驱症状引起的，前驱症状发生在精神病复发之前（Dohrenwend et al.,1987）。例如，精神分裂症复发的一个前驱症状是社会退缩。相应地，经常出现在复发之前的负性事事件，如人际关系破裂或失去工作，可能部分是个体的社会退缩造成的。精神分裂症和家庭历史上，理论家们将精神分裂症归咎于母亲。早期心理动力学理论家认为，当母亲过分保护孩子同时又拒绝孩子亲近时，就会导致精神分裂症（Fromm-Reichmann, 1948）。这些导致精神分裂症的母亲支配着孩子，不让他们发展自主的自我感，致使孩子感到自己没有价值，也不讨人喜爱。类似地，贝特森及其同事（Bateson et al., 1956）指出，精神分裂症孩子的父母（尤其是母亲）不断地给孩子冲突的信息，致使孩子处于双重束缚的境地。这样的母亲可能在孩子摔倒或受伤的时候，能够给予身体上的安慰，但同时在言语上攻击或批评孩子。长期接收这种矛盾信息的孩子不相信自己对这个世界的认识和感受，因而对自己、环境和他人的看法变得扭曲，这种扭曲是产生精神分裂症的原因。这些理论经不起科学推敲，但它们的确让精神分裂症个体的家庭成员充满内疚。研究表明，家庭互动中有一个与精神分裂症多次发作有关的因素是"}
{"instruction": "围绕精神分裂症，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "精神病医院和住宿式治疗中心有时会建立基于操作性条件作用的代币制。个体通过完成指定的自我照料任务（如洗澡或换衣服），或仅仅是与其他人进行一次恰当的交谈，然后就可以赢取代币，他们可以用这些代币交换到一些特权（比如，常规外出之外的额外外出的机会）。社交干预包括增加精神分裂症患者与支持者之间的接触，一般通过自助小组的形式来进行（Liberman, 2008）。小组成员讨论精神分裂症给自己生活带来的影响，试图让他人理解自己的疾病发作时的沮丧、对复发的恐惧、服用各种药物的经历以及其他日常的担忧。小组成员可以互相给予反馈或者提供论坛，让每个人都可以通过角色扮演来练习新技巧，从而帮助彼此学习社交技巧和问题解决技巧。治疗师通常也会直接教给精神分裂症个体在常见社交场合中的问题解决技巧。例如，当接待人员告诉他们，公司现在找不到人对他们进行工作面试时，他们可以尝试自己想出解决办法，并通过角色扮演来进行练习。家庭治疗如前所述，在精神分裂症个体的家庭中，情绪表达程度高会大幅增加疾病复发的风险和频率。很多研究者检测了家庭取向疗法对精神分裂症个体的疗效。成功的家庭疗法会把精神分裂症的基本教育与家庭成员的训练结合起来，以应对亲人的不恰当行为以及障碍对其生活造成的影响（Hogarty et al., 1991; 综述见Barkhof et al., 2012）。"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，精神分裂症意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "理论家正在建立新的模型来整合引发精神分裂症的生物学因素和心理社会因素，从而对精神分裂症的发生和发展做出全面的解释（图8.8; Cannon, 2009; Fatemi & Folsom, 2009）。图8.8　精神分裂症中生物学因素与心理社会因素的相互作用遗传因素在精神分裂症的易感性上显然起着一定作用。个体生命早期的环境因素，例如在子宫内接触有毒物质或病毒，或者分娩时缺氧，都会与源自表观遗传学过程的遗传倾向相互作用，增加精神分裂症的易感性。具有精神分裂症生物易感性的人，如果成长在一个支持性且情绪表达程度低的家庭中，并且没有经受重大应激源，那么可能永远不会出现完全的精神分裂症。不过，他依然可能出现一些轻微的症状，因为生物基础对该障碍的影响非常大。相反，如果个体既具有生物易感性，又成长在应激环境中，则更可能出现完全的精神分裂症。心理社会应激显然也会导致精神分裂症患者的新一轮发作。心理健康专业人士普遍认为，精神分裂症最有效的疗法就是那些既处理生物学因素也处理心理社会因素的方法。你可能已经注意到的，杰夫的症状不完全符合中的任何一种障碍类别。因为他自述有空虚感，你可能怀疑他是否抑郁。但是他没有表现出抑郁的大多数其他症状（见第7章），所以抑郁并不是恰当的诊断。他的空虚感、社会疏离、缺乏动机和功能的普遍退化都像是精神分裂症的阴性症状。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画精神分裂症？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "确定了一系列其他精神病性障碍。当精神分裂症症状与抑郁症或躁狂症同时发生时，就可以诊断为分裂情感性障碍。精神分裂症样障碍个体符合精神分裂症诊断标准，但症状持续时间只有1～6个月。短暂精神病性障碍个体符合精神分裂症诊断标准，但症状持续时间不到1个月，并且有时是对重大应激的反应。妄想障碍的特征就是仅出现妄想这种精神病性症状。分裂型人格障碍的特征是，在思维、行为和自我概念方面具有极端古怪的终身模式，但并未达到精神病的标准。精神分裂症的生物学理论关注遗传、脑结构和功能异常以及神经递质。有明确的证据表明精神分裂症具有基因传递性。精神分裂症个体表现出大脑皮质区的功能异常，尤其是前额叶区和海马，并且脑室扩大。许多精神分裂症个体有过产前问题的历史，例如在妊娠中期感染流感病毒，或经历分娩并发症，包括围产期缺氧。脑部异常和多巴胺系统的功能失调在精神分裂症中起到一定作用。应激事件可能无法让不具有精神分裂症易感性的人产生精神分裂症，但是它们可以诱发精神分裂症个体的新一轮发作。情绪表达理论家认为，一些精神分裂症个体的家庭在过度保护的同时又充满敌意，从而增加了复发的风险。认知理论认为一些精神分裂症症状是个体试图理解和应对认知缺陷造成的。吩噻嗪类是在20世纪50年代被引入的药物，减轻了很多精神分裂症个体的痛苦。"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把人格障碍放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "它认为人格障碍完全不同于“正常的”人格特质。然而，与之前的手册不同，提供了人格障碍（personality disorder）的一般定义，适用于10种特定人格障碍中每一种（表9.2）。人格障碍的一般诊断标准规定，个体的人格模式必须明显偏离其所处文化的期望，表现为看待自身、他人或事件的方式；情绪体验和表达；人际功能；和 / 或冲动控制。个体的人格模式必须具有跨情境的普遍性和缺乏弹性，跨时间的稳定性，首次发作于青少年期或成年早期，并且导致明显的痛苦或功能损害。个体的长期功能模式也不能被其他精神疾病、物质使用或躯体疾病的表现或后果来更好地解释。表9.2　人格障碍人格障碍的一般诊断标准规定，个体的人格模式必须明显偏离其所在文化的期望，表现的方面包括：看待自身、他人或事件的方式；情绪体验和表达；人际功能；和/ 或冲动控制。按照定义，人格障碍是思维、感受和行为的一种持久模式，具有跨时间的相对稳定性，这些特殊的人格特征必然在成年早起就会表现出来。按照定义，人格障碍是思维、感受和行为的持久模式，具有跨时间的相对稳定性，在成年早期就明显表现出特定的人格特征。对18岁以下的个体做出人格障碍的诊断时，人格模式必须显现至少1年（除了反社会型人格障碍，此障碍只适用于18岁以上的成人）。因此，大多数临床医生会评估人格特质的跨时间和跨不同情境的稳定性，考虑族裔、文化和社会背景的影响，注意区分界定人格障碍的人格特质与对情境应激源的反应特征以及诸如心境障碍、焦虑障碍或物质使用障碍这类更短暂的精神状态。"}
{"instruction": "作者借治疗师想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "偏执型人格障碍的治疗被诊断为偏执型人格障碍的人只有在处于危机时才会与临床医生联系，他们可能会为抑郁或焦虑的重度症状寻求治疗，但一般不认为需要治疗自己的偏执。他们防御且多疑的作风经常会阻碍一段相互信任的治疗关系的发展。此外，对于治疗师挑战其偏执想法的尝试，他们很可能做出与其偏执信念系统一致的错误解释。因此，治疗偏执型人格障碍非常困难（Million et al., 2000）。为了获得偏执型人格障碍患者的信任，治疗师必须保持冷静、尊重，而且要非常直率（Siever & Kendler, 1985）。治疗师不要直接挑战来访者的偏执想法，而是通过间接的方式，就来访者头脑中解释情境的特定方式提问。尽管许多治疗师并不期望偏执的来访者能够洞察自己的全部问题，但是他们希望通过至少对治疗师产生某种程度上的信任，使得来访者学会对其他人多一点信任，从而在某种程度上改善其人际关系。偏执型人格障碍的认知治疗的重点是提高个体在处理困难事情上的自我效能感，从而减少他们对其他人的恐惧和敌意。下面的例子是认知治疗师与一位名叫安妮的女性来访者之间的交流，后者认为同事故意试图激怒自己，好让上司批评她。在这次交流中，治疗师并没有直接挑战安妮对其同事意图的信念，而是通过帮助她重新定义工作环境，即这个环境只是让人恼怒并不具有威胁，努力减少她感到的危险。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价哥哥？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "除了这些认知和知觉扭曲，分裂型人格障碍个体的言谈也倾向于离题、绕圈、模糊或啰嗦。在人际互动中，他们可能对其他人的言行做出不恰当的情绪反应或者没有反应。他们的行为也非常古怪，有时反映了他们古怪的思维。他们很容易分心或长时间固着于某一事物上，迷失在自己的思绪或幻想之中。尽管个体在言行举止和思维方面的怪异性与精神分裂症的症状相似，但其严重程度不如精神分裂症，并且个体始终维持着与现实的基本接触。下面个案研究中的男子表现出了分裂型人格障碍的许多古怪之处。一名41岁的男子被转介来参加社区心理健康中心的一个活动项目，以提高其社交技能。他的社会隔离模式持续一生，没有真正的朋友，大量时间都在担心自己对哥哥的愤怒想法会伤害到哥哥。他之前是行政部门的职员，但因为出勤率低和效率低被解雇了。会谈中患者表现得疏远并有点多疑。他详细描述了自己不平静的日常生活，描述中常常包含着无关的细节。他花了两天时间研究一条新牛仔裤上的水洗标：“穿着前洗涤”的意思是在第一次穿着前洗涤，还是说出于某种原因，它在每次穿着前都需要洗涤？他并不认为这些担忧是无意义的，尽管他承认自己花了太多时间思考这些问题。他可以背出最近一个月的银行对账单，包括每一张支票的金额和开具支票时的余额。他知道自己任何一天的余额，有时他会想着某张支票或某笔存款是否真的已经结清了，并因此感到焦虑。"}
{"instruction": "这段关于辛迪的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "辛迪说，听到这个消息时，她立即产生了自杀的念头，并且不清楚究竟是什么情况导致她产生了自杀的倾向。她在几个星期后离开了学校，变得非常抑郁，自杀的念头活跃起来。尽管在那位同学自杀前，辛迪表现出的心理问题非常少，但进一步的询问揭示出，她从14岁开始就有严重的神经性厌食症、神经性贪食症、酗酒和处方药物滥用。在接受一段时间的治疗后，一种与自我伤害有关的持续模式渐渐显现出来。一系列事件的导火索通常是一次人际冲突（几乎都是和丈夫），这些人际冲突使她被威胁、被批评和不再被爱的感觉达到了顶点。这些感受之后通常就是自残或自杀的冲动，其程度取决于她无望、愤怒和悲伤的水平。自残或者自杀的念头经常伴随着“我要死给你们看”的想法。有时，无望感以及永远结束痛苦的愿望会占上风。当有意识地决定自杀和自残后，辛迪就会立即进入分离状态，然后开始割伤或烧伤自己，这时候她通常处于一种“自动导航”的状态。随后，辛迪通常很难记住实际行为的细节。有一次，她把自己的腿烧得非常严重（为了从医生那里得到更多注意力，她还把污物注射到伤口里），最终不得不做修复手术。（摘自Linehan, Cochran, & Kehrer, 2001, pp.502-504）辛迪的症状代表了边缘型人格障碍的一部分典型特征：失控且不能平息的情绪，对被遗弃过度敏感，过分依赖他人的倾向，以及自我伤害史（见表9.7"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对人格障碍的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "我们中的大部分人都遇到过自恋狂——那些认为自己比其他任何人都优秀，在所有情况下都可以为所欲为，为了达成自己的目标而随意利用他人的人。自恋者或自恋狂（narcissist）这个词源自希腊神话中的纳西索斯（Narcissus），他爱上了水中自己的倒影，无法自拔，最终死去。自恋狂这个词源自希腊神话的纳西索斯，他爱上了水中自己的倒影，无法自拔，最终死去。自恋型人格障碍（narcissistic personality disorder）的特征与表演型人格障碍类似。这两种人格障碍个体都表现出戏剧化的行为风格，寻求他人的赞赏，并且在情绪表达和人际关系上非常肤浅。具有表演型人格障碍的人寻求其他人的赞同，而具有自恋型人格障碍的人则依赖于他们膨胀的自我评价，认为依赖其他人是软弱、危险的。正如其名，浮夸是其明显特征之一，具有自恋型人格障碍的人充满了自我重要性的想法以及对权力和成功的幻想，自认为比大多数人更优秀。在人际关系中，他们总是根据自己的意愿，有权对其他人提出要求，忽略或贬低其他人的需要和愿望，利用他人获得权力，并且表现得傲慢和居高临下。与边缘型人格障碍相比，他们并不担忧被遗弃，尽管他们也需要他人的赞扬。在下面的个案研究中，戴维被诊断为自恋型人格障碍。戴维是一名律师，他在40岁出头时开始因抑郁心境寻求治疗。"}
{"instruction": "文中关于刘易斯的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "很多该障碍的特征都与“A型”人格重叠。强迫型人格障碍的许多特点和强迫症（OCD；见第5章）一致，而且和强迫症有较高的共病率（Lochner et al., 2011）。但强迫型人格障碍以一种更加普遍的方式与外界互动，而强迫症往往只表现出具体的强迫思维和强迫行为。强迫症个体关注非常具体的想法、想象、观念或行为，如果他们没有做这些就会感到非常焦虑（例如，如果他们没有检查炉子是否关了，他们会变得焦虑），而强迫型人格障碍个体通常更倾向于完美主义、僵化和强调秩序。强迫型人格障碍个体往往看起来严厉、冷酷，并且紧张地控制自己的情绪，缺少自发性（Millon et al., 2000）。他们是不需要休闲活动和友谊的工作狂。其他人感觉他们固执、吝啬、占有欲强、喜欢说教和多管闲事。他们倾向于根据等级或地位与他人交往，对地位高的人恭敬奉承，对地位低的人则表现为鄙视、贬损和专制。尽管他们极度关心效率，但他们的完美主义和沉湎于遵守规则，却经常会妨碍任务的完成以及与他人的相处，就像下面的个案研究中那样。罗纳德·刘易斯是一位32岁的会计师，他的问题是“守不住一个女人”。他不明白这是为什么，但是当他讲述自己的故事时，原因是显而易见的。刘易斯先生是一个极其整洁和有条理的人，他认为其他人干扰了他那如精密机械般、完美的生活安排。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对人格障碍给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "遗传因素可能还会导致儿童产生适应不良的认知和情绪调节策略。有人格障碍早期症状的儿童更难养育，这也可能导致其父母产生更多的敌意和忽视行为。另一方面，那些生来就有人格障碍症状易感性的儿童，如果父母认可孩子的情绪体验，对他们的需求做出回应，帮助他们建立恰当的自我观念、处理压力和与世界相处的适应性方式，那么他们可能永远都不会发展出达到诊断标准的人格障碍。图9.1　人格障碍的整合模型难养型气质与不良教养方式的结合可能会导致人格障碍。法伯女士表现出心境障碍的体征，伴有心境恶劣、缺乏精力或乐趣，还有自杀的念头。她的睡眠和饮食模式也发生了急剧的变化。这可能表明她患有抑郁症，然而她的故事中的其他细节指出了某种人格障碍的可能性。法伯女士的挥霍行为、紧张甚至暴力的人际关系、空虚感以及不稳定的自我感和人际关系，表明她可能患有边缘型人格障碍。这一案例显示了临床医生在做出人格障碍诊断时面临的一个普遍问题:往往要到出现危机时，人格障碍个体才会被心理健康专业人士注意到，因此，很难诊断他们是只患有像抑郁症这样的急性障碍，还是同时患有或只是患有人格障碍。临床上被诊断为边缘型人格障碍的女性远多于男性，但对一般人群的流行病学研究显示此障碍在女性中只是略微更普遍（Zanarini, Frankenburg, et al., 2012）。"}
{"instruction": "这一段对人格障碍的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "认知疗法可能对他们有帮助。C组焦虑–恐惧性人格障碍的特征是焦虑、恐惧的情绪和长期的自我怀疑，导致适应不良的行为，包括三种人格障碍：依赖型人格障碍（极其需要关心且害怕被拒绝）、回避型人格障碍（社交焦虑和不足感导致的社交回避）和强迫型人格障碍（活动和人际关系的僵化）。遗传因素和被重要他人拒绝的儿童期经历与回避型人格障碍的形成有关。其疗法包括认知行为干预，将来访者暴露在引起焦虑的人际情境下，帮助他们改变解释他人批评的方式。强迫型人格障碍个体通常也有强迫症，这两种障碍有一些共同的遗传高危因素。行为干预治疗可以减少强迫，认知技术可以挑战僵化、完美主义的信念，这两种疗法能起到一定作用。除了诊断人格障碍现有的分类模式之外，在手册另一部分包含了一个替代的维度特质模式，以用于进一步的深入研究。维度模式要求临床医生根据人格功能的特殊困难和病理性人格特质的具体模式来诊断人格障碍。维度模式可能代表了未来人格障碍诊断的发展方向，并促进正常人格和病理性人格理论及研究的整合。人格人格特质五因素模型人格障碍偏执型人格障碍分裂样人格障碍分裂型人格障碍边缘型人格障碍辨证行为疗法移情焦点疗法基于心智化疗法表演型人格障碍自恋型人格障碍回避型人格障碍依赖型人格障碍强迫型人格障碍负性情感分离对抗"}
{"instruction": "短语在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "C. 症状必须存在于发育早期（但是，直到社交需求超过有限的能力时，缺陷可能才会完全表现出来，或可能被后天学会的策略所掩盖）。D. 这些症状造成社交、职业或目前其他重要功能方面的有明显临床意义的损害。E. 这些症状不能用智力障碍或全面发育迟缓来更好地解释。智力障碍和孤独症谱系障碍经常共同出现；做出孤独症谱系障碍和智力障碍的合并诊断时，其社会交往（标准A）必须低于预期的总体发育水平。三岁半的理查德看起来沉默寡言且远离他人。他早晨不和母亲打招呼，父亲下班回家时也不问候。然而，如果将其留给保姆照看，他往往大部分时间都在尖叫。他对其他孩子毫无兴趣，对自己的弟弟也同样忽视。他说话含糊不清，没有交谈的语调。直到3岁他才能理解简单的实用指令。他的话语只是重复以前听来的字词和短语，并带有最初说这话人的口音和语调；他可以用一两个短语表达自己的简单需要。比如，如果他说“你想喝点什么吗？”这表示他渴了。除了牵着别人并把对方的手放在他想要的物体上，他不会用表情、手势或者模仿动作来交流。他对明亮的光线和旋转的物体着迷，会盯着这些东西拍着手笑、踮着脚跳舞。他非常迷恋一辆玩具汽车，时刻拿在手里，但是从没有带着想象力玩过这个或者其他玩具。从两岁起他开始收集厨房餐具，按照重复的模式摆满了整个房子的地板。"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的智力障碍是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "重度智力障碍的个体词汇量非常有限，而且可能只会说2～3个字词组成的句子。在儿童期他们的运动技能发展可能有严重缺陷，且可能不恰当地摆弄玩具（例如将两个洋娃娃相撞）。成年后，他们能够自己用勺子进食，如果衣服不复杂（没有拉链或者很多扣子）能自己穿衣服。他们不能独自旅行，无论距离远近，也不能自己购物或做饭。其中一些人能够学会一些不需要技巧的体力劳动，但是很多人做不到。在社交领域，他们通常缺乏风险意识，并且由于幼稚在一些社交情境中易受人诱导。他们在日常生活的方方面面都需要支持。极重度智力障碍的个体通常不具备概念化技能，除了简单地匹配物体的具体物理特征。感觉和运动的同时受损会妨碍物体的功能性使用且使个体对日常活动的参与仅限于旁观。在社交领域，个体可能仅能理解简单而具体的指令和手势。即使在成年期，个体仍完全依赖于他人对其日常生活的全方位照顾，包括身体照料、健康和安全。不容忽视的少数极重度智力障碍个体存在适应不良行为。单独施测的智力测验可评估疑似存在智力障碍个体的智力功能水平。智力测验可测量言语理解、工作记忆、知觉推理、数量推理、抽象思维和加工速度。智力障碍个体的IQ分数通常低于总人口的平均IQ分数（100）两个标准差；换言之，IQ分数为70±5（65～75）或更低。但是，在确定智力障碍的严重程度时，"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述神经认知障碍？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "发育性协调障碍的病因尚属未知，且可能高度多样化（Blank, et al., 2012）。这种障碍最常使用物理疗法或职业理疗进行治疗。重度和轻度神经认知障碍本章剩余部分，我们将讨论晚年常发的心理障碍，即神经认知障碍（neurocognitive disorders, NCDs），包括重度和轻度神经认知障碍和谵妄。这些障碍是由造成认知功能损害的身体疾病及物质中毒或戒断引起的。认知问题包括记忆受损、言语混乱、知觉紊乱、计划和组织能力受损以及不能识别和辨别物品。61岁的高中科学部主任是一位经验丰富的野营和徒步旅行的狂热爱好者。一次在山中远足的时候，他变得极其害怕。在接下来的几个月，他逐渐对自己往常的爱好丧失了兴趣。作为一名曾经如饥似渴的读者，他不再看书。他计算有困难，在家庭财务管理上犯了重大错误。有几次他在以前熟悉的地方开车迷路了。他开始给自己写便条，提醒自己不要忘记做杂务。非常突然地，并且与他一贯的风格不符，他决定退休，也没有与妻子讨论过他的计划。智力衰退逐步加剧。他每天花大部分时间将各种各样的物品堆积在房子某处，然后又将它们搬到另一个地方。他变得固执、爱发牢骚。最终他需要别人协助他剃须和穿衣。在症状首次出现的6年之后进行了检查，患者表现得警觉、合作。他分不清方向和时间。"}
{"instruction": "神经认知障碍在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "例如，如果给一个有重度神经认知障碍的人呈现“住在玻璃房子里的人不该扔石头” * 这一谚语，他可能无法理解其抽象含义，而将其具体地理解为“人们不想自己的窗户被砸碎”。除了这些认知缺陷，有重度神经认知障碍的人还经常表现出情绪机能和人格的变化。商店行窃和露阴癖是他们判断力下降和无法控制冲动的常见表现。一旦认识到自己认知功能下降，有重度神经认知障碍的人可能变得抑郁。然而，他们经常意识不到或者不承认自己的认知缺陷。这会导致他们从事不现实或者危险的活动，比如当障碍严重到无法安全驾驶时开车。他们可能对家人和朋友变得偏执和愤怒，认为他们妨碍了自己的愿望和自由。他们可能把东西放错了地方，却指责别人偷窃他们的东西。他们可能会认为其他人在合谋反对自己——当他们忘记了自己同意做某事（例如，开始服用一种新药，或搬进一家重度神经认知障碍治疗机构）时，这是他们唯一能得出的结论。有时会爆发暴力和好斗行为，尤其是在中度到重度神经认知障碍的阶段。重度和轻度神经认知障碍的类型根据病因，神经认知障碍可分为几种类型。建议将重度或轻度神经认知障碍依据医学或者物质/药物诱导的成因分类。最常见的是阿尔茨海默病，多达三分之二的神经认知障碍都是它造成的（Gatz, 2007）。血管疾病（如脑梗塞或脑血渗漏，俗称中风）、创伤性脑损伤、进行性疾病如帕金森氏病和艾滋病、长期物质滥用都会导致神经认知障碍。"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里谵妄究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "最先受影响的是瞬时记忆，接下来是中期记忆（对过去10分钟内发生的事情的记忆)，最后是久远的记忆。如果症状发作期与神志清醒期交替出现，并且病情在夜间加重，那么就可能是谵妄。如果此人没有定向障碍（对于时间、地点或人）或近期记忆受损，则不太可能是谵妄。谵妄的发作可能很突然，如一个平常沉默寡言的人突然变得吵闹、恶语相向和好斗，或者一个顺从的病人试图拔掉输液管。但有时，谵妄的发作表现为个体正常人格特质的夸张表现。例如，一个通常坏脾气的人在术后恢复期刻薄地大声抱怨护士“服务不周”。后者很容易认为这种暴躁与病人的个性是一致的：“她一定感觉好多了；她开始抱怨了。”这种情况下，谵妄可能不会被识别，直至更严重的症状出现。有时，谵妄者只是看起来糊涂了。熟悉他们的人可能会说，“他完全不像他自己了。”这些谵妄患者可能会在和熟人打招呼时叫错他们的名字，或者忘了如何前往熟悉的地点，例如自己的房间。这种情况下，对谵妄最初的确认通常是来自他们的家人或医护人员的观察。他们注意到当事人似乎日间比较平静，但是在夜间变得激越。全天监护这样的人很重要。要辨别谵妄也可能需要经常检测他们的定向能力（问他的姓名、日期和时间、地点）。密切监控也很重要，因为谵妄患者从床上跌落或者走进车流当中这样的意外很常见。谵妄通常是严重疾病的信号。"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，障碍为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "有ADHD的儿童在学业和同伴关系方面表现不佳，并且发生行为问题的风险增加。ADHD在男孩当中比在女孩当中更常见。与ADHD有关的生物学因素包括遗传，出生前及儿童早期接触有毒物质，以及神经系统机能异常。ADHD的治疗通常包括兴奋剂和行为疗法，用于减轻儿童的冲动和多动行为，并帮助他们提高注意力。孤独症谱系障碍的特征是社交互动、与他人交流以及日常行为、兴趣和活动的明显缺陷。许多孤独症谱系障碍儿童在智商测试中处于智力障碍的范围。孤独症谱系障碍的后果差异很大，尽管大部分必须接受持续的照管，即使是成年之后。好的结果的最佳预测因素是智商50以上，并且语言技能在6岁以前得以发展。孤独症谱系障碍可能的生物学致病因素包括对认知缺陷的遗传易感性，中枢神经系统受损，产前并发症和神经递质失衡。药物能够减轻孤独症谱系障碍的某些症状，但不能根治其核心症状。行为疗法用于减少不当的行为和自我伤害行为，并鼓励其亲社会行为。智力障碍是指在发育阶段发生，影响日常功能的概念、社交和实用技能方面的明显缺陷。诊断不单纯因智商分数低而作出，其严重水平取决于适应功能缺陷。智力障碍与多个生物学因素有关，包括新陈代谢障碍（苯丙酮尿症和家族黑蒙性白痴病）；染色体障碍（唐氏综合征、脆性X综合征、13三体综合征和18三体综合征）；产前感染风疹、疱疹、梅毒，或接触精神活性物质（特别是酒精，如胎儿酒精综合征）；"}
{"instruction": "围绕障碍，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "然而，连续谱上更远端的人认为某些社会规范并不适用于他们，他们会对他人十分残酷，尤其是在为了满足自己的目标时，正如梅丽尔·斯特里普在影片《穿普拉达的女王》中扮演的米兰达·普里斯特利那样。符合本章所述诊断标准的人，会持续地违反规范行为的基本社会准则，往往非常残酷地对待他人，甚至攻击他人或表现出暴力行为。本章的两种障碍只存在于儿童。被诊断为对立违抗障碍的儿童经常生气且易怒；好争吵和挑衅，拒绝遵从成人的要求；对他人怀恨在心，经常因为他们自己的过错和不良行为责怪他人。被诊断为品行障碍的儿童表现出更加反社会的行为，反复攻击和残酷地对待动物和他人，肆意破坏和损毁他人财物，偷窃撒谎，违反基本的家规和校规。另外两个诊断只针对18岁及以上的个体。间歇性暴怒障碍的特征是对他人反复爆发性地进行言语或身体攻击，远超对任何挑衅的合理反应。反社会型人格障碍的特征是长期罔顾他人的基本权利。有此障碍的人自私、喜欢操控、狡诈、残忍，常常为了达到目的侵犯他人。本章我们要讨论可能促成这些障碍的生物学和心理社会因素。这或许还能帮助解释达不到任何诊断标准的不良行为——那些我们与之打交道的或媒体上的人们所表现出的不良日常行为。从根本上讲，所有行为（好或坏、道德或不道德）都与生物学和心理社会因素有关。这便引发了以下问题：辨别导致不良行为的原因有什么意义，社会该如何对待那些违反主要社会规范且伤害他人的人？"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，邦迪意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "改编自T. A. Widiger, personal communication, 2009）。泰德·邦迪是许多人称作精神变态者（psychopath）或反社会者（sociopath）的最极端例子之一。他一方面迷人、富有魅力、精明，另一方面却是骇人的虐待狂，从给他人造成的痛苦中获得极大的快乐。他从未为自身的行为承担责任，而是将他的非法行为怪罪到幼年所接触到的色情和暴力的不良影响。本章要讨论的障碍全都与不良行为倾向有关，即侵犯他人的基本权利或违反主要社会规范。大多数情况下，这些反社会行为远不及泰德·邦迪那样极端，但依旧会对行为对象造成极其不良的影响。我们从品行障碍和对立违抗障碍开始，显然这两种障碍都起病于儿童期。接着我们要探讨间歇性暴怒障碍，顾名思义，其特征是间歇但反复发生的愤怒爆发。最后，我们讨论反社会型人格障碍，此诊断仅针对成人，自然适用于泰德·邦迪。品行障碍和对立违抗障碍你撒过谎、偷过东西或打过人吗？我们大多数人至少会对其中一个问题做出肯定的回答。但是对下面的问题，较少有人会做出肯定回答：你曾经用刀或枪指向过别人吗？你以凶器强迫别人与你发生过性行为吗？你曾蓄意纵火，希望将别人的财产付之一炬吗？你曾为了偷窃撬开别人的汽车或者闯入别人的房子吗？许多存在品行障碍"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对障碍给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "所以明天我不得不省掉早餐和午餐，并进行几个小时的运动，把今晚的失误弥补回来。超重会带来很多负面影响，例如高血压、心脏病和糖尿病，本章稍后将进行讨论。但是大部分人关心体重是因为，体重等同于你在社会中的自我价值。进食已经不仅是营养的来源，运动也不仅是改善健康的方式。人们吃什么以及做多少运动已经与价值感、荣誉感、内疚感、罪恶感、叛逆和蔑视规范的感受联系在一起，进而影响人们的自尊。本章我们重点关注那些关心自身体重和体型，以及那些进食行为严重妨碍日常生活功能甚至危及生命的人。然而，正如在前面“连续谱模型下的进食障碍”一节中所谈到的，人们对食物与对自己的身体的态度和行为涵盖了广泛的问题。进食障碍的特征尽管我们要分别讨论神经性厌食症、神经性贪食症和暴食障碍，但是大多数起初符合其中某个障碍的诊断标准的个体，都会在这些障碍之间“移动”，在不同时期符合两个或更多这类障碍的诊断标准（Fairburn & Cooper, 2011; Keel, Brown, Holland, & Bodell, 2012）。此外，很多人表现出一个或更多进食障碍所特有的行为和担忧，但并不完全符合任何进食障碍的诊断标准。这些个体可能被诊断为其他特定的喂食或进食障碍。神经性厌食症有神经性厌食症（anorexia nervosa）的人经常忍饥挨饿，在很长一段时间里只吃很少的食物或者一点儿都不吃，但是仍然确信自己还需要减掉更多体重。"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把神经性贪食放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "极度消瘦的厌食症女性看到镜中的自己时认为自己是肥胖的，而神经性贪食症个体对自己的体型有着更客观的认识。尽管如此，神经性贪食症个体长期对自己的体型和体重不满，并且十分关注减肥。自我诱导性呕吐是与神经性贪食症最为相关的行为。许多神经性贪食症个体都是因为被抓住正在呕吐，或者是因为呕吐后留下的污物而被家人、室友或朋友发现的。牙医有时也能发现神经性贪食症个体，因为经常性的呕吐会使胃酸腐蚀牙齿。暴食之后采取清除或其他代偿行为来控制体重，这种循环成为了一种生活方式。另一些人通过过度锻炼或禁食来控制体重。如下“讲述”中的男子在暴食后会禁食一天或更长的时间以控制体重。随着工作和失败的婚姻给他带来的压力越来越多，他的暴食过后再禁食的这种贪食模式变得越来越严重。讲述当星期天的傍晚来临时，我会宽慰地松口气，因为到第二天上午之前我都没有工作上的职责，也刚刚把儿子送回他母亲那里。然后，我会到便利店认真地采购一批“恰到好处”的食品：奶酪、午餐肉、薯片和巧克力棒等甜食。我还会在附近的报亭停留一下，买一本逃避现实的平装小说（这是暴食必不可少的部分），然后坐下来边读边慢慢吃，吃上三个小时，直到眼睛睁不开为止。我用暴食来取代周日的晚餐，平均食量约6000大卡。暴食过后我的胃开始胀痛。我会仔细地清洁牙齿，清洗所有的盘子，然后依靠药物昏昏入睡。"}
{"instruction": "作者借障碍想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "另一个具有同样区分功能的家庭特征是家庭成员的暴食病史（Striegel-Moore et al., 2005）。因此，产生暴食倾向的个体可能来自示范和强化了暴食行为的家庭。不幸的是，大量对进食障碍的家庭和人格特征的研究，是将已有进食障碍的人群与无此障碍的人群进行比较（Policy & Herman, 2002）。所以，我们并不清楚家庭和人格因素到底在多大程度上导致了进食障碍。父母对孩子的控制性行为可能是导致进食障碍的原因，同时也可能是其结果——父母施加控制是为了挽救孩子的生命。进食障碍的治疗在这一部分，我们将讨论治疗进食障碍个体的心理疗法和药物疗法。相比神经性厌食症，对神经性贪食症和暴食障碍疗法的研究更多，部分原因是神经性厌食症的患病率较低。神经性厌食症的心理疗法让有神经性厌食症的人接受心理治疗十分困难。因为他们非常珍视自己已取得的瘦身成果，并且相信必须保持对自身行为的绝对控制，所以他们通常会抵制治疗，特别是抵制想改变其行为或态度的治疗师。不论治疗师对厌食症来访者采用何种心理疗法，都必须做大量的工作来赢取来访者的信任，鼓励来访者参与治疗，并让来访者在开始恢复“可怕的”体重时仍保持这种信任和参与（Wade & Watson, 2012）。如果来访者已经减掉太多体重，面临生命危险，治疗师必须让其住院，那么此时取得来访者的信任将尤为困难。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价神经性？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "神经性厌食症的诊断标准并不要求月经停止，所以如今雷切尔大概可以符合该标准了。雷切尔的案例表明了过去几年一直争论的一些问题，关于进食障碍诊断标准是否过于严格，或者避免对这样的普遍行为做精神病性诊断是否更好。根据你已经知道的进食障碍影响因素，你会给你的学校设计哪种干预计划来降低这些障碍在学生中的患病率？（讨论见本书末尾。）进食障碍包括神经性厌食症、神经性贪食症和暴食障碍。神经性厌食症的特征是主动挨饿、扭曲的体像、对发胖的强烈恐惧，并常有闭经现象。有限制型神经性厌食症的人拒绝进食和/或过度锻炼以防止体重增加。有暴食/清除型厌食症的人周期性地暴食然后采用清除行为来防止体重增加。厌食症的终生患病率低于1%，其中90%～95%的案例见于女性。厌食症通常始于青少年期，病程因人而异。该障碍非常危险，有着自我挨饿和自杀的并发症，因而死亡率相当高。神经性贪食症的特征是无法控制的暴食，为防止因暴食而增加体重，会出现不恰当的代偿行为（如自我引吐、滥用轻泻剂或利尿剂、过度锻炼）。神经性贪食症在女性中比在男性中更常见。神经性贪食症通常始于青少年期。尽管有贪食症的人没有体重过轻的问题，但这种病症会产生一些危险的并发症。暴食障碍个体有暴食行为，但是并不采用清除行为或对暴食采取补偿措施。有暴食障碍的个体通常严重超重。"}
{"instruction": "这段关于性关系的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "比尔和玛格丽特是一对近30岁的夫妻，已经结婚两年了。在结婚前，他们各自的性关系都十分混乱。一名治疗师帮助比尔和玛格丽特处理他们关系中的问题。然而，治疗师做出了一个不正确的假设：他认为随着亲密感的提升和对婚姻的承诺，比尔的射精控制问题就会消失…… 玛格丽特把早泄看成是比尔不再爱她的标志。这个问题持续两年后，玛格丽特变得更加沮丧和退缩。她拒绝他的性要求以表现她的不满。他们的性事频率也由原来的每星期三四次减少到10天1次。玛格丽特认为当他们性交时，比尔也表现得越来越冷淡和疏远，这种想法加剧了性和婚姻危机。他们讨论性关系通常在性交后躺在床上之时，这种交流很快就变成了泪水、愤怒和指责。比尔总是防御的一方，他通过回避与玛格丽特谈论性关系来处理这个问题，这让她更加沮丧。玛格丽特不知道的是，比尔在尝试用一种自助的方法来控制射精。他买了一种在成人杂志上看到的降低敏感性的乳膏，在性交前20分钟把它涂在龟头上。在性交时，他试图绷紧腿部肌肉，并想一些关于运动的事情来控制自己的性唤起状态。比尔没有意识到这使玛格丽特感觉在情感上被排斥在性活动之外。比尔对性唤起周期变得更加敏感，并开始担心勃起问题。他没能更好地控制射精，而且也不那么享受性爱了。他们的性关系降到了谷底，误会和沮丧情绪滋长。（McCarthy, 1989, pp."}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对治疗师的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "很多忙碌的夫妻不在那些能够维持他们彼此性兴趣的活动上花时间。夫妻双方的性行为脚本是不一样的，包括对性活动内容的预期以及双方各自的职责（Pridal & LoPiccolo, 2000）。解决这些脚本的分歧是治疗有益的目标。例如，如果女性因为伴侣太粗暴而缺乏性欲，那么治疗师可以鼓励其伴侣放慢节奏，表现出她所需要的那种温柔的亲密。通常，治疗师会帮助夫妻双方了解彼此对性互动的需求，并通过协商达成双方都能接受和满意的性活动内容。当伴侣间的冲突涉及性活动以外的其他事务时，治疗师将首先集中处理这些冲突，而将性功能失调放在第二位。此类冲突可能包括关系中的权力不平等、不信任或敌意以及重要价值观或决策上的分歧。认知行为疗法的应用最为广泛，不过一些治疗师也会使用心理动力学的方法进行干预，还有一些治疗师会使用基于家庭系统治疗的干预手段。认知行为疗法的研究比其他种类的疗法都要多，并且已经证实它对几种性功能失调都有效（见Leiblum & Rosen, 2000; Meston, Seal, & Hamilton, 2008）。性治疗不论治疗师运用认知行为疗法还是其他疗法来处理性功能失调中的心理问题，使用行为技术的直接性治疗都会是治疗的一部分。如果性功能失调主要或至少部分是由于来访者或其伴侣的性技巧不足造成的，那么侧重技巧练习的性治疗就是适宜的。"}
{"instruction": "文中关于射精的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "然后，他放松下来，将注意力集中在身体的感觉上，直到性唤起消退。这时，他或伴侣可以恢复刺激，并再次在将要射精前停止。如果刺激停止得晚了一点而导致射精，也不要生气或失望，而要享受射精的快感，思考自己对身体又了解了什么，并重新训练。如果男性和女性伴侣共同参与训练，在女方用手刺激男方直到他能够完全控制射精之前，双方不要性交。在该过程的第二阶段，如果有女性伴侣参与，则男性仰卧，女性位于其上方，并将男性的阴茎插入自己的阴道，然后保持不动。大多数早泄男性在性交时只采取男上位姿势，并且抽插时间短而频率快，使他们更难控制射精。这一阶段的目标是让男性享受处于女性阴道中而不射精的感觉。在这个训练中，鼓励男方抚摸或按摩性伴侣，并和她交流彼此的体验。当感到即将射精时，他可以要求她下来，躺在他身边，直到性唤起消退。鼓励伴侣们至少将这种训练进行10～15分钟，即使中途为了避免射精而需要中断几次。在“停–动”技术的第三阶段，女性仍然位于上方，可以做一些插入的动作，但是动作要长而缓慢。双方通常会达到性高潮，并体验到整个性活动是非常亲密和令人愉悦的。早泄男性的女性伴侣通常也有性高潮困难，因为女方远未达到高度唤起状态时，男方在射精后已经不能勃起了，所以他们的性关系会十分紧张。“停–动”技术的训练也可以让女方得到性高潮所需的足够刺激。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对女性服装给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "在过去五年里，他会时不时地穿着一些不引人注目的女性服装，甚至在作男子打扮时也是如此——有时是一条内裤，有时是暧昧的尾戒。他总是随身带着一张自己的女装照片。他记忆中第一次对女性服装发生兴趣是在12岁，他穿上姐姐的内衣，并在这样做的时候产生了性兴奋。他继续定期穿着女式内裤，这种活动总是能够产生勃起，有时是自发的射精，有时是手淫，但从来不会伴随着性幻想。尽管他偶尔也会希望自己是个女孩，但这种愿望从来没有进入过他的性幻想中。在单身的时候他也为女性所吸引，但是对性很羞怯。他在22岁时结婚，第一次与异性性交。结婚后，他对女性服装还是一样有兴趣。45岁时，他偶然看到了一本叫《异装》的杂志，之后他的异装行为开始增加。他了解到还有其他男人跟他一样，越来越着迷于对女性服装的幻想，并发展到有时完全是女性的穿着。最近，他加入了一个异装者组织，通过杂志与其他异装者联系，并偶尔参加异装聚会。只有在参加这些聚会的时候，他才会在外面穿着女性服装。尽管他对婚姻还保持着忠诚，但是随着清醒时的想法和行为越来越多地以异装为中心，他与妻子的性事在过去20年中已经大为减少。随着时间推移，他的异装行为变得不那么色情，而更多地以其本身为目的，但是这仍然是性兴奋的一个来源。当面对压力的时候，他总是更有穿着女装的冲动；这种行为有一种使人平静的作用。"}
{"instruction": "这一段对斯蒂芬的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "她说在结束一段长达10年的婚姻后，她以男性的身份生活并且被雇用已经有1年时间。她服用家庭医生给她开的睾丸素。她到诊所来的目的是摘除子宫和卵巢。她在童年时并没有假小子的态度、想法或行为。她说她很少和其他孩子交往，不论是男孩还是女孩。渴望朋友的她迷上了一个“强壮而且能言善辩”的男孩，和她年龄相仿，名叫罗南。他们经常在一起，无话不说，包括想法、情感以及生活中的事情。她也是在童年时开始穿着父亲的衣服。据她说，她没有因为穿着异性的衣服而产生性唤起或性幻想。12岁开始的青春期和随之而来的身体变化并未给她带来多少苦恼。她对那些“苗条且外表女性化的男人”有性和爱的感觉。16岁那年，斯蒂芬妮碰上了一个这样的男人，他们一起生活了两年。她的下一个爱侣是“男性双性恋异装者”。根据斯蒂芬妮的叙述，他们的性行为包括尝试药物和“角色交换”。他们一起异装，斯蒂芬妮承担支配和主动的角色。在阴道性交中，她总是幻想着自己是个男性，与另一个男性在一起。19岁那年，她遇到了一个苗条、漂亮的男人。他们很合得来，马上结婚了。婚姻是成功的。在性行为中，斯蒂芬妮喜欢的姿势是双方都跪着，她跪在丈夫身后，用阴部摩擦他，同时为他手淫。她总是在幻想自己有阴茎可以插入他的身体。在夫妻俩的生意失败后，他们的婚姻破裂了。她决定完全以名叫“雅各布”的男性身份来生活。"}
{"instruction": "性别在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "窥阴障碍的性幻想、性冲动或性行为集中于偷窥其他人脱衣、裸体行事或性活动。绝大部分的窥阴症者都是偷窥女性的男性。露阴障碍的性幻想、性冲动或性行为集中于在未征得同意的观察者面前暴露生殖器，暴露的对象通常是陌生人。摩擦障碍常伴随窥阴障碍和露阴障碍发生。摩擦障碍的性幻想、性冲动或性行为集中于摩擦或抚摸未征得同意者的身体部位。这种行为通常发生在拥挤的公共场合。恋童障碍者的性幻想、性冲动或性行为集中于青春期前的儿童。人们发现恋童障碍者和无此障碍者之间存在一些神经发育上的差异。行为理论认为有性欲倒错者的性行为是经典条件作用或操作条件作用的结果。性欲倒错的治疗包括利用生物学干预减少性冲动，利用行为干预对性欲倒错的对象造成的性唤起去条件化，利用认知行为干预挑战支持性欲倒错行为的认知并提升应对技巧。如果个体认为自己的出生性别是错误的，而完全应该属于另一性别，则可以被诊断为性别烦躁。该障碍个体对自己的性别和生殖器长期感到不舒服和不适宜，并希望以另一性别生活。儿童性别烦躁十分少见，该障碍儿童持续排斥自己的解剖学性别，希望变成另一性别，或坚持自己属于另一性别，并对跨性别角色和活动表现出强烈的偏好。生物学理论认为，性别烦躁是因为产前接触的激素影响了下丘脑和其他与性相关的脑结构的发育。社会化理论认为有性别烦躁儿童（主要是男孩）的父母没有对性别适宜的行为加以鼓励。"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的大学是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "希斯·莱杰过量使用的药物就包括这些（见本章的非常人物）。如你所见，周末酗酒在大学校园里相当普遍。阅读尼克和他的朋友们的故事，他们也许和你认识的人一样。尼克在高中时就开始喝酒了，但离家上大学以后，他喝得越来越多。仅仅过了几个星期，尼克就与一些喜欢周末聚会的人成了朋友。他们在周四晚上喝酒，大声喧哗，令人讨厌，隔壁宿舍的人因此颇有怨言。周五时他们往往宿醉未醒，不去上课，然后从周五下午又开始喝酒，一直喝到周六和周日才停下来睡觉恢复。尽管缺了很多课，尼克在大学一年级还能保持不错的学习成绩。到了大学二年级，他所学专业的课程变难了。他从周日下午开始戒酒，直到周四中午。但是周四下午他会给朋友们买桶装啤酒，然后一切又和从前一样。有一天晚上在喝酒比赛中，尼克不小心在自己宿舍的墙上钻了一个洞，因而被赶出了学校宿舍。再加上他的成绩也下降了，尼克的父母威胁要停止供他上大学。你会对尼克做出酒精使用障碍的诊断吗？（讨论见本章末尾）兴奋剂兴奋剂（stimulants）刺激中枢神经系统，让人感到精力充沛、快乐和有力，减少睡眠和降低食欲（表14.4）。可卡因和苯丙胺类（包括与之相关的甲基苯丙胺类）是与严重的物质使用障碍有关的两种兴奋剂，可以提升心理状态或者带来快感。这两种物质都能将血压和心率提升到危险的程度，改变心脏的节律和电活动，收缩血管，从而导致心脏病发作、呼吸停止和痉挛。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述来访者？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "治疗师和来访者一起回顾酒精对来访者行为的负面影响以挑战这些期望。来访者或许在最近的某个聚会上感到焦虑，并开始大量饮酒。治疗师会让来访者回忆自己醉酒时尴尬的行为，以挑战酒精有助于有效应对的观念。治疗师也会帮助来访者学会适应性地处理压力情境，例如寻求他人帮助或积极解决问题。最后，治疗师帮助来访者学会在被人劝酒时说“不，谢谢”，并用自我决断技巧处理社会压力。下面摘自一位治疗师和有酒精相关问题的来访者的交谈（改编自Sobell & Sobell, 1978, pp.97-98）。治疗师正在帮助来访者制定策略，来应对可能的职位晋升所带来的压力。治疗师鼓励来访者采用头脑风暴法，寻找应对策略，暂时不要评估它们，从而让来访者自由地想出尽可能多的策略。来访者：我真的很想要这份工作，它意味着我会赚更多钱，不仅是现在，还包括退休以后。此外，如果我拒绝这次晋升，我该怎么对我的妻子或老板说呢？现在与其担心这个，为什么我们不探讨一下对于这次晋升对于你有哪些可能的行为选择呢？记住，现在不要评估你的选择。此刻备选方案可以包含任何甚至极不可能的情形；我们想让你做的就是提出一系列可能的备选方案。考虑某个方案并不意味着你一定要实施它。来访者：你知道，在这种情况下，我可以像往常那么做。实际上，在过去两个月中我一直很紧张，我经常那么做。"}
{"instruction": "物质在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "物质中毒和戒断的具体症状与摄入物质的种类、数量和摄入方式有关。物质使用障碍的特征为适应不良的物质使用模式，该模式导致个人生活出现严重问题，并且导致对物质的耐受性，停止使用会引发戒断症状以及强迫性的物质使用行为。摄入较少的酒精时，可以让人感到放松和轻度的欣快感。当大量摄入时，会产生典型的抑郁症状以及认知和运动方面的损害。因事故、谋杀和自杀导致的死亡中大部分都和饮酒有关。酒精戒断症状可能很轻微，也可能非常严重，甚至威胁到生命。酒精使用障碍者会遇到很多社会和人际关系问题，而且也很可能发生很多严重的健康问题。苯二氮卓类和巴比妥类起初会引起快感和去抑制，随后心境会变得抑郁、昏睡，并出现中枢神经系统抑制的生理体征。这些物质在过量使用或与其他物质混合使用时具有危险性。可卡因刺激掌管奖赏和愉悦的脑区，产生即刻的欣快感，接着会增强自尊、警觉和精力，感到自己拥有更高的能力、创造性和社会认可。使用者也可能经历可怕的知觉变化。可卡因的戒断症状包括疲乏、昏睡和抑郁。可卡因对大脑奖赏中心的作用极其迅速和强烈，这使得它比其他违禁物质更可能导致滥用和依赖。苯丙胺类是治疗特定疾病的处方药，但它们最终往往出现在黑市上。它们可以使人感到精神愉悦、精力充沛、自信和善于社交，但也会让人感到烦躁不安、高度警觉、焦虑和好斗，并且会引起一些危险的生理症状和变化。"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里物质究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "基于伤害减少模型的预防计划的目的是教会参与者负责任地使用酒精。赌博障碍是中新增的类别，代表一种行为成瘾。其特征是即使面临严重的社会、财务和心理后果也依然强迫性赌博。赌博障碍似乎与物质使用障碍有许多相同的高危因素和临床模式。物质使用障碍赌博障碍物质物质中毒物质戒断物质滥用物质依赖耐受性抑制剂震颤性谵妄（DT）苯二氮卓类巴比妥类兴奋剂可卡因苯丙胺类尼古丁咖啡因阿片类物质致幻剂苯环利定（PCP）大麻吸入剂拮抗剂美沙酮动机性访谈破堤效应复发预防计划匿名戒酒者协会（AA）伤害减少模型第15章健康心理学本章提纲连续谱模型下的应激非常人物：诺曼·卡曾斯，用欢笑疗愈心理因素与总体健康状况特定疾病的心理社会因素改善健康相关行为的干预措施睡眠与健康连续谱模型下的应激每当我们面对应激源，就会产生一系列的生理反应，正如第5章所讨论的。这些被统称为战斗或逃跑反应（fight-or-flight response; 见表5.1），心率加快和血压增高等躯体变化使身体做好了面对威胁或从中逃离的准备。交感神经系统还会刺激多种激素的分泌，包括肾上腺素和去甲肾上腺素，使身体做好反应的准备。最主要的应激激素之一是由肾上腺皮质分泌的皮质醇。最终，当威胁性的刺激过去之后，上升的皮质醇会指示躯体停止释放这些激素。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价障碍？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "物质/药物所致的睡眠障碍是由于物质的使用，包括处方药，例如控制高血压或心律不齐的药物；以及和非处方物质，例如酒精和咖啡因。失眠指难以入睡或易醒，或长期不能通过睡眠恢复精力和警觉性。体温节律遭到破坏，应激，以及关于睡眠的错误认知和习惯都会导致失眠。认知行为治疗对失眠有效。多种药物也被用来治疗失眠，但认知行为疗法最为有效。嗜睡障碍是长期的过度困倦，表现为睡眠时间很长，或几乎每天白天都会睡觉。发作性睡病涉及无法抵挡的睡意；有发作性睡病的人还会发生（1）猝倒，或（2）在睡眠和觉醒的过渡期间，快速眼动睡眠成分的反复侵扰。兴奋剂作为一种处方药被用来治疗嗜睡症或发作性睡病。与呼吸相关的睡眠障碍（中枢性睡眠呼吸暂停，或阻塞性睡眠呼吸暂停/低通气，与睡眠相关的通气不足）包含大量由呼吸问题造成的短暂的睡眠中断。持续正压通气仪被用于治疗阻塞性睡眠呼吸暂停；有时也采用减肥和/或外科手术来治疗这一障碍。有时医生会开具5–羟色胺再摄取抑制剂和兴奋剂。昼夜节律睡眠–觉醒障碍包括睡眠时相延迟型、睡眠时相提前型、不规则的睡眠–觉醒型、非24小时睡眠–觉醒型，以及倒班工作型。褪黑素、兴奋剂、光线疗法和改变睡眠习惯的行为技术，都被用于治疗昼夜节律睡眠觉醒障碍。唤醒障碍包括睡惊、睡行和意识不清的唤醒。这些综合征出现在非快速眼动睡眠期。"}
{"instruction": "围绕博顿斯，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "格雷格·博顿斯，Angelhead 迈克尔·博顿斯受精神病性的信念驱使暴力发作，而这些信念是精神分裂症的症状。他开始相信任何治疗他的精神分裂症的药物都是为了控制他思想的阴谋的一部分，并且经常拒绝服用药物。他的暴力行为经常指向家人，其程度严重到他的弟弟格雷格和他的父母在夜间要锁上卧室门，以防在睡眠时遭到他的攻击。正如格雷格·博顿斯在 Angelhead（2000）一书中所描述的，他的家人尝试把迈克尔送到专门的机构但被告知行不通，除非他们证明迈克尔对自己或他人是一个迫在眉睫的危险。最终，他的家人找到了一家机构，同意接受他们的保险并将迈克尔安置在那里。但迈克尔却憎恨这个地方，他拒绝药物治疗，并试图自杀。这让他在州立精神病院呆了一段时间。后来，迈克尔“供认”了一项他未曾犯过的谋杀罪，脑海中的声音使他确信自己有罪。迈克尔被判入狱，但后来的DNA证据证明，不可能是迈克尔犯下这一谋杀罪。被无罪释放后，迈克尔又重新回到了家中，服用着大剂量的抗精神病药物，但处于妄想状态，相信上帝直接跟他说话，并且他的家人都是魔鬼。他确信，他的父亲是个反基督者，为了解救全家人的灵魂，他必须杀死他们。一天夜里，他患癌的父亲奄奄一息地躺在床上，家人都在上了锁的房间里沉睡着，迈克尔点着了屋子。他骑自行车跑到了街道的尽头，然后坐在那里看着，期待着家人的灵魂从他身边飘过进入天堂。"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，唐纳森意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "一个与乔伊丝·布朗开释有关的法律上的先例是唐纳森诉奥康纳案（O'Connor v. Donaldson）（1975）。肯尼思·唐纳森被关在佛罗里达州立医院长达14年。最初是唐纳森的父亲将儿子送入医院看管，他认为唐纳森有妄想症，所以危害其自身安全。当时佛罗里达州的法律规定，如果当事人的精神障碍可能损害他们管理自己的财务或保护自己免遭欺骗的能力，可以送其入院看管。在整个住院期间，唐纳森拒绝接受药物治疗，因为他认为这违背了他的基督教科学派的信仰。医院主管奥康纳博士认为，这种拒绝本身就是唐纳森的精神障碍的一个症状。尽管唐纳森在入院前能够照顾自己，并且也有朋友愿意在他出院后帮助照顾他，但奥康纳和院方却不断地拒绝他的出院请求。最后，唐纳森以自己在住院期间接受的只是监护并且他本人不具有自我伤害的危险为由，将奥康纳和院方告上了法庭。他要求被释放，由家人和朋友照料其生活。最高法院同意了他的请求并裁定：州当局不能监禁……一个不具有危险性的、能够依靠自己或在愿意并且有责任心的家庭和朋友的帮助之下安全地自由地生活的个体（O'Connor v. Donaldson, 1975, p.4）。亚当·兰扎，之前曾表现出可能预示着精神障碍的行为，在康涅狄格州纽敦的桑迪胡克小学杀死了20名儿童及6名成人，然后向自己开了致命的一枪。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画社区？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "资料来源：Steadman et al., 1998. 社区样本组的暴力行为发生率也与个体是否有物质滥用史密切相关。在研究进行的一年内，11%的物质滥用者发生了暴力行为，而这一比率在没有物质滥用问题的人当中只有3%（Steadman et al., 1998）。尽管社区样本组的暴力行为发生率整体上低于患者组，但只有当研究者考虑曾住院的患者在出院不久的一段时间内的暴力行为时，这种差别才具有统计上的明显性。在研究接近尾声的时候，患者组的暴力行为发生率并不高于社区对照组。无论是从精神病院出院的患者还是社区成员，其暴力行为的目标往往都指向家人，其次是朋友和熟人。出院患者对陌生人实施暴力的可能性实际在某些程度上低于社区对照组（出院患者为13.8%，而社区对照组为22.2%）。该研究所记录的患者组和社区对照组的暴力行为发生率可能看起来都偏高。患者组可能代表了那些在生活中面临严峻危机的有较严重精神障碍的人。社区对照组成员则大多由社会经济地位低、居住在贫困社区的人们组成。这些背景因素可能是两组人员暴力行为发生率均相对较高的原因。研究人员强调，他们的数据表明，把“前精神病人”作为一个具有暴力倾向的同质群体来看待，是非常不恰当的。不论对于这个群体还是无精神病群体来说，物质滥用问题的存在都是预测暴力行为的重要指标。"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把安德放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "同样是在欣克利案之后，大部分的州现在都要求提出因精神病而无罪申请的被告证明其在实施犯罪行为时精神错乱，而之前，证明被告在实施犯罪行为时神志清醒的责任则在起诉方（Steadman et al., 1993）。阅读下面的案例研究。2001年6月20日，丈夫鲁斯狄离家去上班之后，安德莉娅·耶茨将她5个年幼的孩子在浴缸中全部溺死。然后她拨打了911电话并要求派一名警察上门。她也给正在工作的丈夫打了电话，告诉丈夫他需要回家一趟。安德莉娅有长期的精神病性抑郁病史。1999年夏天，她曾试图自杀并被送院治疗两次。幻觉和妄想使她自认为是魔鬼，并且孩子们都受到了无法挽回的损伤，并注定要下地狱。精神科医生诊断她患有产后精神病并成功治愈了她，但力劝这对夫妻不要再生育子女，因为将来其精神病性抑郁的发作不可避免。出院后7个星期左右，她怀上了第五个孩子。第五个孩子出生三个月后，安德莉娅的父亲去世了，她的状况更加恶化，需要住院治疗。出院的时候精神科医生叮嘱，安德莉娅需要全天候的看护。在安德莉娅将孩子们溺死那天，她丈夫去上班了，预料他母亲很快就会到家里指导安德莉娅和孩子们。安德莉娅就在那个时候溺死了孩子们。她后来告诉精神病医生，“我的孩子们生不逢时。因为我是魔鬼，他们的人生必定跌跌撞撞。以我抚养他们的方式，他们永远不能得到救赎。"}
{"instruction": "作者借精神病想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "精神健康专家对精神病辩护有很多担忧。首先，这要求对当事人在实施犯罪行为时的精神状况做事后判断。此外，精神病辩护的规则假定个体拥有自由意志并且通常可以控制自己的行为。这些假定与一些正常和异常行为的模型相冲突，这些模型认为人的行为受到生物、心理和社会因素的强烈影响。社区正日益尝试将犯罪的精神障碍者从监狱转移到基于社区的治疗方案中。精神健康法庭和毒品法庭就是专门为此而建立起来的。治疗需求民事收容严重失能对本人的危险性对他人的危险性接受治疗的权利拒绝治疗的权利知情同意无受审能力精神病精神病辩护麦纳顿规则不能控制规则德赫姆规则美国法律学会规则精神病辩护改革法案美国精神病学会的精神病定义有罪但患有精神病（GBMI）批判性思考问题的讨论第1章学生学习变态心理学课程，往往是因为他们想理解生活中某个人令人困扰的行为。也有些学生在阅读本书所讨论的心理问题时，在他们自己身上发现存在这些问题。回想一下，我们在本书中讨论的所有心理问题都呈连续谱分布，其中只有少部分人处于符合心理障碍标准的极端位置，而更多人的症状则处于中度或轻度的情况。如果你认为你或你关心的某个人可能患有心理障碍，你可以根据4D原则来评估你或某人的行为和感受的痛苦、功能失调、反常和危险的程度。大部分情况下，你不会有什么发现。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价瘦身压力？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "2. 因为青少年期女孩和年轻女性患进食障碍的比例很高，你可能想要招募她们作为样本来源。3. 你可以使用问卷来测量瘦身的压力，即询问参与者她们在生活中承受了多大的压力。你也可以使用问卷来测量进食障碍，即询问参与者她们是否经历过中列举进食障碍的每一个症状（见第12章）。4. 案例研究可以让你深入探索，瘦身的压力和进食障碍的形成在某一个女性身上是如何联系起来的。该方法的主要缺点在于，你不知道你的发现能否推广到其他女性。5. 相关研究可以考察瘦身压力的测量分数和进食障碍的测量分数之间的相关性。6. 实验研究包括两组参与者。实验共谋者主动发起与参与者的交谈。对于其中一组参与者，交谈内容为男性喜爱苗条女性的程度；对于另一组人，交谈内容与瘦身无关。因变量可以是每一组参与者对其身体的不满程度（见第12章中一个类似的研究）。7. 治疗结果研究考察的是，与不特别处理瘦身压力的疗法相比，帮助有进食障碍的年轻女性抵制瘦身压力的疗法，是否能够更加有效地缓解进食障碍的症状。8. 元分析对所有考察瘦身压力和进食障碍症状之间关系的研究进行总结，以确定各个研究中二者关系的平均强度。元分析的优势在于，它不反映任何一项研究的特殊性（例如所使用的样本或测量手段），而是提供多种不同研究的概括性信息。第5章这个问题并没有一个非对即错的明确答案——它依赖于你所认为的创伤后应激障碍的定义范围的宽窄程度。"}
{"instruction": "这段关于张道龙的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 变态心理学 第6版", "output": "中文版于2015年出版，由于该书已成为国内心理咨询和治疗领域通用的工具书，因此本书中列出的诊断标准的翻译参考了其中文版的译文，在此要向张道龙先生等中文版的各位译者致谢。本书的编辑工作历时一年有余，先后编辑审稿多达五个轮次。在内容上，遵循对读者负责、严格尊重原著的原则，我们每一次编辑都对照原文仔细推敲。在此过程中，不仅尽最大的能力改正译文中的错误疏漏之处，而且发现了英文原版中一些遗漏、数字甚至在引用他人研究结果时的错误。对此，我们在有充分根据的基础上，都在译文中进行了更正。与此类似，对于诊断标准中与中文版理解不一致的地方，也在大量研究考证的基础上进行了调整。参与本书编辑工作的人员多达七位，均拥有心理学硕士或博士学位，其中特约编审谢呈秋女士长期在英国曼彻斯特大学从事心理学、精神病学和英国医疗服务体系领域的研究，同时还担任美国和英国多家学术期刊的论文审稿人。她欣然接受了本书部分章节的二审和三审工作。在专业术语和专有名词使用上，本书尽量做到统一、符合学界规范。本书在编辑过程中主要参考了两本书，一本是钱铭怡老师编写的《变态心理学》，另一本是张道龙先生等译的《精神障碍诊断与统计手册》（第5版）。在某些术语的翻译上两者不一致时，本书多以钱老师的《变态心理学》为准。比如，钱老师主张将major depressive disorder译为“抑郁症”，而不是按字面译为“重性抑郁障碍”，以避免与表示症状程度的“重度”混淆，引起误解。"}
{"instruction": "文中关于汉尼拔的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 只还有一个笑话能拯救我们", "output": "顿医生乘坐飞机抵达汉尼拔藏身的热带岛屿。汉尼拔最后的玩笑暗示他打算吃掉奇顿。观众可以从这句话中找到喜剧效果，因为他们已经看到了奇顿的傲慢、对史达琳的性侵犯以及对汉尼拔的残忍。换句话说，影片将奇顿表现为一个过剩的形象，这让我们能够对汉尼拔关于吃掉他的双关语发出笑声（即使是不舒服的笑声）。奇顿的死与影片中其他人物的死形成鲜明对比，这是因为他的过剩。从这个意义上说，他是黑骑士的堂弟。当我们看到角色在这种情况下的受伤或死亡时，我们将他们视为纯粹匮乏的人物，因此是富有悲剧色彩的人物。如果黑骑士表现出纯粹的勇气和对死亡的蔑视，他就会成为一个悲剧性的过剩人物。我们无法对他发笑，就像我们无法对死于汉尼拔的受害者（奇尔顿除外）发笑一样。但通过将匮乏和过剩结合起来，黑骑士展现了自己作为一个喜剧人物的形象。通过黑骑士的形象，巨蟒剧团向我们展示了“虽然生命可能以死亡告终，但喜剧却不会”。巨蟒剧团的黑骑士角色是喜剧的典范。主体性的喜剧结构定义主体性的根本对立是匮乏与过剩之间的对立。言在(speaking being)通过构成性的匮乏而成为言在：语言将主体与客体世界拉开距离，并消除了主体直接接触客体以满足需求的可能性。主体，只有在保持非整全性、与自我分裂时，才作为主体而存在。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对富丽堂皇给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 只还有一个笑话能拯救我们", "output": "富人与穷人并不毗邻而居。社会将豪华的住宅与破旧的住宅分开。这不仅是因为拥有巨额财富的人希望与其他拥有巨额财富的人住得近一些，还因为富丽堂皇的房子和破旧不堪的房子建在一起会让人感到刺眼（而且可能会很滑稽）。将财富和贫穷分开，能让富人心安理得地享受过剩，而让穷人在不生嫉妒之心的情况下承受匮乏。匮乏与过剩的严格分离造就了我们社会的稳定存在。过剩的干扰被限制在一个独立的领域，在那里它不会侵扰日常的存在。如果一个人在喝了十杯龙舌兰酒后出现在工作岗位上，这可能会很有趣，但如果每个人都这样做，工作的世界将不再有效地运转。社会秩序惩罚那些将过剩行为带入日常生活的人，它会剥夺他们的工作、朋友，甚至最终剥夺他们进行过剩行为的自由。①即使我们所处的时代崇尚与极度放纵相关的享乐，但还是有一种社会禁忌阻碍着将这种过剩活动注入日常生活的行为。日常生活在匮乏和过剩之间设置了坚硬的障碍，这掩盖了它们之间根本的联系。我们通常把匮乏和过剩看作是截然不同的，这一事实就是对它们之间联系的掩盖。如果我们对匮乏与过剩在语言中发挥的作用进行研究，就会发现它们之间的联系是显而易见的。语言是对人类匮乏的进化补偿。如果人类在生理上与其他动物一样健康，语言的发明就没有必要。但语言一出现，一种过剩就产生了，人类从自然界的其他动物中"}
{"instruction": "这一段对成瘾者的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 只还有一个笑话能拯救我们", "output": "保险推销员兜售的正是损失的可能性，以此打破安全占有所带来的空虚感。② 虽然动物世界也有上瘾的例子，但上瘾要求能指及其过剩性。过剩的依恋有可能表现为上瘾，而这种依恋是随着能指及其生产的享乐形式而出现的。有些地方则规定烟民必须在抽烟区抽烟，在那里，社会的排除是显而易见的。如今，社会对烟瘾的公开羞辱已经达到了前所未有的程度。有一次，我和一个朋友一起去餐厅吃饭，在进门前（当然，餐厅是不允许吸烟的），他问能不能停下来抽支烟。在抽烟时，他不断致歉，告诉我，在公开场合吸烟有一种类似于打飞机被撞见的羞耻感。①虽然这显然是对吸烟者被排除的极端解释，但却很好地反映了成瘾者在社会规范方面的过剩行为。问题在于，成瘾者将过剩带入了日常生活，这正是社会秩序必须对成瘾现象持否定态度的原因。②成瘾者拒绝遵守社会对过剩的约束，并将大量时间用于这些活动。吸毒成瘾者拒绝遵守社会对过剩的限制，并将大量时间投入到吸毒中。吸毒成瘾者寻求的是他们在对物品的第一次体验中找到的乐趣：第一次打赌获胜、第一次吃甜筒冰淇淋或第一次抽烟。越是无法复制最初的体验，成瘾者就越是对这种失去的享乐进行投注。对一个赌博成瘾者来说，如果他输了，他不是停止赌博，而是下更多的赌注，希望挽回之前的损失，再次享受赌博带来的乐趣。"}
{"instruction": "犹太人在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 只还有一个笑话能拯救我们", "output": "坐在轮椅上的男子，他拿着两袋杂货，艰难地向出口走去。当然，他吸引了孩子们的注意力，孩子们一直盯着他看，直到我把他们哄到门口。这次相遇又让他们想起了之前关于残疾人的话题。在看完这个男人与残疾做的斗争之后，其中一个男孩大声对我说：“我们不是残疾人，我们是犹太人。”尽管我们周围的一些人看到了这一评论的不恰当之处，但其他人却开始大笑起来，尽管孩子们还不可能完全清楚这一表述使人发笑的原因：它不仅源于犹太人与残疾人的身份认同，还源于停车位的特权。在这个例子中，非残疾人显然是一种匮乏：这意味着我们不能把车停在好位置，方便地进入商店。在男孩们的心目中，残疾并没有明显的坏处。残疾意味着我们可以把车停在商店附近，坐轮椅而不是走路。在孩子那里，残疾并不像对大多数成年人那样意味着匮乏，而是一种特殊的特权，一种作为非残疾人被剥夺的特权。残疾与匮乏的联系并不像表面上看起来那么明显，因此男孩们的这种误解并非完全是无稽之谈。匮乏与身体或精神上的失能无关——这就是为什么我们可以把身体残疾的人解释为拥有过剩特权的人——而是与符号结构的某种关系有关。尽管如此，很显然，残障表示匮乏，于是那些为残障人士的社会平等而奋斗的人正试图将“残障”一词从大众词汇中剔除。所有言说主体都有匮乏，但某些主体的匮乏在符号结构中被凸显出来。"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的喜剧是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 只还有一个笑话能拯救我们", "output": "直面喜剧对象的匮乏和过剩。达到这一目的的喜剧迫使主体明确面对自己的享乐方式。在大多数情况下，喜剧使我们能够尽情享乐，而我们的享乐方式不会受到质疑。但是，当我们被纳入笑话的结构或我们与喜剧对象的认同变得显而易见时，我们的享乐就失去了其自明的地位，变得为我们所见。每个笑话都包含主体，每个喜剧都要求主体认同喜剧对象，但这种包含和认同通常是无意识的。然而，当笑话或喜剧将其凸显出来时，主体就会认识到自己是如何享乐的，而这种认识必然是创伤性的。看到自己的享乐总是看到一种证明匮乏的过剩。在喜剧俱乐部大笑并不等同于参与世界革命。但是，喜剧的启示力量可以对笑的主体产生变革性的影响。如果喜剧能让观众掌握自己的享乐结构，那么笑声所带来的启示比任何自我反思都要多。大多数时候，我们在享乐时并没有意识到自己为什么在享乐。我们把享乐与很多东西的积累等经历联系在一起，而这些经历实际上会对我们的享乐能力产生有害影响。但喜剧有一种独特的能力，它告诉我们，我们的享乐不在于克服匮乏或满足欲望，而在于享乐这种匮乏。在旺达·塞克斯(Wanda Sykes)关于男性终极幻想的笑话中，喜剧的这种启示力量变得显而易见。她说：“大多数男人的头号幻想是三人行。他们想同时拥有两个女人。我觉得这有点高不可攀。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述明信片？", "input": "Source: 只还有一个笑话能拯救我们", "output": "最终又最有趣的场景中变得尤为明显。影片开头，一名男子向在公园玩耍的孩子们展示了一系列的明信片。最关键的是，布努埃尔并没有向观众展示明信片，而只是暗示了明信片的内容。该场景暗示中年男子正在用性图像引诱孩子们，但场景结束时，除了男子将明信片留给孩子们之外，并没有任何进一步的行为。当他们回到家，把卡片拿给父母看时，父母既兴奋又震惊。最后，他们甚至解雇了在公园照看孩子的保姆。观众以为引起愤怒的原因是色情。但此时此刻，布努埃尔向观众揭示了明信片的真相：明信片上不是色情图片，而是一系列的建筑地标。当然，影片并不是坚持认为建筑本身就是不正常的，而是说：在得体社会中，即使是最容易被接受的图像，如果以不恰当的方式展示，它们也会以淫秽的形式出现。①布努埃尔发现，在完全可接受的影像与我们所能想象的最不可接受的活动——成人对儿童的性诱惑——之间的距离被撕裂，这就是喜剧的魅力所在。在当代社会，种族主义比任何性变态都更加淫秽。在现在的社会中，人们宁愿承认自己是恋尸癖，都不愿承认自己是种族主义者，因为指责一个人是种族主义者远比指责一个人是恋尸癖更具有杀伤力。人们可以对恋尸癖一笑置之，但对种族主义却不能。然而，与恋尸癖形成鲜明对比的是，种族主义在几乎每个人的心理中有增无减。在斯派克·李的《喜"}
{"instruction": "潘契奇在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 只还有一个笑话能拯救我们", "output": "人有关的两个不同观念以一种特殊的方式结合在一起，来引起人们的笑声。反犹的大屠杀笑话也许是我们所能想象的最令人反感的笑话。这样的笑话不仅违背了“反犹主义是不道德”的这一意识，而且还在人类历史上的一大恐怖事件中找到了喜剧效果。如果这样的笑话还能让人捧腹大笑，那我们就不得不重新考虑“保守喜剧是被打断的喜剧”这一论点。在这类笑话中，一个人问道：“为什么犹太人会如此心甘情愿地去奥斯威辛集中营？”回答是：“因为他们听说进去是免费的”。当然，这个笑话有可能让人笑不出来，甚至觉得它具有冒犯性，但它是一个好笑的笑话，尽管它加剧了人们对犹太人的刻板印象，并淡化了大屠杀的恐怖，但很多人还是会觉得好笑。①更重要的是，人们可以认为这个笑话在政治上和道德上都应受到谴责，但仍能认识到它的喜剧性。这个笑话并没有像祖潘契奇所理论的那样体现出普遍性，但它确实是一个喜剧短路。省钱和进毒气室这两件本来极其不相干的事情同时发生了，这就是这个笑话的笑点所在。在祖潘契奇看来，喜剧完成了不可能的任务，将两种无法共存的现实结合在一起。社会秩序是通过掩盖矛盾来发挥作用的，而矛盾既使这种秩序成为可能，又有可能摧毁它。但喜剧将这些矛盾凸显出来，使对立的现实得以共存，尽管它们之间存在矛盾。祖潘契奇给我们讲了一个"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里哲学究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 只还有一个笑话能拯救我们", "output": "剧对有限、无限之间的可能关系所提供的智性营养。也就是说，大多数哲学家根本不处理这种关系。相反，他们只关注分裂的一方，或另一方。从历史上看，哲学以超越为使命。柏拉图的理念、形式；亚里士多德的“终极因”和普罗提诺的“太一”都是前现代哲学中的超越范式。尽管他们的观念可能大相径庭，但每一位思想家都以构想超越为目标。但由于缺乏对有限性的关注，他们完全无法创造出喜剧的哲学。虽然柏拉图笔下的苏格拉底使用反讽来进行哲学论证，但他并不是一个喜剧性的反讽者。只有当阿里斯托芬写作时，苏格拉底才变得滑稽可笑。柏拉图、亚里士多德和普罗提诺的作品都没有笑话的存在，这表明他们致力于超越的境界。在他们之后，中世纪的阿拉伯哲学和经院哲学更加执着地关注超越性，将神学问题放在首位，而将地上的问题排除在外，这些哲学家甚至比他们的古典哲学先辈更少表现出对喜剧的倾向。现代哲学的开端并没有从根本上质疑这种对超越性的关注。尽管勒内·笛卡尔以有限的怀疑主体为出发点，但他最终肯定了超越的无条件优先地位。对于早期的现代思想家来说，有限性是通向超越或无限的途径，是对经院哲学所走捷径的拒绝，但并不是对其终极目标的否定。哲学仍然致力于将超越理论化。因此，它仍然是不好笑的。但随着经验主义的兴起，有限性在哲学中向超越性复仇。"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，黑格尔为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 只还有一个笑话能拯救我们", "output": "把无聊想象成一种喜剧体验（有几部电影甚至以喜剧的方式描绘了无聊的等车过程），但海德格尔却创造了一个完全没有喜剧色彩的场景。对他来说，无聊表达的是我们的有限性，而不是我们超越自身所处环境的能力。对无聊的喜剧性描述表明，无聊的主体超越了情境，但仍被等待火车的必要性所束缚。匮乏与过剩交织在一起，让我们开怀大笑。但是，海德格尔的“无聊”并没有达到这种典型的“无聊”的高度。黑格尔和海德格尔形成了鲜明的对比。一个是喜剧哲学家，另一个可能是哲学史上最严肃的哲学家。我们不应该把海德格尔幽默感的缺乏归结为导致他走上纳粹主义的原因。与某些喜剧哲学家的说法相反，纳粹中不乏幽默之士。严肃并不是法西斯主义，喜剧本质上也不是革命。但是，黑格尔和海德格尔之间的极端差异确实让我们了解了喜剧的本质。也许海德格尔是对的，有限性构成了我们的终极视野。但如果海德格尔的哲学是正确的，那么所有喜剧都是错误的。喜剧是一种虚幻的逃避，逃避严肃的操心，逃避我们的“向死而生”。尽管死亡激发了无数的玩笑，但在一个完全有限的世界里，死亡不再是一个玩笑。从海德格尔的角度来看，喜剧必定是不真实的。喜剧的存在本身并不能证明黑格尔矛盾哲学的真理。喜剧有可能只是意识形态，它掩盖了我们有限条件的严重性。但黑格尔的思想能够解"}
{"instruction": "围绕语言，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 只还有一个笑话能拯救我们", "output": "源于能指的这一能力：在我们期望有意义的地方生产出无意义。意指是感性的一种表现形式，它使我们能够享受无意义的东西。意指的结构使一个言说主体能够把鸡过马路的动机与它和西红柿的区别联系起来，即使这个等式并不符合意指的规则。用不合理的答案来回答一个问题，这显示了语言的过剩性，回应着语言的失败。这种无厘头的回答清楚地表明，语言提供了失败的机会，是意义中断的点。但这种失败也表明了语言的过剩性。语言的结构超出了其表达意义的能力。男孩的胡言乱语不仅仅是胡言乱语，也不仅仅是纯粹的匮乏。相反，它还表明了他对“语言结构可以容纳无意义”的理解。即使他的听众并不理解他所传达的意思，但他们确实理解他是如何使用能指的，因为他使用了熟悉的形式，但添加的是无厘头的内容。这个小男孩的无厘头笑话并非特例。虽然不是每个人都会开这样的玩笑，但几乎所有的孩子都可以学会打乱能指，沉浸在语言内在的喜剧性中。所指的不一致性孩子们可以玩弄能指，因为词语与事物之间并没有直接的联系。儿童利用词语的世界与事物的世界之间的距离制造喜剧。我们期待并假设一个词语对应一个事物，但语言本身并不能确保这种对应关系。事实上，词语的世界与事物的世界存在着距离。戈特洛布·弗雷格(Gottlob Frege) 关于逻辑和语言的大部分推测都是这种情况。"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，权威意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 只还有一个笑话能拯救我们", "output": "子（八岁）和我的妻子目睹了全过程，他们的反应为我论述喜剧的主观性问题提供了一个绝佳的范例。从物理上来说，他们从大致相同的角度看到了我的滑倒，但男孩们和他们的母亲却做出了完全相反的反应。两个男孩突然大笑起来；而我的妻子则惊恐地大叫，跑来查看我的情况，确认我有没有受伤。人们可以对这两种反应进行狂热的精神分析。也许孩子们欣喜若狂，是因为他们生活中的禁忌之源（父亲）可能就此摔死。也许我的妻子跑来是确认我是否真的死了，而不是想知道我是否受伤。但是，假设没有任何一方希望我真正死去，那么他们的反应截然不同的原因就在于我相对于他们的不同位置。他们都看到了我的滑倒，但我与他们在精神上的关系都是不同的。对孩子们来说，我的滑倒是很搞笑的，因为我是一个过剩的形象。尽管不是过分专横的父权，但不管怎么说，我也是一个权威——因此相对于他们来说，我被赋予了过剩的权力。我决定了他们生活的很多方面，比如就寝时间或饮食习惯，而且不允许他们对此进行严肃的讨论。事实上，对于孩子们来说，所有成年人都拥有这种超然的地位，因为成年人能够真正控制自己的生活（自己做饭、开车、想出去玩就出去玩，等等），这是一种随着年龄增长而产生的权威。在滑倒的那一刻，我的权威所体现的过剩与我对自己身体的“无法控制”同时发生了。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画体验？", "input": "Source: 只还有一个笑话能拯救我们", "output": "即使我们身处可怕的事件之中，这种重叠也会发生。在创伤过程中，我们可以同时与自己保持足够的距离，从而开怀大笑。这是因为，我们从未以一种纯粹与创伤事件直接相关的方式直接体验过创伤。只有在被中介时（这一中介围绕、打断了创伤），创伤才是创伤。这种中介既是一种疏离，是创伤的可能性条件；同时又在创伤发生时将主体从创伤中抽离。我们不是在中介之外体验创伤，而是通过这种中介来体验创伤。换句话说，为了体验创伤，我们必须认同自己。在接近事件之前，我们已经脱离了事件，无论在体验过程中，事件对我们来说显得是多么直接。这就是为什么对主体来说，即使是最严重的创伤事件也是喜剧性的。对象本身没有任何东西可以完全排除喜剧性，也没有任何东西可以始终如一地产生喜剧性。为了在创伤中也能体验到喜剧，我们必须从远处体验创伤，同时将自己认同为受创伤的主体。这种情况恰恰发生在我身上，那是我经历过的最痛苦的事之一—— 又一次摔倒，但受的伤比从那次从楼梯上摔下来要大得多。有一年佛蒙特州的冬天快结束时，街道上的冰雪基本上已经融化，但仍有个别地方结了冰。我跑步时，并没有对冰雪有多大警惕性，因为这些冰雪很细小，而且清晰可见。但是，当我转过我家附近的最后一个拐角时，一处隐蔽的结冰使我滑倒在地。我完全措手不及，甚至来不及伸出双手撑地（也"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把弗吉尼亚放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 只还有一个笑话能拯救我们", "output": "利·麦凯（巴斯特·基顿饰）乘火车南下返乡，准备继承父亲的遗产。旅途中，他毫不知情地与坎菲尔德家族的弗吉尼亚比邻而坐——这两个家族正深陷世仇。虽然威利与弗吉尼亚怯生生的互动颇具喜感，但列车旅途的主要笑料源自火车与周边环境的互动关系。这列火车虽冠以“火箭”之名，其速度却从未超过人类奔跑的时速。影片中反复出现的行进镜头显示，有只狗几乎全程都在车厢的一旁奔跑。某个场景中，这只狗甚至展现出超越火车的奔跑能力。旅程伊始，一名暴露身份的偷渡者用手阻滞列车以示不满，此举揭示出这台机械的驱动力并不显著强于人力。当镜头展现列车行驶的轨道时，其脆弱性更为凸显——轨道歪斜扭曲地铺设着，还不得不笨拙地跨越倒伏树木等天然的障碍。列车驶过时，铁轨上下起伏的颤动更昭示着其不稳定性。当驴子拒绝为火车让道时，司机与乘务员竟能徒手挪动铁轨绕行，这种滑稽场面暴露出机械装置的可塑性或者说拟人性。尽管机器本应保证稳定运行，但在《待客之道》及基顿的电影宇宙中，它们总是如人类般展现出各种缺陷。这些滑稽的失误贯穿了整个旅程。列车尾部突然断裂，熟睡的列车长从高空坠落。当列车穿过隧道时，由于缺乏任何排气装置，所有乘客都被煤烟覆盖。但最精彩的喜剧性场面出现在旅程的终点——由于一名男孩在转辙处的恶作剧，火车的后半截与车头脱钩，驶入平行轨道，竟"}
{"instruction": "作者借权威想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 只还有一个笑话能拯救我们", "output": "但中世纪狂欢节大体上维护了权威形象的完整性，这使其具有意识形态的功能。中世纪狂欢节意识形态喜剧的现代对应物是白宫记者晚宴——一场权威公开自我嘲弄的盛宴。这场晚宴要求总统在白宫记者及其他受邀宾客面前发表演讲，而演讲总包含一系列自我调侃的笑话。喜剧的客体正是权威本身及其失败。在以“伊拉克拥有大规模杀伤性武器”为由发动入侵后，小布什曾在观众面前假装寻找那些从未被发现的武器，俯身查看演讲台下方及四周。这个笑话消解了伊拉克战争的根本动机，用喜剧方式确证了关于他借虚假借口发动战争的批评。这确实是个令人捧腹的笑话，我们不能简单地以“未达到喜剧高度”为由予以否定。然而，这种自我嘲弄并未削弱布什的权威，因为作为笑话的讲述者，他反而被定位为实质性的权威。如同中世纪的狂欢节，白宫记者晚宴是个被授权的空间。从中产生的笑话始终局限在该空间内，除非它们能通过破坏维持该空间的惯例来扰乱其结构。人们嘲笑这场因为“不存在之物”而发起的过剩战争，但笑声依然存在于当初为战争辩护并使其可能的象征结构之内——嘲笑布什的自嘲，本质上与撰写支持开战决定的评论文章同属一个逻辑体系。然而，即便喜剧效果并非源自总统本人，它仍可能服务于其所嘲弄的权威体系。喜剧在颠覆权威力量的同时，也可以为这种必要的违抗提"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价发笑？", "input": "Source: 只还有一个笑话能拯救我们", "output": "更具喜剧性，正因它必然将这两种矛盾立场统合于一体。《鸭羹》的绝妙之处，就在于让一个明显不符合规范的人物担任权威角色。法亚弗利 ①《鸭羹》最初上映时情况并非如此。无论是票房收入还是评论界的反响，该片的表现均不及他们之前的作品。行为模式与象征地位之间的断裂，本质上正是社会权威自身的断裂。但要使这种断裂产生喜剧效果始终困难，因为喜剧效力恰恰依赖于社会契约的维系。根本性的障碍没有人是独自发笑的。即便一个人是独自在家观看搞笑电视节目时哈哈大笑，这种笑声也暗含着其他参与者的在场。当我们看似独自发笑时，潜意识里总在想象那些同样能领会所见趣事的他人。若缺乏这种社会维度，喜剧将无从产生愉悦。喜剧的社会性最显著体现于笑声的传染性。当我们看到他人因某个未知事件或笑话发笑时，即使不解其意，也常会不由自主地随之发笑。这种传染性及人类无法独自发笑的特性表明：喜剧既超越了作为主体的我们，又迫使我们超越自身。发笑之时，我们总在超越个体的范畴，置身于群体之中。正因如此，推崇笑声与喜剧的论者总强调喜剧的纳入特质——发笑的主体总渴望他人加入这场欢笑。在喜剧体验中，“独乐乐不如众乐乐”的俗谚恰如其分地揭示了这一本质。罐头笑声的功能在于向我们确保他人正与我们同笑，让我们知道自己属于某个共同体。"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，唐人街为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "以表达对他们的怀念 ——作者、译者、编者作者为中文版所写的前言我的《哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫》一书中译本的出版使我感到极大的快乐，因为我对中国的语言和文化一直有一种特殊的迷恋和喜爱。在这篇前言中，我要说明我个人对中国和中文的兴趣是从何而来的，以及我是如何得知并介入了《集异璧》的中文翻译的。然后我将解释一下英文的《集异璧》中一些语言和结构方面的特点，以及它们是如何给把本书翻译成任何其它语言的工作摆出难题的。当然，还有就是这些问题在中文翻译那里是怎样一种情形。对我来说，这种问题是所有智力问题中最迷人的。我希望中国读者能够不仅在阅读这篇前言的时候，而且（这是更重要的）在阅读这部杰出译作的整个过程中，乐于思考这些问题！我个人对中国及其语言的兴趣一般地说，中国对于西方人似乎是个最具异国情调的国家，中文是种最有异域风味的语言。我小的时候当然也有这种感觉。然而，除此之外，我还有幸在邻近旧金山的地方长大。旧金山是个有众多中国人和世界著名的“唐人街”的城市。每隔几个月，我的父母就会带我去旧金山，并且必然要光顾那里的唐人街，逛一逛中国商店，在中餐馆吃饭（当然是用筷子！）。这种旅行总能给我极大的快乐。关于唐人街，我记得最清楚的事情之一，就是那许多书法优美的巨大而多彩的汉字招牌（有"}
{"instruction": "围绕汉语，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "念的书，而不是关于个人经验的书——决定了哪种翻译哲学是恰当的。我当然能理解许多敏感的译者在深入地改动一本著作时所产生的不情愿心理。然而在《集异璧》这里，正确的行动原则应该是移译，对此，我是深信不疑的。结束语尽管我的中文远不到使我能阅读这部译作的地步，我还是通过莫大伟的报告对它作过仔细的钻研。从我所了解到的看，我相当确信它体现了对我的意图的最深层次的忠实，为此我感到极度的兴奋。它使我感到兴奋还由于那种认为汉语和英语是极为不同的两种语言的看法里是含有某种真理的，因此，在中文里“复制”出英文原书中做到的事所要求的创造性就十分巨大了。这即是说如果我能用中文读这本书的话，我会品尝到译者所做出的所有天才的发明。我希望有朝一日我能体验到这种欢乐。我应该特别感谢刘皓明和严勇——不仅因为他们处理了这本书中所包含的大量技术性细节，而且也因为他们在使用汉语跳跃这么多的“怪圈圈”时所做出的创造性努力。最晚介入这项工程的王培（他在北京大学计算机科学技术系任教）和最早介入的郭维德承担了校订工作。本来他们的任务只是对译文做文字上的核对，但结果他们提出了许多颇有见地的修改意见和构思巧妙的新想法。他们在最后阶段做出了大量的贡献，完全可以被看成本书的“助产士”，因为他们的工作"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，欧几里德意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "点自相矛盾。然而，即使是古代希腊人也懂得推理是种合乎一定规范的过程，起码是部分地受固定的规律支配的。亚里士多德把三段论规范化，欧几里德整理了几何学，但是自那以后过了许多世纪对公理化推理的研究才又有所进展。十九世纪数学上一个意义深远的发现是人们认识到存在着几种不同的，但却是同等有效的几何学——这里所说的“几何学”是指关于抽象的点与线的性质的理论。长期以来，人们认为几何学就是欧几里德所编纂的那个样子。虽然欧几里德的表述可能有小的错误，但那是无关紧要的。几何学上任何真正的发展都只有通过对欧几里德几何学加以扩充才能获得。这一观念被若干人几乎是同时地对非欧几何学的发现给摧毁了——这一发现震动了数学界，因为它对于“数学是研究现实世界的”这种观念提出了深刻的挑战。在单一的现实里如何能存在着不同种类的“点”和“线”呢？如今，这一问题的答案是显而易见的，甚至对于一些非数学家来说也不困难。但是，在那个时候，这一难题在数学界造成了混乱。十九世纪晚期，英国逻辑学家乔治·布尔和奥古斯都·德·摩根比亚里士多德进了一大步，整理出了严格的演绎推理模式。布尔甚至把他的书命名为《思维的法则》，这当然是夸张，但是它确实是一项重大的贡献。刘易斯·卡罗尔迷上了这些机械化的推理方法，并且发明了许多可以"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画余生？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "定理在计算理论中有其对应物，这是阿兰·图灵发现的。它揭示出了即便是在可以设想出来的性能最好的计算机中，也存在有不可避免的“漏洞”。带有讽剌意味的是，正当这些怪异的局限性被发现的时候，不断造出的真正的计算机的性能却越来越好，远远超出了他们的制造者的预见力。巴比奇曾经说过，假如他能在五百年后回到世界上进行一次为期三天的有向导的科学旅行，他将很愿意放弃他的余生。在他去世后仅一百年的今天，如果他能回来，看到当今新的机器以及它们出人意料的局限性，他会惊奇得说不出话来。五十年代初期，机械化智能似乎已指日可待了，然而，在创造最终的真正的思维机器时，每跨跃一个障碍都要产生一个新的障碍。目标的这种神秘的退避有什么深刻的原因吗？谁也不知道非智能行为和智能行为之间的界限在哪里。事实上，认为存在明显界限也许是愚蠢的。但是智能的基本能力还是确定的，它们是：对于情境有很灵活的反应；充分利用机遇；弄懂含糊不清或彼此矛盾的信息；认识到一个情境中什么是重要的因素，什么是次要的；在存在差异的情景之间能发现它们的相似处；从那些由相似之处联系在一起的事物中找出差别；用旧的概念综合出新的概念，把它们用新的方法组合起来；提出全新的观念。这里遇到了看起来像是悖论的东西。计算机"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把定理放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "等待产生出所要求的符号串，当它出现了的时候，你知道它是一个定理——假如它永远不出现，它就不是一个定理。这看起来是荒唐的，因为它预先假设了我们为了得到一个答案，并不在乎等待哪怕是无限长的时间。这就是该把什么算作“测试”这个问题的关键。最首要的问题是保证我们将在一个有限长的时间内得到答案。如果有一个检验定理的测试，一个总是在有限长的时间内终结的测试，那么，这个测试就叫做给定形式系统的判定过程。当你有了一个判定过程，那么你就有了对系统中所有定理的性质的非常具体的刻划。从表面上看，似乎形式系统中的规则与公理同判定过程一样完全地刻划了这个系统中的定理。问题在于“刻划”这个词。当然那些推理规则与WJU系统中的公理是隐含地刻划了那些是定理的符号串。不仅如此，它们还以更隐蔽的方式刻划了那些非定理的符号串。但是，在许多情况下，隐含地刻划还不够。如果有人声称有了一个对所有定理的刻划，但是若要推断某一个特别的符号串不是一个定理则需要无限长的时间，你大概会倾向于说，这个刻划中缺少点什么——它不够具体。这就是为什么发现判定过程的存在是非常重要的一步。所谓发现，从效果上看就是：你可以为检验一个符号串是不是一个定理进行一种测试，即便这个测试很复杂，它也是保证有结果的。"}
{"instruction": "作者借定理想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "数学与符号处理我们将不去讨论那么大的一幅图景，而只以数学做为我们的“现实世界”。这里出现了一个严重的问题：假如我们试着按照某数学分支构造一个形式系统，我们如何确定我们是否已把这项工作做得很准确了呢？尤其是假如我们不是已经百分之百地熟悉了那部分数学的话。假定形式系统的目的是要给我们带来那个学科的新知识。那么，在我们证明了同构是完全的之前，怎么知道对于每一条定理的解释都是真理？并且，如果我们在开始时不知道那个学科中的所有真理，我们又怎样证明同构是完全的呢？假定在某个遗址的发掘中，我们确实发现了某种神秘的形式系统。我们可以试验各种不同的解释方法，并且也许最终碰上了一种看起来使每一个定理成为真理，每一个非定理成为“假理”的解释。但这是一种只能在有穷多个情形里进行直接检验的东西，而定理的集合多半可能是无穷的。我们怎么会知道所有的定理在这种解释方法之下表达了真理？除非我们知道关于形式系统及相应论域的每一个细节。当我们企图将自然数世界（也就是非负整数：0，1，2，3……）和一个形式系统的印刷符号相匹配时，我们就会发现自己是处于这样一种奇怪的境地了。我们将努力去理解，我们在数论中称作“真理”的，和我们借符号处理所能做到的，这两者之间是什么关系。因此，让我们简略地看看，当我们称数论中"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价结点？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "次数的增加，理解一个句子的难度也急剧增大。语言中推入和弹出的极好例子就是那种反映在那些关于一位心不在焉地以使人心中的堆栈完全乱套的方式信口开河地使用使听众莫名其妙的相互叠套的动词或介词的教授的滑稽故事中的现象。想起这时在听众中造成的那种因为那些先前推入的教授所说的动词或介词在从栈中被弹出时其次序被搞乱而引起的的确确使人发笑混乱状态。但是在正常的口语中，几乎从未出现过如此深的堆栈——事实上，为了避免为维持堆栈做心理上的努力，说话的人经常要把复杂句子断成许多简单的句子。虽然每种语言都有涉及堆栈的结构，但大多不像上面那个例子那么突出，而且总是有重新组句的方法，以使堆栈的深度达到最低限度。递归迁移网句子的句法结构提供了一个好场所，以展示一种描述递归结构和过程的方式：递归迁移网（RTN）。RTN是一个图，它表示出为完成一项特殊任务可以遵循的各种通道。每个通道都包含几个结点——即里面有词的小方格——它们由带箭头的弧线连接起来。每个RTN的全名分开写在图的左边，第一个和最后一个结点里写有开始和结束。所有其它的结点里或者写有简单明了的操作说明，或者写有其它RTN的名称。每当碰到一个结点时，必须按照里面的说明去做，或者跳到这个结点所标明的那个RTN去。我们来看一个RTN的例子——“花哨名"}
{"instruction": "这段关于消息的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "消息，而不仅仅是静电干扰！”如果收听者在这些声音中识别出了框架消息，然后他就会设法辨认广播所使用的语言——显然，这时他依然在外面。他从广播中接收到了触发器，但它们并没有把答案明确地告诉他。外在消息的本性就决定了它们不可能被任何显式的语言所传达。试图发现一种能够传达外在消息的显式语言将不会有任何进展——因为这种想法本身在概念上就已经自相矛盾了。理解外在消息对于收听者来说永远是责无旁贷的。如果成功，他就能进入消息的内部，这时触发器和显现出的意义之间的比率将大幅度移向后者。和前几个阶段相比，内在消息的理解似乎是水到渠成的事，就像是自动冒出来的一样。意义的“自动唱机”理论这些例子看起来似乎是支持了这样一个观点：没有什么消息是具有固有意义的，原因是不论要理解哪种内在消息，哪怕它再简单，也必须首先理解其框架消息和外在消息，而这两者是只由触发器所传递的（例如由日文字母写成，或具有螺线型沟槽等）。那么，这好像开始意味着我们无法摆脱关于意义的一种“自动唱机”理论 ——这种观点认为：消息不包含固有意义，因为在任何消息被理解之前，它都会被用作某个“自动唱机”的输入，而这就意味着该“自动唱机”所包含的信息一定会在消息中的意义被获取之前加在它上面。这个论点很像在刘易斯·卡罗尔的对话中乌"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对定义的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "的表现。那么，也许唱片也具有一种“更高级的意义”——完全不同于我们所赋予它的那种意义。也许它的意义取决于接收它的智能的类型。也许。如果我们不说“有智能就表现为在一串符号中取出的消息和我们所取出的一样”，而以某种别的方式来定义智能，那将是令人高兴的。因为如果我们只能以这一种方式来定义，那我们对于意义是一种固有属性的论证就是循环论证，因此是毫无内容的。我们应当设法以某种独立的方式来确定“智能”这个名称所应具有的一组特征。这些特征应当能构成人所共有的智能的统一核心。在历史的现阶段，我们还没有得到这些特征的一张清楚的表。但是，看来在近几十年中对人类智能的认识很可能得到长足的进展。尤其是认知心理学家、人工智能研究人员和神经学家，他们或许能综合他们的理解，以导致一个对智能的定义。这个定义可能仍然是人类沙文主义的，我们无法摆脱这一点。但作为一种补偿，可能会有某种雅致、漂亮——而且可能十分简单——的抽象方式来定义智能的本质特征。这将有助于减弱我们那种由于得到了一个以人类为中心的概念而产生的不安。当然，如果我们与其它星系的外星人建立了联系，那就会支持我们的这种信念：我们所具有的这种智慧不仅仅是一种侥幸，而是反复再现于自然界的各种环境中的一种基本形态之"}
{"instruction": "文中关于印符的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "未梦见在。” 你看清楚我如何了吗？禅宗又是如何呢？存在一个对定理的判定过程吗？命题演算给我们一组规则来产生语句，这些语句在任何可想象的世界中都是真的。这就是它的所有定理听起来如此简单的原因：它们似乎完全没有内容！从这种角度去看，命题演算可以看成是浪费时间，因为它告诉我们的东西完全是不足道的。从另一方面来说，它是通过详细说明那些普遍真的语句的形式来做这件事的，而这使得宇宙里核心的真理看得更清楚了：它们不仅是基本的，而且是有规律的：它们能用一组印符规则产生出来。换句话说，它们全是“用同样的布裁出来的”。你可以考虑一下，对于禅宗公案能否说这同样的话。它们全能用一组印符规则产生出来吗？提出判定过程这一问题，在这里正是时候。也就是说，有什么机械的方法来区别定理和非定理吗？如果有，就说明命题演算的定理的集合不仅是递归可枚举的，而且也是递归的。结果是，的确存在一个有趣的判定过程——真值表方法。在这里介绍这种方法多少有点离题。你可以在几乎任何一本标准的逻辑书中找到它。而关于禅宗公案怎么样呢？能想象有一个机械的判定过程把正宗的禅宗公案与其他的东西区分开来吗？我们知道系统是一致的吗？到现在为止，我们仅仅是假设了：所有的定理，当它们解释为表示什么时，都是真语句。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对赋格给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "这是个很撩人的现象，这使你觉得那赋格的本质在你周围飘来飘去，你无法全都把握住，因为你不能让自己同时使用两个方式。食蚁兽：赋格就是这么有趣，它的每个声部自身都是一首乐曲，因而一支赋格可以被当作同时演奏的、建立在同一个主题上的几支不同乐曲的总合。怎么听取决于听众（或他的下意识），或者当作一个整体，或者当作彼此独立并且彼此和谐的几个部分。阿基里斯：你说那几个部分是“独立的”，这不太准确。它们之间肯定有某种契合，否则把它们放在一起只会是些杂乱无章的声响—— 这与事实差得太远啦。食蚁兽：更好的一种说法是：如果你单独听某个声部，你会发现它似乎是自足的。它可以独立存在，这就是为什么我说它是独立的。不过你也是对的，你指出了这些自足的各具意义的部分是秩序井然地彼此溶合在一起的，它们形成一个优美的整体。写出好赋格正是来自这种能力：使听众觉得有几支不同的旋律，每支旋律都好像是由于其自身的美而被写出来的，然而放到一起形成一个总体时，一点也不觉得勉强。我们所遇到的两难现象 ——即把一支赋格当作一个总体去听与只听它的某个声部一只是一种非常普通的两难现象的特例。许多种从较低层次搭起来的结构都具有这种两难现象。阿基里斯：噢，真的？你是说我那两种方式会有更一般的表现形式，适用于听赋格之外的情"}
{"instruction": "这一段对大师的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "于一个实际对局那么在重现这样一个随机局面的过程中，大师比新手也强不了多少。结论是这样的：在正常的对局过程中，会有某种多次再现的局面——也就是某种模式——而大师正是对这种高层次的模式十分敏感。他和新手在不同的层次上思考，他们的概念集是不同的。几乎出乎所有人意料的发现是，大师在超前搜索时很少比新手走得更远——更有甚者，大师往往只检查屈指可数的几种可能着法！关键在于，他感知棋局的方式像一个过滤器：在观察局势时他实际上看不见坏棋——正像业余棋手在观察局势时看不见不合规则的棋步一样。任何懂一点棋术的人都已经对他的感知进行了组织，斜着走车、象走日字这样的着法不会出现在脑子里。类似地，大师级的棋手在观察棋局时已经建立了更高层次的组织，因此对他们来说，坏棋一般不会被想出来，就像对大多数人来说不合规则的棋不会被想出来一样。这可以称作对由各种可能性组成的巨大的树形结构所做的“隐式修剪”。相反，“显式修剪”是指先考虑一步棋，粗略地检查一番后，决定不再继续做进一步的检验。这种区分同样适合于其它智力活动——例如作数学题。一个有才华的数学家往往不像庸才们所做的那样，考虑并尝试所有的错误途径，以达到所需的定理。相反，他一下就“嗅出”了有希望的途径，然后立即进行下去。仅仅依赖于超前搜索的计算机下棋程序还没"}
{"instruction": "通讯在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "紧急情况和偶发事件造成的突然“中断”，如此等等。方便用户并保护系统一个复杂的计算机系统中的许多层次，具有一种为用户提供“缓冲”的综合效用，使他可以不考虑许多低层活动。这些活动往往与他毫不相干。一个飞机乘客通常不想了解油箱里还有多少燃料、风速是多少、需要准备多少份饭、目的地附近的空中交通情况如何——这些事情已被交给航空公司系统中处于不同层次的工作人员来处理，而乘客只要求从一处到达另一处。同样，只有当出了什么毛病——比如他的行李没到，乘客才会意识到他以前不知道的那个使人迷乱的层次系统。计算机是过于灵活还是过于刻板？让人能尽可能自然地和计算机进行通讯，这一直是促使人们提高层次的主要目标之一。当然，和用机器语言写成的低层结构相比，用编译语言写成的高层结构更接近于人一般思考时所用的概念。但是，在这种使通讯更加容易的努力过程中，“自然”这个要求的一个方面被完全漠视了。事实上人际通讯中的约束远不像在人机通讯中那样刻板。例如，在寻找最好的表达方式时，我们常常说出无意义的句子片段：我们可能在说一句话的中间咳嗽；我们彼此打断对方的话；我们使用模棱两可的描述和“不规范”的句型；我们杜撰词组、歪曲意义——但我们的大部分信息一般仍能传递过去。用程序设计语言，一般说来"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的语言是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "目前，在人工智能的研究中，主要的领域之一就是“自动程序设计”。这涉及到更高层次语言的开发——这些语言的翻译程序极其复杂，它们能做一些非常不容易的工作，例如：对例子进行概括、纠正某些笔误或语法错误、设法弄懂有歧义的描述的意思、利用一个基本用户模型来猜出用户的意图、对不清楚的事情进行提问、直接使用自然语言等等。我们希望在可靠性和灵活性之间走钢丝。人工智能的进展即语言的进展在计算机科学（特别是人工智能）的进展和新语言的开发之间有着非常紧密的相互联系。在过去的十年中出现了一个明显的趋势，即把新发现吸收到新语言之中。理解和构造智能的关键之一就存在于语言的不断开发和改进之中，用这些语言可以描述符号的处理过程。时至今日，已经有大约三四十种专门为人工智能研究所用的试验性语言被开发出来了。需要强调的是，应当认识到：任何可以用上述语言之一书写的程序，在原则上也能用更低层的语言来编制，但那需要人付出较大的努力，而且编出来的程序可能长得使人无法把握。每个较高的层次都没有扩展计算机的潜能，计算机的全部潜能已经存在于其机器语言指令集之中了。高层次语言中的新概念只不过是用它们的性质提示了一些方向和前景。所有可能的程序所组成的“空间”是如此巨大，以致于没人能知道哪些东西是可能的。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述系统？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "组相互作用的“成分”。在我们了解的大多数系统中，这些成分在相互作用中保持着自身的特性，因此我们仍能在系统内部观察到这些成分。例如，当一队橄榄球运动员聚在一起的时候，每个运动员都保持着自身的独立性——他们并没有融化进某个复合实体，从而消失了自己的独立性。但是——这是很重要的——在他们的大脑中进行着某些过程。这些过程是被球队这种环境所诱发的，否则它们不会发生。因此，在某种微弱的程度上可以说，这些队员在成为一个更大的系统（即球队）的一部分时，他们自身的个性已经有所改变。这种系统被称为“几乎可分解系统”（这个名称来自赫·西蒙的文章《复杂性的结构》）。这样的系统包含相互作用较弱的模块，每个模块在相互作用过程中保持自己独有的个性，但变得有些不同于它在系统之外时的状况，以此保证了系统的聚合性行为。物理学所研究的系统通常都是这种类型的。例如，可以认为原子中包含一个原子核，它所带的正电荷把若干电子俘获到“轨道”上，或者说使它们处于约束状态。被约束的电子很像自由电子，尽管它们处在一个复合对象的内部。物理学中所研究的另一些系统和比较简单明确的原子恰成一鲜明对照。这些系统中包含着极强的相互作用，结果是其成分都被系统所吞没，丧失了它们的部分或全部个性。其中一个例子就"}
{"instruction": "细胞在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "大分子及其相互作用的领域之中。然后细胞生物学家又有一幅组块化的图像，其中的基本单位是分子生物学家所思考的，而细胞生物学家只是设法用这些基本单位说明细胞相互作用的方式。问题很清楚。每个层次都是在某种意义下被“隔离”于下面的层次的。这个生动的说法也是西蒙所提供的，这使我们想起潜水艇建造水密舱的方式：如果一个部分损坏了，水会涌进来，但只要关闭舱门，损坏的舱室就被隔离开了，这样可以防止乱子的蔓延。在科学的层次结构中，层次间总是有些“渗漏”的，因此化学家无法完全不考虑低层的物理学，生物学家也无法完全不考虑化学，但是，两个相距较远的层次间几乎是没有渗漏的。这就解释了为什么人们可以直觉地理解别人，而无须懂得夸克模型、原子核结构、电子轨道的性质、化学键、蛋白质构造、细胞中的细胞器、细胞间的通讯方式、人体各种器官的生理学、或器官间复杂的相互作用。一个人所需的一切不过是一个关于最高层活动方式的模型。众所周知，这样的模型是非常实际也非常有效的。组块化和确定性之间的利弊权衡然而，组块化模型可能有个很大的缺点：它通常不具有精确的预测力。这就是说，通过使用组块化模型，我们不必力不从心地把人看作夸克（或某种更低层的东西）的集合，但显然这种模型只能让我们或然地估计别人的感觉、别人对我"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里神经元究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "一方面，任何一只单个蚂蚁的活动你都是无法预知的，而另一方面，串本身似乎仍然是界说良好的、稳定的。这当然意味着单个蚂蚁并不是完全随意地跑来跑去。食蚁兽：完全正确，阿基。蚂蚁之间存在着某种程度的交流，这种信息传递恰好足以使它们避免完全随意的活动。靠着这种最低限度的交流。蚂蚁们可以互相提醒，以使它们意识到它们不是孤单的，而是正在同队友进行合作。这样就能调集大量的蚂蚁，用这种方式互相支援，去从事随便什么活动——例如组串——只是所需时间不限。我对脑外科手术模模糊糊的认识使得我坚信神经元的发射情形也是这样。一大堆神经元发射脉冲，以使另一个神经元发射，不是这样吗，老蟹？螃蟹：肯定是这样。以阿基里斯大脑中的神经元为例吧。每个神经元都从与它的输入线连在一起的那些神经元接收信号，如果输入的总和在某一时刻超过了临界点，这个神经元就会发射，并把它自己的输出脉冲传递到别的神经元，而这后一神经元也将发射——并沿着这条线一直传送下去。神经讯号沿着阿基里斯的路径毫不延迟地迅猛掠过，那架势比飞燕俯冲捕食蚊蚋还有过之无不及。每段曲折、每个回转，都由阿基里斯大脑中的神经结构预先排定，直至输入感觉的讯号产生了影响。阿基里斯：在正常情况下，我觉得我想些什么是受我自己控制的——可按你这种说法就整个"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，蚁队为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "能让人信服地画出这种画来。阿基里斯：太令人遗憾了。乌龟：这个问题也许你能回答，食大夫。一个信号，从它形成到解散，总是由同样一群蚂蚁组成吗？中间不会换吗？食蚁兽：实际上，如果附近有同样种姓的蚂蚁，信号中的蚂蚁经常脱离信号而由别的同种姓的蚂蚁来替代。大多数情况下，当信号解体的时候，组成这一信号的蚂蚁已经全都不是当初形成这一信号时的蚂蚁了。螃蟹：我搞清楚是怎么一回事了：蚁群中的信号不断影响种姓分布，这一活动是对蚁群内部的要求所作出的反应，而蚁群的这种内部要求则又是蚁群对其所处外部环境的反应。因此，正如您所说的那样，食大夫，种姓的分布不断地调节、变化，最终反映着外部世界。阿基里斯：可结构中的那些中间层次是怎么回事？你刚才一直在说种姓分布最好应该以由别的蚁队组成的蚁队为单位来描述，而不应以蚂蚁或信号为单位来描述，那些组成蚁队的蚁队又是由一些别的蚁队组成的，同理下推，直至组成蚁队的成员是单个儿的蚂蚁，而不再是蚁队。你还说，要想理解种姓分布何以能被描述为某种有关外部世界的编码了的信息，这个观点是关键性的。食蚁兽：正是，我们现在正要谈这个问题。我喜欢把某些层次较高的蚁队称作“符号”。你要注意，这个词在这里的意思与它通常的意义有所不同。我所说的“符号”是指一个复"}
{"instruction": "围绕神经元，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "一条蚯蚓。” 但是，随着你观察的对象在思维层次体系中的上升及其神经元个数的增加，这种不同个体的脑之间的一一映射关系很快就消失了——这支持了你的猜疑：不是只存在一个人！然而，一旦在比单个神经元大、又比脑的主要子器官小的尺度上把不同人的脑相比较，仍然可以发现显著的物理相似性。个体的精神差异是如何表现在脑的物理结构上的？上述事实对这个问题来说意味着什么？如果我们来观察我的神经元的相互联系，我们是否能发现各种结构，它们可以被确定为以编码的形式表示了我所知道的特殊事物、我所具有的特殊信念、我怀有的特殊愿望、恐惧和好恶？如果精神体验可以归因于大脑，那么知识和精神生活的其它方面是否也能类似地追溯到大脑中的特定位置，或大脑特定的物理子系统？这是我们在本章和下一章中要不断涉及的一个中心问题。大脑过程的定位：一个谜为了回答这个问题，神经病学家卡尔·拉施利从1920年左右开始进行了多年实验，试图发现老鼠在脑中的哪个地方存贮了它跑迷津的知识。史蒂文·罗斯在他的著作《有意识的大脑》中这样描述了拉施利的尝试与磨难：拉施利试图确定记忆在皮层中的位置，为此，他首先训练老鼠跑迷津，然后切除皮层的不同区域。他让动物进行恢复，然后检查跑迷津技能的保持情况。出乎他意料的是，要找到一个迷津通路的记忆能力所对应"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，祖母意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "它会胆怯地回避人或狗，但不怕别的牛。有可能它的整个视觉系统在出生前就被“硬性联接”了，而且只涉及较少的视觉皮层。与此相反，人的视觉系统深深地依赖于皮层，而且要经过若干年才能成熟。汇集到神经模块令人迷惑不解的是，在迄今为止关于脑组织的发现之中，并没有找到多少大尺度硬件和高层次软件之间的直接对应关系。举例来说，视觉皮层就是块大尺度硬件，它的软件用途是很清楚的 ——视觉信息加工，但至今发现的所有加工过程仍都是层次很低的，远没有接近对象识别在皮层中的定位。这意味着没有人知道复杂细胞和超复杂细胞的输出在哪里或怎样转换成对形状、位置、图像、面容等等有意识的识别。人们已在寻找证据，试图证明许多低层次的神经反应“汇集”成越来越少的高层反应，最终达到像所谓的祖母细胞一类的东西，或是前面提到过的某种神经元网络。显而易见，这个发现不会出于某种粗略的解剖学划分，而是需要进一步的微观分析。替代祖母细胞的一种可能解释是，在这一“汇集”过程的终点处有一组神经元，比如说有数十个，当祖母进入视野后它们全都发射。对于每个不同的可识别的对象，都有唯一的一个神经元网络和一个“聚焦”于该网络的汇集过程。沿着类似的思路还可以提出更复杂的解释，包括可以用不同的方式而非固定方式激活的网络。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画神经元？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "一定是有某种汇集，其最终效果是触发某些特定的神经元模块，而每个模块都关联于场景中的概念——或称组块。作为思维过程媒介的模块于是我们可以作出这样的结论：对应于每个概念，都存在一个界说良好的可触发模块——由一小群神经元构成的模块——也就是前面设想过的那种“神经复合体”。这个理论有个问题—— 至少朴素地看是如此——它使人想到应该能够在大脑里确定这些模块的位置。迄今为止还没有做到这一点，而且存在一些反对定位化的证据，如拉施利的实验。但是，现在下结论未免为时过早。每个模块都可能有多个复本分布在各处，也可能模块在物理上相互重叠，这两种效应都倾向于使把神经元分成“包裹”的界限变得模糊不清。或许复合体像摞成一摞的纸张，偶尔会互相交叉；或许它们像互相缠绕的长蛇，在这里或那里像眼镜蛇的头那样伸出来；或许它们像蜘蛛网；或许它们是某种电路，信号在里面转来转去，比扑向蚊虫的燕子还难以捉摸。到底是什么谁也不知道。这些模块甚至可能是软件现象，而非硬件现象——这一点我们过一会儿再讨论。这些假设性的神经元复合体可以使人想到许多问题，例如：它们是否延伸到了脑的内部区域，如中脑和下丘脑等处？单独的一个神经元能否属于一个以上这种复合体？单独一个神经元可以属于多少个这种复合"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把回文放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "减少。只要回文斯做出一些精彩的动作，表现出众，上述过程可能仅在几分钟内就发生。但他的队友们仍可能全由类符号的激活所代表。最后，可能在几天之后，你在报刊的体育专栏中读到了某些文章，这时“脐带”断了，回文斯可以独立存在了。至此你知道了他的故乡、他的爱好等情况，你记住了他的相貌，如此等等。到了这时，回文斯不再仅仅被认作是一个橄榄球运动员，而是首先是一个人，他正好也是个橄榄球队员。“回文斯”这个例符号于是可以在其父母类符号（橄榄球队员）处于休眠状态时被激活了。回文斯这个符号一度是围绕其父母符号运转的一颗卫星，正像一颗绕地球转的人造卫星一样，只是后者要大得多也重得多。然后进入一个中间阶段，此时虽然一个符号比另一个重要，但它们可以被看成是互相围绕的——有点像地球和月亮。最后，新符号变得非常自主了，此时它可以很容易地成为类符号，并开始有新的卫星绕着它转——些相应于其它人的符号，他们还不为你所熟悉，但和回文斯有某些共同之处，因此你可用回文斯作为他们的临时规范型。等到你获得更多的信息后，这些新符号也随后都具有自主性了。搞清符号间的纠葛是很难的一个例在类中的生长以至最终脱离所经过的各个阶段，可以通过有关符号的联接方式的不同来区分。毫无疑问，有些时候很难分清在何处一"}
{"instruction": "作者借事件想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "从类中“擦去”例的能力，就像在教堂中擦拭铜器一样，使你能表示出这种情况，而不必忠实于真实世界。符号可以作为其它符号的模板，这一事实给了你的心智以某种相对于现实的独立性：你可以创造人工宇宙，在其中能以你所愿意达到的任何精确度发生一些不真实的事件。但作为产生这一切的根源的类符号，却是深深地植根于现实之中的。通常符号所扮演的角色是同构于似乎能发生的事件，但有时激活的符号也表示不可能出现的情况——例如咝咝作响的手表，乐队中的大号在下蛋，等等。可能事件和不可能事件之间的界线是极其模糊的。当我们想象一个假设的事件时，我们使某些符号进入活跃状态——根据它们相互作用的情况（这大概反映在我们继续思维时的舒适程度中），我们说事件“可能”或“不可能”发生。因此所谓“可能”和“不可能”是非常主观的。实际上，在人们中间关于哪些事件可能发生、哪些不可能发生是有许多一致看法的。这反映了我们的精神结构有很大一部分是同样的 ——但存在一个边界区域，在那里，我们愿意接受哪一种假设世界，这是带有鲜明的主观色彩的。人们认为哪种假想事件可能发生，哪种不可能发生，对这一问题的深入研究可能使我们对人们思维中的符号触发模式有进一步的理解。直观的物理定律当电话打完之后，你已经建立了关于一个场"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价蛛网？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "连结起来的结点（其中弧线还是各种颜色的，因而各种类型的概念邻接可以彼此区别开），由此精确地抓住了一个符号触发另一个符号的方式。那么，在什么条件下我们才会觉得两幅这样的图是同构的，或差不多是同构的呢？由于我们处理的是符号网络的图形表示，让我们来考虑一个类似的图形问题。现在有两个蛛网，要确定它们是不是同一种类的蜘蛛结的网，你会怎么做？精确地把各个相应的顶点等同起来，从而建立起一个网到另一个网的精确映射，其中顶点对应顶点，丝线对应丝线，也许甚至连丝线与丝线的夹角也对应起来，你会这样做吗？这必然是无效的努力。两个网永远不会完全相同，然而，还是有某种“风格”、“形式”等等，可靠地标出同一种类的蛛网。任何网状结构，例如蛛网，都可以考察其局部性质和总体性质。考察局部性质只需要近视的观察者——例如一次只能看到一个顶点的观察者，而考察总体性质只需要大范围视野，不必注意细节。因此，蛛网总的形状是总体性质，而会聚在顶点的平均蛛丝数是局部性质。假定我们同意称两个蛛网是“同构”的最合理标准是它们应该由同一种类的蜘蛛做成。那么一个有趣的问题就是，在断定两个蛛网是否同构时以哪一种观察 ——局部的还是总体的——作为指南会更可靠一些？现在先不回答这个蛛网问题，我们还是回到"}
{"instruction": "这段关于旅行的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "方，从而使你明白我说的是什么。如果我谈起一个从武汉到杭州的旅行，这可以沿不同的路线进行，但旅程本身都能实现，这一点在两个国家里是一样的。如果你对我描述从沈尔丹去白长山的旅行，只要你借助附近的大城镇——它们都共同出现在你我的自想国中——说明你的位置，不断地为我定向，我就能勾画出在我看来是在我这个自想国中的一次类似的旅行。尽管在我这里没有叫这个或那个名字的城镇，我还是会相信这样一个旅行是可行的，说不定还很愉快。我这里的道路和你那里的道路并不完全一样，但是，用我们各自的地图，你我都能从某个地方到达另一个地方。我们能够这样做，是因为那些在现实世界中预先已有的地理事实——山脉、河流等等——那些在我们绘制地图时，对我们各自都有用的事实。没有那些外部特征，我们不可能会有共同的参照点。例如，如果给你一份法国地图，而给我一份德国地图，然后我们都非常详细地把它们填写好，那么将没有办法在这两个虚构的国家中找到“同样的地方”。必须从完全相同的外部条件开始——否则将完全对不上号。我们这个地理类比已经说得够多了，现在，我们回到大脑之间的同构问题。读者可能很想知道为什么如此强调大脑同构这个问题。两个大脑是同构的，或是准同构的，或者是根本不同构的，这有什么要紧的？回答是，我们有一种直"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对汉语的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "似的短语，那么你就要冒着犯“茉莉花茶”类错误的风险。但如果你字对字地翻译每一个习惯用语，那么你这汉语听起来就会有外国味道。也许这是你所期望的，因为俄国文化对于说汉语的人来说是外国文化。但是一个读这种译本的说汉语的人将由于这种不寻常的词序而不断地体会到一种陌生的——人为的——感觉，不是作者想要表达的，也不是俄文原本的读者所体验到的。或者换一个问题。设想有这么一本英文书，其中有无数英语中的双关语和文字游戏。有人想把这本书译成中文。书中有幽默的对话，涉及了藏头诗、词首字组合等种种形式与内容上的游戏。译者是否只须字对字把原文译出来，添加无数的脚注，用令人感到折磨的说明文形式来解释原文中那些令人轻松愉快、赏心悦目的机巧？无疑这并不忠实于原文的精神。也许译者应该努力在汉语中重建那些双关机制，在这一过程中改换了许多内容上的细节部分，但保持了原文中的核心内容。进一步来讨论的话，假定这本书中有一段涉及对一本俄文小说在英文中的各种译本进行比较。译者是否应该仅是原原本本把这一段译成汉语，加许多脚注来解释那些英语词的意思？换一种方式——即重写这个段落，对这本小说在汉语中的几种不同译本进行比较——是不是更好？毕竟，这种选择是旨在用一种易懂并有说服力的方式，提出一些有趣的翻译问题以供讨论，而非"}
{"instruction": "文中关于枚举的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "组块化描述，那么一个局外人，掌握了进入那个大脑的一些非破坏性手段，为什么不能做同样的事情呢？那局外人应该不仅能对那个大脑的有限部分进行组块，而且实际上还能给出全部那个大脑的组块化描述——换句话说就是，完整地列出一个其大脑是可达的人的全部信念。显然这样的描述会有天文数字的规模，不过在这里没关系。我们感兴趣的是，原则上是否存在关于大脑的一个界说良好的、高层次的描述？或者反过来，是否神经元层次的描述——或者某种同样是生理上的、但在直观上还不清楚的什么描述——是原则上存在的描述中最好的一个？毫无疑问，如果我们要探究我们是否能了解自己，那对这个问题的回答将是至关重要的。潜在信念，潜在符号有可能进行组块化描述，这是我的论点。但有了这个描述后，并不是一切就突然清楚明白了。问题是，为了从大脑状态中抽出组块化描述，我们需要一种语言来描述我们发现的东西。看起来，描述大脑的最恰当方式是枚举它能具有的各个种类的思想，以及它不可能具有的种种思想——或者也许是，枚举它相信的事情及它不相信的事情。如果这是我们在进行组块化描述时为之奋斗的目标，那就很容易看出我们将碰上什么样的麻烦了。假设你想枚举出在一个自想国里能进行的所有旅行。这会有无穷多种可能。可是你怎么确定哪种可能是似乎合理的？"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对子系统给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "觉我的脑海里响起两支不同的曲子，争夺着“我的”注意力。每一支曲子都是在我大脑中一个单独的隔间里以某种方式制造出来，或“演奏出来”。两个负责从我的大脑中提取出曲子的子系统大概都各自激活了一系列符号，一个接着一个，完全不顾另一个子系统也在做同样的事情。然后两者都试图同我大脑的第三个子系统——我的自我符号——进行通讯，就在这个时候我大脑中的“我”察觉到发生了什么。换句话说，“我”开始获得了一个对那两个子系统活动的一个组块化描述。子系统和共用编码典型的子系统大概是那些代表我们亲密朋友的子系统。那些人在我们的大脑中被表示得非常复杂，以至于代表他们的那些符号扩张到了子系统的级别，变得能自主地活动并且还可以利用我们大脑中的一些资源来维持自己。在这里我的意思是，一个将朋友符号化的子系统能像我自己一样在我的大脑里激活很多符号。比如，我可以启动我的一个代表某好朋友的符号，然后就几乎真的感觉到自己处于他的地位上，冒出他会有的种种想法，激活那些更多地是反映他的思维模式的符号序列。可以说我这个朋友的模型——在我大脑中体现为一个子系统——就构成了我对他大脑的一个组块化描述。那么这个子系统是否包括了这样一些符号，它们分别对应于那些我认为在他大脑中会有的符号？那其实是多余的。"}
{"instruction": "这一段对符号的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "的符号——换一种说法，就是那些表示符号的符号，以及表示符号活动的符号。当然，这并没有把意识或感知提高到什么“有魔力的”非物理的层次上。这里感知是我们所描述过的那些复杂的硬件软件的一个直接后效。这种方式描述感知——即把感知作为大脑本身的一个子系统对大脑活动的监控——尽管源于世俗，仍然和我们都知道并称为“意识”的那种近乎不可描述的感觉相像。读者肯定能看出这里的复杂程度已经足以产生许多意外的效果。例如，很可能一台具有这种结构的计算机会谈论自己，那些话极像人们通常谈论自己时说的，包括固执地强调它有自由意志，它不能被解释成“部分的总和”等等。（有关这方面的问题，可参阅明斯基的文章《物质、心智和模型》）。我一直假定有一个表示自我的子系统。像这样的子系统怎么能保证实际存在于我们的大脑里呢？如果没有自我符号的发展演化，一整套复杂的符号网络——比如我们上面描述过的那种—— 也能够发展演化吗？如果没有一个表示宿主有机体的符号，这些符号及其活动怎么能实现那些“同构”于周围世界中的实际事件的心理事件呢？进入系统的所有刺激在片刻中都集中在一个很小的空间范围之中。要是没有一个表示有机体的符号，处于这个有机体中的大脑符号结构就会有一个很显眼的洞，需知，在这个大脑符号结构"}
{"instruction": "乌龟在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "阿基里斯：真够狡猾的！可这就有个问题：你无法弄清真正的终了到底在哪儿，都混在废话里了。乌龟：这也就是我的作家朋友和我所得出的结论。这是个问题，可我还是觉得那个设想相当吸引人。阿基里斯：哎，我有个建议。可以把从真正的故事到废话部分的转折做成这样：一个有智能的阅读者对正文充分专注仔细地审查之后，能查明什么地方是前者的结束、后者的开始。也许这会使他花费相当的时间。也许没有办法预先知道到底要花多长时间……但出版者能够保证对真正终了的一个充分专注仔细的搜索一定会终止，即使他无法在其终止前说出到底要花多少时间。乌龟：很好——但“充分专注仔细”是什么意思？阿基里斯：意思是：读者必须专注地寻找出现在正文某处的某种微小、然而却说明问题的特征。那特征标志着终了。他还必须有足够的聪明去思考并搜寻许多这类特征，直到发现了真正标志终了的那个特征。乌龟：比如说某些字的出现频率的突然变化，或一些成语的一部分被莫名其妙地丢掉了，或者突然涌现出一连串语法错误？阿基里斯：可能是吧。或者是某种隐藏着的信息，对于一个充分专注仔细的读者，它会揭示出真正的终了。你甚至还可以加进一些额外的角色或事件，它们与前面故事的精神很不协调。一个头脑简单的读者会囫囵吞枣地一直把书读完，而有头脑的读者就能够准确"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的几何学是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "个基础来谈论数论“事实上”该是这一种还是那一种。就像有个人发誓说-1的平方根“事实上”存在，或者“事实上”不存在一样。几何学的分叉现象与物理学家可以而且大约应该提出这样一种见解来反对前述的内容：假设在现实的物理世界中有一些实验，用某种特定的几何学来解释它们，要比用别的几何学解释省事得多，那我们说这种几何学是“真”的或许就有意义。于是在那些想要使用“正确”几何学的物理学家眼里，区别“真”几何学和其它几何学就有了某种意义。可是，不能把事情看得太简单了。物理学家总要与条件的近似化和理想化打交道。比如第五章谈过的我自己的那篇博士论文，就是以关于磁场中晶体的问题的一个极为理想的情形为出发点的。显露出的数学倒是高度的漂亮和对称。尽管—— 毋宁说是因为——该模型的人为性，某些基本的物理特征明显地反映在图表上了。这些特征就提示着对更现实的条件下可能发生的这类事情的一些推测。可是，要是没有使我那图表能够产生的那些简化假设，就决不会有如此的见地。可以看到，在物理学中这类事情比比皆是：物理学家用一个“非现实”的情形认识了现实中隐藏很深的一些特性。所以，说物理学家想要使用的几何的某一分支是描述了“真几何”时，要特别谨慎，因为实际上物理学家总要使用种种不同的几何学：在给定的情形下挑选看起来最简单、最方便"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述氨基酸？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "用方式的，是作为一个整体的三级结构。不能说“这个氨基酸的存在就意味着如此这般的一个操作得以执行”这类的话。换言之，在实际遗传学中，一个单独的氨基酸对酶的整个功能的贡献不是“上下文无关”的。不过这一事实无论如何都不能当作反简化论者的武器以得出“整体[的酶]不能解释为其各部分之和”的结论。这种结论还完全没有得到验证。得到验证的东西是排除了下面这个简单的断言：“每个氨基酸都用一种不依赖其它氨基酸的存在的方式对总体发生作用”。换句话说，酶的功能不能看成是由各个部分的上下文无关的功能建立起来的，而必须考虑各部分之间的相互作用。原则上，仍有可能写出一个计算机程序把蛋白质的一级结构作为输入，然后先确定其三级结构，再确定酶的功能。这将是对蛋白质工作的一个彻底的简化论解释，但要确定各部分的“总和”得需要一个高度复杂的算法。在给出酶的一级的、乃至三级的结构之后，如何阐明酶的功能是现代分子生物学的又一个大问题。也许，整个酶的功能最终仍可以看成是按照一种上下文无关的方法，从各个部分的功能上建立起来的，不过这里得把这些部分看成是单个的粒子，诸如电子、质子之类，而不是看成像氨基酸那样的“大块头”。这正是“简化主义者的窘境”：为了用上下文无关的总和这类概念来解释每一件事情，就必须降到物理的层次上，可是此"}
{"instruction": "大脑在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "等。我们从外部看到的是它的非形式化的、公开的、软件的层次。作为对照，它还有一个形式化的、隐蔽的、硬件的层次（或叫“基质”），这是一部令人望而生畏的机器，它根据物理地嵌入其中的某些确定的规则以及与之密切相联的信号输入，在各个状态之间进行转换。像这样一种对大脑的看法，肯定会有很多哲学的和其它方面的推论。我打算在这一章里详细地说明这样一些推论。其中之一是说，这种看法似乎蕴涵着：从本质上讲，大脑是某种“数学”对象。其实，这充其量也不过是看待大脑的一种十分笨拙的办法。因为即便在技术意义或抽象意义上说大脑是某种类型的形式系统，仍然无法摆脱下面的事实：数学家只与那些简单的、考究的形式系统打交道，在那些系统中，一切东西都有着极为清晰的定义。而大脑则与此大相径庭，它的上百亿个不完全独立的神经元彼此是近乎随机地相联接的。所以，数学家决不会去研究实际的大脑网络。如果你把“数学”定义为数学家喜欢作的事情，那么大脑的性质就不是数学性质了。要想了解像大脑这样的复杂系统，唯一的方法是在越来越高的层次上对之组块，因而每一步都要损失一些严格性。出现在最顶层上的，是一个“非形式系统”，它要服从许多复杂到我们找不到合适的词汇去思考的规律。而这正是人工智能的研究所想找到的东西。"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里现实究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "的事情。这里的同构是在算术步骤的层次上成立，而不是在更低的层次—— 神经元和集成电路之间——成立的。（当然，计算任何东西都可以有不同的方法，但不妨假定那部袖珍计算器——如果不提那个人——可以按任意特定的方式完成所要求的计算。）对关于现实世界的知识的表示当我们所考虑的范围是数论的时候，这件事看上去的确是合情合理的，因为此时发生各种事件的那个论域既小又清晰。而论域本身的边界、居民、法规也都是良定义的，就像用标准几何图形画出的迷宫。这样的一个天地远不如我们生活于其中的那个无边无际且定义模糊的天地来得复杂。一个数论问题一经提出就完全是自足的了，然而现实问题却不然，根本不能绝对有把握地把它与现实世界的任何一个部分隔离开来。比方说换一只烧蹩了的电灯泡的任务，大概免不了要拿一个板凳来；而这又可能意外地弄撒一盒药，于是又不得不去扫地以免孩子误食撒了的药丸；等等、等等。药丸、凳子、小孩及灯泡本是现实世界中风马牛不相及的几个部分——然而某些日常事件却会把它们紧密地联系起来。这里还没有说到其它微小变化会使预期的事情变成什么样。总之，如果给你一个数论问题，那么要想解决它，就决不致于手忙脚乱地考虑什么药丸、小孩、凳子乃至扫帚之类的无关事物（当然，你对这些东"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，大脑为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "这是简化论的一条信念。微观的丘奇-图灵论题的一项推论，是下面这样一个十分简洁的新微观形式：丘奇-图灵论题，简化论形式：全部的大脑过程都可以从一个可计算的基质中导出。这句话大概是能支持“最终可能实现人工智能”这种观点的最强有力的理论基础。当然，人工智能的研究并不是以模拟神经元网络为目的的，因为它建立在另一种信念之上，即：可能有一些意义重大的智能特征是漂浮在一些与生物大脑的基质完全不同种类的基质智商的。图108表明人工智能、自然智能和现实世界之间的大致关系。图108．“撇出”大脑的最高层次使人热衷于从事人工智能研究的关键，在于这样一种观念：心智的符号层次能从它们的神经元基质上被“撇出”，并用诸如计算机的电子基质之类的方法实现。至于对大脑的复制需要做到什么深度，现在还完全不淸楚人工智能研究能否与对大脑的模拟平行发展？有人认为，要想实现人工智能，就总有一天得要模拟或复制大脑的实际硬件。这种想法至少迄今为止是使很多人工智能工作者极为反感的。人们仍在纳闷：“我们得把大脑模拟到什么精度才算实现了人工智能？”实际答案可能是：这完全依赖于你想要模拟人类意识的多少特征。玩好跳棋的能力是否足够成为智能的指标？如果是，那么人工智能就已经存在了，因为下跳棋的程序是世界第一流水平。"}
{"instruction": "围绕卢卡斯，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "的总体的有效发射。这多少有点讽刺，然而只要想一想，就会觉得是完全明白的。尽管如此，断定有关心智和计算机的几乎全部的混乱都来源于这种基本的层次混乱，大概是十分公平合理的。没有什么理由使人相信，一台计算机中运转得完美无缺的硬件不可能支持那些体现诸如混乱、遗忘以及美感这类复杂事件的高层符号行为。这将需要大量的子系统按照一种复杂的“逻辑”相互作用。表面的行为可能表现为理性或非理性，然而暗地里则应该是可靠的逻辑硬件的工作。再驳卢卡斯这种层次区别倒顺便给我们提供了与卢卡斯辩论的某种新武器。卢卡斯的论证建立在“哥德尔定理按其定义可用于机器”这样一种思想之上。事实上，卢卡斯极力宣称：哥德尔定理必定适用于控制论机器，因为作为机器的本质特征，机器该是形式系统的一个具体特例。如我们已经看到的，在硬件层次上这是真的 ——然而由于或许还存在更高的层次，所以这不是关于这个论题的最后断语。卢卡斯强调说，在他所讨论的模拟意识的机器里，只有一个层次上发生了符号操作。例如分离规则（在他的文章中叫“假言推理”）就要做成硬件，并将成为这样一台机器的一个不可改变的特性。他更进一步地宣称，如果假言推理不是该机器系统的永远不变的栋梁，而是可以偶然撇开的，那么：该系统将不再是一个形式的逻辑系统，"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，性质意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "内、并可从中直接读出这样一种观念，不过这只是问题的一部分。音乐解释机制是通过建立一个多维的认知结构——该乐曲的一个心智表示—— 而工作的。这个多维认知结构努力寻找与那些为以前的经验编码的多维心智结构之间的联系，借此同早就存在的信息结合起来。随着这个过程的进行，整个意义就逐渐显露出来了。事实上，当一个人感到他已经悟透一段乐曲的核心意义时，可能若干年的时间已经过去了。这似乎又有利于相反的观点：音乐的意义向四方延伸，解释机制的作用就是逐步收集它。真理毋庸置疑是位于这两者之间的某个地方：无论音乐的意义还是语言的意义，在某种程度上都是可定位的，在某种程度上又都是向四方延伸的。用第六章的话来说，我们可以说乐曲和文章都既是显明意义的触发器，又是运载者。可以通过一块刻有铭文的古碑的例子，来给意义的这种两重论作个生动的说明：碑文的意义部分地贮存在世界各地的图书馆和学者们的大脑之内，但它显然也隐含在古碑自身之内。于是，要刻划“句法”性质和“语义”性质（在刚刚提到那种意义下）之间的差别就还有一条路子，即：句法性质毫不含糊地存在于所考虑的客体之内，而语义性质则依赖于它与潜在地无穷多的客体类之间的关系，因而不是完全可以定位的。原则上说，句法性质中没有什么秘密或隐藏的东西，然而这种隐蔽性却是语义性质的本"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画图灵测验？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "更可取的办法可能是把图灵测验反过来，要求询问者也应当由一台计算机充当。或者说设立两个询问者——一个人和一台计算机——和一个被问者，这两个询问者要设法说出这个被问者是人还是计算机。更严格来说，我个人认为图灵测验的原始形式是很合理的。至于对那些魏增鲍姆宣称被“伊莉莎”所骗的人们来说，问题在于没有提醒他们保持怀疑精神，用全部智慧来设法确定和它们笔谈的那个“人”是否真的是人。我认为图灵对这个问题的见解是正确的，因此图灵测验会本质上保持不变地存在下去。人工智能简史我希望能用下面几页的篇幅，以一种可能是非正统的观点，来讲述某些旨在阐明“智能背后的算法”的努力。我们已经遇到了许多错误和挫折，今后还会是这样。但不管怎么说，我们还是学到了许多东西，而且这的确是一个激动人心的时期。甚至从帕斯卡和莱布尼茨开始，人们就梦想着用机器来完成智能性的任务了。在十九世纪，布尔和德·摩根发明了“思维定律”——本质上就是命题演算——因此就迈出了通往人工智能软件的第一步。查尔斯·巴比奇设计了第一台“计算机械”——现代计算机硬件的前身，也就是人工智能硬件的前身。我们可以把人工智能出现的时刻定义成机械装置完成了某些以前只能用人脑完成的任务之时。现在很难回过头去想象，那些人初次看到齿轮能完成大数的加法和乘法时会有"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把计算机放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "计算机绘画音乐创作无调性的有调性的类比思维几何形状（“智力测验”）根据一个数学领域中的证明构造另一个相关领域中的证明学习参数调整概念形成机器翻译在我下面要进行的讨论中，我将有所选择，略去上面列出的一些课题。不过，把它们列出来也是必要的，否则这份清单就不准确了。前面的几个课题是按历史次序排列的，每一个课题都没有达到预期的目的。例如，在机器翻译中所遇到的障碍使许多人大吃一惊。他们原以为这大概是个简单明确的任务，要做得尽善尽美的确很难，但基本上实现应该是很容易的。然而实践证明，翻译远不只是查字典和把词重新排列所能完成的。难点也不仅在于缺乏关于习惯用语的知识。事实上，翻译涉及到要为所讨论的领域建立一个心智模型，然后去处理那个模型中的符号。一个程序如果在读入文章段落时不使用一个领域模型，那它不久就会在遇到意义不清或多重意义时毫无希望地陷入困境之中。甚至一个人——他和计算机相比占有很大的优势，因为他对于这个世界具有深入的理解——给他一段用他不懂的语言写成的文章和一本字典的时候，也会发现他几乎不可能把这段文字翻译成他自己的语言。因此 ——这在回顾时就不足为奇了——人工智能的第一个难题立即就涉及到了人工智能的核心问题。计算机弈棋计算机下国际象棋也被证明比开始时的直觉"}
{"instruction": "作者借塞缪尔想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "为了研究计算机下国际象棋的可行性，在1961年召集了一个国际性的委员会，其中包括荷兰的国际象棋特级大师兼数学家麦克斯·尤伟，委员会所得到的结论是前景暗淡：塞缪尔的技术如想应用于国际象棋，则难度大约是应用于跳棋的一百万倍，这似乎等于宣布此路不通。这个跳棋程序所拥有的高超棋艺不能被解释成“已经达到了智能”，但对它也不能估计过低。在这个程序中结合了若干方面的知识，包括跳棋是什么、如何思考跳棋问题、以及怎样编程序。有些人可能会觉得它所表现出来的实际上是塞缪尔本人的下棋本领。但这是错的，原因至少有两个。其一是棋艺高超的棋手在选择棋步时所依赖的心智过程，往往连他们本人也无法全部理解——他们在使用自己的直觉。现在还没人知道怎样才能揭示自己的所有直觉。我们在内省过程所能采用的最好方法是使用“感受”或“元直觉”——这是一种关于直觉的直觉——作为向导，并且设法描述我们认为我们自己的直觉是什么样子的。但这只不过是为直觉方法的真实的复杂性提供了一种粗略的近似而已。因此实际上塞缪尔肯定无法把他个人的下棋方法映射到他的程序中去。说塞缪尔的程序的棋术不应与塞缪尔本人的棋术相混淆的另一个理由是：塞缪尔的跳棋还不如他的程序下得好——它能贏他。这一点也不会造成悖论——就好像事实上如果给一台计算"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价工作？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "不现实。不管怎样说，人工智能急需这样一种程序：它们能够“后退几步”，看看正在发生什么事，并根据这种观察重新调整方向，以完成手边的任务。不难编写一个擅长于某项单一工作的程序——这项工作当由人来完成时似乎是需要智能的，但这完全不同于编写一个智能程序！这两者之间的差别就如同黄蜂（见第十一章）——它们的先天本能行为看上去会使人误以为它们具有很高的智能——和观察黄蜂的人之间的差别一样。再谈W方式和J方式一个智能程序大概要具有相当好的通用性，能解决各种各样的问题。它应当能学着做各种不同的事情，并在此过程中积累经验。它应当能依据一组规则来工作，而同时又能在适当的时候后退几步，判断一下依据这组规则工作是否会有利于达到它的某些总目标。它应当能在需要时决定不再继续工作于一个给定框架中，并构造一个新的规则框架，在里面工作一段时间。这一讨论中可能有许多东西使你回想起WU谜题的性质。例如，远离问题的目标会使你回想起通过构造越来越长的串远离WU，因为你希望这样能以某种间接的方式构成WU。如果你是“一条幼稚的狗”，你可能在串长超过两个字符后会觉得你在远离你的“WU骨头”。如果你是“一条老练的狗”，这种加长规则的使用就会有一种间接的理由，就像为了得到你的WU骨头而奔向门口一"}
{"instruction": "这段关于蛋白质的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "不太在意效率的话，你能用一种方式所做的一切也都能用另一种方式来做。但是，可以提出一些理由来说明一种方式似乎肯定比另一种优越。例如，请考虑下面主张只使用过程性表示的论点：“一旦你想要把相当复杂的特性编码在数据中，你就不得不开发出相当于一种新的语言或新的形式系统的东西。因此实际上你的数据结构变得像程序，而你的一些程序成了它们的解释程序，那你还不如开始就直接把这些信息表示成过程的形式，这就用不着外层的解释程序了。” DNA和蛋白质能对我们有所启发上述论点听起来很有道理，但如果在解释时稍加发挥，就会变成一个要求取消DNA和RNA的论点。为什么要把遗传信息编码在DNA中呢？如果把它们直接编码在蛋白质里，你不就不仅能取消了一层解释工作，而且事实上是取消了两层解释工作吗？答案是：我们发现，使同一个信息为了不同的用途具有多种不同的形式，往往是极其有用的。把遗传信息存储在模块化的、像数据似的 DNA形式中，其优点之一就是两个个体的基因可以容易地被重组，以形成一个新的遗传型。如果信息仅仅在蛋白质里，那就很难做到这一点了。把信息存在DNA中的另一个理由是：这样可以很容易地复制并翻译到蛋白质中。当不再需要它的时候，它占不了多大地方，一旦需要了，它又能被当作一块模板。"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对系统的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "能被硬塞到这种模子中来，而是说用这种形式化系统无法自然地对它们进行把握。近来，面向逻辑的系统不像另一些系统那样吃香了，原因之一就是后者允许复杂的比较可以更自然地得以实现。一旦你认识到知识表示绝不仅仅是一些数字的存储，那么“计算机过目不忘”的说法便是一个容易攻破的迷信了。“存在存储器中”的东西不一定就是一个程序“知道”的东西的同义语，因为即使一条给定知识是编码在一个复杂系统中的某个地方，如果没有过程或规则或其它类型的数据处理器可以得到它，那它也会是无法使用的。在这种情况下，你可以说这条知识已经被“遗忘”了，因为通向它的途径已经暂时地或永久地失去了。这样一个计算机程序可能会在高层“忘掉”某些它在低层实际还“记得”的东西。这是那些反复出现的层次间差别中的一种，而我们或许能从中进一步了解我们自己。当一个人在遗忘时，这往往是意味着失去了一个高层指针——而不是说某些信息被删除或毁坏了。这就进一步强调了，保持通向你所存储的经验的路径是极端重要的，因为你无法事先知道你将要在什么情况下——或以什么角度——从存储器中取出某些东西来。从计算机俳句到RTN语法人脑中知识表示的复杂性初次给我造成强烈的印象，是在我编写一个程序，使它随机地产生自然语言语句的时候。我是以一种很有趣的方式"}
{"instruction": "文中关于不免有些的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "其它句子都是我的程序所生成的。选择第10 到第12句是为了说明有时这些句子完全是清楚易懂的；选第7到第9句表现了输出中的典型情况，它们漂浮于有意义和无意义之间的那个稀奇古怪而又引人入胜的阴曹地府之中；而第4到第6句则是远远超出意义之外的。出于一种宽宏大度的心情，人们可能会说它们本身构成了一种纯粹的“语言对象”，就像是某种用词而不是用石头刻成的抽象派雕塑。或者，人们也可以说它们纯粹是冒充成有理智的胡言乱语。我对于词汇的选择仍以产生幽默效果为目的。输出的风格特征是很难加以刻划的。尽管其中许多是“有意义”的——至少在单句层次上是如此，但人们还是不免要得到这样一种感觉，即产生输出的那个源泉根本不理解它在说些什么，而且在说这些话时根本没有目的。尤其是人们会觉得在这些词背后完全缺乏视觉表象。当我看着这些句子从行式打印机中源源而出的时候，我体验到了非常复杂的情感。输出的那些傻话使我觉得很好笑。我同时又对自己的成就感到骄傲，而且总是设法对朋友们把它描述成类似于给出一些规则，根据这些规则我们可以一挥而就地生成有意义的阿拉伯故事——这不免有些夸大其辞，但这样想使我很愉快。最后，我深深地感到激动，因为我看到这个极其复杂的机器正根据规则使其中的那些长长的符号列车进行“转轨”，而这些"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对德鲁给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "作可能并不同构于我们的所做所为——事实上不管你采用什么方法，也无法认为施德鲁已经达到了“符号层”——但是在它的构造和分析过程中，却可以为我们认识智能的工作方式提供大量的材料。施德鲁的结构事实上，施德鲁不能分解成若干个独立的过程，其中每一个包含关于世界的某些知识。施德鲁中过程之间的相互依赖性很强，因此不能明确地相互分开。这个程序就像一个无法解开的复杂绳结，但你不能解开它这一事实并不意味着你不能理解它。即使这个绳结从物理上看错综复杂，对它仍可能有一个漂亮的几何描述。我们可以回到《一首无的奉献》中的那个比喻上去，把它比拟为从“自然的”角度观察一个果园。维诺格拉德已经为施德鲁写下了清楚的说明。我要在这里引用他在一篇文章中的话，这篇文章收在尚克和科尔比所编的书中：在这个模型中隐含的一个基本观点是：所有语言的使用都可以被看成是一种激活听话人心中的过程的手段。我们可以把任何言语表达都想象成一个程序——这个程序可以间接地导致一组操作，后者在听话人的认知系统中被执行。这种“程序的编写”是间接的，这就是说我们是在和一个有智能的解释者打交道，他有可能采用一组和说话人的意图极其不同的行为。这些行为的准确形式取决于他关于世界的知识，以及他对于与他谈话的人的预期，等等。"}
{"instruction": "这一段对思维的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "使这种发现得以做出的思维机制与那种被用来解决一个具体的邦加德问题的思维机制并无不同。根据同样的道理，起初的科学研究并不能被划分成“常规”阶段和“观念革命”阶段，而是充满了范式转换——它们之间只有大小之分和层次之别。INT和G图的递归图形（图32和图34）为这种想法提供了一个几何模型：它们在每个层次上都具有不连续的跳跃，而不仅仅在最顶层是如此——只是层次越低跳跃幅度越小罢了。与其它类型思维的联系为了把这个完整的程序置于环境之中，让我们设想两种把它和认知的其它方面联系起来的方式。不仅它依赖于认知的其它方面，而且后者也反过来依赖于它。先让我说明一下它是怎样依赖于认知的其它方面的。要明白什么时候应忽略某些差别、尝试重新构造一个描述，以及回溯、转换层次等等，都是需要直觉的，而这种直觉可能只源于思维中的一般经验。因此，为程序的这些关键性的方面设计启发式规则可能是很困难的。有时，人关于世界中真实对象的经验对他描述或重新描述某些框的方式会产生微妙的影响。例如，谁知道某人对树木的熟悉能在多大程度上有助于他解决邦加德问题70号呢？我们无法断定对人来说与这些谜题有关的概念子网络是否能很容易地从整个网络中被分离出来。我们更倾向于相信一个人得之于观察和把握实在对象——如梳"}
{"instruction": "符号在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "处碰到小型数据结构。一旦在其两个“活性部位”上装入了同样的数据结构，该同一性检测器就会向程序的其它部分（演员）发出一条消息。只要程序还是顺序执行的，那么使用好几个同一性检测器的副本就没有太大意义，但在一个真正的并行计算机中，控制子程序的副本数，正是对一项操作被完成前的预期等待时间进行控制的一种方式。这就像在一个细胞中，控制了一种酶的副本数，也就控制了相应功能的完成速度。如果能综合生成新的同一性检测器，那就相当于在我们的头脑中使模式检测过程渗透到一个更低的层次。裂变与聚变 “裂变”和“聚变”是两个有趣而且互补的想法，涉及到符号的相互作用。“裂变”是指一个新符号逐渐脱离它的母符号（即被用来为它做复制模板的那个符号）。“聚变”是指两个（或多个）原来互不相干的符号由于参与了某个“连带激活”，彼此频繁地往返传送消息，紧密地联系在一起，因而以后这个复合体可以被作为一个符号来访问。裂变或多或少是一个不可避免的过程，因为一旦一个新符号从老符号上被“剥下来”，它就变成自主的，而且在它自己的内部结构中反映出它与外部世界的相互作用，因此开始时的一个完全的复制品不久就会变成不完全的，而且此后慢慢会变得越来越不像那个它从其上被“剥下来”的符号。聚变是一个更为复杂的过"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的德鲁是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "施德鲁不具有形成新概念或识别模式的能力：它没有关于多余的东西和总体概貌的意识。语言的灵活性施德鲁掌握的语言能力是非常灵活的——但这是在一定的限度之内。施德鲁能明白结构很复杂的句子，也能明白语义具有多义性的句子，只要这能通过对数据库进行检查来解决——但它无法掌握“模糊的”语言。以下述句子为例：“多少个木块彼此重叠构成了一个尖塔形？”我们立刻就能理解它，但如果把它按字面解释将是没有意义的。这也不是因为使用了某种习惯用语。“彼此重叠”是一个不准确的短语，然而它能很好地把预期的图像传送给一个人。没人会由于误解想象出一种荒谬情景：有两个木块，每个都叠在另一个的顶上。语言的奇妙之处在于：我们很不准确地使用它，但仍能不出毛病。词汇在施德鲁那里好像是“金属的”，而在人们那里则像是“海绵的”或“橡胶的”甚至是“螺钉螺母式的”。假如词汇是螺丝钉和螺丝母，人们就可以把任何一个螺丝钉穿进任何一个螺丝母中：他们只须把前者硬压到后者中去就是了，就像在某幅超现实主义绘画中，一切东西都变软了一样。语言在人的手里几乎变成了液体，尽管它的成分很粗糙。近来，人工智能在自然语言理解领域的研究已经在某种程度上离开了对隔离状态下的单个语句理解，更多地转向理解简单的儿童故事这样的"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述神经元？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "有趣的是，下面这一层本身也是个不折不扣的“缠结”——几十亿个细胞被上千亿条轴突联结在一起。在这种有趣的情况下，一个由符号构成的软件缠结被一个由神经元构成的硬件缠结支持着。但只有符号缠结是一个缠结的层次结构。神经元缠结只是一个“简单”缠结而已。这种差别就像我在第十六章中提到的怪圈和反馈之间的差别一样。一旦一个你原以为具有规整的层次结构的系统令人惊讶地以一种扰乱了层次的方式绕了回来，一个缠结的层次结构就出现了。“惊讶”这个因素还是很重要的，正因为如此我才说怪圈是“怪”的。一个简单缠结，像反馈，并没有涉及到扰乱预先设定的层次划分。例如你在浴室里可以先用右手洗左手，再用左手洗右手，在这种情况下没有什么可奇怪的。艾舍尔并非无缘无故地选择去画画手的手！像两只手相互洗这样的事件随时随地都在发生，我们从不特别注意它们。我对你说了几句话，然后你又回答了我几句话。这是悖论吗？不，我们的相互感知并不需要以一种层次结构作为前提，因此这里就没有什么奇怪的东西。在另一方面，在语言谈论它自己的时候，不论这种谈论是直接的还是间接的，它的确构成了一个怪圈。在这里，某些系统之中的东西跳了出去并且作用于系统之上，仿佛它是在系统之外似的。使我们感到麻烦的大概是某种界说不清的拓"}
{"instruction": "萨哲杜在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "该管它叫“矛头向上”，这就是说，不是怀疑手头的东西，而是去怀疑那些可靠性更高的理论。那些相信超感官知觉的人想说明：出了毛病的并不是他们的想法，而是科学的信念系统。这是一种极其狂妄的观点，除非它能找到无可置疑的证据，否则我们就要对它表示怀疑。但那样我们又遇到了同样的问题：我们在谈论“无可置疑的证据”，仿佛所有的人都能对它所指的东西保持一致意见似的！证据的本质在第十三章和第十五章提到过的萨哲杜-辛普利奇奥-萨尔维亚蒂缠结，为证据评价的复杂性提供了另一个例子。萨哲杜试图在辛普利奇奥和萨尔维亚蒂的相反意见之间找到某种客观的妥协，如果这是可能的话。但妥协并不总是可能的。你怎样才能“公平地”在正确和错误之间达成妥协呢？怎样才能在公平和不公平之间达成妥协？这些问题在关于日常事物的争论中一次又一次地以各种不同形式出现。是否有可能定义什么是证据？是否有可能制订一些法律来说明应当如何从情境中生成意义？或许不能，因为任何刻板的规则无疑都会有例外，而不刻板的规则又不能算是规则。就算我们有个智能化的程序也无济于事，因为作为一个证据处理器，它会和人一样容易犯错误。因此，如果证据确实是这样一种难以捉摸的东西，那我为什么还要对解释证据的新方式提出警告呢？我是不是自相矛盾了？"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里哥德尔究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "认为数理逻辑中那些极其精致的结果能不加修改地适用于一个完全不同的领域，那是个极大的错误。内省与精神失常：一个哥德尔式的问题我认为把哥德尔定理翻译到其它领域之中还是有启发价值的，条件是要预先说明这种翻译是比喻性的，不能死抠字眼。在这个前提下，我发现了两种在哥德尔定理和人类思维之间建立类比的主要方式。其中之一涉及到考虑自己是否精神正常的问题。你怎样才能弄清你是否精神正常呢？这的确是个怪圈。一旦你开始探究自己精神的正常性，你就可能陷入一个极其讨厌的“信之则有”的漩涡之中，尽管这种情况绝非不可避免。每个人都知道，精神失常的人会用他们自己古怪的内部一致的逻辑去解释世界，但如果你只能用你自己的逻辑去检查它本身，那你怎样才能弄清你的逻辑是否“古怪”呢？我看这得不到任何答案。我只是由此想到了哥德尔第二定理，它说明那种断定了自身一致性的形式数论系统是不一致的…… 我们能否理解我们自己的心智或大脑我所发现的另一个关于哥德尔定理的比喻性类比是一种有争论的见解，即认为我们最终也无法理解我们自己的心智和大脑。这种易于挑起争端的观点内容复杂，并涉及到许多层次，因此在提出它来时必须十分谨慎。“理解我们自己的心智和大脑”到底是什么意思？这可能是指要对其工作方式有个一般性的认识，就像力学对汽车的"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，哥德尔为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "马格里特作（1933）理解心智首先通过画中含蓄的图像，然后又通过直接的语言，马格里特表述了下列两个问题间的联系：一是“符号是怎样工作的？”，二是“我们的心智是怎样工作的？”因而他又把我们带回到那个前面提出的问题：“我们是否有希望理解我们的心与脑？” 我们是否会遇到某种阻止我们理解我们的心智的魔怪似的哥德尔式命题？如果你并未接受对“理解”的一种完全非理性化的定义，那我看在最终理解我们心智的旅途上就不会有哥德尔式的障碍。例如，期望着能理解大脑的一般工作原理，就像我们理解汽车发动机的一般工作原理那样，我认为是完全合理的。这完全不同于试图理解任何特定大脑的每个具体细节——更不必说试图对自己的大脑做到这一点了！我看不出哥德尔定理怎样才能对这种设想的可行性产生影响，不管对哥德尔定理怎样解释都是这样。我看不出哥德尔定理能用何种理由来限制我们刻划与核实那种发生在神经细胞介质上的思维过程的一般机制的能力。我看不出哥德尔定理怎么会设置障碍，阻止我们在计算机（或它们的后代）之上实现各种能获得和大脑大致相同结果的符号处理功能。那种试图把某个特定的人的心智复制在一个程序中的想法完全是另外一个问题——但构成一个智能程序却是一个有限得多的目标。哥德尔定理并没有禁止我们通过程序再现我们自己的智力水"}
{"instruction": "围绕事件，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "我们还必须承认各种类型的“因果关系”，即一个描述层次上的事件能以各种方式“导致”其它层次上的事件的发生。有时候说事件A“导致”了事件B，只不过是因为其中一个是另一个在别的描述层次上的翻译而已。有时候“因果关系”具有它通常所具有的意义：物理因果关系。这两种因果关系——可能还有其它种——都必须在对心智的任何解释中被承认，因为我们在精神的缠结层次结构中必须同时承认因果链的向上和向下传播，就像在中心法则映射中那样。在我们自我理解过程的核心，将会是对我们心智中的层次结构的理解。我的立场很接近于神经科学家罗杰·斯珀里在他的《心智、大脑与人道主义的价值观》这篇精彩的文章中所表达的观点。下面是引自那篇文章中的一段话：在我自己所设想的大脑模型中，意识被表示成一种非常真实的动因。我认为它在脑中事件的因果序列和控制链中发挥着重要作用。它在这些过程中表现为一种活跃的、起作用的力量……简而言之，它导向这样一个问题：在充斥着脑海的各种动力之间到底是谁在推着谁转。换言之，这就是要列出脑中控制成分之间的等级关系。在人脑中存在着一个由形形色色的动力所组成的世界，而且动力里面又包含着动力。在我们所认识的宇宙里，没有比这几十厘米见方的空间中所包含的东西更为复杂的现象了。……长话短"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，程序意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 哥德尔、艾舍尔、巴赫：集异璧之大成-侯世达", "output": "和那个弈棋程序，我们又能作何评论呢？在这里我们可以说碰到了一个“想象的”小球，滚下一个“想象的”山坡。事实上，在这种情况下反对“作出选择说”的证据要比小球那种情况更强。原因是如果你要想重复那个小球实验，你无疑会看到一条完全不同的通向山坡下面的路径；而如果你重新运行那个求2的平方根的程序，你每次都会得到同样的结果。那个小球似乎是每次都“选择”了一条不同的路径，不管你怎样精确地试图重现它初次往下滚时的条件，而那个程序每次都通过完全相同的路径。对那个假想的弈棋程序的情况来说，存在着各种不同的可能性。如果你和某些特定的程序对弈，然后第二盘采用和第一盘完全相同的走法，这些程序也将准确地重复以前的走法，丝毫看不出学到了什么东西或具有什么变化的愿望。另外，有一些程序带有随机装置，能够产生一些变化，但并非出自于任何深切的期望。这种程序中的内部随机数发生器可以被重置成初始状态，然后就能导致同样的对局。还有一些程序的确能从它们的失误中吸取教训，而且能根据对局的结果改变它们的策略。这种程序就不会连续重复同一盘对局。当然，你也可以使时光倒流，抹去存储器中表示学习的所有变化，就像你能重置随机数发生器一样，但这样做似乎有些不太友好。此外，我们有理由怀疑，如果所有细节——当然包"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把债务放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 国家为什么会破产大周期", "output": "其对中央政府债务的评级存在系统性缺陷——仅评估违约风险，却完全忽略债务贬值风险。这种片面性会误导投资者认为高评级债务等同于安全的价值储存手段。事实上，由于央行具备救助能力，政府债务的真实风险被系统性低估。若评级机构能同时考量违约与贬值双重风险，这将更有利于债权人做出理性判断，毕竟债券本质上应是财富储备工具，理应按此标准进行评估。本研究将展示我的债券分析框架：对于以本币（可自主印发的货币）计价的债务国，我会将中央政府的债务与中央银行的债务进行独立风险评估。在评估央行债务风险时，我认为货币贬值的风险至少不亚于政府债务违约，甚至往往更为突出。违约还是贬值，于我而言并无差别。真正关键的是我的财富储备必然遭受损失——无论通过哪种形式。追踪债务周期的进程短期债务周期与长期债务周期之间的主要区别在于中央银行扭转它们的能力。对于短期债务周期，其收缩阶段可以通过大量注入货币和信贷来逆转，从而将经济从低迷的通缩状态中提振起来，因为经济体仍具有在不引发通胀的前提下实现增长的回旋余地。然而，长期债务周期的收缩阶段无法通过增加货币和信贷来逆转，因为现有的债务增长和债务资产规模已经不可持续，债务资产持有者将争相抛售这些资产，他们预见到无论是出现违约还是贬值，这些资产终将丧失财富储存功能。我们不妨将大债务周期的发展过程想象成某种疾病或生命周期的演进，每个阶段都会表现出不同的症状。"}
{"instruction": "作者借价格想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 国家为什么会破产大周期", "output": "因此，所有投资的回报，尤其是政府债券的回报（因为其收益率固定且以本国货币计价的债券几乎没有违约风险），都会与通胀率进行比较。当债券收益率相对于通胀率较低时，债券会被抛售，而抗通胀资产会被买入，反之亦然。此外，由于央行大规模创造货币与信贷会导致其价值贬损，进而推升商品、服务及多数金融资产的价格，因此当央行实施宽松政策时，投资者往往会增持抗通胀资产。价格由某些决定因素相互关联，理解这些因素才能理解相对定价。大多数非专业投资者在考虑价格时，通常想到的是今天交付商品的价格，这被称为现货价格。大多数市场中还存在未来某个时间交付的价格，这被称为远期（或期货）价格。人们可以通过套利交易或相对价值押注来确定同一商品在不同交付日期的价格关联。同理，对金融资产（如短期政府债务和长期政府债务）相对吸引力的分析也遵循这一逻辑（例如，其中的关键因素包括央行预计调整利率的节奏等）。债务即货币，货币即债务由于债务资产是承诺在未来某一日期收取特定金额的货币的凭证，因此债务和货币本质上是相同的东西。如果你不喜欢某种货币，你必然也不会喜欢其对应的债务资产（如债券）；同样，如果你不喜欢某种债券，那么也必然不会喜欢其对应的货币，尤其是在考虑其相对收益率时。（换句话说，如果你不喜欢其中一个，那么也必然不会喜欢另一个。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价债务？", "input": "Source: 国家为什么会破产大周期", "output": "中央政府是政治组织，其管理者由人民选举产生的官员任命，因此其希望满足人民的需求。在通常情况下，这些操作不需要实际成本，但往往会导致中央政府进一步举债，从而强化了“前期信贷刺激扩张、后期债务抑制紧缩”的循环。若中央政府运作良好，其征税与支出会以提升整体生产力和繁荣为目标；有时举债超出收入，有时则偿还债务。若中央银行运作良好，其能维持信贷、债务与资本市场的相对平衡，从而减少破坏性的大幅波动。然而，如前所述，通过信贷刺激推动经济和市场上行的倾向，会导致债务及偿债支出相对于收入的长期上升趋势，直至其占收入比重过高而难以为继。债务资产和债务负债的规模相对于实际收入越大，平衡利率的难度就越高：利率需要高到足以满足贷款者 — 债权人，但又不能伤害借款者 — 债务人，债务引发市场和经济下滑的可能性因此就越大。由于借款者—债务人、贷款者—债权人、银行、中央政府和中央银行是这些周期中最重要的参与者和推动者，且它们各自的行为动机显而易见，因此我们很容易预测它们可能会做什么，以及接下来可能会发生什么。当债务增长缓慢、经济疲软且通胀较低时，央行会降低利率并创造更多货币和信贷，这将鼓励更多的借贷与商品、服务及投资资产的支出，从而推动这些市场和经济上行。这种时期对借款者—债务人是有利的，而对贷款者—债权人则不利。"}
{"instruction": "这段关于债务的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 国家为什么会破产大周期", "output": "因此，在这种时期，过度负债的政府通过削减支出来应对债务问题会造成自我伤害性的痛苦。那么问题来了：政府从哪里获得资金？让中央银行印钞并购买债券，是政府解决债务问题和维持支出最简单的途径。这能将利率压低到可承受水平并向经济系统注入资金。虽然这对经济系统的长期健康来说并非最佳选择，但当债务以本币计价时，政府几乎必然会选择这条路。让我们看一个例子来理解这是如何运作的。示例4：中央银行介入，因为可接受的经济增长率需要利率维持在一个水平上，而私人投资者不愿持有足够的政府债券到目前为止，我们分析了初始债务收入比、增长率、利率以及政府债务的期限如何影响未来的债务负担。此外，如前所述，对债务的需求非常重要，而中央银行可以且通常会通过印钞购买（货币化）债务。让我们看看这最后一个环节是如何运作的。影响私人市场对政府债务的需求的因素有很多。如前所述，这些因素包括：债券相对于其他资产的预期实际回报，系统中的货币和信贷总量，对债务/货币危机的风险预期，等等。虽然这些因素是可衡量的，但它们比之前描述的决定因素更难预测。然而，我们可以通过两种主要形式观察它们：（a）在经济和货币疲软时利率上升（由于供需失衡恶化）或（b）中央银行通过消耗储备和/或印钞并创造债务来购买政府债务，试图通过增加需求来降低实际利率和名义利率，从而消除供需失衡。"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对债务的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 国家为什么会破产大周期", "output": "这就是所谓“央行破产”的实质：虽然不会让债务违约（因其可印钞偿付），但已无力正常履行偿债义务。大规模实施此类操作将导致货币贬值并引发通胀性衰退甚至萧条。在这个阶段，央行通常会陷入困境：一方面要维持足够宽松的政策来支持疲软的经济和财政困难的政府，另一方面要保持足够紧缩以阻止储户和投资者抛弃本币。这是不可持续局势的典型特征，通常表现在以下几个方面。1.央行出现亏损和负资产净值。在央行购买大量债务后，如果利率上升导致债券价格下跌，且央行的短期资金成本高于其购买债务的回报时，央行就会出现巨额亏损，大到产生负资产净值。这是另一个危险信号。不过，这些危险信号并不意味着大债务周期的终结，只是表明金融体系的健康状况在恶化。这并非终点，因为央行仍可通过大量印钞来提供充足的货币与信贷，并为自身亏损融资。但值得注意的是，在某些情况下，政府不愿维持虚假财政，中央政府需向央行注资，以进行资本重组。当这种情况发生时，中央政府必须通过增税、削减开支和/或借款来筹集资金，这将进一步加剧财政紧缩。当央行购买大量债务时，债务的价值会降低，因为这降低了债务资产承诺获得的货币价值。当央行必须支付的短期利率比拥有的债务资产所获得的长期利率高时，就会亏损并可能产生负资产净值。这最初是一个中度危险信号——目前已有数家央行出现权益赤字（或类似情况），但这并未给其运作带来太大阻碍。"}
{"instruction": "文中关于美国的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 国家为什么会破产大周期", "output": "然而，国际联盟未能持续下去，也未能阻止第二次世界大战的爆发。二战之后，美国主导的新世界秩序促进了联合国、国际货币基金组织、世界银行、世界卫生组织、世界贸易组织、国际法院、世界知识产权组织等多边机构的建立。这些机构旨在促进全球合作、经济稳定和集体问题的解决。美国凭借其无与伦比的经济和军事实力，成为这一自由国际秩序的核心，推动民主、自由市场和人权的普及。尽管这一体系并非完美无缺，但它维持了相对的稳定，迄今为止避免了另一场世界大战的爆发。尽管我们所有人都曾经历过一个多边主义追求和谐、和平共处和平等主义的时代，这当然也是我们所有人所希望的，但如今多边主义正逐渐失去影响力，单边主义正在崛起，这一现象在历史背景下是可以理解的。因此，多边组织的权力正在迅速衰落，并逐渐转移到主要大国手中。我认为，现实主义者必须接受一个事实：随着钟摆朝着以自我利益为中心的单边主义和“适者生存”的方向摆动，全球合作的愿望和现实都在受到侵蚀。越来越普遍的现象是强者欺凌弱者。这些发展都是我们目前所处的大周期阶段的典型特征。尽管从多边主义向单边主义的转变起初令人震惊，但很快就被正常化。例如，就在我撰写本书的几个月前，唐纳德·特朗普关于格陵兰岛、加拿大和巴拿马运河的言论还被认为是不可思议的。在这样的时期，联盟关系往往会随着局势的快速变化而迅速改"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对事件给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 国家为什么会破产大周期", "output": "这让两国都能够在没有向本国民众公开让步细节的情况下，对外宣称自己取得了胜利。这段经历也让我第一次真正明白了边缘政策式外交是如何运作的，以及市场在这种戏剧性事件中的表现（当冲突可能带来的损害高到无法接受时）。1963年11月，肯尼迪遇刺，这一事件同样只对市场和经济造成了短暂且有限的影响；随后是民权运动，以及在“枪炮”（越南战争）和“黄油”（美国国内社会项目）上的大规模支出。事实上，这些事件以及许多其他看似震撼世界的大事件并未对市场产生太大影响，这让我开始思考其中的原因，我逐渐明白了哪些因素真正影响市场价格和经济，哪些则并不重要。虽然我不会在这里展开讨论所有重要因素，但我要告诉你，市场真正关心的是投资所能带来的收益，因此，诸如战争威胁等重大政治事件，往往只有在影响到现金流时才会对市场产生实质影响。这也是为什么从投资的角度来看，我并不为当下那些吸引眼球的新闻事件感到担忧，也建议你采取同样的态度。此外，我还意识到，大多数全球性威胁都是听起来比实际更可怕，因为大多数国家的领导人通常会在关键时刻选择后退，而不是一意孤行地越过临界点。当然，需要说明的是，确实存在某些国际冲突会对供应链、货币价值等产生影响，在极少数情况下，当领导人未能悬崖勒马时，局势会失控，以致产生严重的后果。正因如此，我把防范这些极端事件视为购买保险，以应对那些不太可能发生的、不可接受的损失，所以我会设法为自己“投保”，即使我并不真的认为这些事件会发生。"}
{"instruction": "这一段对美国的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 国家为什么会破产大周期", "output": "同时，美国企业抱怨它们无法在中国公平竞争，并指责中国在窃取美国的知识产权。中国的技术和实力持续增长，使其有资源发展经济，增强地缘政治、军事和科技实力，进而变得更加坚定自信。2013年，习近平当选中国国家主席。新一届政府的主要目标是推进经济改革和消除腐败。由于我的专业知识以及长期建立的信任关系，我有机会参与十八届三中全会（新一届政府在最高领导人任命后的重大规划会议）的相关讨论。我进入了一个非常开放和充满协作的环境，在那里，关键问题得到讨论，我们可以开诚布公地交换意见。我发现关于如何消除腐败和推进改革的讨论都很真诚且富有成效。新一届领导人表现出强烈的愿望和热情来提升中国的综合国力，我很高兴能够提供帮助。推进经济改革意味着使其现代化并更加市场化。例如，当时五大银行主要向国有企业提供贷款，这些企业都隐含着政府担保，政府可以通过印钞来保证，而小型和中型企业几乎得不到贷款。领导层希望改变这种状况，因此他们寻求发展资本市场，改善借贷和投资渠道。我深度参与其中，因此看到了负责人是如何思考和行动的。我发现习近平在第一个五年任期的大部分时间里（a）对外部思想持开放态度，（b）强烈希望通过市场化推动经济进一步改革，并采取行动建设和改革资本市场，（c）采取强有力的行动消除腐败。中国取得的显著成就以许多衡量标准来看，都是人类历史上最伟大的。"}
{"instruction": "模型在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 国家为什么会破产大周期", "output": "在未来，我（也许还有其他人）将通过更先进的AI形式（如生成式AI和可解释AI）来建模。需要明确的是，虽然拥有一个能给出几乎完美的未来图景的模型很好，但我并不期望我的模型能接近那种程度。因此，我的目标仅仅是拥有一个粗略的、快速演进的模型，使我相对于竞争对手和相对于没有模型时更有优势。我发现这一方法的效果甚佳，尽管如今要做到精确预测，甚至是近乎精确的预测都已不可能，原因是存在太多本身就具有高度不确定性的决定因素，而这些因素共同左右着事情的走向。然而，关于未来的许多方面是相对可知的，如死亡、税收、个人的生命周期、人口结构的变化、人的基因和所处环境对其产生的影响，以及无数其他的因果关系，这些都是能大致预示未来走向的良好指标。我尤其会留意那些重大且不可持续的状况，并让自己处于这样一种状态，即押注这些状况不会持续下去。在我的投注/投资策略中，我尽可能深入地了解这些相对可知的事物所蕴含的永恒且普遍的因果关系，并将这种理解融入事物可能的发展轨迹的模板/模型。这是因为原因先于结果发生。如果我比竞争对手更好地理解因果关系，就能比他们更好地预测未来，从而在投资游戏中取得很好的成绩。我发现，将这种方法构建成经过回测的市场定位系统，并将其用于我执行的投资游戏计划中，具有巨大的价值。我不断比较实际情况的演变和我的投注表现是否符合预期。"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的私人部门是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 国家为什么会破产大周期", "output": "由于实际偿债支付的变化滞后于利率变化（因为固定利率债务的利率在债务到期前不会上升），我们应该预期偿债支付将继续上升，以赶上当前的利率水平。根据截至2025年3月撰写本书时的通胀和经济增长数据，美联储目前的货币宽松政策并不合适。这就引出了一个问题：作为全球本质上的中央银行，美联储将如何实施一种对大多数人有效的货币政策。我认为这几乎是一项不可能完成的任务，将使美联储面临更多的批评和干预。鉴于当前形势和历史经验，中央银行的独立性不应被视为理所当然。最近的短期债务周期紧缩与历史上的其他例子在两个方面有所不同。第一，由于政府向私人部门进行了一次人为的大规模财富转移（政府现在承担了大量债务并大量借贷，以支持私人部门），私人部门目前财务状况良好，而政府部门则面临财务问题。在大多数发达经济体，尤其是在3个主要储备货币经济体——美国、欧元区和日本，中央政府一直在大量借贷，以向家庭进行转移支付。这种做法正在损害这些政府的财政状况，并以本研究所描述的方式对这些政府构成了威胁。换句话说，近年来，中央政府和中央银行的损益表和资产负债表恶化，以便家庭和企业的损益表和资产负债表得到改善。这为私人部门创造了更安全的环境，因为中央政府和中央银行不必过多担心债务问题、资金压力或市场损失。第二个使这一短期债务周期不太典型的方面是，私人部门的状况表现为公司之间存在着异常大的差异。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述美国？", "input": "Source: 国家为什么会破产大周期", "output": "正如前面所描述的，这是大周期中向专制、对抗性领导转变的部分。正如第五阶段的典型特征以及我们现在所看到的，世界正在经历一种局部变得更加暴力（如俄罗斯与乌克兰，以色列对伊朗及其代理人）但尚未在全球主要大国（美国和中国）之间爆发暴力冲突的大战。在这个阶段，强者欺凌弱者的现象越来越明显。因此，弱势帝国应该感到担忧。谁是弱势帝国？特朗普总统、弗拉基米尔·普京以及包括欧洲人在内的所有人都知道，欧洲是软弱的，容易成为猎物，俄罗斯可能会成为欧洲的敌人，而特朗普的“美国优先”政策很可能会导致美国不保卫欧洲。此外，所有人都知道特朗普是极右翼，因此他倾向于让美国与那些极右翼且有能力战斗的国家结盟，并使用胡萝卜加大棒的方式迫使民众和各国做他想让其做的事情。这正是推动新世界秩序重塑以及由美国领导的“同盟国”一方的因素。同样重要的是，在大周期的这一阶段，联盟关系往往会随着形势的变化而迅速改变，胜利比忠诚更重要。例如，在二战中，德国和俄罗斯迅速从盟友变为敌人。我们应该预期联盟关系会以难以想象的方式迅速变化。同样，我们可能会发现欧洲与中国的关系比欧洲与美国的关系更加紧密。在大周期的这一阶段，这种难以想象的变化经常发生。我们很快就会学到很多。就美国和中国的大国冲突而言，美国相对衰落以及与中国的冲突在增加，这是客观上无可争议的。"}
{"instruction": "人类在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 国家为什么会破产大周期", "output": "尽管前4种力量的趋势似乎在恶化，但在整个人类历史上，科技力量从未像现在这样强大，并且在未来几年内还将如此。在我看来，我们如今正处在一个新时代的边缘，在这个新时代里，机器思维将在许多方面对人类思维进行补充，甚至超越人类思维，就如同在工业革命时期，机器劳动对人类劳动的补充和超越一样。就像我们看到的那样，随着能够进行数学计算和存储信息的计算机工具的发明，靠大脑进行数学计算和死记硬背各种事实变得不那么重要了；又如同我们现在会通过谷歌（或类似的搜索引擎）来查找信息，而不再采用更传统的信息搜集方式一样，不久之后，当处于不同的情境中时，我们会向计算机寻求该做什么的指令，因为计算机能够更快地给出更好的建议。在未来5年，我们将在大多数领域看到巨大的进步。创造出人工智能能力只是人工智能应用的开始。我知道，在我和桥水几十年来通过专家系统进行人工智能投资的领域，正在开发的机会几乎是难以置信的。人们用自己的头脑做决策的日子即将结束。我和桥水的其他人已经有投资决策的计算机化经历并利用了这场（进化性的）变革，因此我对即将发生的事情感到兴奋。由于这些技术几乎会影响到方方面面，因此，那些运用这些技术的国家、投资者和企业之间的业绩水平将存在极大的差异。那些懂得如何有效利用这些工具的主体将获得回报，而那些未能做到这一点的主体则会受到惩罚。"}
{"instruction": "和稀泥在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "为此我特意在书末附了一份术语参考释义，以期对此类读者有帮助。我也尽量让这本书通俗有趣，让人读来有愉悦之感。如此行文，可能会触怒一些一本正经的专业人士。这当然非我所愿，毕竟这些态度严肃的专业人士是我此次宣讲的主要听众。不过，行文风格这件事，本就像其他品味一样，你不可能取悦每个人，令一些人激赏不已的风格，往往让另一些人深恶痛绝。当然，和稀泥和表达歉意——这不是一个对自己的主张深信不疑并力倡者的做派——并非本书的基调，因此我得把所有的致歉之语都塞进这篇序里。本书前几章回应了对我上一本书（《自私的基因》）的批评，这些批评之声也许还会在本书出版后再度响起。我很抱歉，但这是必要之举，如果我的文字因此时不时带着一股怒气，我也一并致歉。不过我相信，我仍能大致保持平和。指出过去遭受的误解，并设法防微杜渐颇有必要，但我不想给人一种因为误解广为流传而大受委屈的印象。这些误解仅限于数量非常有限的团体之中，只是有时候他们的嗓门相当大。我对那些批评我的人其实心存感激，因为他们迫使我重新思考如何更清楚地表达晦涩艰深的问题。如果读者发现参考文献中遗漏了他们最钟爱的相关作品，我深表歉意。有些人就是能够对一个庞大领域所涵盖的文献做到巨细靡遗、了然于胸，而我始终无法理解他们是如何做到这一点的。"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的基因是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "言，重要的一点是，我们试图加以解释的不一致将有众多原因，且这些原因以复杂的方式相互作用。毫无疑问，在我们所观察到的群体中，基因差异是造成表型差异的重要原因，但其效应也可能被其他原因抑制、修改、增强或逆转。基因可能改变其他基因的效应，也可能改变环境的影响。环境事件，无论是内部的还是外部的，都可能改变基因的效应，也可能改变其他环境事件的影响。人们似乎并不难接受“环境”对个人成长的影响是可以加以改变的观念。如果一个孩子曾有过一个糟糕的数学老师，人们会普遍认为，由此导致的不足可以通过来年加倍的优质教学来弥补。但是，任何认为孩子的数学能力不足可能源于基因的说法，都会引起近乎绝望的反应：如果这是“注定的”，是“无可更改的”，无论做什么也改变不了，那你大概会放弃教这孩子数学的无谓尝试。这简直是堪比占星术的有害思想垃圾。遗传原因和环境原因在本质上没有什么不同。这两者的某些影响可能难以逆转，而另一些则可能很容易逆转。有些影响可能在通常情况下很难逆转，但只要用对了法子也并非难事。重点在于，并没有某种一般性的理由让我们认为遗传影响比环境影响更不可逆。那基因到底做了些什么，才会如此恶名昭彰呢？为什么我们不把幼儿教育或坚信礼课当成类似的妖魔鬼怪呢？为什么人们认为基因的影响"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述基因？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "里的遗传学家称为“无法解读动物脚印的基因”。在我们所接受教育的环境中，它被称为“阅读障碍”基因应最为恰当，因为阅读障碍是其最显著的后果。类似地，一个导致完全失明的基因也会阻碍阅读，但将它视为以“不阅读”为目标的基因显然并无意义。原因很简单，阻碍阅读并不是其最显著的或最令人困扰的表型效应。得益于基因组测序和比较分析技术的发展，现在已经鉴定出了几个与阅读障碍有关的基因。虽然不是一个基因，但它们之中有一些在单独发生突变时即可造成阅读障碍。这些基因的突变都不会影响其他方面的认知能力，正如道金斯的思想实验所说。回到我们关于特定阅读障碍基因的问题上，根据遗传学术语的一般使用惯例，位于同一基因座上的野生型基因，即其余人群拥双份的基因，便可被恰如其分地称为“阅读基因”。如果你对此表示反对，你肯定也反对我们所说的孟德尔豌豆的“高茎基因”，因为在这两种情况下，命名背后的逻辑是相同的。在这两种情况下，我们感兴趣的特征都是一种差异，而且这种差异只有在某种特定的环境中才会显现出来。至于为何一个如此简单的单基因差异，却能产生如此复杂的影响，比如决定一个人是否能学会阅读，或者他系鞋带的水平如何，其原因基本上可以这样说：这个世界的某个给定状态无论有多么复杂，此状态和彼状态之间的差异都可能只是由一些极其简单的事物引起"}
{"instruction": "达尔文在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "然而，尽管如此，我们仍然不能就此得出结论说，在今天的人类群体中，智力存在遗传变异基础：那些遗传变异很可能已经被自然选择过程消耗殆尽了。另一方面，它也可能并未耗尽；至少我的思想实验表明，对人类智力存在遗传变异基础的可能性加以教条的、歇斯底里式的反对是不可取的。无论如何，我个人的观点是，即使现代人类种群中真的存在这样的遗传变异，任何以此为基础制定的政策都是伤天害理的。达尔文式适应的存在，意味着存在产生这种适应的基因。这一点并不总是一目了然的。对于行为模式的自然选择，我们总是可以用两种方式来谈论。一种方式是，我们可以认为倾向于表现这种行为模式的个体比倾向不那么强烈的个体“更适应”。这是一套当下在“自私的生物体”和“社会生物学的中心原理”的范式内盛行的措辞。另一种对等的方式是，我们可以直接论述，实施这种行为模式的基因比它们的等位基因更可能存续下来。在任何关于达尔文式适应的讨论中，预设相应的基因总是合理的，而本书的中心观点之一便是，这样做通常能有所助益。我听到过一种反对意见，即对功能行为学表述中的“不必要的基因化”加以反对。但这实际上恰恰暴露了反对者的根本不足，即未能正视达尔文式选择所指涉的事实。且让我用另一件逸事来阐述这种不足。我最近参加了一个由一位人类"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里祖先究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "传变异数量成正比。”我认为，当这一点与前一节中讨论的历史性制约概念相结合时，便能给出一条重要的思路。我可以用一个想象的例子来阐明这一点。鸟类用羽翼飞翔，而蝙蝠的翅膀（翼膜）则由皮瓣构成。为什么它们的翅膀不是以相同方式演化而来的？哪一种翅膀更“优越”？一名坚定的适应主义者可能会回答说，鸟类长羽毛，所以羽翼肯定更好，而蝙蝠用皮瓣肯定更适应它的情况。而一个极端的反适应主义者则可能会说，无论对鸟类还是对蝙蝠来说，羽毛实际上很可能都要比皮瓣更好，但蝙蝠从未有这份幸运来产生正确的突变。但对此还有一种中间立场，我认为它比两种极端立场都更有说服力。让我们对适应主义者做出些许让步，承认如果有足够的时间，蝙蝠的祖先可能已经产生了长出羽毛所需的一系列突变。此处的关键短语是“有足够的时间”。我们并不是在“不可能的突变变异”和“可能的突变变异”之间做一个非此即彼的区分，而是简单地陈述一个不可否认的事实，即一些突变在数量上比其他突变更容易发生。在这个例子中，哺乳动物祖先可能既产生了具备原始羽毛的突变体，也产生了具备原始皮瓣的突变体。但是，与原始皮瓣突变体相比，原始羽毛突变体（它们可能必须经历一段短时间的中间阶段）的显现速度非常缓慢，以至于翼膜在羽翼出现很久以前就已经早早现身，并推动了蝙蝠那种还算有效的翅膀的演"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，基因为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "多或少随机重组的产物。这些基因之所以相对于其等位基因更受自然选择青睐，是因为它们的表型效应，这些效应平均分布在整个种群的所有个体身上，并且经过许多代的传递。一个特定基因所显现的效应通常取决于与它共有一个躯体的其他基因：杂合优势只是其中一个特例。似乎选择“好”的基因几乎不可避免地会造成种群中出现一定比例的“坏”的个体躯体，这里的“好”指的是一个基因在统计意义上的躯体样本中的平均效应，在这些躯体中，该基因置换了其他基因。只要我们接受孟德尔式的随机重组是既定的和不可避免的，那么上述结果亦如此。威廉斯（1979）对没有发现性别比例的适应性微调的证据感到失望，他提出了一个有见地的观点：性别只是亲代控制的诸多适应性后代特征之一。例如，在受镰状细胞贫血影响的人群中，杂合妇女带有显性基因A的卵子如果只能由带隐性基因a的精子受精，反之亦然，甚至所有纯合胚胎都会遭遇流产，都是有利的。然而，如果她与另一个杂合男性交配，她将势必服从孟德尔式的随机选择，即使这意味着她半数孩子的适合度显著降低……可能只有通过将每个基因与其等位基因，甚至是同一细胞中其他基因座上的基因置于最终相互冲突的位置，才能得到演化中真正根本的问题的答案。一个真正有效的自然选择理论最终必定建立在自私的复制因子、基因，以及所有其他能够有偏见地积累不同变异形式的实体的基"}
{"instruction": "围绕工蚁，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "暂时迷失了方向，甚至有点立足不稳。那些从未被洗脑或对毒品上瘾的人很难理解他们的同胞被这种强烈冲动驱使的感觉。与此类同的是，我们也无法理解鸟类宿主为何被迫去喂养一只大得离谱的杜鹃雏鸟，或是工蚁为何会恣意谋杀这个世界上唯一关乎它们自身基因成功的生物——蚁后。但这种主观感受是有误导性的，人类药理学相对粗陋的成就也没法提供太多助益。既然自然选择已着手解决这个问题，谁又能去妄自猜测哪些精神控制的专长可能无法实现呢？不要指望看到动物总是以一种最大化自身广义适合度的方式行事。军备竞赛的失败者可能会有一些非常古怪的行为。如果它们看上去迷失方向、立足不稳，这可能只是一个开始。让我再次强调桑氏小家蚁蚁后的精神控制能力。对于一只不育的工蚁来说，她的母亲可谓一个基因宝藏。对于工蚁来说，弑母是一种基因上的疯狂行为。工蚁们为什么要这样做？很抱歉，对这个问题，我只能再一次用对军备竞赛的探讨含混过去。任何神经系统都容易受到足够精明的“药理学家”的操纵。不难想见，自然选择会作用于桑氏小家蚁，令其找出宿主工蚁神经系统的漏洞，并在其神经系统的“锁”中插入一把药理学的“钥匙”。而作用于宿主物种的自然选择很快就会堵住这些漏洞；随后作用于寄生者的自然选择将进一步改善“药物”，双方便展开了一场军备竞赛。"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，长度意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "该序列仍然可能符合复制因子的定义，仍然可以认为它具有等位基因，并且仍然可以认为它与二倍体基因型中同源染色体的相应部分纯合或杂合。这就是我们的候选复制因子。但是，只有当一个候选基因具有某种最低程度的长寿/多产/忠实（这三者之间可能存在取舍）时，它才应该被视为一个真正的复制因子。在其他条件相同的情况下，很明显，长度较长的候选片段相比长度较短的，这三种属性都会更低，因为它们更容易被重组事件破坏。那么，染色体中的一部分到底该有多长或多短，才可以被我们视为有效的“复制因子”呢？这取决于另一个问题的答案：“对什么有效？”达尔文主义者对复制因子感兴趣的原因是，它具有不朽的潜力，或者至少以副本的形式存在相当长的时间。一个成功的复制因子，是以副本的形式成功地延续了很长一段时间（以代计），并成功地增殖了许多自身副本的复制因子。一个不成功的复制因子，则是一种本有着长存的潜力，但实际上未能存续的复制因子，因为它导致自己所栖身的后继躯体失去了性吸引力。我们可以将“成功”和“失败”等词应用于染色体的任意部分。染色体的任意部分成功与否是相对于其等位基因来衡量的，如果种群中的复制因子基因座上存在杂合性，那么自然选择将改变种群中各等位复制因子的相对频率。但是，如果任意选择的那部分染色体非常长，"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画生物体？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "主动复制因子会对世界产生一定的效应，并影响它们自身的存续机会。成功的主动种系复制因子对世界产生的效应，便是我们所见的适应。DNA片段可以算作主动种系复制因子。在有性生殖的情况下，如果这些片段要保持自我复制的特性，就不能被定义得太长。而且，如果要视它们为主动的，也不能把它们定义得太短。如果生物体进行有性生殖，但没有染色体交换，则每条染色体都是一个复制因子，我们就应该说“适应是为了染色体的利益”。如果生物体连性别都没有，那么同样，我们可以把这种无性生物的整个基因组视为复制因子。但生物体本身并不是复制因子。这是出于两个截然不同的原因，不应相互混淆。第一个原因来自本章中提出的论点，而且只适用于有性生殖和减数分裂：减数分裂和性融合使得我们的基因组都不能被算作复制因子，所以我们自己当然也不是复制因子。第二个原因既适用于有性生殖，也适用于无性生殖。这个原因将留到下一章解释。在下一章中，我将继续讨论，既然生物体及其组成的群体不是复制因子，那它们到底“是什么”。第6章生物体、群体和迷因复制因子还是载具？我曾多次把减数分裂的碎片化效应作为不应把有性生殖的生物体视为复制因子的理由，以至于读者很容易将此视为唯一的理由。如果这是真的，那么无性生殖的生物体就应该是真正的复制因子，而如果某种"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把物种放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "即使在最大的生物体中，这段时间也只有几十年。另一方面，当我们把物种视为复制因子时，替换周期是物种形成事件与物种形成事件的间隔期，可以用几千年、几万年，乃至几十万年来衡量。在任何给定的地质时期，可能发生的选择性物种灭绝比可能发生的选择性等位基因置换要少很多个数量级。同样，可能只是源于想象力的局限，我虽可以很容易想见物种选择塑造了一个简单的尺寸变化趋势，比如第三纪马腿的伸长，但我却很难想见，如此缓慢的复制因子淘汰能够将一系列适应捏合在一起，比如鲸对水生生活的适应。现在我们可以说，这种对比当然是不公平的。不管鲸的水生适应作为一个整体是多么复杂，难道它们不能被分解成一系列简单的尺寸变化趋势，在身体的不同部位具有不同大小的异速生长常数和体征吗？如果你能接受马腿的一维伸长是物种选择导致的，那为什么不能承认，物种选择可以并行推进一系列同样简单的尺寸变化趋势呢？这一论点在统计学上存在缺陷。我们假设有十个这样的并行趋势，需要指出，“十”这个数量肯定是对鲸的水生适应演化所需适应的高度保守估计。如果赖特法则适用于所有这十个趋势，那么在任何一次物种形成事件中，这十个趋势中的每一个都有可能被向前或向后推动。在任何一次物种形成事件中，所有十个趋势都向前推进的概率是21的10次方，小于千分之一。"}
{"instruction": "作者借黄蜂想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "机程序，还是存在一些更复杂的纯个体程序和混合个体程序的混合，我们不得而知。而本章的中心思想之一就是，出于我们的研究目的，我们无须知道这一点。因为我们并不讨论个体的成功，而是考虑在所有个体中加以平均的子程序的成功，所以我们能够开发并测试一个成功的混合ESS模型。这留下了一个问题，即我们关注的黄蜂在这个连续体中的具体位置是哪里？在给出一些相关事实并对模型本身加以概述之后，我将回到这一点上。当一只黄蜂挖掘一个巢室时，她可能会待在那里并贮存食物，也可能会弃之不用。黄蜂抛弃巢室的原因并不总是显而易见的，其中包括蚂蚁以及其他不受欢迎的外来者的侵入。当一只黄蜂进入另一只黄蜂挖的巢室时，可能原来的主人还在经营这个巢室。在这种情况下，可以说她“加入”了原来的主人之列，两只黄蜂通常会针对同一个巢室“共事”一段时间，各自带着螽斯前来。或者，闯入的黄蜂可能足够幸运，偶然发现了一个被原主人遗弃的巢室，在这种情况下，她就可以独自占有这个巢室。有证据表明，闯入的黄蜂无法区分已经被遗弃的巢室和仍然由原主人占据的巢室。这一事实并不像乍一看那么令人惊讶，因为两只黄蜂大部分时间都在外猎食，所以“共享”一个巢室的黄蜂很少会撞见彼此。相遇时，它们就会进行争斗，无论如何，最后只有一只黄蜂能成功地在处于争夺之中的巢室里产卵。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价子程序？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "布式计算机硬件”，被挖掘子程序和闯入子程序各自的众多副本占据。在任何给定时间，运行挖掘子程序副本的比例为p。p存在一个临界值，称p*，在这个临界值上，两个子程序的成功率相等。如果两者中的任何一个在子程序库中数量过多，自然选择就对它施以惩罚，平衡就会恢复。这一推论有误导性的原因是，自然选择实际上作用于基因库中等位基因的差异化存续。即使对我们所说的“基因控制”做最天马行空的解释，也不能认为挖掘子程序和闯入子程序是由替代等位基因所控制的。这是因为，即使不考虑其他原因，我们也已看到，黄蜂并没有多态性，而是按照随机规则编程，在任何给定的情景中，在挖掘和闯入中择其一。自然选择必定有利于那些对个体随机程序起作用的基因，特别是控制挖掘概率p值的基因。不过，尽管从字面意义上看，这是一种误导，但这种“在神经系统中彼此直接就运行时间进行竞争的子程序”模型，为我们获得正确答案提供了一条有用的捷径。在子程序的设想库中进行选择的想法，也促使我们考虑另一个时间尺度，在这个时间尺度上可能发生类似于频率依赖选择的选择。在目前的模型中，每天观察到的挖掘子程序的运行副本数量可能会发生变化，因为遵循随机程序的黄蜂个体会将它们的硬件从一个子程序切换到另一个子程序。到目前为止，我已经暗示了以下可能性：一只给定"}
{"instruction": "这段关于胡子的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "的问题。里德利和格拉芬观点的本质是，如果绿胡子基因具备在种群中传播所需的全部条件（这是不太可能的），那么这种情况的成本和收益将有利于那些对绿胡子效应有所增强而不是减弱的修饰基因。在评估这一观点时，一切都取决于我们所说的绿胡子表型的确切性质。如果将整个多效性双表型——绿胡子和对绿胡子个体的利他行为 ——视为一个整体，修饰基因只能将其作为一个整体来抑制或增强，那么里德利和格拉芬关于绿胡子基因并非越轨基因的观点无疑是正确的。但是，诚如他们自己强调的那样，如果一种修饰基因能够将两种表型效应分开对待，在不抑制绿胡子特征本身的同时抑制绿胡子基因的利他表型，那它肯定会受到选择的青睐。第三种可能性是一种特例，绿胡子基因导致亲代优待那些碰巧拥有识别特征的子代。这样的基因类似于减数分裂驱动基因，将是一个真正的越轨基因。不管我们对里德利和格拉芬关于“绿胡子效应”的观点作何感想，有一点是明确的，那就是那些介导了对近亲的利他行为，并受到传统亲缘选择压力青睐的基因，绝对不是越轨基因。基因组中的所有基因从亲缘利他行为中获益的概率在统计学上是相同的，因为所有基因在受益个体中存在的概率在统计学上是相同的。在某种意义上，一个“亲缘选择基因”虽然只为自身利益行事，但它也对其基因组中的其他基因有利。"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对乌托邦的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "到DNA不是为了细胞的利益，而是为了其自身的利益而行事，我们也不能对这种思想转变能为其研究带来怎样的助益抱有过高期望。如果在某种程度上将复制、剪接和校对机制视为残酷军备竞赛的产物，可能会对此有更好的理解。这一点可以用类比来凸显。想象火星是一个乌托邦，那里的人们彼此完全信任，和睦相处，自私和欺骗都不存在。现在想象一下，一位来自火星的科学家试图理解人类生活和科技。假设他研究了我们的一个大型数据处理中心——一台电子计算机及其相关的复制、编辑和纠错机制。如果他假设——这一点对他自己的社会来说很自然——这种机制是为公共福祉而设计的，那他对人类的理解可能谬以千里。例如，纠错装置显然是为了对抗不可避免也并无恶意可言的热力学第二定律而设计的。但电子计算机的某些方面仍令人费解。他无法理解复杂而昂贵的安全保护系统，也就是计算机用户必须输入的密码和代码。如果我们的火星朋友对军用电子通信系统进行调查，他可能会判断其目的是快速有效地传输有用的信息。如此一来，他可能会困惑不解，为何这个系统要以一种晦涩难解的方式对信息进行编码，甚至不惜为此付出如此多的不便和代价呢？这难道不是荒唐可笑的低效行为吗？我们这位火星朋友是在一个相互信任的乌托邦中长大的，因此他可能需要一种颠覆性的洞察力才"}
{"instruction": "文中关于广义的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "而增加。此外，这个后来的兄弟可能因流产而未能降生，而根据这种错误的观点，它仍然可以通过它哥哥的后代获得可观的“广义适合度”。按照归谬法，它甚至不需要被怀上，但仍然可以有很高的“广义适合度”！汉密尔顿无疑洞察到了这种谬误，因此他的广义适合度概念更加微妙。一个生物体的广义适合度不是它自己的属性，而是其行为或其产生的影响的属性。广义适合度是根据个体自身的繁殖成效、它对亲属繁殖成效的影响来计算的，每一项都用适当的亲缘系数来进行权衡。举个例子，如果我的兄弟移民澳大利亚，那么无论如何，我都不会对他的繁殖成效产生影响，我的广义适合度不会在他的孩子每次诞生时上升！现在，假定原因的“影响”只能通过与其他假定原因的比较来衡量，或者通过与这种原因缺席时的情况进行比较来衡量。因此，我们不能在任何绝对意义上考虑个体A对其亲属的生存繁衍的影响。我们可以比较它选择行动X而不是行动Y的影响，或者我们可以把它一生一系列行为的影响与一个假设一生完全不作为的情形——就好像它从未被怀上过一样——进行比较。后一种用法通常是指一个生物个体的广义适合度。关键是，如果以某种方式衡量的话，广义适合度并不是一个生物体的绝对属性，而经典适合度［3］在理论上却是如此。广义适合度具有三重属性：一个我们感兴趣的生物体、一个或一组我们感兴趣的行"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对基因给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "够完成这座教堂的同事。支持“个体是选择单位”的人可能会问，白蚁丘究竟应该是谁的延伸的表型？有这种疑问也是情有可原的。如果说这种似乎使延伸的表型的观念变得复杂的想法毫无道理，那我只能指出，“传统”表型理论其实始终有着完全相同的问题。我们完全习惯于这样一种观点，即一个特定的表型实体，比如一个器官或一种行为模式，受到大量基因的影响，这些基因的效应以彼此叠加的或更复杂的方式相互作用。人在特定年龄时的身高受到多个基因座上的基因的影响，这些基因不仅彼此相互作用，也与饮食和其他环境因素相互作用。毫无疑问，在特定的时间段，白蚁丘的高度也受到许多环境因素和许多基因的控制，它们相互间的效应或彼此叠加，或彼此调整。只不过，偶然的是，在白蚁丘的例子中，体内基因效应的“近端” 舞台恰好散布在大量工蚁的细胞中。如果我们质疑，认为这不算近端效应，那也可以说，影响我身高的基因同样会以散布在众多独立细胞中的方式起作用。我的躯体中充满了基因，这些基因恰好同一地分布在我的许多体细胞中。每个基因都在细胞层次上发挥作用，只有少数基因在所有细胞中表达自身。所有这些对细胞的效应叠加起来，再加上来自环境的类似影响，其结果便可以用我的身高来衡量。同样，一座白蚁丘也充斥着基因。这些基因也分布在大量细胞的细胞核中。"}
{"instruction": "这一段对工蚁的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "的选择，而泥浆颜色由各种可能的蚁巢创始配偶基因型之间的杂交产生。例如，所有由杂合子蚁王和杂合子蚁后建立的蚁群，偏爱深色的工蚁和偏爱浅色的工蚁的比例都会是3∶1。由此产生的延伸的表型将是一个由三份深色泥浆和一份浅色泥浆混合组成的蚁丘，因此其颜色接近深色，但不完全是深色。如果对泥浆颜色的选择受到多个基因座上的基因的影响，那么蚁群的“四倍体基因型”可能会以一种叠加方式影响延伸的表型。蚁群的巨大规模将使其成为一个统计平均手段，使整个蚁丘成为蚁王蚁后基因的延伸的表型表达，通过数百万只工蚁的行为显现出来，每只工蚁都含有这些基因的不同二倍体样本。对我们来说，泥浆颜色是一个易于选择的特征，因为泥浆本身以一种简单的叠加方式混合：混合深色加浅色泥浆，你就会得到卡其色泥浆。因此，我们很容易推断出蚁丘呈现的颜色是以下假设的结果：假设每只工蚁都按照自己的方式选择偏爱的颜色（或与颜色有关的化学物质），这种偏好由它们自身的二倍体基因型决定。但是，我们对体现整个蚁丘形态的特征，比如说基底长宽比，又能有什么说法呢？就其本身而言，这类特征不是任何一只工蚁可以决定的。每一只工蚁都势必遵循一套行为规则，这些规则将成千上万的个体叠加在一起，形成了一个有着规则形状和规定尺寸的蚁丘。同样，这个困难我们并不"}
{"instruction": "蜗牛在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "权衡存在，并在一个中间厚度上达成妥协。倾向于使蜗牛壳太厚或太薄的基因在蜗牛基因库中都不会繁盛。但整个论点的前提是，唯一能控制壳厚度变化的基因是蜗牛的基因。根据定义，那些从蜗牛的角度来看是环境因素的一些致病因素，从另一个角度来看，比如从吸虫的角度来看，是否就变成了遗传因素呢？假设我们采纳上述意见，即某些吸虫基因能够通过对蜗牛生理机能的影响，从而对蜗牛壳的厚度产生影响。如果蜗牛壳的厚度影响了这些吸虫基因的复制成效，自然选择必然会影响它们在吸虫基因库中相对于其等位基因的频率。因此，蜗牛壳厚度的变化至少在一定程度上可以被认为是对吸虫基因有利的潜在适应。现在，从吸虫基因的角度来看，最优壳厚度不太可能与蜗牛基因所认为的最优壳厚度相同。例如，蜗牛基因会因为它们对蜗牛生殖和生存的有益效应而被选择，而（除非在特殊情况下，我们马上会讨论）吸虫基因可能重视蜗牛的生存，但却根本不重视蜗牛的生殖。因此，在蜗牛生存需求和生殖需求之间不可避免的权衡中，蜗牛基因会在选择作用下产生最优的折中，而吸虫基因则会在选择作用下贬抑蜗牛的生殖基础，以有利于蜗牛生存，从而使蜗牛壳变厚。各位应该还记得，被寄生蜗牛的壳变厚是我们开始讨论时所观察到的现象。行文至此，可能会有人反对说，虽然吸虫与它自己的蜗牛宿主的生殖"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的博杜安是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "它就可以节省合成的成本。这样的节省，无论对这一个体，还是对让它选择退出的自私的基因来说，都有立竿见影的收益。失去了它对群体合成工作的贡献，它自己和它的对手承受的伤害是一样的。不管怎样，它的退出对团队生产能力造成的损失微不足道，而这对它自己来说却是很大的节省。因此，除非在特殊条件下，否则与遗传上的竞争对手共同参与合作性的群体激素合成并不是一种演化稳定策略。因此，我们势必会做出预测，在某只给定的甲虫中，会发现所有的小孢子虫都是近亲，很可能是相同的克隆。我不知道有什么直接的证据，但这种预期与典型的小孢子虫生命周期是一致的。博杜安恰当地强调了涉及寄生阉割的类似观点。他的相关著作中有一节题为“同一宿主中阉割者的亲缘关系”，其中写道：“寄生阉割几乎总是由单个寄生虫或它们的直系子代实施的……寄生阉割通常由单一基因型或亲缘关系极近的基因型实施。蜗牛的囊蚴感染是例外……然而，在这些情况下，寄生阉割可能是偶然的。”博杜安充分意识到以下事实的重要性：“阉割者在个体宿主中的这种遗传关系，使我们所观察到的效应足以用个体基因型层次上的自然选择来加以解释。” 关于寄生虫操纵宿主的行为，可以举出许多有趣的例子。对于线虫幼虫来说，它们需要从昆虫宿主体内挣脱出来，进入成年后生活的水体中，“寄生虫生活中的一个主要困难是回到水中。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画基因？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "上一段的说法不无道理，但重要的是要弄清楚这个道理到底何在。并没有某种显著的“工会精神”将吸虫基因联合起来，以对抗蜗牛基因工会。沿用这种无伤大雅的拟人手法，可以说每个基因只与其同一基因座上的等位基因争斗，也只有在对它与自己的等位基因进行的自私争斗有所助益的情况下，它才会与其他基因座上的基因“联合”。一个吸虫基因可能以这种方式与其他吸虫基因“联合”，但同样，如果方便行事的话，它也可能与特定的蜗牛基因联合。如果说，在实际情况中蜗牛基因在选择作用下相互合作，对抗一群与其对立的吸虫基因确系事实，那原因也只是蜗牛基因倾向于同其他蜗牛基因一起从相同的事件中获益而已。而吸虫基因会从其他事件中获益。为什么蜗牛的基因能够从相同的事件中获益，而吸虫基因能够从不同的事件中获益？真正的原因很简单：所有蜗牛的基因都以相同的途径进入下一代——蜗牛的配子，而所有的吸虫基因都必须通过与前者不同的途径，即吸虫尾蚴，才能进入下一代。正是这一事实将蜗牛基因“联合”起来对抗吸虫基因，反之亦然。如果寄生虫基因需要通过宿主的配子传递离开宿主的身体，情况可能会大不相同。在这种情况下，宿主基因和寄生虫基因的利益可能不完全相同，但与吸虫和蜗牛的例子中的情况相比要接近得多。因此，从延伸的表型的生命观来看，寄生虫将其基因从给定的宿主传"}
{"instruction": "基因在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "的藻类和真菌组织彼此混同为一的状况不同。蜗牛基因和吸虫基因对器官系统发育，甚至整个生物体的影响也同样泾渭分明，因为所有的吸虫细胞都聚集在一起，而不是分散在蜗牛细胞之间。如果吸虫基因要影响蜗牛壳的厚度，它们首先得与其他吸虫基因合作，形成一个完整的吸虫。其他寄生虫和共生体则会更密切地渗透到宿主的系统中。最极端的情况便是质粒和其他DNA片段，正如我们在第9章中所见，它们实际上插入宿主染色体中。很难想象还有比这更亲密的寄生了。“自私的DNA” 本身已不能用多么亲密来形容了，事实上，我们可能永远不知道我们的基因中有多少是起源于插入的质粒，不管这些基因对我们而言是“垃圾”还是“有用的”。从本书的论点来看，我们“自己”的基因和寄生或共生的插入序列似乎没有什么重要的区别。它们是冲突还是合作，将不取决于它们的历史渊源，而取决于它们现在所处，并能从中获益的环境。病毒有自己的蛋白质外壳，但它们将DNA插入宿主细胞。因此，它们能够在相当密切的程度上影响宿主的细胞化学机制，即使还不能像宿主染色体中的插入序列那般密切。细胞质中的胞内寄生虫，也可以被认为是处于一个能对宿主表型施加相当大效力的位置之上。有些寄生虫不是在细胞层次，而是在组织层次上渗透宿主。例如蟹奴以及许多真菌和植物寄生虫，它们的细胞和宿主细胞是不同的，但寄"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里基因究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "它在雌性躯体中也延伸了许多环节，同样，我们的遗传学家在此也不必为细节而烦恼。为了方便起见，他选择在该基因导致雌性妊娠终止这一环节上结束他的概念链。这就是他发现的最容易测定的表型基因产物，也是他作为自然适应研究学者直接关注的表型。根据这一假设，雌性小鼠流产是雄性小鼠基因的表型效应。那么，“延伸遗传学家”将如何诠释布鲁斯效应的演化呢？这种存在于雄性体内，并在雌性体内具有导致流产的表型效应的突变基因，在自然选择中比其等位基因更受青睐。它之所以受到青睐，是因为它往往会出现在雌性前一次妊娠终止后再次受孕所生的子代体内。但是，按照第4章中描述的惯例，我们现在猜测，雌性不可能对这种操纵逆来顺受，一场军备竞赛可能会就此展开。以个体优势的表达方式叙述，就是自然选择倾向于那些抵抗雄性信息素操纵的突变雌性。“延伸遗传学家”会如何看待这种抵抗？他们可以调用修饰基因的概念。再一次，我们首先求助于传统的体内遗传学，以给自己点明一个原则，然后将该原则引入延伸遗传学领域。在体内遗传学中，我们对任何特定表型性状的变化会受到一个以上的基因影响的观念习以为常。有时候，我们会指定一个基因座对某性状具有“主要”效应，而其他基因座具有“修饰”效应，这是一种方便之举。也有时候，没有一个基因座的效应可以凌驾于其他基因座之上，令其足以被称为“主要的”。"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，湖泊为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "过这一湖泊直接受益。而导致湖泊变小的等位基因不太可能存续，这是规模较小的湖泊表型带来的直接后果。然而，我们很难想见一只英国体外寄生虫的基因如何损害其在英国的等位基因，并从其非洲表型表达的直接结果中令自己受益。非洲可能太过遥远了，以至于基因导致的行为的后果无法反馈并影响其本身的利益。出于同样的原因，当河狸湖泊的规模超过一定界限，就很难把这种规模的进一步扩增视为适应。原因在于，当湖泊超过了一定的规模后，除了水坝的建造者之外，其他河狸也会同前者一样，从规模的每一次扩大中受益。一个大湖对该地区的所有河狸都会有好处，无论是它们亲自创造了这个湖泊，还是只是发现并利用了湖泊。同样，即使某只英国动物的某个基因可以在非洲产生某种表型效应，并且直接有利于该基因“自身”所在动物的存续，其他同类的英国动物几乎肯定也会同样从中受益。我们不能忘记，自然选择完全是关乎相对成功的。不可否认，我们可以说某种基因具有特定的表型表达，即使基因本身的存续不受这种表型表达的影响。从这个意义上说，位于英国的一个基因可能确实在一个遥远的大陆上有表型表达，它在那里产生的结果并不会反馈到英国基因库中，基因的成功与否也不依赖遥远大陆上的表型表达。但我已经说过，在延伸的表型的领域里，这不是一种可取的说法。"}
{"instruction": "围绕基因，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "主群体，会生存得更好。第二个模型让我觉得更为可信。它不需要假定存在某种群体的集合种群。这与群体遗传学家所说的频率依赖选择有关。选择是在较低的层次上进行的，也就是一个和谐复合体各个组成部分的层次。如果种群内的此类组成部分恰好与种群中经常出现的其他组成部分和谐相处，那么它们就会受到选择的青睐。在磨坊主占主导地位的群体中，个体农民会繁荣昌盛，而在农民占主导地位的群体中，成为磨坊主好处多多。这两种模型都会导致迈尔所说的和谐与合作的结果。但我担心，对和谐的思考往往会导致生物学家不自觉地按照第一种模型思考，却忘记了第二种模型的合理性。躯体内的基因正是如此，就像社群中的农民和磨坊主一样。基因型可能是一个“生理团队”，但我们不必相信，这个团队本身必然就是作为一个和谐的单位，相较于不那么和谐的竞争单位而被选择青睐。相反，每个基因之所以被选择，是因为它在自身所处的环境中繁盛，而它所在的环境必然也包括在基因库中同样繁盛一时的其他基因。具有互补“技能”的基因会在彼此存在时繁荣发展。这种互补性对基因来说意味着什么？如果有两个基因，其中任意一个相对于其等位基因的存活率在种群中另一个基因丰富时可以得到提升，那么这两个基因就可以被称为互补的。这种彼此互助的现象之所以出现，最明显的原因是这两种基因在它们碰巧共存的个体体内发挥"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，基因库意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "生理相互作用的功能机制的本质对演化论者来说只是次要问题，他们主要关注的是其最终产物，即表型的生存能力。迈尔再次一针见血，但他所谓的“表型”不是终极的：它可以延伸到个体躯体之外。许多机制倾向于在量和质两方面维持基因库的现状。遗传多样性的下限是由杂合性的频率优势决定的……其上限则是由如下事实决定的，即只有那些能够和谐地“共适应”的基因才能被融为一体。没有一个基因具有固定的选择价值；同一基因可能在一种遗传背景下具有很高的适合度，而在另一种遗传背景下几乎是致命的。这段话可谓精辟，但要记住，“遗传背景”既包括同一生物体中的基因，也包括其他生物体中的基因。基因库中所有基因密切相互依赖的结果是产生紧密的内聚力。基因频率若是改变，或是基因库中添加了任何其他基因，就会对整体基因型产生影响，从而间接影响其他基因的选择价值。迈尔本人的侧重现在也有了微妙的偏转，开始更多地讨论共适应基因库，而不是共适应的个体基因组。这是朝着正确方向迈出的一大步，但我们还必须再迈出一步。迈尔在这里谈论的是一个基因库中所有基因之间的相互作用，而不管它们碰巧位于哪个躯体之中。然而，延伸的表型学说最终要求我们承认，不同基因库、不同门，甚至不同界的基因之间也存在同样的相互作用。让我们再次考量同一基因库中的一对基因相互作用的方式，更具体地"}
{"instruction": "文中关于基因的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "纯粹的物理接近性可能也会有所作用：在其他条件相同的情况下，基因似乎更有可能对邻近而非遥远的表型性状施加更大的影响。作为这方面的一个重要特例，细胞在量上可能受到该细胞内基因更有力的影响，而不是其他细胞内基因的影响。这同样适用于躯体的情况。但这些都只是数量上的影响，需要与军备竞赛理论中的其他考量因素进行权衡。有时，比如说由于稀有敌人效应，其他躯体的基因可能比某具躯体“自身”的基因在其表型的特定方面发挥更大的效力。我有一种预感，事实将证明，几乎所有的表型性状都带有内部和外部复制因子效力彼此妥协的痕迹。当然，针对一个特定的表型性状，许多选择压力彼此之间存在冲突与妥协的想法在普通生物学中也不鲜见。例如，我们经常说鸟尾巴的大小是空气动力学的需要和性吸引力的需要之间的妥协。我不知道什么样的数学方法适用于描述这种体内的冲突和妥协，但无论是何种方法，都应该对其推而广之，以处理远距离遗传作用和延伸的表型的类似问题。可惜我在数学领域十分驽钝，远称不上游刃有余。而对于那些在野外研究动物的人，我也得说些什么。延伸的表型学说会对我们实际看待动物的方式产生什么影响？大多数严谨的野外生物学家现在都认同以下理论，即动物的行为恰似为了最大化其体内所有基因的存续机会，这要归功于汉密尔顿。"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把大海放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "义上是多细胞集群，是线粒体、质体和纤毛等实体的共生联盟，它们与原核细胞同源，并由原核细胞演化而来。我在这里不再进一步讨论此问题。西蒙的观点非常笼统，我们需要一个更具体的答案来回答为什么复制因子会选择将它们的表型组织成功能单位，尤其是在细胞和多细胞生物这两个层次上。为了探究世界为什么是现在这个样子，我们必须想象它可能是怎样的。我们可以设想出一些可能存在的世界，在这些世界里，生命可能以不同的方式组织起来，并问问看，如果情况是这样的话，会发生什么。那么，我们还能想象出其他哪些富有启发性的可选生命存在方式呢？首先，为了解为什么复制分子在细胞中聚集在一起，我们不妨想象一个世界，在这个世界中，复制分子在大海之中自由地漂浮。大海中有不同种类的复制因子，它们相互竞争空间和化学资源，以构建自身的副本，但它们不在染色体或细胞核中聚集。每个单独的复制因子都发挥表型效力来复制自己，而选择倾向于那些具有最有效的表型效力的复制因子。很容易想到，这种生命形式在演化上是不稳定的。它将被“联合起来”的突变复制因子入侵。某些复制因子具有与其他复制因子互补的化学效应，互补的意义在于，当两种化学效应结合时，这两种因子的复制均会被促进（前一章的模型2）。我已经举过对催化生化链式反应连续阶段的酶进行编码的基因的例子。"}
{"instruction": "作者借克隆想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "对两个物种中的任一个，突变都可以启动新的细胞克隆。在R中，对于突变为何应该发生在繁殖体的形成过程中而非叶状体的生长过程中，并无特定原因。R只是G的一个更加分裂化的版本，如同蒲公英的克隆就像一棵支离破碎的树一样。然而，我做这个思想实验的目的是揭示这两个假设物种之间的一个重要差异，它代表了生长和生殖之间的差异，即使其生殖是无性生殖。G只是生长，而R则交替生长和生殖。为什么这种区别很重要？从任何简单的意义上讲，答案都不可能是遗传，因为正如我们所看到的，无论在生长有丝分裂还是在生殖有丝分裂过程中，突变都同样可能启动遗传变化。我认为，这两个物种之间的重要区别在于，R的谱系能够演化出复杂的适应能力，而G则不能，原因如下。让我们再次考虑一个基因的过往历史，在这一例子中，这个基因位于 R的细胞中。它有反复从一个“载具”传递到另一个类似载具的历史。它的每一个分裂连续体都以一个单细胞繁殖体开始，然后经过一个固定的生长周期，再将基因传递给一个新的单细胞繁殖体，从而形成一个新的多细胞体。它的历史体现出周期性，现在，这就是问题的关键。由于这一长串连续体中的每一个都是从单细胞开始发育的，因此后续个体的发育可能与其前辈略有不同。复杂的躯体结构和器官的演化，比如像猪笼草一样捕捉昆虫的复杂装置，只有在循环往复的演化过程"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价植物？", "input": "Source: 延伸的表型", "output": "其他细胞受益，后者则含有叶片基因的种系副本，正是这些基因赋予了叶片特有的叶状表型。但我们不能接受上一段的结论，即只要一个器官内的细胞相比其他不同器官内的细胞有丝分裂亲缘关系更近，就可以进行叶片间载具选择，以及普遍的器官间选择。只有当叶片直接衍生出子叶片时，叶片间选择才会产生演化结果。叶片是器官，不是生物体。要发生器官间选择，相应器官必须有自己的种系，并自营生殖，而它们通常并不这样做。器官是生物体的组成部分，而生殖是生物体的特权。为了使论述清晰，我的假设有点极端。在我的两种草莓状植物之间可能有一系列的中间物种。物种M的走茎是一个宽泛分裂面的分生组织，而物种S的走茎则收敛于每株新植物基部的单细胞瓶颈。但如果是在每株新植物的基部都有一个双细胞瓶颈的中间物种呢？这里主要有两种可能性。如果其发育模式如下，即子植物中的任一个细胞与两个干细胞中的哪一个同源无法预测，那么我关于发育瓶颈的观点将在数量上被削弱：遗传嵌合可能发生在植物种群中，但仍然存在一种统计趋势，即同一植物内的细胞相比该植物内细胞与其他植物的细胞，在遗传上更为接近。因此，我们在这一情况下谈论植物种群之中植物间的载具选择仍是有意义的，但前提是植物间的选择压力必须强大到超过植物内部细胞间的选择压力。顺便说一句，这类似于“亲缘群体选"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述友谊？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "的，尽管是不太寻常的概念框架。也就是说,和此处那些把所选作品与具体概念联系起来的文章相比，我提供了一个以友谊这个特定概念作为基准的更加总体性的视角— 这个概念后来作为一种方法贯穿于德勒兹的手写文本和访谈当中— 来简明扼要地描述本书的组织架构以及每篇文章在本书中的地位。但首先，我想通过德勒兹自己对创造和友谊的看法来思考一下他职业生涯中所走过的轨迹，同时提供一些他个人以及他和加塔利对他本人知识轨迹的共同反思爲导vè：吉尔•德勒兹，友谊中的一生用友谊来做哲学德勒兹在《入门》中提出的友谊这个概念，与他在别的地方进行的思考有着更为广泛的联系。在他的职业生涯之初，德勒兹跟随马塞尔•普鲁斯特(Marcel Proust)证实了一个结论:一方面广以误解(misundcrstandirQ)为基础的友谊，除了建立起错误的交流之外一无所成”；另一方面，“除了一种艺术的主体间性 (intcreubjcctivity)外，没有任何主体间性\"，而且“只有艺术才能给予我们从朋友那里徒劳地寻求着的东西”(PS：42)3。后来，在他与加塔利最后的合作中，德勒兹通过思考\"什么是哲学? ”这个题目上兰4 b ■ ■ 的含义而开始了《什么是哲学?》这篇文章的写作，并认为巒这个问题在'朋友之间’是有可能提岀的……同时在n暮时分连朋友也要"}
{"instruction": "友谊在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "了四组这样的连环画，每一组都显示出一种多少有些反常的敬意, 它们对德勒兹的《差异与重复》一书既从形式上，乂从实质上提出了一种引人入胜的批评首先，汤姆-迪克和巴尔泽尔既严肃又戏谑地研究了这部很可能是德勒兹最吓人的哲学著作，这是一种 10 德勒兹:关键槪念（原书第2版）知识上的勇敢的表现，也是一种亲密友谊的表现化第二,每一段的结尾部分（画格28-33）都把这些思想家的友谊联系在一起，他们无疑都保持着各式各样和谐的关系，但在他们大部分的实际生活 B 中也保持着各自的距离。因此，对于等着德勒兹抵达这最遥远的彼岸的三个人的个人思想，就不惜以损害这些法国著名的知识分子为代价，而平添了些善意的逗趣“。汤姆•迪克和巴尔泽尔的文本的两面性— 对《差异与重复》的不同寻常的崇敬与批评，以及对德勒兹与其同时代人之关系的开玩笑似的赞颂一一反映出本书中那些论及德勒兹的关键概念的文章联合体里产生的、某些特定的交互影响。正如《嗨，德勒兹!》的作者把友谊的概念和实践叠合进一个虽然温和，但仍然精确的对死（tombeau）的两种意义（既指坟头或陵墓，又指崇敬）的抽离（deflation）Üt程当中，本书的作者们也富有创造力地调动他们关于德勒兹的关键概念的知识，同时显示出了他们在某些情况下超越并且反对他的全部作品（oeuvre）的潜力。"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里友谊究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "由此观之，把文本和引文聚集或者建构成束（sh啓f）的过程兜了个圈子又回到了原处：从德勒兹的相遇概念和他对自己论莱布尼茨的著作的回应，到莱布尼茨著作本身以及从莱布尼茨和巴洛克的视角观之，褶子是如何展开的;再到马拉美的著作以及他对褶子和友谊的使用;再到德勒兹自己的著作，特别是他在学术领域, 尤其是在论冈迪亚克的那篇文章中对友谊的特定的展开；再到后来的论友谊的文章，以及从194（）年代开始，这些观点— 特别是关于相遇和友谊的观点是如何在德勒兹十年后的思想与实践中被转换的。这些褶子（pleats）,这些灵光的闪耀以及相遇,也为我提供了一个开端，来让这里的作者们理解这些褶子，因为他们的文章是既作为概念“之间”相互影响的形式，又作为友谊的褶子而和德勒兹的著作发生关联，这一关联通过这种有效的方式也许会超越死亡（tombeau）而继续进行下去。关键概念以上那些思考把我带到了本书的入口。正如德勒兹在他最后一篇文章（《内在性：一种生命……》）中探讨不定冠词（the indefinite article）表现出来的独特性那样，褶子也沿着内在性那波动的缝隙或者顶峰,沿着内在性的平面表现出一个生命的游戏，一个孩子的游戏，或一个作品的游戏，从而使人们想起德勒兹的术语。我们可以在这个意义上更好地理解马拉美在他的扇面题诗、彩蛋"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，塔利为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "它总是社会的和集体的— 使枪变成了战争的，或体育的，或狩猎的武器，这取决于现有的环境（ATP：89-90）。生产方式和欲望的其他表现形式处于同一层面，它是由诸多的层（stratifications）构成的，即它是井然有序的诸种功能（fùnctions）的晶体或谐和，而这些功能则是欲望的特定表现』这里，德勒兹和加塔利颠倒了经典马克思主义对生产方式的理解:不是方式本身使生产得以被实施（像传统的解释详细说明的那样）；相反，是欲望生产（desiring-production）本身使某种特定方式成为它所是的那类方式。德勒兹和加塔利求助于一种 36 德勒兹:关键概念（原书第2版）欲望生产的实践的本体论，这正是他们用来说明生产欲望的组织的方式。所有这些都听起来太过晦涩了，但是，在《资本主义与精神分裂》计划的这一部分中形成的原则只不过详细解释了马克思本人说过的东西，资本主义所划拨的资产若要兑现，社会就必须存在下去;如果要产生剩余价值的实现，一个拥有已经各就各位的劳动力的社会或国家也必须存在下去。这里引用德勒兹和加塔利的原话: 历史学家马克思和考古学家柴尔德（Childe严认同下列观点：古代帝制国家对农业公社进行超编码（overcode）,它至少要以这些公社的生产力的某种程度的发展为前提，因为它"}
{"instruction": "围绕陈述，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "这些关系内在于言语彳亍为(speedwet )并构成了它的''隐含的和非话语性预设”，而非清晰的、外在的预设(正是通过这些预设，陈述才指向另外的陈述或行动)。把被告变成菲犯的，是法官的判决所表现的非实体的属性(incorporeal attribute);再有，被表现者不能脱离其表现•该属性也不能被置于罪犯的身体中来解释这个意义的转换。表现的逻辑恰恰既在意义的层面，也在身体的层面上来处理这些转换性事件— 或者更确切地说，是同时发生在表层和深层中的事件。因而，阐释的装置并不•'就”事物而言说，而是同时在 52 德勒兹；关键概念（原书第2版）事物层面和内容层面上言说。正如德勒兹所写的，比方说，身体有年龄并根据生物进程发育,但是“你再也不是个小孩了”这个陈述把身体被表现出来的意义以及与年龄相关的意义，转换成了一个顺从的道德范畴。相形之下，“你只是个小女孩儿”这一陈述表现了类似的身体意义的转换，它被嵌人了决定性别之社会意义的一整套其他的口令之中。同样，我们或许会说,身体的肤色会作为一种属性而显现，但是，铭刻在“你是个黑人”或“你是个白种男人”这种陈述中的种族却引入了一种非实体性转换,它改变并决定了身体的特定的社会含义。39只有以这种陈述为基础，“黑”或“白”才能表现不简单地取决于作"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，伦理学意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "斯宾诺莎认为，世界上只存在一个实体”(即柱神「，身体和心灵都只是实体的属性，而非两个独立的实体。在两者的关系上，斯宾诺莎认为严身体不能决定心灵，使它思想,心灵也不能决定身体•使它动或静■更不能决 58 德勒兹;关键概念（原书第2版）定它使它成为任何别的东西,如果有任何别的东西的话（《伦理学》第三部分，命题二,贺麟译，商务印书馆1983年版，第99-100页）广与身乃是同一的东西，不过有时借思想的属性，有时借广延的属性去理解罢 To不论我们借这个属性或那个属性去认识自然•事物的次序与联系却只是一个,因此我们的身体的主动或被动的次序就性质而论，与心灵的主动或被动的次序是同时发生的……这一切都足以明白指岀，心灵的命令、欲望和身体的决定，在性质上，是同时发生的，或者也可以说是同一的东西，当我们用思想的属性去观察，并且用思想的属性去说明时，便称为命令；当我们用广延的属性去观察，并且从动静的规律去推究时，便称为决定”（《伦理学》，第三部分,命题二之附释，同上，第100,103页）。德勒兹在《斯宾诺莎的实践哲学》中总结说广斯宾诺莎最著名的理论性论断之一被称为平行论;它不仅在于否定心灵与身体之间有任何真实的因果关系，而且不承认任何一方高于另一方……按照《伦理学》的说法, 心灵内的行动必然也是身体内的行动，而身体内的激情必然也是心灵内"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画思想？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "定意识的内部，像它的习惯性运作模式那样运作，它就既无法解释那个秩序是如何产生的，也无法解释它是如何演化的。当常识和表象的体系假定了事物的基本秩序和思想— 它的工作只是让这种隐秘的安排变得明晰起来— 的自然方向时，它不过是通过另一种方式，把自身假定为可能性本身的条件，同时对实际的过程不做任何的解释：如果说，这是一个在结尾重新发现存在于开头的东西的 68 德勒兹:关键概念（原书第2版）4B 问题；如果说，这是一个对那些在没有概念的情况下只能暗示出来的东西加以承认、使它们概念化或明晰化的问题……事实仍然是：所有这一切都还是太简单了，这个确实还不够圆。这个圆的形象反而会揭示出，哲学确实是无力开始，或者说它的确是无力重复。（DR：129）对于德勒兹而言，作为其创始和革命的原则，思想发生在某个的时候才产生的。我们也可以换个方式说,虽然作为表象的思想形象给作为观众的思想者分派了一种消极的或投机的角色，但对于德勒兹来说，思想者是一个演员，也用演员这个身份所隐含的一切来面对某个事件的关键时刻，并积极从事一种戏剧的演出。理念的秩序:戏剧化 :戏剧化\"（dramatizarion）实际上是德勒兹赋予某种思想模式的名称，他依靠''戏剧化''概念把这种模式呈现为对表象体系的替代性选择。"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把生产放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "的压迫”的时候，对于无论哪种资本主义来说,答案都是:资本主义生产方式把禁欲主义真正地从一出生就灌输给了它的诸主体。资本主义社会生产在一定的条件下幫造了欲望生产，这些条件也有助于解释欲望为什么在资本主义之下就变得如此抽象。不仅是因为否定了它的最亲密的对象，而且因为这些对象再也不表象具体的社会功能了，却只表象抽象的家庭功能。家庭以外的社会生活充斥着变化多端的社会角色，而核心家庭却把它简化成仅仅三个角色：孩子、母亲和父亲，即欲望的主体(subject of desire). 欲望的客体(o可ect of desire)和施行阉割的欲望的中间物(castrating mediator of desire )o结果是，这种俄狄浦斯式欲望生产结构一五一十地反映了资本主义社会生产的模式：作为劳动主体的工人，他们生产的作为劳动客体的商品、处于一个和另一个之间的禁忌性中介，即资本本身。核心家庭安排它的成员(即合格且温顺的主体) 屈服于禁忌性权威— 父亲、老板、一般意义上的资本— 直到后来，作为合格而又禁欲的主体放弃了他们接近欲望对象的机会或马克思称之为\"客观存在v ( elective being)的东西— 母亲、他们生产岀的商品、整体的自然环境(“大地母亲”)。没有哪个特定的社会角色或功能需要一代代地传递下去；"}
{"instruction": "作者借康德想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "形式是恰当还是不恰当。在这里，我们必须再次回到康德,尽管是回到一个可以说是被马克思和阿尔托修正过的康德。因为在这里，德勒兹和加塔利也把康德的形而上学批判当作他们自己批判资本主义社会及精神分析在其中的作用的出发点。康德以理性的名义代言,他借此宣称, 有意识的精神运用一系列程序（他称为综合［syntheses］）抵达认识, 并坚持认为,无论什么东西，没有遵照这些程序就应该被谴责为是形而上学的。对于康徳（因而也对于德勒兹）来说，至关重要的是这个观念，即由于这些程序构成了有意识的思想，所以它们为判断某物是认识还是形而上学提供了内在标准，这取决于它是以对综合的合法运用为基础还是以非法运用为基础。类似地，德勒兹和 4欲望 87 加塔利不以理性的名义而以欲望，特别是精神分裂的欲望的名义讲话，他们坚持认为,无意识也是根据一整套建构性综合(联结的、分离的、接合的)来运作的，以便通过一种确保欲望自由发挥作用的方式来加工或建构经验;他们坚持认为精神分析必须要么被示以遵守这些程序,要么就被谴责为形而上学。此外，由于精神分析是一项严苛的资本主义制度，它的表象体系被理解为只是对资本主义社会秩序的一种表现或巩固。因此, 俄狄浦斯情结首先表现的是在一种被解码的社会秩序中，核心家庭里对再生产的私有化;其次,它表现了给家庭授予了某些再编码"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价塔利？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "的：它总是想把它去组织化并从本能和习惯中解放岀来，以便实验新的感知和行动方式、新的存在方式。这就是为什么德勒兹和加塔利坚持认为— 稍微有点令人吃惊— 欲望本身和满足是对立的，因为满足趋向于压迫。从这个角度看，和执迷于：真实的”满足对象相比，执迷于某些源于压迫的低劣的替代性症状(pcxK-substitute symptom)无论是更好还是更糟, 它们都中止了欲望(无论是通过堵塞还是疏导)，而不是给予欲望以自由的领域，以便充分地投入无器官身体并探索它的连贯性平面。德勒兹和加塔利提出的这些关于无器官身体的欲望的例子受虐狂(masochism)、典雅的爱情(courtly lov亡)等说明, 不同于愉悦和需求，欲望的目的就是以无限期的、非确定的方式来维持并继续对无器官身体的投入。在这里，与拉康的“欲望的转喻\"(metonymy of desire)7这个概念的比较(尽管这个比较实际上是在《反俄狄浦斯》中进行的)很有指导意义。对于德勒兹和加塔利来说广对象「的缺失并不是岀让人类那恢复以前的存在满足感的意图一下子落空的悲剧；相反，它是一种愉快的解放，摆脱了一切以“自然”方式、社会方式或神经症方式强加的对象或活动。90 徳勒玆；关键概念(原书第2版) 正是这种解放使欲望能够反过来保持对无器官身体的投入并探究"}
{"instruction": "这段关于关系密切的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "5意乂、级数 115 这是一个奇迹■由较高的(upper)上帝创造的奇迹，它每天都会重复发生多次。通过以奇迹调动大便冲动的方式，破坏智力的冃的就达到「而圣光也就由此得到r彻底抽身的机会。在我看来，要从根本匕理解我这种念头的产生，人们必须首先认识到我的一种基于排泄行为之象征含义的误解，即一个与圣光的关系密切如我的人，从某种意义上说，已经获得了向整个世界排便的权利。当我感到那种必要并终于排便时■我通常都是在一个便桶上进行的，因为我总是在这种时候发觉厕所已经有人。每到这种时候，我的灵魂中就会同时涌起一阵最强烈的性欲快感。在排泄物加诸肠道之上的压力解除之后，性欲神经就会得到安宁，在排尿时也有同样的情况发生。由此看来，每到大小便之时，所有的圣光就都结合起来J(参见《弗洛伊德心理治疗五大案例》之“关于一个妄想症病例的分析报告(’施雷伯大法官’)=上海科学技术出版社2014年版)— 译者注 13这里的'‘它\"指的是书籍。徳勒兹在此分析了两种读书方法的异同。— 译者注 H这些共振、交叠实际上在许多方面都是德勒兹《差异与重复》的延伸。关干德勒兹的这项重要工作，请参见詹姆斯・威廉姆斯(2004)9 15这电是说，在《入门》这个电视访谈节目中，德勒兹和帕内特已经更换了一种节目组织方式，即按照主题来编排。"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对怀特海的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "当代的一位疑具影响的怀特海解释者伊莎贝尔・斯唐热(【sables Stengers)参与了这堂关于事件的讲课，德勒兹与她就怀特海、事件和物理学展开了长期的交流。德勒兹试图找到一种关于事件的形而上学的，但又和物理学相容贯的定义。这并不意味着事件必须通过物理学来定义，而是说对术语的深沉的哲学思考不应和物理学产生齟龄。然而，德勒兹谨慎地指出了一种关于物理学的相反的情况，因为物理学理论也有向暂学的细察(philosophical scrutiny) 敞开的形而上学预设。阅读德勒兹关于这些观点的课程手稿是很有趣的，因为它展示了德勒兹的幽默和偶尔的苛刻。这些愤怒和报复的时刻富有启发性，因为它们正是情动的符号，而为了这些情动，他在比如说斯宾诺莎的至福(blessedness)或尼采的遗忘(fdrgetting)中找到了一副批评与临床的解药。对于德勒兹来说，宣称现代科学已经摆脱了其祖先的形而上学预设是•'白痴一样的”行为。也许是通过挑战或至少是扌半击这些愚蠢的现代假设，德勒兹把事件(the event)定义为凭借多元级数进入了和谐共振的、多样性的诸事件(events)o他认为这个定义和物理学是一致的，同时承认这一论断是暂时的而且欢迎不同的解释。和谐的问題关乎聚集(convergence )和分离(divergence ) 0为什"}
{"instruction": "文中关于占领者的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "首先•在物理级数和理念级数中存在着强度的变化。其次,凭借一个相关的“载体气carriers)结构------ 个没有位置的占领者(a placclcss occupant) 6事件 125 和一个空位(初empty place) 事件按照级数形式被成双成对地运载着。因此,在被赋予级数的重要性和优先性中存在着一种变化— 这是关系强度之中的变化— 在级数的结构中也存在着一种变化，这个构造就好像一个没有位置的占领者或一个空位，变化以彼此联系的成双成对的方式沿着它们而运动。当''今晚有一场音乐会\"的时候，有些物理空间的重要性上升了，改变了空间级数, 而有些理念也变得更为强烈(例如，对不同音乐类型的状态进行革命性转化的思想)。随着音乐会被逐步筹划，我们就有了没有位置的占据者:它将在哪里举办呢？这些乂和空位并驾齐驱：它将在这里举办？还是这里？这些共同意味着事件是根据一个结构而对级 86 数的聚集，是现实的两个面向，是在物理和理念之间的平面上变化看的关系强度。在《意义的逻辑》中，这个复杂的结构使得德勒兹得出了关于事件的一整套令人惊异而乂具有原创性的论断。这些论断关乎事件的本质以及如何用它们来进行工作。我在这里给出这些论断, 其顺序不同于它们在事件的级数中出现的顺序，因为级数是从一"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对事件给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "重要性— 比如，当出生体重过低的时候— 就能说明事件吗? 再次，事件难道没有自然的界限，比如生命的开始和终结？如果有的话，那么，声称它们在和其他所有事件接触之前,原则上都没有限制，这岂不又是一个歪|H|?死了以后，生命变成了一个不同种类的事件，以至于把腐烂的尸体或零落的骨灰仍然视为作为事件的生命的一部分已经毫无意义fo 对这些批判观点的回应为我们更好地理解德勒兹事件哲学的范围及性质留出r■余地。根据他的定义，我们不是不能讨论事件的时空定位。而是说事件决定了它们的空间和时间而非相反，因此不存在独立于事件的空间和时间。当•个事件被选中，当它被反现实化(counter actualized )时，它就决定了它的时间和空间。所以，说印度分治发生于1947年是错的,这取决于我们在事件中如何作出反应，它在1617年就已经发生了并且持续到了今天。类似的, 事件的空间界限的变化也取决于我们如何复述它，如何观察它的反响。分治可以在大英帝国边界之外，或者边界内部更深入的地区进行。对于徳勒兹而言，没有独立于事件的事实，因为一切事件的意义、与一切无理数相连的意义和强度，都取决于我们如何把那 6 事件 129 个数字和表现这个数字的物理的、理念的变化联系起来。就意义而言，你的出生体重的减退恰恰意味着一个健康的'扩展的生命远"}
{"instruction": "这一段对装置的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "相生成的装置的观念：不存在任何一个叫作手机的固定的东西•或叫作牙买加人的固定的群体.确切地说，这本书将试图发现由于使用手机■牙买加人变成了什么，以及由于牙买加人的使用，手机变成了什么。（2006：7）手机装置也应该包括出现在别处的人、交际性通讯（比如纯粹为了交流的原因发短信以维系感情的桥梁）、公开地变成私人、理解、拥有一部昂贵的f•机，和装置所做的事情:它如何形塑空间、如何改变行为、如何响动、如何吵闹、如何强烈表现情感。装置是对要素的特殊安排和组织，它们有属于自己的动静型式；请描述一个在人行道上打着手机，以一种特殊的方式走路和说话着的人吧。但是装置不只是环境，不只是时空的团块和手机-人行道-时刻，而是一片界域，它从环境中抽取出某些东两并把它拉进和其他环境的关系中。装置散开了，诸要素也就随之移动到了不同的关系和配置中（口袋中的手机，运动中的变化和与他周围那些人的关系）。然后手机响了，人又再次进入装置，同时进行解域化，但却采取了一种不同的方式。抽象机器尽管这些例子（考古发掘、临终的马和手机）已经相当地在地化和具体化了— 与之相伴随的是显得相对个人化的装置（我的装置、你的装置•等等）— 但重要的是同时关注一台装置和大规模装置的持殊性和偶然性，以及诸装置穿越多元场所时的运作方 1（）（）"}
{"instruction": "克分子在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "“强奸”。稍微挖掘一下，整个级数(男人-女人-强奸)就可以被识 162 德勒兹；关键概念（原书第2版）别出来•它确实和令人忧虑的稳定性产生了共鸣，而且非常令人痛苦地遵循看第一个级数克分子的\"人”的级数— 从而存在于许多的例子中。但是，当紫红色头发的女子怒气冲冲地离开我的办公室时,我认为这是由于在非常短的时间内，她和一种真正的音区的多元性— 而非音区的贫乏性— 产生了交感并为它所激动。首先，令人不寒而栗的性别模式迫使她面对所有侧翼（同学、导师、记忆），这就打破了那个单一叙事的专制，而正是这个叙事在她的思想中搭建了一个舒适的窝巢。当人们无法让自己去倾听那些讲给自己的无聊的、导致幽闭恐惧症的故事（包括那些来回循环的故事，如“做女人，就是做牺牲品！”，还有人再也不要成为牺牲品！）时，这种破裂儿乎总是凭借被激起的愤怒而产生。当通过这些垮掉的克分子范峙来工作时，才能够有效地抵抗这种对严格的二元性的重新组装：如果我们思考一下那些庞大的二元性集合体，例如性别或阶级，那么很明显，它们也要进入具有另一种本质的分子装置当中……因为两种性别［克分子组织］包含着多样的分子联合体，它们不仅发动了女人中的男人，也发动了男人中的女人，而且还发动了它们各自与动物、植物等之间的关系。（ATP：213）"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的秘密是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "还有一个生成扮子（bccomingmolccubr），因为内容变成了太多的传染性微粒，形式则变成了一条“纯粹的移动着的线”（ATP：290）。在关于秘密的生成中，女人的闲聊使诸多要素— 琐碎、平凡、日常、这里和当下— 彼此脱节，在一个情动的、强度的、声音与振动的内在性平面中将这些要素现实化。对于市民生活的真相和现实而言，通过流言蜚语而被人分享的秘密具有臭名昭著的不负责任性；秘密的传播通过传播网络和情动的迅速传染，以根茎的方式运动，战胜了理性的或伦理的考虑。同时，闲聊永远被恢复或被再辖域化；由于运用普通的智慧就可以掌握它，所以闲聊维持了女人们的（克分子）地位。180 德勒兹:关键概念(原书第2版) 或许闲聊这项工作的最鲜活的例子，就是被大众读物封赠的 •'少女的私密文化”这种东西:这是一张情动与能量的网，闲聊，特 126 别是秘密,在一大群密密压压的校园少女们中间传播，创造而又毁坏着声望、友谊和自尊J秘密、含沙射影的讽刺、谎言都以传染的方式在这种大堆的人群中活动着，变成了背叛、攻击、忠诚和爱慕的微粒，变成了纯粹的线，变成了孤立和包含、自我凝聚和消解之间的阈限。这是那些能够衍生出来并形成沮丧、恐惧、忧虑和自我毁灭的黑洞的线;它们也承担着“成为废弃的线、毁灭的线、他者和"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述语言？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "中介进行了一种少数的使用。对于德勒兹和加塔利来说，在对语言的少数使用中，形式和内容之间并无任何严格区分，因此在风格实验和政治批判之间亦没有任何显著差异。语言是一种行动模式•权力关系的持续施行，而所有语言要素一音位的、语素的、语法的和语义的都通过话语实践卷入到了权力关系的生产之中。就此而言,语言的整个应用都直接而完全地具有政治性。居于少数的作家们从语言上解域了规定好的权力关系，因此，看起来就像是— 比如说— 用语法进行的单纯的风格实验，实际上是从极为复杂的政治维度进行的语言实践。反之，看上去像是对语言的再现内容的解说— 比如, 对儿子和父亲的相遇（犹如法官和被告的相遇）的表述— 实际上是用语义学做的实验（在这种情况下，对“我是无辜的L这句话的 134 连续变化线的激活，大概已经超出了家庭和法庭的语境）°居丁少数的作家们让语言口吃（stammer）;它们用这样一种方式— 即语言本身口吃了，好像语言那连续变化的虚拟的线通过新的和不可预见的联合体而被现实化了— 使语言的有规律的型式变形、转换。在这个过程中，居于少数的作家们反抗并破坏着内在于语言的支配性的、强势的使用模式之中的那些权力关系。少数文学是籍少数人”的文学，但并不是就这个词通常的意义而言。多数人和少数人并不决定于单纯的数字。"}
{"instruction": "高尔在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "种尝试变化的手段— 的例子。这个故事经常被解读为现代人绝望的寓言或俄狄浦斯焦虑的象征,但徳勒兹和加塔利坚持认为，它的上题是完全政治性的。尽管格里高尔变成虫子发生住家庭住宅的范国之内，但影响了他的权力关系却超岀了家庭的门墙之外。格里高尔被他的工作所奴役是因为他父亲欠公司的债。老板的代 io少数 193 表,那个穿着靴子的经理走进了萨姆沙的寓所，以他父母的名义严厉训斥格里高尔玩忽职守;经理一离开，格里高尔的父亲就抄起经理的手杖把格里高尔赶回他的屋子。当格里高尔的父亲后来变成一个精力旺盛的权威形象时，他被穿上了银行信差的制服，对于格里高尔来说,他的声音好像变成了好几个父亲的声音。当萨姆沙家最终屈服于他们的命运时，他们在餐桌前的位置被三个匿名的房客一一他们是某些无名的官僚或商业组织的代表— 霸占了。《变形记》远远不是表现了一种对父亲的神经质般的迷恋，它表现了那些权力关系，这些关系使得家庭成员仅仅成为杖会经济力就和被编码的性别力量网络中的连接点。格里高尔的父亲不过是对老板.老板助理、代理人和那些其影响渗透进家庭的代表人物的来冋展示。为了对他在这种力量网络中的监禁作出反应，格里高尔变成了其他的东西，变成了努力改变他的处境的动物。正如卡夫卡的故事中许多其他的动物生成一样，格里高尔的生成-昆虫"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里卡夫卡究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "对于少数文学、少数戏剧和少数电影来说，共同之处在于对语言的一种少数的运用，以及对内在于词语当中的权力关系的实验性解域。在少数戏剧中，实验从词语延伸到『言语行动中背景的组成部分:声音■手势、运动和布景。在少数电影中，实验囊括了言语行动的所有要素，同时也扩展到了观看方式° 但是，少数概念— 无论它被应用于小说、戏剧还是电影— 的核心是：在艺术实验中，形式和政治是不口【分割的。在把K夫R作为少数文学的一个例子而予以关注的过程中，德勒兹和加塔利反击了共同的假设，即欧洲现代主义的伟大作品大部分是不关心政治的，而且通过把卡夫卡的创新和诸如卡明斯、塞利纳和贝克特等作家的语言实验联系在一起，他们表明，一个总体上被认为是政治的维度渗入了 198 德勒兹:关键概念（原书第2版）许多据称是形式上的现代主义倾向之中。他们对卡夫卡的种族特 140性的核心地位的坚持，质疑了欧洲文化同质性的预设，但同时又引发了卡夫卡的实践和那些一般的少数作家的实践的对比。如果少数文学是少数人的文学，如果少数是通过他们在权力关系中的从属地位来定义的■那么非西方的、非白种的、殖民的、后殖民的、女性和同性恋还有女同性恋作家可能就要全部被理解为少数文学的参与者了。这个命题德勒兹和加塔利并未详细地展开卜•去— 所提出的挑战是双重的。"}
{"instruction": "塔利在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "条线的社会生产感觉和我们最亲近，这是因为它造成了一种安全感、确定感和归属感:一种占据统治地位的社会分类界域的牢不可破。语育作为通向其效果的中心管道而进入了辖域化过程。社会 144 组织通过语言而被接合在一起，变得使社会成员可以理解。就其社会功能而言，语言被用于传递一种能指和所指之间的一致性联系;换句话说，语言通过与其一致的意义来运作，而意义建构了看待世界的方式。语言提供了词和意义，借此确立了世界并把它分成人和动物、自然与社会;它把自然界区分为植物和动物,把植物分成各种科，把动物分成各个种类,把人分成诸多种族。德勒兹把词语的功能理解为发号施令，或者就像他所说的'•口令v ( order words) o 他和加塔利写道广当女老师给她的学生教语法或算术的法则的时候，她不是在给他们提供信息，当她提问一个学生的时候,也不是在获取信息。她是在’给出符号’，是在发号施令，是在指挥”(ATP：75)。德勒兹和加塔利认为，通过支持这样一种社会命令的功能广语言的发明不是被用来相信的，而是被用来服从的, 204 德勒兹:关键概念(原书第2版) 而且强制服从M ( ATP : 76)O在语言上和社会结构的这种贴合，某种程度上确保了个人成为其共同体中的成功的成员；正如德勒兹和加塔利所强调的广对于正常的个人来说•形成语法上正确的句"}
{"instruction": "围绕语言，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "的、内在的变化过程的影响\"(ATP：103) 0因为能指和所指之间的联系是通过惯例，而不是通过不可改变的或固有的法则而被笼络在一起的，所以语言也一直服从于波动与变化。此外，语言中产生的能指和所指之间的惯常联系从來都不是完善的、绝对的和永恒的。词语和文本并非稳定不变的信息输送者。它们是变化的、流动的实体，任何一个读者，当她读到“喜欢的”小说或看到喜欢的电影时,都会这么觉得。当个人使用语言的时候，符号的意义滑行并移动着。语言的克分子的、“多数的” (major)功能当然仍在起作用，但德勒兹指出语言的另一种功能, 他称之为\"少数性\"(minor)功能。当语言再现秩序的克分子功能呈现岀停顿、结巴的特征时,语言就“口吃M ( stutter) 而打开了一个领域，它始终没有被社会的结构化过程(和克分子语言)束缚住。唤醒语言、感知语言、把语言推向这个领域，形成了德勒兹的工作焦点•而II它们被风格和口吃的概念给概括了。由于语言通过重复的、惯常的结构获得社会意义，所以徳勒兹用一种非传统的方式来表现语言的滑行性这个观念，这种方式有时把符合规范的意义消耗了个干净。他使用了一系列概念，创造了新词或者老词的新意思，以论述这种可以替代的、共同存在的语言功能。就像他说明的，“一个概念有时需要一个新词来表达它,"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，语言意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "这里，德勒兹和加塔利强调了语言的多元可能性。他看到了语言的非惯例性和非共通性，认为把语言视为根茎可以更为有效地解释其不确定性。对语言的克分子式运用把变量完全固定化『，因为\"根本没有什么母语,只有政治多样性内部的一种被支配性语言所操控着的力量”（ATP：7）o截然不同的是，“根茎式的方法…… 只凭借把语言去中心化到别的维度和语域上，就能分析语言”（ATP：8）o德勒兹和加塔利因此写到，他们放弃了那种作为狭隘的、可预见的限制和法则体系的语言观。德勒兹把艺术家视为为了创造新的意义和联系■而在对社会（语言的、表现的）空间进行创造性和非常规性运用的领域中工作的人。徳勒兹尤其迷恋于作家，以及他们通过形式和内容而创造的新联系和陌生的新表达。他非常喜欢美国作家，因为“已经发生的或正在发生的一切重要的事物都经过了美国的根茎：垮掉的一代'、地下组织、团伙和黑帮，与某个外部直接相连的接续的衍生的支系\"（ATP：19）o例如，赫尔曼•梅尔维尔（H亡rman MeWille）'的巴托比这个人物形象'总是重复“我宁愿不柝这个短语，对于徳勒兹来说，这似乎是神秘莫测的。正如徳勒兹引用梅尔维尔的话广一个憔悴、苍白的男人说出这句话，令每个人都为之疯狂\"（ECC：68）O德勒兹说,这句话包含着一个奇怪的结构：在语法和句法上"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画培根？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "我所采取的路径是对德勒兹进行评论，正如他在《弗朗西斯• 培根：感觉的逻辑》一书中通过评论弗朗西斯•培根的画作来描绘— 也就是展现— 感觉的逻辑那样。徳勒兹以一种迂冋的方式，探索了弗朗西斯•培根的绘画实践，但并没有讲述一个故事, 这就把•'形象”从表象的模式中解放了岀来，并且理解了超越意义和表象的感觉。德勒兹的感觉的逻辑这个概念和培根的绘画实践（包括培根自己1987年对两尔维斯特的绘画实践的评论）产生了共振。培根的绘画方式，徳勒兹的写作方式和感觉的逻辑这个概 218 德勒兹:关键概念（原书第2版）念以一种复杂的节奏关系— 即对感觉的已然很丰富的积累与凝固— 联系起来，这种关系为我们每个人心中的艺术家和哲学家激发了感觉与生存的新方式。然而，由于在评论培根.培根的自我评论.阅读德勒兹、德勒兹评论培根之间存在着差异，所以，有趣的是要注意，以德勒兹的方式来恰当地评论评论着培根的德勒兹将会规定另一种有层次的节奏关系或感觉的逻辑。我只能通过描绘《弗朗西斯•培根》的概念空间— 感觉的逻辑在这个空间内部运行— 的图画以及凭借这幅图画而存在的绘画方式，谨慎地开启这项令人胆怯的任务。我的目标是尊重这些概念：不是要解释感觉的逻辑意味着什么，而是要探索它做些什么，它如何运作。正如一幅结构完整的油画一开"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把夏洛特放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "13电影 241 己的愿望实现的那些日子里。— 普鲁斯特，《斯旺家那边必y, [1913] 1981：438) 在《迷失东京》中，在叙述上把夏洛特塑造为一个年轻女郎，美国一所知名学府的哲学毕业生。她从一个城市搬到另一个城市, 置身于一种异性恋的婚姻关系之中。她大概在经济上依赖于在外工作的丈夫，以满足其物质需要。她代表着一种享有特殊权利的闲暇的存在。在她的时尚摄影师老公工作的时候，她住在东京的柏悦酒店，因而摆脱了工作的束缚、老套的家庭生活，但她以某种另类的方式承认了自己被经济上的父权制束缚着。电影要给观众展示的，正是夏洛特的情感状态以及从现象学上观察到的她的存在:在她的世界所接纳和排斥的范围之中，她在本质上有何不同, 她在面对世界时所采取的策略有何不同。她总是心事重重，这一点大都保留在她的讲话方式中，她并不热衷于太多的闲聊乱侃，而是爱问大问题，听提高自我的教育录音带，编织东西，吸烟，在她的宾馆房间里穿女士两件套毛衣和透视内裤，而在外面则穿稍微有些大的外套和时兴的裙子。她的步态摇摇晃晃，她的微笑也遥不可及，她是一个打扮得干净利落，皮肤白皙，金发碧眼的娇小美女。她为整个叙述提供的故事是一个观察家，一个倾听者的故事，是对围绕在她周閘的杂音一一关于她的性别所扮演的传统角色—"}
{"instruction": "作者借福柯想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "写作，但具有同样的三重意义。在武断的运动中，褶子反抗它本身；在反对武断的运动中，展开意味着生成;最后，再次展开— 它远远不是什么确保综合（synthesis）的虚构性术语— 意味着新地图和图表的轨迹。德勒兹在作为存在的福柯式写作原则和作为主体化的折叠原则中发现的东西，预示了他对莱布尼茨的大部分解读。如果没冇《福柯》中那被展示为一系列褶子的本体论背景，在《褶子》的那些行文绵密、内涵丰富却又经常晦喑不明的段落中存在的某些结论看上去就会晦涩难懂。麦尔维尔那开放的线（open line）和米肖那 ^屡次离经叛道”的线把人引到德勒兹称之为要腾空的中心房间, 从那里可以看到早些时候对恐惧的预感，它们在两本书的最后一句话中都出现了。把这个房间比作篥褶子\"的房间— 它开创了德勒兹的莱布尼茨研究一毫无问题。这个房子就是单子本身，既无入口也无窗户■光线只能通过无法感知的缺口渗透进来，照在人们身上，人们既在“主体化区域”之中，乂是这一区域本身，几乎是 “他们的速度的指挥官，掌控着他们的分子和独异性”（FCLT：123,译文有改动《褶子》一开始就描绘了这个内部空间，此时，它的墙壁上还尚未装饰那些打褶的窗帘和铺开就能横跨其内部的帐幔。篥巴洛克 198 式房间\"成了一个寓言，它打开又压缩了接踵而至的研究空间。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价世界？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "限的无限展开”(FLD：26■译文有改动)，确保了条件的世界，或者说，确保了在每个单子空间内反复产生的开始的可能性世界。褶子— 无论它的抽象形式多么丰富或晦暗— 使得世界能够被安放在(作为单子的)主体内部，以至于主体可以自由地进入世界。\"正是扭曲构成了世界的褶子和灵魂的耦子\"(FLD：26,译文有改动)。褶子赋予了主体及其主体化一个具有决定性的开端。主体这个现代哲学难以捉摸的对象现在变成了“对世界的表现J因为 \"世界即灵魂所表现的东西J 谓语和事件褶子通过V虽度\"(intensions)(不是现象学的拒绝或有意图的拒绝中表现岀来的强度)— 它被感知为空间中的\"广延”— 使主体的身体和灵魂得以在世界中生成。因为内部和外部通过灵魂的世界观而被结合在一起，对变化的可能性条件的理解使得主体能够思考它如何使它占据的精神和地理环境发生改变，或如何受到它们的改变。在这里，沿看徳勒兹的福柯研究和莱布尼茨研究的分界线，可以发现其他两个仍然很重要的概念。一个涉及与主体性相关的预言(prediction),另一个涉及用褶子来塑造事件 (event)— 在强烈的哲学意义上所理解的事件— 的方式。在《褶子》的第二部分的开头，德勒兹重复了后笛卡尔主义文学和哲学这个固定圈子里的老生常谈。"}
{"instruction": "这段关于单子的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "他认为, 精神性的单子是构成万物的基础或单元。单子没有广延和部分,因而不町分，而且具有能动性或^力”的特性，是真止的'弹纯”的实体。由于无部分，单子就不能由各部分的组合或分离自然地产生或消灭，其生灭只能靠上帝奇迹性的•创造”或'•毁灭”；由于无部分，单子便是完全封闭的广没有可供事物出入的窗子J无法互相作用，互相影响。但单子与单子之间, 以及由单子构成的不同事物之间实际上又有协调一致的关系■这就是上帝所安排的“预定和谐\"。单子类似于灵魂■具有\"知觉\"或\"表象初的''本性J每一单子都能表象其他一切事物，并能表象整个宇宙，如同一面能映照万物的镜子。但每一单子最能清晰表象的是以它为灵魂的事物。不同的单子由于知觉或表象能力的清晰程度存在差异而有高低等级之分。从无机物的\"微知觉”的单子到动物的具有感觉的「灵魂J再到具有清楚的自我意识或理性的“心灵J以至比人的心灵更髙的'•天使”之类，最后达到全知全能、创造其他一切单子的最高级单子即上帝。每两个相邻等级的单子之间又有无数处于中介地位的、清晰程度逐渐升高的单子，从而在整体上构成其间并无间隙或\"飞跃”的连续的单子系列。以上解释请参考冯契、徐孝通主编的《外国哲学大辞典》，第540贞•'单子”和「单子论”两 286 德勒兹:关键概念(原书第2版)"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对临床的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 德勒兹关键概念", "output": "“但是,劳伦斯、米勒、凯鲁亚克、巴勒斯、阿尔托和贝克特比精神病学家和精神分析师更懂得精神分裂，这是我们的错吗?m（ATP：4）。人们很容易看到，德勒兹对文学的理解和对作家与艺术家的 “精神分析”式解释几乎完全相反，这种解释一般倾向于把作者当成真实的（或者至少是可能的）病人，其作品要是退一步，就被视为他们那无法化解的冲突的“解决”；要进一步,就被视为那些冲突的 “升华”。艺术家被当作临床病例，似乎他们本身就是病人,批评家们在他们的作品中寻找的就是神经症的征兆，好像这就是他们作 16批评，临床 295 品的秘密和隐藏的核心。在这类情况中，没必要对艺术作品“运用”精神分析，因为作品本身就被看作构成了一次成功的精神分析，它要么是一种解决，要么是一种升华。“重要的是作家本人作为一个创造者给临床心理学增添了什么，但作家却太过频繁地被认为不过就是给临床心理学增加了一个病例气D1：133）。问题部分在丁，精神分析的解释经常被束缚在一个'•病原学的”文学概念上「•对于所有人本身而言,在他们心中似乎都有一本书，这仅仅是由于他们有一份特定的工作，或一个家庭，甚至病弱的父（母）亲, 粗鲁的老板……所有人都遗忘的是，文学牵涉一种特殊的探索和努力，一种特殊的创造性冃的，它只能通过文学本身来追求”（N："}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画法国？", "input": "Source: 我们都是食人族", "output": "判断。* “二战”结束后三年，也就是经济活动回到正轨以来，法国的圣诞节庆祝活动发展到战前未见的规模。当然，受到美国的影响是主因之一。于是我们看到：大型圣诞树竖立在十字路口或交通要道上，夜晚闪烁着灯光；圣诞礼物的包装纸上绘有人物故事；在圣诞节前一星期，迎接圣诞老人的壁炉上展示着圣诞卡；带着铁桶的救世军在广场及街道上募款；大卖场员工乔扮成圣诞老人，倾听着孩子的愿望。这些现象都同时出现了。而不过几年前，这些习俗在那些去美国游玩的法国人看来，还显得幼稚古怪，显现了两种不相容的精神样貌；至于现在，则因被广泛引进且根植于法国，大家早已见怪不怪。对于研究文明的历史学者而言，这是值得深思的一课。在这个领域，就像在其他领域一样，我们正经历一项大规模的传播经验。这些现象与以往我们根据点火栓、独木舟为例而习于研究的现象，也许并不会非常不同；但要对这些以我们自己的社会为舞台、发生在我们眼下的事进行理性思考，却是最简单也最困难的。最简单，是因为经验的传承是每时每刻且巨细靡遗的；但也是最困难的，因为只有在极为罕见的机会下，我们才能察觉社会转变的极端复杂性，就算是最受限制的转变。同时，也因为我们置身其中，我们很容易给出显而易见的理由，但却与真实原因极为不"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把祖先放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 我们都是食人族", "output": "毫无疑问，所谓的古代社会并不“原始”，因为所有的社会发展都需经历漫长的时间。但是我们却认为可以如此称呼这些（在近代仍然存在的）社会形态，只因为它们将仍处于神灵或祖先创造它们时的状态视为典范。它们能够维持有限的人口，其社会准则和形而上的信仰则有助于保持不变的生活水平。当然，这些社会不能幸免于改变，但至少它们与我们的社会不同，并没有将就一个无止境的不平衡。我们的社会总是认为，为了生存必须努力搏斗，每天都得获得新的优势，才不会失去那些已经拥有的；然而时间多么稀有，我们得到的从来都不够……结论是，这两种类型的社会真的不可妥协吗？除了发达国家的农民和工匠对世界与自己的看法，直到近来才被认为较类似于异国民族，两个社会之间的关系其实复杂许多。关于原始人类出现后的两三千年间，这段时期的社会，我们所知不多；但对于距今十万至二十万年前的社会，我们则有较多的信息。在此期间，技术发展似乎并非规律地与时俱进。它的发展是不连续的，突飞猛进与长期停滞交互出现。数十万年前，曾经出现技术上的革命，但在时空上受到局限。人类祖先仅止于使用制造工具用的岩石块，将拣选过的卵石制成锋利且易于手持的工具。二十万年前，随着所谓的“勒瓦娄哇革命”24，制造技术变得日益复杂。要开发一块燧石，需要经过"}
{"instruction": "作者借文明想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 我们都是食人族", "output": "冷淡…… 无论如何，显而易见的是，即使对快感没有任何影响，男性割礼依旧损害了孩童的身体，使得孩子自觉与其他孩子不同，就像女性割礼一样。我们不明白，后者所引起的议论为何在男性割礼上却不复见；是否仅仅因为我们太过熟悉于犹太—基督教文化，才使得我们对男性割礼应带来的震撼免疫。男性割礼属于一个共同的文化遗产，对犹太人而言是直接的，对基督徒则是间接的。因此（而且也仅仅因此）它不会令我们困扰。在关于女性割礼的诉讼中，辩护律师请教人类学家的意见在两个辩护路线之间进行选择。他们相信，并且认为可以说服法官，在这些被视为落后的社会中，个体并没有自由意志，他们完全受制于团体所施予的约束，因此不必为他们的行为承担责任。关于这点，人类学家与律师的观点不同。他们知道，对于那些被误称为原始或古代的社会而言，这种想象是属于19世纪的过时思想。在所有社会中，包括那些被误判的社会，个体行为存在很大的不同。虽然其成员或多或少会忠于群体规范，然而并非绝对无法逃脱。因此，这样的辩护方式，律师或许会为他的客户得到赦免的机会，但同时会使他们和他们的文化丧失信誉。矛盾的是，辩护人却因此强调了原告的良知，因为他们也同意原告所代表的文明绝对至上性，并且法院还能依此宣判。而人类学家则试图让法官了解，即使我们认"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价印第安人？", "input": "Source: 我们都是食人族", "output": "男人，并为他创造了一名女人，以便这对伴侣能够繁衍。如此形成了一个新的种族，特别是第二位造物主：人类创造了艺术，是所有艺术的主人。白人是他们真正的孩子，因为他们的文化超越了印第安人。因此，在天地创立之初，白人和印第安人之间的区别已经存在了。如同阿尔弗雷德·梅特罗32 指出的，同样类型的神话，也出现在许多印第安部落中。在美洲被征服后，这些神话很快就出现，所以可以用来解释这些相似性。倘若美洲印第安人神话的深层结构如同我方才试图厘清的，那么解释神话的困难就不再存在。刚才提到，这些神话是以众生和事物间不断出现的差异来构成。理想情况下，每一阶段都有一组对称，但双方总是不平等。对印第安人而言，没有任何的不平衡会比白人和印第安人之间的更强烈。但他们拥有一个就某种程度而言预先制作的二分模型，让他们能够将此种对立及其后果一起转移到系统中，在那里有一个地方似乎是专门为这种对立保留的。因此，相对性一旦建立，就开始运作。就形而上学的前提而言，印第安人在他们的系统中顾及了他者的存在。历史记载也确认了这一点。从新世界的一端到另一端，印第安人表现出对白人的高度好感，迎接他们，适应他们，让出空间给他们，给予他们一切想要的，甚至更多。这样的付出，却没有得到同等回报，就像哥"}
{"instruction": "这段关于原始思维的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 我们都是食人族", "output": "话：有系统的探索想象力并非无用。将神话中显得荒诞的创造物与事件放到没有固定衡量标准的原始思维时，它们就不再完全没有意义。并且，因为神话所提出来的世界意象被铭记在“属于世界”的思想结构当中（可以说是以虚线的方式），因此在日后的某一天，它们能显得契合于这个世界，并且可以被用来展现其面貌。这么一来，我们就更能了解，为何量子力学先驱之一的尼尔斯·玻尔57曾请同时代的人参考人类学家与诗人，以便克服量子力学表面的矛盾。他在四十年前的一次人类学会议上表示，“不同的人类文化传统，在许多方面都类似于物理学描述的、不同却对等的方式”。只有同时运用波与微粒的意象，才能让我们了解同一物体的各种特性；正如人类学家们只有通过许多彼此矛盾且经常与自身冲突的信仰、习俗与体制，才能塑造出“文化”这个普世人类现象的观念。另一方面，诗人们为了达到比一般经验更深刻的真理，会以一种原创、生造的方式使用语言：自许多不同角度来捕捉仍然无法被掌握的客体轮廓，并置意义不兼容的文字（老文法学家们称之为矛盾修辞法[oxymoron]）。我们可以再加上神话，因为每个神话都容许多元性的变异。这些变异，通过各式各样经常矛盾的意象，让人能够感知一个无法被直接描述的结构。如此，科学思想以其最现代的形式让人认"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对人类的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 我们都是食人族", "output": "现在则有人提出第三种，它在智力层面上远超过前两种能力，处于器质生命的最深层，因此被认为非常高等。若此理论被证实，文化的出现将不再神秘，而是根植于生理学当中。根据一种传统的说法（但其重要性尚未可知），在所有的哺乳类动物中，只有人类能够在任何季节做爱。人类女性并没有一个或多个发情期。并且，在特别容易受孕、怀孕的阶段，她们也不会通过改变颜色以及散发气味向雄性示爱，在非发情期也不会拒绝雄性。这个主要的差异，让我们看到从自然过渡到文化的可能性，甚至是必然性。然而如何证明这个命题呢？这就让问题变复杂了。因为难以验证，我们只能让想象自由奔驰。某些论者提及野生猩猩的习性。发情的母猩猩，会从公猩猩那里获得比其他母猩猩更多的动物类食物。将此结论草率地移植后，人们便讨论，在人类身上，当狩猎成为男性专属的工作时，那些显得随时都可亲近的女人就会从男人那里得到较多的猎物。她们吃得好，长得壮，也因此更具生育力，在自然选择中更具优势。此外，这还有另一个益处：通过隐匿排卵期，这些女人可迫使男性（在原始时代，他们活着只为了散播他们的基因）花更多时间在她们身上，而不只是单纯为了繁殖。如此，她们便可确保拥有长期的保护，因为随着演化过程，她们生下的小孩体型愈来愈大，成长愈趋迟缓，对保护的需求将愈来"}
{"instruction": "文中关于日本的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 我们都是食人族", "output": "耗的卡路里而言少了许多（据说就鸡而言是五分之一）。不断成长的人口，很快就会需要目前生产的全部粮食才能生存，一点也无法留给牲畜或家禽。因此，所有人类的饮食习惯都必须变得像印度人或中国人一样，肉品只占日常所需的蛋白质跟卡路里的一小部分，甚至必须完全放弃肉品。因为当人口增长后，可耕种的土地面积因贫瘠化与都市化而减少，碳氢化合物蕴藏量会降低，水资源也会短缺。相反，专家估计，若人类全部变成素食，今天的耕种面积将可养活两倍的人口。值得重视的是，在西方社会中，肉品消费倾向自发性地减少，仿佛社会开始改变饮食习惯。就此而言，疯牛病的疫情让消费者远离肉品，只不过是加速了这个过程。它只是在当中加入一个神秘因素，来自人类因为违逆自然法则而产生的感受。农学家们努力想增加食用植物所含的蛋白质含量，化学家们则致力于合成蛋白质的工业量产。但我们可以担保，即使海绵状脑病变（疯牛病与其他相关疾病）成为持续存在，人们对肉品的需求并不会因此消失。它充满稀罕、珍贵且危险的特质（与日本人食用河豚类似，据说它极其美味，但若内脏未清理干净就会致命），使它在非常特别的场合才会出现于菜单上。人们将伴随着虔诚的景仰并伴着焦虑去食用，正如古代的旅行者所述，弥漫在食人餐宴间的氛围一样。这两者都意味着与祖先的交流，而且冒着生命危险食"}
{"instruction": "这段关于马克思的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 技术封建主义", "output": "于北索邦大学经济学系。2020年，也就是在他出版《技术封建主义》一书并声名鹊起的那一年，他成为日内瓦大学的历史、经济与社会系教授。其实从他的其他作品，例如2014年出版的《虚拟资本：金融怎样挪用我们的未来》和2018年出版的《与马克思一■起思考货币与金融》(Penser Lq mormaie et la finance awe Ms)等著作中可以看出，迪朗秉承了马克思主义政治经济学研究的方法和立场，并用马克思的《资本论》来解析当代西方资本主义的新变化。例如他在《虚拟资本：金融怎样挪用我们的未来》一书中就指出：\"在其各种制度的具体体现中，金融本质上可以简化为预付一定的货币价值，以换取报销的承诺, 或者实际上是对将创造价值的活动的产权。因此，金融建立了一种资本增殖模式，似乎赋予了货币神奇的能力。马克思关于生 • 004 . 推荐序技术封建主义假说及其悖谬息资本的说法也适用于普通的金融：'创造价值，提供利息，成了货币的属性，就像梨树的属性是结梨一样J这种将增殖过程与生产过程以及对劳动力的剥削区分开来的想法十分怪异，但它维持了资本强大的统治机制。\"①在《虚拟资本：金融怎样挪用我们的未来》一书中，我们可以说，一方面，迪朗坚持了马克思在《资本论》第三卷中关于虚拟资本的分析，另一方面,"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对加州的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 技术封建主义", "output": "他们集精英科技学者、创业型企业家、文化明星于一身，成为全世界各地科技人才向往的目标，从东京、香港到巴黎，从孟买到约翰内斯堡，几乎 • 009 • 所有国家的新型科技人才都将这种带有加州意识形态的形象的神话作为自己的奋斗目标。换言之，当年那个从工人阶级努力奋斗获得成功的古铜色的\"美国梦”，已经被置换成科技精英的闪耀着钻石般光芒的加州版\"美国梦”。这或许是优步的首席执行官特拉维斯•卡兰尼克(Travis Kalanick)用安・兰德的畅销书之一《源泉》(The FountainJiead) 的封面作为自己推特头像的原因吧，因为这种\"精英男士”形象已经成为全世界企业家和新贵的象征。这种精神象征的集合成了人们津津乐道的\"硅谷共识”，它已经取代工业文明时代的 “华盛顿共识\"。今天，无论是韩国的首尔、印度的班加罗尔还是埃及的开罗都在建设自己的硅谷，这也足以说明加州意识形态和\"硅谷共识”神话的巨大全球影响力。不过，我们不要忘了，正如迪朗所说，加州意识形态和“硅谷共识”其实都是保守的资本主义思想，在这些精英人士的奋斗期，代表着对之前的国家资本主义的反抗，一旦他们登上了 \"王座\"，他们就变成了这个世界最保守的力量。正如迪朗所看到的：\"‘硅谷共识' 背后的驱动力在于，在利用加州经验的感召力的同时，赋予数"}
{"instruction": "文中关于基础设施的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 技术封建主义", "output": "涉及固定成本（规模经济）；最后，铁路线一旦建成，就不可能再收回投资（沉没成本）。在这种情况下，由一家公司管理比开放竞争的市场更经济实惠\"。铁路这种投资具有垄断的规模效应，与之类似的还有全球的物流系统和物联网体系，并且这些投资都是沉没投资，不可能在市场上反复交易这些基础设施的所有权，唯一的获利方式就是对使用这些基础设施的单位收取租金。但是在数字时代，从铁路网到物流网，还有一个更为根本的自然垄断租金，即通信网络基础设施租金。各国的通信公司经营着各种通信网络基础设施（例如海底电缆），使得通信网络实现从4G到5G甚至到6G的升级。要知道，未来的人工智能产业以及元宇宙、智能驾驶、智能家居等智能化产业都需要依赖于这些通信网络基础设施，因此像美国电话电报公司、T-Mobile等公司自然地向所有使用这些设施的企业和个人收取 • 014 • 推荐序技术封建主义假说及其悖谬自然垄断租金。（3）无形资产的级差地租。级差地租是源自威廉•配第、大卫•李嘉图的政治经济学概念，后来在马克思的《资本论》中得到了更进一步的讨论。级差地租的来源是，土地不是抽象的，而是具体的，每一片土地由于肥沃程度和地理位置的差别而会呈现出收益上的级差。因此，地主自然会对收益更高的土地收取更高的地租，对次级土地则征收相对较少的地租。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对凡勃伦给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 技术封建主义", "output": "能使用，也就是说，未来的科技创新在一定程度上依赖于这些动态创新租金。然而，无形资产的租金是否像有形资产的剩余价值一样, 可以通过一个严格的计算公式来判断这些数字时代的新领主们向广大用户和企业收取的租金是否合理？对于这个问题，迪朗的答案是否定的，这也是他认为在这里存在一个技术封建主义假说的原因所在。工人的剩余价值是可以计算的，因为资本家的利润就是工人在超出社会必要劳动时间的劳动时间中创造的价值。在这里，迪朗并没有沿着马克思在《资本论》第二卷中的分析前进，而是转向了美国制度经济学家托斯丹•凡勃伦 (Thorstein Veblen)的《有闲阶级论》中关于掠夺的分析。例如，凡勃伦强调：\"当他进入掠夺文化阶段以后，比较狭义的利己主义成为主要特征，但上述性格不仅没有跟他分离，而且是决定他的生活方式时普遍存在的特征。这时构成经济的基本动机的仍然是贪图成就，厌恶徒劳。性格的变化，只是在于其表现的形态方面，在于男子的活动所指向的直接目的物方面。在个体所有制下，明确地达到一种目的的最有效方法，是由财物的取得和累积所提供的。当人与人之间利己性的对立达到了进一步的自觉形态时，希图有所成就的倾向— 作业的本能— 就逐步发展成为在金钱成就上胜过别人的努力。这时个人的相对成就，在彼此之间歧视性的金钱的对比下受到考验的，就成"}
{"instruction": "这一段对迪朗的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 技术封建主义", "output": "的和独立的关系，这种关系就是生产关系。但按照迪朗的理解, 这种生产关系告诉我们，一旦我们真正思考无形资产的获利方式，它们就只能是租金和地租。迪朗说：\"一旦我们认真对待地租问题，数字技术的政治经济学就变成了一种技术封建主义逻辑。如今，数字地租的概念非常普遍。\"迪朗在《技术封建主义》中看到的生产关系事实是，无形资产的地租或租金已经成为数字技术下最基本的生产关系的表现形式，这种生产关系并没有排斥资产阶级与雇佣阶层的生产关系，但是，雇佣生产关系必须以这种地租或租金为基础，拥有无形资产的新领主无疑已经成为生产关系的绝对主导者，生产的竞争性和利润已经成为地租或租金的附庸。在这个基础上，迪朗得出了技术封建主义假说的一个结论：但无形资产的崛起正在颠覆这一传统逻辑。随着数字资产与其用户变得密不可分，个人和组织的流动性受到阻碍。这种依附性打破了竞争态势，使那些控制无形资产的人比竞争对手更具优势，无须真正投入生产即可获取价值。• 023 • 于是，一种捕获关系占据着统治地位。在这种状况下，投资的目的不再是发展生产力，而是发展掠夺的力量。在数字科技新贵成为这个时代的新领主的同时，在生产关系的另一边，是工人和无产阶级的坠落。原先在资本主义雇佣关系下稳定的生产关系，即工人可以通过在一段固定时间内出"}
{"instruction": "围绕马克思，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 技术封建主义", "output": "①马克思，恩格斯.马克思恩格斯选集：第1卷• 2版•北京：人民出版社, 2012：165. ②同①165 - 166. • 025 • 化变成\"全面的发展\"，而另一方面，这种\"全面发展\"的人恰恰是技术封建主义下\"没有财产的人\"，他们在这个世界上如同蝶蚁一样活着，几乎看不到任何希望，这岂不是表现为资本主义或技术封建主义已经成为他们\"不堪忍受的力量”，与此同时，他们表现为与那些数字时代的巨贾富商们相对立？在刹那间，迪朗感受到，马克思的共产主义的哲学前提似乎要在数字化的技术封建主义下得以实现，所以他才能感受到\"欢笑的溪流和郁郁葱葱的山谷散发着解放的希望” о 无论如何，在迪朗看来，技术封建主义假说同时也孕育了未来共产主义和真正经济民主的可能性，尽管在眼前看不到希望, 但人的全面发展已经让世界断裂为新封建领主与巨大的云农奴和云无产者两个不同且互相对立的世界，在它们彼此的裂缝中，我们似乎看到了悖谬式的希望：一边是惨不忍睹的被数字资本和云封地碾压的人格，所有的流众都在艰难地活着；另一边是技术封建主义已经将统治和垄断推向了极致，仿佛烈火立刻将会从它们的王国中喷发。这正是迪朗在《技术封建主义》一书的结尾为我们留下的希望的火种，即便这种火种充满悖谬：未来属于算法这只看不见的手。得益于数字反馈回路,"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的乌托邦是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 技术封建主义", "output": "• 007 • 两种乍一看似乎完全对立的文化将找到共同点。最后的乌托邦。欧内斯特•卡伦巴赫(Ernest Callenbach) 的《生态乌托邦》(Ecotopia)于1975年出版，这是20世纪最后一部伟大的乌托邦作品。①这本书的灵感来自当时在美国西海岸兴起的另类生活方式，描述了一个由加州北部、俄勒冈州和华盛顿州组成的新国家。它脱离美国本土，是一个无车地区, 权力去中心化，消费品主要来自本地，实行高度自治，并且奉行非排他性的伴侣关系。日常生活在以大家庭为核心的自治社会中进行。卡伦巴赫精通当时的科学技术知识，他煞费苦心地描述了一个生态可持续的生产系统，尤其以当地生产可再生能源和使用尖端军事装备来保卫这一激进的政治实验为基础。这个故事反映了整整一代人对美国社会的生产主义、消费主义、专制主义和保守主义深恶痛绝的愿望。它还预示了环境问题在消费者行为中日益增长的重要性。即使一部分嬉皮士对科技进步深恶痛绝，并呼吁回归自然, 这也绝不是他们普遍的态度。诚然，《生态乌托邦》中还几乎没有计算机的身影，但技术问题无处不在。这种技术狂热也存在于加州反主流文化运动的其他领域，他们对数字革命的萌芽更 ① Ernest CALLENBACH, Ecotopia. The Notebooks and Reports of William Weston,"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述美国？", "input": "Source: 技术封建主义", "output": "经合组织采用的新正统观念完全打破了这种关于创新动态的系统性观点。总部设在巴黎的经合组织在所有关于这一主题的出版物中指出，有利于创新的政策需要健全的宏观经济管理、竞争性市场以及对国际贸易和投资的开放。因此，它的学说是 \"华盛顿共识\"的延伸，但以技术乐观主义的形式进行了质的补充。2000年7月6日至7日在经合组织巴黎总部举行的一次非正式研讨会的记录可以当作它的一份宣言。①与会者比较了他们对信息通信技术传播背景下增长原因的看法，目的是了解 1995年以来美国经济的活力，美国经济的活力与发达国家的普遍不稳定和其他富裕国家的疲软形成了鲜明对比。他们的结论是，创新是美国成功的关键。虽然提到了研究和教育的重要性，但讨论主要集中在其他三个因素上，它们成为当时正在形 ① 应邀参加会议的十三位经济学家(均为男性)来自欧美的主要大学— 包括哈佛大学的戴尔•约根森(Dale Jorgenson)、哥伦比亚大学的哈维尔•萨拉-马丁(Xavier Sala-1-Martin),牛津大学的乔纳森•坦普尔(Jonathan Temple)和芝加哥大学的路易吉•辛加莱斯(Luigi Zingales),以及欧洲和亚洲的公共应用研究机构— 包括法国国家经济研究所的布鲁诺•克雷蓬(Bruno Creepon)、比利时国家银行的保罗•布岑(Paul"}
{"instruction": "工作在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 技术封建主义", "output": "• 044 • 第一章加州意识形态的苦难赖性方面变得更加丰富。尽管从表面上看，这些发展是积极的, 但并没有转化为工作满意度的提高。这是因为在工作的意义方面缺乏进展，任务的分散性和相关性失去了意义。这种停滞不前是强加给员工的工作重组的结果，在这种重组中，给予团队自主权只是为了提高劳动强度。年轻一代对实现职业理想的可能性感到失望，他们对工作内在质量的重视程度已不如他们的长辈。① 心理学家伊夫•克洛特(Yves Clot)指出，工作满意度与人们的行动力密不可分，而正是这种行动力的丧失损害了工作：工作不仅仅是……发展自己的活动、目标、工具和受众，并通过自己的主动性影响工作组织。相反，当工作环境中的事物开始相互建立起与个人主动性无关的关系时，个体在活动中就会产生被剥夺感。矛盾的是，在这种情况下，人们会行动，却不会觉得自己积极主动。这种被剥夺感会削弱个体，使他们失去真实感，不仅会影响他们的行动效率，还会影响他们的健康。因为在这种情况下，心理活动过程会封闭起来，变得无法改变。在这个过程中，个体所经历的情绪，从对他人的怨恨到失去自尊，不再具有引导和激励作用。它们不再激发个体和集体的主观能量。① Jean M. TWENGE, «A review of the empirical evidence on generational diffe"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里关键因素究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 技术封建主义", "output": "与此同时，金融自由化助长了疯狂的房地产投机。这种肆无忌惮的繁荣助长了右派的野蛮反击，右派的首要目标是公共干预，60年代兴起的新左派在这一领域却准备不足。对任何形式的官僚主义根深蒂固的敌意和对地方试点的偏好，给主张大规模减税的人带来了意识形态上的难题。早在 1978年，他们就赢得了一项全民公投提案— \"第13号提案” (Proposition 13),该提案对加州宪法提出了修正案，大幅限制财产税水平。这场战役只是一系列改革的前奏，这些改革极大地减少了州政府的税收资源，并在20世纪90年代初引发了一场预算危机，导致除监狱以外所有领域的公共服务急剧减少。即使开放的文化和人员流动性最初赋予硅谷决定性优势, 促成它成功的最关键因素还是在知识生产领域逐步积累优势的地域动态。这种结合导致了一种目光短浅的效应，即过分高估赋予个人野心的自由度，而低估了区域经济规模的作用，这种规模经济本质上是不可复制的。结果呈现出双重的矛盾性。一方面，让硅谷最初获得成功的本地流动性正在因聚集带来的不平等和隔离而萎缩。另一方面，由此产生的经济优势使硅谷经验被奉为普遍可推广的模型。然而，地域的独特之处本质上是例外，并不能代表世界的共同未来。① Richard WALKER, «California rages against the dying of the light»."}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，软件开发工具包为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 技术封建主义", "output": "软件开发工具包(SDK)。软件开发工具包通过以下先进的功能使公司得以增强：它们向分析平台传输数据，例如会话数量和持续时间、位置、使用的终端类型，以及用户在应用程序中输人的信息，这让公司能够更好地了解用户行为并向他们投放更具针对性的广告。脸书分析(Facebook Analytics)提供\"以人为本的全方位渠道分析”①。借助\"从二十亿人的社区中收集的统计数据\"，脸书分析承诺，帮助企业家深入了解人们在网站、应用程序、脸书页面等渠道与企业家的业务互动的方式和位置。该观点契合了非规模化的论点②，小规模运营可以与大数据的力量相结合。这家大型公司正在提供复杂的信息技术服务，而这类服务对于中型公司来说通常难以独立提供。通过软件开发工具包，社交网络可以访问其他个人数据源, 并将这些数据与它已有的用户数据链接起来，从而强化对个人存在的了解。这使得社交网络能够进行复杂的市场研究，为算法过程提供数据，以便精细地选择要在用户个人页面上显示的内容，当然，也可以兜售越来越有针对性的广告。《华尔街日报》(Wall Street Jowmcd)调查了软件开发工具包，报道称, ① FACEBOOK, «Facebook Analytics：drive growth to Web, mobile & more»,"}
{"instruction": "围绕交易，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 技术封建主义", "output": "的商品存在潜在买家，信息不对称也会阻碍交易发生。因此, 从经济角度来看，与不法商人相关的主要成本与其说是商品的受欺骗的买家所遭受的损失，不如说是由于缺乏信心而无法完成大量潜在交易。20世纪90年代，电子商务刚刚起步，这些信息不对称问题几乎成为电子商务发展不可逾越的障碍。与店内购物不同，在网上购买商品之前不可能对商品进行检查、触摸或称重，也无法核实卖家的身份。诚然，法律制度规定了对欺诈者和诈骗者的制裁，但诉诸这些制裁的成本很高。在日常生活中，信任首先通过反复沟通、密切联系和长期积累建立起来。虽然互联网的兴起有望通过降低沟通成本来极大地扩展交易范围，但并不能保证交易中必不可少的信任也会随之建立。要激活这些新的经济联系，就必须发明一种与新媒介相适应的信任载体。如果没有这样一种机制，就会像阿克洛夫的例子一样，\"柠檬\"将好车挤出二手车市场，骗局的泛滥也会使网上市场枯竭。易趣(eBay)最先找到了解决方案，那就是基于代理人互评的声誉系统。①用户受邀对他人留下正面、负面或中性评价。这些信号会被汇总并转化为分数和好评率。买家和卖家还可以撰写公开评论。最后，星级系统对交易的不同方面进行详细评估。这些关于交易质量的反馈工具对交易双方有着长期的影响, ① Steven TADELIS 9 « Reputation and feedback systems in online platform markets» ,"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，斯劳特意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 技术封建主义", "output": "令人着迷的是，\"硅谷共识”的意识形态支柱(创业资本主义的承诺)持续存在。把人工智能换成互联网，你就能找到二十五年前《知识时代的大宪章》的作者提出的口号：新的信息技术正在消除产品和人员多样性的经济成本, 从而导致我们的机构和文化的\"分众化\"。这是安妮-玛丽•斯劳特清晰提出的一个论点：公司将变得越来越小，因为集中组织人力活动不再那么有效率。毫无疑问，未来属于由少数管理人员管理机器和自由职业者的公司，这就是广义的\"零工经济\"。在这种情况下，美国电话电报公司-华纳联盟所代表的老牌垄断企业只剩下一张倒退牌可打。在2017年12月14日的一项决定中，美国联邦通信委员会(Federal Communications Com mission) 终结了网络中立性，即保证运营商平等对待数据流。对于美国电话电报公司这样的基础设施所有者来说，这无疑是天赐良机。有了对移动和有线互联网物理网络的控制权，它们就可以向内容提供商收取更多费用，或鼓励内容提供商发行自己的作品。但斯劳特认为这只是缓兵之计：\"巨头们，小心了!”她警告说, 这种杂乱无章的战略将无法抵挡无数灵活的新进入者的冲击。• 143 • 安妮-玛丽•斯劳特的文章一石二鸟。一方面，它抨击了网络所有者，而西海岸互联网界的大佬们正是她的基金会的主要支持"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画生产？", "input": "Source: 技术封建主义", "output": "……中世纪的农业生产力和贸易量都不是停滞不前的。但对领主来说，与领土征服带来的即时、巨大的\"回报\"相比，这两种现象只能非常缓慢地增加他们的收入。……因此，封建统治阶级的社会定义理应是军事统治阶级。① 参与征服战争为封建领主带来的收益远比他们从农业投资中获得的回报更具吸引力。军事竞争的优势使封建竞争成为零和游戏，主要问题不是提高生产效率，而是控制土地和耕种土地的人。布伦纳认为，生产力进步缓慢的另一个原因是劳动力流动和土地所有权方面的障碍。领主对农民的控制造成了一种捕获的局面，在这种局面下，领主更容易加强施加给农民的压力, 以增加他们的收入，而不是进行艰难而不确定的生产重组。农民也不能自由地将自己耕种的土地转让给其他效率更高的农民, 这就阻碍了更大地产的形成。一方面，剩余财产集中在领主手中，领主远离生产过程, 对剩余财产进行非生产性利用；另一方面，生产要素无法自由流动。这是封建主义生产率低下的两个决定性原因。它们相辅相成— 对农民施加压力是增加贵族收入的一种简单办法，它 ① Perry ANDERSON, Lineages of the Absolutist State 9 N・ L. B., Londres, 1974, p. 31. • 162 • 第四章技术封建主义假说"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把马克思放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 技术封建主义", "output": "你可以随时决定远离大数据，但这或多或少会造成社会边缘化。综上所述，这种问题（\"退出成本”的问题）与中世纪农民的问题并无二致。为了摆脱奴役，他们不得不面临逃离封地的危险，并试图在已知世界边界上的一块只属于他们的土地上与世隔绝。另外，生产者则面临着绝对的约束。任何公司或平台工作者都是数字环境的一部分，该环境必然会接收其活动产生的部分数据，并反过来支持其活动。当然，仍然可以选择更换平台，但网络效应和学习效应如此之强，即使存在替代方案（并非总是如此），即使可以收回数据（这更加罕见），高昂的转换成本也造成了这种闭锁状态，从根本上降低了任何退出的可能。主要的数字服务是无法摆脱的藩篱。从属主体依赖于数字王国，这种情况至关重要，因为它决定了统治主体获取经济剩余的能力。如我所言，与这种依赖性和控制盈余并存的格局相对应的理论模式就是掠夺模式。我们必须从这一模式入手，才能了解数字生产关系的经济动态和社会冲突制度。掠夺性监管的可能性马克思、提醒我们，要想在竞争中获胜，就要不断降低商品价格。① ① Karl MARX, Le Capital, Liwe III. Le procés d，ensemble de la production capi ta liste ,op. c〃・，p."}
{"instruction": "图像在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 拟像与拟真", "output": "映，并且满足于崇拜摇曳不定的上帝。但是反过来人们也可以说，圣像崇拜者是最现代的、最勇于冒险的人，因为在图像之镜中神的一种透明显形的色彩下，他们已经在上帝的再现物的显灵中玩弄上帝的死亡和消失了 (他们可能知道这些再现物不再再现任何东西，它们是一种纯粹的游戏，但恰恰因此也是伟大的游戏— 他们也知道揭开图像的面具是危险的，因为这些图像掩饰的正是在它们背后什么都没有）。这也就是耶稣会所做之事，他们把他们的政策建立在上帝的潜在的消失和对意识的尘世的与景观式的操纵之上— 上帝在权力的显灵中的逐渐消失，这意味着超越性的终结，超越性现在只是作为一种完全摆脱了影响和符号的战略的不在场证明。隐藏在图像的巴洛克背后的，是政治的灰衣主教。因此.关键将始终是图像的致死力量，图像是对现实的杀害，是对自身模型的杀害，就像拜占庭的圣像可以是神性的身份的存在一样。与这种致死力量相对立的，是作为辩证力量的再现物的力量，后者是使现实可见和可理解的中介。西方所有的信仰和善意都投人这种再现物的赌注中：一个符号可以回归意义的深处，一个符号可以与意义进行交换，而某种东西充当这种交换的保证— 当然就是上帝,，但是，如果上帝本身可以被拟真，也就是说，可以被还原到构成信仰的符号呢？那样的话，整个系统就会进入失重状态，它本身不再是别的东"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里道德究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 拟像与拟真", "output": "所未有的精神内卷正窥伺着这种系统，其可见的符号将是这种奇怪的肥胖症，或者是最为怪异的理论与实践的难以置信的同居，它们回应着那种奢侈、天堂和金钱的不大可能的联合，回应着生活的不大可能的奢侈的物质化和不可发现的矛盾。政治的咒语水门事件。与迪士尼乐园里上演的剧本相同 (就是说，想象的效果掩盖了这一点，即在人造区域的范围之外，不W 有现实了）。在水门芈件这个案例中，丑闻的效果掩盖这一点.即事实与对它们的谴责之间没有尨异（中央情报局的人使用的方法和《华盛顿邮报》C 者的方法是相同的都是同样的操作.即试图通过丑闻来恢复一个逍德和政治的原则. 通过想象来回顾一个已经沉没的现实性的原则》对丑闻的谴责始终是一种对法律的致敬。而水门事件的成功首先在于，它把水门事件曾是--个丑闻的想法强加给人.从这个意义上说，它是-次奇妙的#化操作。是在世界范围内重新注人一剂政治道德的良药„ 人们可以和布迪厄一起说:“一切强力关系的固有性质就在宇把自己如其所是地掩饰起来，并且正W为它把自己如其所是地掩饰起来，它才具有其全部的强力。”并且人们会这样理解这种说法:不进德的和无所顾忌的资本，只能在一种道德的上层述筑的背后施行，而任M 人只要恢复了这种公并道德（通过愤慨、谴责等），他就在自发"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，战争为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 拟像与拟真", "output": "并对接2 译注且鉴于信息的接邻性和同时性的全球过程，各种波折甚至会越来越多。但微妙的是，这些事件和波折不再有任何意义，它们只是到达顶峰的拟真的二重效果。阿尔及利亚战争中的剧本是例子之一。这场战争以及从此以后所有战争的另一个侧面是：在武装暴力的背后，在与对手的残酷对抗— 这种对抗似乎是一个生死攸关的问题，至少它被表演成如此这般（否则人们永远不可能派人在这种事情中送命)— 的背后，在这种殊死的斗争和无情的全球利益博弈的拟像的背后，两个对手从根本上团结起来反对其他东西，这是种无名契约，从未被说起过，但战争的客观结果.在这两个对手的平等共谋下，就是一种对其他东西的全面清算。部落的、共同体性的、前资本主义的结构，所有形式的交换、语言、象征组织，它们就是必须被废除的东西，对它们的谋杀就是战争的目标一而战争，在其庞大的景观性的死亡装置中，只是这种恐怖主义的社会合理化过程的媒介。社会性将会建立在这种谋杀之上，无论这种社会性的服从度如何，也无论它是共产主义还是资本主义。这是种全面的共谋，或者说是两个对手之间的分工（他们甚至可能为此做出巨大的牺牲），其目的就在于对社会关系进行重整和驯化。“越南人受到劝告，赞同对美国人的存在进行清算的剧本，当然，在这种剧本里，必须保住对方的"}
{"instruction": "围绕媒介，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 拟像与拟真", "output": "这意味着.意义的所有内容都被吸收在媒介这唯一主导的形式中。只有媒介才能制造事件，无论其内容如何，无论它们是顺应性的还是颠覆性的。对于所有的反信息、地下电台、反媒体来说，这是一个严肃的难题。但是这里还有更为严重的东西，这一点麦克卢汉自己没有指出来。那就是在所有这些对内容的中立化之外，人们仍然能够期待对媒介在其形式上进行加工，并通过利用作为形式的媒介的印象来转变现实。一切内容都被取消了，但是仍然可能有一种革命的、颠覆性的作为媒介本身的使动的扩张使得总罢工成为可能，但是这种总罢工恰恰就是对运动的原始毒性进行中立化的黑匣子。放大本身就是一个致死的陷阱而不是一种积极的扩张。对通过信息使斗争变得普遍化要保持警惕。对全方位的团结运动、对这种既电子化又世俗化的团结一致要保持警惕。一切将差异普遍化的战略都是一种系统的增熵战略。媒体中的意义内爆用价值。因此— 并且此处便是麦克卢汉的公式达到其极限的地方不仅有在媒介中的讯息的内爆，在同一个运动中，还有在现实中的媒介本身的内爆，以及在某种超级现实的模糊星云中的媒介的与现实的内爆，在这种模糊星云中，对媒介的定义和其区分性的活动都不再是可识别的了。甚至媒体本身，即作为现代性的特征的媒体，它的“传统”地位也重新遭到了质疑。"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，乌托邦意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 拟像与拟真", "output": "— 拟真的拟像，它们建立在信息、模型和控制论游戏的基础上。总体的操作性，超级现实性, 是总体控制的目标。对乌托邦的想象回应的是第一种秩序，严格意义上来说的科幻小说回应的是第二种秩序，对于第三种秩序，是否还有一种想象回应的是这种秩序？可能的回答是，科幻小说的好的旧想象已经死了，而另一种东西正在浮现（并且这不仅发生在小说中，在理论中也是如此）。一种同样的浮动和不确定性的命运终结了作为特定类别的科幻小说和理论，只有在某种距离中.才有现实和想象。当这种距离，包括现实与想象之间的距离，趋向于只为了模型的利益而被废除和被重新吸收时，会发生什么呢？可以说，从一种拟像的秩序到另一种，其趋势就是在对这种距离，对这种差距的重新吸收的趋势•而正是这种差距为一种理想的或者批评性的投射留出了位置：一这种投射的最大化是在乌托邦中，一个超越的领域，一个根本上不同的宇宙在其中被勾画出来。（浪漫主义的梦想，仍然是这种乌托邦的被个性化的形式，在这种形式中.超越性在深度上被勾画出来，甚至达到了各种无意识的结构中，但是，无论如何，与现实世界的最大分离，是乌托邦的岛屿与现实大陆的对立。）拟像与科幻小说 — 这种投射在科幻小说中以可观的方式被缩减了:科幻小说通常只是对现实的生产世界的一"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画金刚？", "input": "Source: 拟像与拟真", "output": "实验的暴力所取代，这种暴力是疏离的暴力。怪物性的意义现在已经改变了。野兽最初的怪物性，是恐怖和着迷的对象，但从来都不是负面的，始终是两意性的，也是交换和隐喻的对象.在祭祀中，在神话中，在动物纹章学中，甚至在我们的梦境和幻想中— 这种怪物性，富含一切威胁和变形，它在人的生活文化中被秘密地解决，并且它是一种联盟的形式，我们已经用它来换取了一种景观性的怪物性:这就是金刚的怪物性，金刚被从它的丛林里拔出，变成音乐厅里的明星。于是，文化的剧本被逆转了。在过去，文化的英雄消灭了野兽、龙和怪兽— 而从溢出的鲜血中，植物、人类和文化得以诞生：在今天，是金刚野兽来洗劫工业大都市,来把我们从我们的文化中解放出来，这个野兽，由于它被从所有现实的怪兽件中删除，并且由于与它达成的契约被打破（这个契约在影片中通过女人的原始礼物而得到表达）而死亡。这部电影的深刻诱惑来自这种意义的颠倒:所有的非人性都来到了人类这一侧，所有的人性都来到了被捕捉的兽性这一侧，还有女人和野兽各自的诱惑，这是人性与兽性之间，一种秩序对另一种秩序的怪物般的诱惑。野兽，领土与变形金刚死了，因为通过诱惑，它重建了从动物界到人类界(反之亦然)变形的可能性，以及野兽和人类之间的这种乱伦般的混杂性，而这种混杂性，除了在"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把野兽放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 拟像与拟真", "output": "身，以及要去看它们强迫我们进入何种其他的假设。这就是它们的沉默的意义或无意义。正如疯子的沉默强迫我们提出无意识的假设一样，野兽的抵抗强迫我们改变假设。因为尽管野兽对于我们来说是并且始终是不可理解的，但我们还是以某种方式与它们相互理解地一起生活。而尽管我们这样生活，这也肯定不是处在一种一般的生态学的符号下，在这种生态学中，在某种行星龛穴(它只是柏拉图式洞穴的扩大维度）里，野兽和自然元素的幽灵将与从政治经济学中逃脱出来的人类的影子相互往来。不，我们与野兽.甚至是那些濒临灭绝的野兽的深刻的相互理解，被置于变形和领土相联合的符号之下，这种联合与表面情况是相反的。在物种的延续中，似乎没有什么东西比野兽更加固定.然而，它们对我们来说却是变形的图像，是岍有可能的变形的图像。在表面上，没有什么东西比野兽更加游荡、更加游牧了，然而.它们的法则却是领土的法则L 但是必须避开关于领土这一概念野兽的游荡是一个神话，而当前对无意识和欲望的再现 (再现为游荡的和游牧的），这与野兽的游荡神话属于同一种秩序。动物从来不游荡，从来不是被去领土化的。与现代社会的束缚相对立的是一整套解放的幻象.而自然与野兽，就代表了一种野性，一种“满足所有需求”的自由，一种在今天意味着“实现所有欲望”的自由—"}
{"instruction": "作者借价值想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 拟像与拟真", "output": "面对这样一个宇宙，这个宇宙不再是宇宙了，因为所有的轴性都逃离了它。资本在谵妄中向我们提出的挑战，它无耻地清算利润法则、剩余价值、生产目的性和权力结构，并且其进程中重新发现那些原始的毁灭仪式的深刻的不道德性(但也重新发现了这些原始的毁灭仪式的诱惑），对于这种挑战，必须在一种疯狂的过度竞价中接受它。资本和价值一样，是不负责任的、不可逆转的和不可抗拒的。资本只能把一种资本解体的幻想景观提供给价值的幽灵— 只有价值的幽灵飘荡在资本的古典结构的荒漠之上，正如宗教的幽灵飘荡在一个早已去神圣化的世界之上，正如知识的幽灵飘荡在大学之上。我们应该再次成为这片沙漠中的游牧者，但要螺旋形的死尸摆脱价值的机械幻觉。我们将生活在这个世界里，这个世界对我们来说具有荒漠和拟像的所有令人不安的陌生性，伴随活生生的幽灵、漂泊着并进行拟真的动物的所有真实性，而资本、资本的死亡把我们变成了这些幽灵和动物— 因为城市的荒漠等同于沙子的荒漠，符号的丛林等同于森林的丛林，拟像的眩晕等同于自然的眩晕— 只有一个垂死的系统的令人眩晕的诱惑继续存在着，在这个系统中，工作埋葬了工作，价值埋葬了价值，只留下一片未开垦的空间，它已经受到惊吓，没有道路，就像巴塔耶所希望的那样持续着。在这个系统中，只有"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画沃伦？", "input": "Source: 探索智慧：从达尔文到芒格", "output": "在这本书中，你会发现它集成了众多科学伟人的智慧结晶，如达尔文、阿尔伯特·爱因斯坦、理查德·费曼等，当然还包括世上最为成功的两位企业家和投资家：查理· 芒格以及伯克夏·哈撒韦公司的主席沃伦·巴菲特。爱因斯坦曾说过，一个世纪中诞生的具有清醒头脑和高尚品格的杰出人士屈指可数。沃伦·巴菲特和查理·芒格就是这样的人。我要大力感谢他们那些具有启发性和激励性的观点。如果我能够早点听取他们的意见——或许就能够避免许多重大失误。所以，他们是我心中的英雄！我建议所有的人都应读读伯克夏·哈撒韦公司以及威斯科金融公司（查理·芒格担任该公司的董事长）的历年年报。这些报告是教育我们如何思考投资和交易的最好工具，其中的道理也可作为我们生活的向导。本书可分为四部分。第一部分，探讨了影响我们思维的因素，这也是全书的基础篇章。第二部分，我举出一些因为心理学上的原因而导致误判的例子。第三部分阐述导致误判的原因，如心理学方面的原因和物理学和数学基础知识缺乏的原因。最后一部分，我探讨了改善思维的工具。附录中包括查理·芒格的演讲，芒格和沃伦·巴菲特的一些经典语段。此外，书中还列出了一些清单。这些清单常常有助于消除偏见，同时易于让我们检查是否遗漏重点。为什么要花时间学习智慧？查理·芒格给出一个具有"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把神经元放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 探索智慧：从达尔文到芒格", "output": "人体相互作用的网络带来的最为显著的结果就是灵活性，即能在情况发生变化后承担新的角色，同时还能通过各种不同的方法取得同样的结果。比方说，经研究表明神经元间不同的结构能够取得同样的结果。各个结构的激活取决于特定的时刻和特定的情况（因为行为是建立在环境或局势的基础上）、个体的生活经历以及一些偶然性因素。不同的方式可以达到同样的结果，给我们带来了众多好处。比如说，我们能弥补损失，重新开始适应新的状况。人类基因有自身的生命形式吗？并非如此。基因表达依赖于环境状况。基因控制着大脑的化学反应，但需要由环境激活。只有通过环境因素才能把它们开启，或者调节其活跃度，然后基因才能开始制造影响神经连接的蛋白质。基因决定我们是否遗传一种独特的特征，但环境决定基因是否能制造出某种具有“反应倾向”的蛋白质。所以人类行为是遗传和环境因素两方面造成的。生活经历影响神经间的连接我们的生活经历不断地影响着大脑。这些经历要么产生新的神经连接，要么产生新的神经元，大脑不断地发生物理变化。研究表明，甚至在一天的时间内，大脑都会发生这种变化。这也就意味着每个人大脑的解剖结构都不相同。即使是具有相同基因的双胞胎也没有一模一样的大脑，因为他们的人生经历并不一样。生活经历的不同造就了个体的独特性。"}
{"instruction": "作者借抗生素想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 探索智慧：从达尔文到芒格", "output": "大约在1950 年，环境再次发生了变化。煤炭使用的下滑和工厂更为完善的过滤设备创造了更好的环境，桦尺蛾也在逐步回转为浅灰色。为什么抗生素在对抗有害细菌的有效性上不及以往？今天，进化论同样发挥着它的作用。从昆虫对农药以及细菌对抗生素的耐药性上，我们就可以看到进化的影子。细菌无处不在，一个小时内，它们可以分裂为原来的几倍。在任何一个细菌种群中，总有一些个体在经历突变后发展出一些能够免遭淘汰的基因。那些不具备抵抗力的细菌被淘汰得越多，则具备抵抗力的细菌就会繁殖和扩散得越快。如此下去，后者就会赢得比赛，这也就意味着抗生素的作用越来越小。除非某人发明了一种新的抗生素，然后两者继续进行拉力赛。细菌具有强大的适应力。如果它们长时间置于一种抗生素的作用下，就会逐步适应并找到存活的新方法。这就意味着，我们使用的抗生素越多，对方的抗药性则会加速增强。不管使用任何一种消灭细菌的方法，除非能够把整个物种都完全消灭，否则就会催生出抗药性的细菌种群。① 也称作“斑点蛾”——译者注我们不能责怪细菌的感染性，正如我们不能责怪食肉动物（一种动物以食用其他动物为生）一样。它们并没有故意要伤害我们。细菌所要做的不过是遵照自然的嘱咐——生存和繁殖。细菌总对我们有害吗？并非如此。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价自然选择？", "input": "Source: 探索智慧：从达尔文到芒格", "output": "女人在离家不远处采集、准备食物和照顾小孩。如果以上即为当时的环境，那什么样的行为增强了人类生存和繁衍的可能性？在人类历史99% 的时间里，有哪些是本能行为？第三节生存和繁衍的适应性行为个体需要摆在第一位社会是如此独特的东西。有作为个体的男人和女人，也有家庭。——玛格丽特·撒切尔（英国前首相）人类行为是否一切从自我利益最大化出发？是的。所有个体都具有同一特征：利己主义。我们积极地保护自己和家庭，为什么？既然自然选择是关于生存和繁衍，个体要么生存，要么就灭亡；要么繁衍，要么就丧失延续后代的机会。个人青睐于那些能够提高他们生存或繁衍机会的行为，这是情有可原的。由于人类原始环境中包括配偶在内的资源十分有限，以及随之而生的激烈竞争，所以自然而然产生了利己主义。如果我们祖先都是利他主义者——即个人以牺牲自己来达成别人的利益？利他主义者将处于不利地位。他们很容易成为被利用对象，受到攻击或伤害。既然自然选择青睐于那些能够使生存或繁衍成功率最大化的个体，利他主义并不是自然选择的进化产物。只有那些自私或对双方皆有利的行为才是个体自我本位的体现，也受自然选择的青睐。虽然一些行为在某些情况下看来具有利他性，但常常可以用自我利益来解释。社会认同、威望、对社会否定的恐惧、羞耻心、压力疏解、避免内疚、"}
{"instruction": "这段关于地点的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 探索智慧：从达尔文到芒格", "output": "寻找模型的需要本身显得更为重要。要了解有效或无效、有益或有弊的方法，意味着我们必须进行探索。成功地探索环境将为我们的生存和繁衍添上关键的一笔。对地点、事实和事件的记忆很重要。但有时候，大脑似乎对新信息和新奇的经历更感兴趣。近期的研究表明，大脑对新鲜事物保持积极回应。未知的事物非常有价值，所以激励我们探索周遭的环境，并为未来而学习。我们必须充满弹性地应对这个瞬息万变和不可预测的世界。我们常常会用随意的方式来探索世界。比如说，有许多动物在觅食的时候，常常毫无目的地寻找，只有在发现具有价值的刺激物时，才会改变这种无头无脑的方式。然后，它们会专一地进攻。生活中保持灵活性并了解众多可供选择的方法具有较高的价值。这意味着找到新方式应对世界，将较那些训练过度的老模式更为优越。比如说，有关蜜蜂的研究表明，它们是根据一个类似于地图的空间记忆方式来“导航”的，如果它们在一个蜜源地点过度训练，很容易找到从该地点返回蜂房的路，但对其他地点的返程路线却不精通。同样是这群蜜蜂，如果接受飞往各种蜜源地点的训练，它们就能更熟练地从不同的地点找到返回蜂房的路。进一步的研究还表明，我们之所以能够学习得更好，是因为我们能把新信息和已知信息综合起来。迅速地作出分类有个关于一个人去教授家拜访的故事。"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对文化的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 探索智慧：从达尔文到芒格", "output": "意与你合作。共同的威胁或共同的理想是否能促进人们合作？遵循社会规范是否有意义？你是否对“失去”持否定感，同时在万不得已时才会去冒风险？你是不是同样关注自己和你所爱的短期利益？许多人类心理缘于文化影响人类社会不仅受基因进化的影响，同样也受到文化演变的影响。实践、方法、工具、神话、伦理和社会规范在人类行为演化中扮演重要的角色。我们从自己的经历、父母或其他人那里学习到了习俗——通过教育或通过自己的观察。文化演变的速度要快于基因进化，因为我们把自己的经验传授给下一代，其中揉合了其他人的精华结晶。文化演变同生物进化不同，并非天生遗传。我们并没有遗传父母的习惯，而是后天学习而成。总而言之，遗传进化和文化演变相互作用。生物学影响我们的文化。拿语言来说，我们具备了学习语言所必需的解剖学、生理学和生化学上的机制，但我们并非生来就会一种语言，所以语言是一种文化的产物。我们的文化同样作用于生物学，它创造了一种考验自然进化的环境。如果某种行为被证明对各个时代都有利，自然选择就会偏爱这种行为。假设不同时期的个体受学习过程或者文化的影响，选择某种社会行为。长此以往，自然选择将会偏爱这些选择，因为它们积极地影响了个体的生存和繁衍。人类的本性性相近，习相远。——孔子"}
{"instruction": "文中关于奖励的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 探索智慧：从达尔文到芒格", "output": "东西联系起来而已。·鼓励别人能在第一时间给你传达坏消息。·某个刺激物与之前痛苦或愉快的经历相联系，并不代表着今天同样如此。过去的经历是特殊的情境下的产物。·如果想制止某种行为，就制造出一种负面情感。比如说，想让某人戒烟，就跟他讲讲吸烟到底会带来什么样的 “损失”，描绘出种种令人恐怖的景象，让他们把吸烟跟死亡联接起来。奖励与惩罚奖励什么就会得到什么，这是生活的刚性原则。如果你想吸引蚂蚁，就把糖放在地上。——查理·芒格约翰的所作所为让他名利双收，这也促使他继续发扬这样的行事风格。我们贯彻能够带来奖励的行为，避免会导致惩罚的行为，所以通过行为的后果——我们了解是非对错。通过正强化可以使某种行为不断重复下去，而惩罚将使得某种行为被终止。能带来利益、快乐的行为将会不断得到重复，而带来惩罚的行为则会消除。这就是说，奖励（或消除痛苦）能强化行为，惩罚（或剥夺快乐）能结束行为。如果某种行为在不断重复后，能够及时地贯彻奖赏或惩罚，则效果最佳。习得某种行为后，各种不同的奖励将会强化该行为。奖赏如果事先无法预测，则反应最大，且这种行为最难以消退。赌博得到的奖励就是如此。我们无法预测奖励何时来临，就无止境地尝试。此外，奖励的诱惑越大，则行为消退的阻力越强。究竟什么属于奖励性行为，什么属于惩罚性行为，我们"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对明智给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 探索智慧：从达尔文到芒格", "output": "如果在别人眼中的我们能力出众，我们就会表现得才气不凡，不管事实上正确与否。为何我们会持续同一个错误的观点、维持破裂的关系或亏损中的投资？为什么在证明战争并不是明智的解决方式后，政治家仍坚持用武力解决问题？投入的时间、金钱、努力或者饱受的折磨越多，则越加感觉有坚持的必要，同时也把它的价值看得越重——不管是对是错。我们不想让之前的努力泡汤，所以，爱惜自己的面子，害怕承认失败的痛苦。如果别人对我们的决定提出异议，我们甚至会更加坚持自己行为的正确性。如果对一个承诺所担负的个人责任越大，放弃的难度也就越高。在《中途退场，为时已晚》中，心理学家阿伦·泰格（Allan Teger）曾如此评论越南战争：“战争拖延得越久，在未来有可能获得胜利的情况下，是非评说就越加困难。此外，如果没有最后的胜利战绩，之前的损失很难就此一笔勾销。约翰雇了一名副总管，他逢人就夸他如何优秀，但事实证明，这位新员工是个彻底的灾难。但约翰不仅没有及时纠正自己用人决策的错误，反而继续任用他，让他继续浪费着公司钱财，而且有进一步恶化的倾向。人总是轻易作出仓促决定，而改变决定就意味着之前的决策错误（特别是还需要向他人坦白承认），所以让我们改变先前的结论总是很困难。沃伦·巴菲特说：“人类在阐释新信息的本领上奇高无"}
{"instruction": "这一段对预测的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 探索智慧：从达尔文到芒格", "output": "问问自己：这是长久还是暂时的效应？遗漏信息和忽略抽象信息的倾向我们对与自己息息相关或能吸引眼球的刺激物作出反应，尤其对形象和具体的信息，对抽象信息反应却并不积极。我们过分看重个人的直接经历，而非他人的间接经历；重点关注眼前的信息，忽略那些有可能隐藏的信息。比如说，在计划中，常常把重点过多地放在未来特殊的事件上，对其他一些可能性事件和结果关注不够，而这些结果有可能拖延或阻碍目标事件的发生。大约有1,400 万的人不会中奖。对未来的预测常常建立在人们的所见所闻上，而不是我们看不见摸不着的事物上。那些有可能发生的事情总是逃脱人们的视线。成功者走进我们的视线，因为他们看得见、摸得着，还有媒体的渲染，而那些安静的失败者被人忽视。同样，我们只看到成功的预测员，忽略那些预测失误的人。我们注意上了头版头条的危险事件，却忽视了统计风险。我们看到了政府为福利支出，却看不到这些资源的其他功用，同样看不到税收可用于其他消费、储蓄和投资渠道等。我们注意到报道上出现的信息，忽视了报纸上没有的内容，缺省的信息不在我们的关注范围内。我们很少会考虑另外一种可能性、选择、解释、结果或者特征。在探究事情的前因后果时，我们只关注已发生的事情，忽略了可能发生的事情。我们注意到某个行动步骤有用的时候，却忽略它失效"}
{"instruction": "价格在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 探索智慧：从达尔文到芒格", "output": "样一件事物，得到后和得到之前价值不一样，我们对于自己拥有的东西看得更重，但在悲伤情绪下，却会发生相反的效应，我们愿意以较低的价格来卖掉某样物品，同时以更高的价格购买这件商品。这也就意味着，当人处于悲伤之中，一般是无助和损失的表现，常常想改变环境让自己更好过，所以，我们愿意以更高的价格得到某物，或者购买一些并不需要的东西。这也是玛丽进行购物狂欢的原因，她需要购物疗法。当人处于厌恶情绪之中，将不愿购买新的物品，除非价格非常便宜。不管是处于悲伤或是反感之中，我们都想把拥有的东西以低于它们本身价值的价格清理出门。“不管问题是大是小，总是让人感觉不安。” 不安是一种感觉。我们判断一个刺激物的是非对错常常依赖于自身的情感。如果这件事伴随着强烈的情感因素，将会让人过分看重它的结果，而忽略它发生的几率。人们总是对获得财富感觉良好。有调查显示，不管彩票中奖几率是千万分之一，还是万分之一，中彩票的感觉都是一样美好。约翰正在挑选一辆新跑车，他非常兴奋，但是一年后的今天，他还会如此激动吗？因为对未来发生的事情有所期待，所以它们给我们带来的虚拟情感比现实的要更为持久和强烈。新车到手后，约翰或许并不如预期中那样兴奋，而且热情度也不会如想象中那么持久。为什么？因为我们似乎更适应于最完美和最糟糕"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的系统是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 探索智慧：从达尔文到芒格", "output": "创思公司没有意识到一个小变化会影响整个大系统。削减成本并不会自动转化为更高的价值。创思公司裁员的决定将会造成生产和发货环节上的问题，从而导致产品生产的延期，这显然将会失去部分客户，还会影响公司的声誉。最终的结果反而是更低的利润。为什么要降价？其目的何在？创思公司的终极目标是什么？系统将根据反馈的信息作调整。正反馈将会放大效果，而负反馈将会抑制效果。以股票作为正反馈一例来说，股市下滑将会引发抛售，从而可能引发更多的抛售和股价的进一步下滑等连锁反应。反面的例子就是股市泡沫。恒温调节器可以视为负反馈的典型例子。试着完善和优化整个系统，而不仅仅是组成系统的某一个部分。在改变系统的单个因素后，全面考虑其他变量相应发生的变化。试着对短期和长期结果进行量化，并研究预期行动的效果，考察最终结果与我们最终目标是否相符。问问自己：影响系统结果的关键因素是哪些，它们之间如何互动？一个行为的结果可能会使得其他因素发生什么变化？考虑到所有影响和隶属于系统的相关因素，该行动将会对系统产生哪些可能性（包括有利和不利的）结果？最终结果是我们想要的吗？比如说，一位经理人试着问自己：考虑到影响企业价值的所有重要因素，企业的价值将发生哪些变化？全盘考虑，包括考虑其他人的反应。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述企业？", "input": "Source: 探索智慧：从达尔文到芒格", "output": "注。”创思公司CEO 说。但许多失败的企业同样有专注这一特征。那成功是归功于深厚的企业文化、富有远见的领导者还是其他因素？也许失败的企业同样有深厚的文化基础和远见卓识的领导人。为了理解导致成功的品质，我们需要对比成功和失败的企业。包括从起步时拥有共同的品质，但最后却失败的企业，但问题是失败企业的数据经常无处可查，此外，在一种情况下有效的事物在另一个情况下却不一定奏效。通过采访那些在致命性飞机事故的幸存者，《探索》杂志在1986 年给我们提供了一些在飞机坠毁时的求生技巧。但正如心理学教授道斯（Robyn Dawes）所说的，目前无法评价那些遇难者当时是否也采取了这些做法。也许他们的做法同这些幸存者一样。当然，我们无法采访那些死去的乘客。许多时候，同一个特征既可用来解释成功的原因，也可解释为何失败。比方说，如果一个企业成功了，媒体会说归功于它的专注和优秀的领导者。一旦业绩下滑，报告又会说公司的专注度下降，或者管理开始恶化。不错，这些企业专注度可能真的不够，管理业绩下滑，但还有可能是因为竞争日趋白热化的缘故。企业的表现是相对的，而不是绝对的。即使一家企业在许多领域越做越强，如果竞争对手更强大的话，它的市场份额和利润却有可能下滑。相反，即使一家企业在众领域内的实力衰退，如果竞争对手更不济的话，市场"}
{"instruction": "霍华德在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 探索智慧：从达尔文到芒格", "output": "正如一位赌场职员所说的：“我喜欢冒险。有时候一个晚上我们赚不了多少钱，但其他时候，我们赚到的是更多的钱。” 即使能在短期内获胜，如果敌不过人的本性，我们又会沦为输家。几乎每个赢得大钱的人都会玩到输光所得为止，甚至还要搭上本金。这一点在亨利·霍华德·哈珀的《投机心理》中表达得很明确：这是已被证明的事实：运气常常与玩家为敌。因为轮盘赌以庄家获利为主，即使有时候庄家没有任何获胜的机会。这是因为亢奋的状态使得玩家心智迷乱，以至于做出错误的举动。比如说，走霉运的时候双倍押注，而好运来临的时候 ① 又称荷官，是指在赌场内负责发牌、收回客人输掉筹码的一种职业——译者注却缩手缩脚。或者在紧抓运气双倍押注获胜后仍然固执地陷入其中，直到好运到头。这种心理也同样适用于股票交易。几率没有记忆 “我要转运啦，好运来了。” 我们总是认为一个独立事件在近期连续发生后再度发生的概率将会下滑，或者在近期没有发生后就会增加发生的概率。比如说，近期许多独立而又随机事件产生了一连串的不利后果后，我们有时候会理所当然地以为下面该会出现好结果了。但实际上，先前的结果对于未来结果没有任何影响或者预期价值。因为它们没有记忆，也没有公平的意识。玛丽向上抛硬币，连续5 次都是正面向上。该轮到硬币"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里加利福尼亚州究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 探索智慧：从达尔文到芒格", "output": "样本数量越少，统计结果涨落越大，发生机会事件的可能性也越大。我们需要有代表性的参照组，足够大的样本、相当长的观察时间。小样本得出的风险会高于现实或者低于现实。为什么？因为小样本将使得定位不明确。查理·芒格认为搜集到具有代表性的数据很重要—— 即使这些数据只是接近而已：加利福尼亚州水系统的设计只参照了很短一段时间内的气象历史。如果设计者愿意多多参看过去不完美的记录，把时间回溯到100 年前，可能意识到目前水系统的设计并不能很好地应对旱情。这种情况并不新鲜——每个人都有自己擅长量化的信息，也有其他一些难于量化的信息。所以，有些人只根据能够量化的信息制定决策，而忽略那些在本质上并不能计算出来、但却更重要的信息——即使它们能够为促进正确的认知结果起着至关重要的作用。可以说，在威斯科和伯克夏，我们避免这种做法。我们抱着同凯恩斯一样的态度，用沃伦一直喜欢引用的一句话来说，就是：“粗略的正确总比精确的错误要好。”换句话说，在重要的事件面前，我们不是仅仅根据能够量化的东西作出判断，而是自己先试着作出预测。运气与成绩没有一个胜利者相信运气。——尼采过去的表现并不能保证未来的结果。所以要考虑在相似情况下的证据或者普通大众身上发生的事情。有时候，历史记录并不是对未来事件良好的指示仪，因"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，地球为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 探索智慧：从达尔文到芒格", "output": "苹果改变静止状态，掉落到地球上，是因为苹果的质量要小于地球的质量，这表明它们掉向地球的加速度（速度的改变）比起地球掉向苹果的更大。地球的巨大质量同样解释了为什么我们摔跤时会倒在地球上。地球同样对月球有吸引力。但是什么使得月球沿着轨道绕地球转，而不是撞向地球呢？牛顿认为，一定存在一种把月球往回拉的力。否则，根据牛顿第一定律，月球将会继续做匀速直线运动，而不是绕着地球做椭圆运动。既然月球绕着地球做椭圆运动，肯定存在一种源自地球中心的力量。为什么？牛顿很清楚，是向心力（指向圆心的力）使得物体围绕着某一个定点做圆周运动。这种力量就是地心引力。它通过改变月球与地心的方向，从而不断改变月球的加速度，使其绕地球做圆周运动。月球沿着地球的切线（曲线上的一条直线）方向水平移动，在月球运行的每个点上，地心引力牵引月球向地心方向运动，从而导致月球绕着地球做圆形轨道运动。月球运行的速度能够保证其掉落的距离与地球的曲率保持一致。月球时时保持着与地球固定的距离，而在月球“掉落”过程中，地球保持固定的曲率。在月球向地球方向“下落”一段距离后，它会侧向行进同样的距离。如果行进的速度过慢，则地心引力的力量将把月球慢慢往地球拉近，直至双方相撞。如果月球运行速度稍微加快，则会错过地心引力"}
{"instruction": "围绕沃伦，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 探索智慧：从达尔文到芒格", "output": "价值高低在于你从中得到的资金多少……因为我们现在讨论的是长期投资，而不是投机交易，而红利的派发需要几年时间，并不像当前的工资那样可以随时支取。沃伦·巴菲特补充说：“如果一个人把自己所有的现金流用于再投资，最好有把握在投资路上大有斩获。因为在未来某天，金融资产给你的回报必须高于目前的现金支出。” 价值是一个准确的数字吗？沃伦·巴菲特说：内在价值是一个估值，而非一个精确的数字，此外，这个估值还应随着利率和未来现金流预测的变化而变化。即使有两个人考虑的是同样的因素，但最终得到的内在价值数据并不尽相同，至少有微小的差别，我跟查理也不例外。事实上，使用精确的数据并不是聪明人的做法；而利用一些概率范围更好。对不同产业的价值评估是否不同？不管一个公司是制造电信设备、汽车或者糖果，我们面临的问题都是一样的：我可以得到多少现金？何时得到？可见，与金钱挂钩的名称并不重要。沃伦·巴菲特说：你只需看看一个企业从现在到未来一段时期内产生的现金多少，并利用合适的贴现率算出贴现值，然后以低于该价格的价位买进。不必在意这些资金是来自于银行、网络公司，还是砖瓦公司……因为这些钱花起来是一样的。何必在电信设备上的投资要高于砖瓦公司？钱本身并无知觉。所以，如果得到的收益相同，没有必要把更多的钱投资在一个看似光"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，冰淇淋意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 探索智慧：从达尔文到芒格", "output": "持下去的担忧程度来衡量企业的实力……通过观察价格行为，你可以了解到一家企业在经济学上的耐久力。对手能够淘汰小店产品或抢走其优势吗？如果约翰的小店旁新增了一家冰淇淋店，而顾客认为两者的产品和服务并没有区别，顾客将选择价格较低的那一家。如果约翰以最低的价格出售冰淇淋，他是否有利可图？当然有，前提是需求超出供应，或者约翰能够以低于其他竞争者的成本价格来生产和销售冰激淋（当然前提是对方不会亏本经营）。约翰必须以比竞争者更低的成本和更高的资本配置效率来经营。低成本和高效率的资本不仅能够让他保持低价位，还能够赚钱。商店管理的重要性如何？现金收益的多少和取得现金的时机取决于能力的高低和管理的诚信度。管理的好坏影响企业的效益，进而影响业主的收益。它可以影响资本使用的领域，也会影响资本的再投资。谈到诚信问题，沃伦·巴菲特的这番话堪称经典：我的一位朋友说，在用人时，他们看重三件东西：才智、干劲和品德。如果没有最后一点，那么前两点中的任何一点就足以让你烦恼不堪，的确，如果你的雇员没有品德，你就祈祷他又笨又懒吧，否则，如果他既聪明又能干，你就有无穷无尽的麻烦了。一个企业可能会寻求价格上巨大的安全边际，但如果没有卓越和诚实的管理，这种边际将化为泡影。历史上这样的故事不计其数：伟大的企业最后葬送在糟糕的管理上。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画教育？", "input": "Source: 探索智慧：从达尔文到芒格", "output": "衡和对比。” 个人的机会成本常常用以衡量各个选择的优劣。每个人的时间和金钱都是有限的，如果决定做一件事，就放弃了另外一件事。因为投入到这件事的每一分钟就意味着放弃了在另外一件事上的用场，而我们在某个投资机会上的资金将没有机会用于其他投资机会上。如果决定把钱用于今天的支出，则放弃了未来的投资机会，同样也可能放弃了未来的更多支出机会。如果决定今天打高尔夫，那就放弃了今天能够及时写完这本书的机会。如果花时间写作，那就错过了跟孩子相处的机会。在孩子慢慢长大后，这个机会也受到一定的时限。决策意味着成本，甚至理解也需要机会成本。如果花时间理解某件事，那无疑放弃了理解其他事物的机会。我们在某件事上使用的有限资源，比如时间、努力和金钱等决策成本，可以用被舍弃掉的选项中的最高价值或机会（假设能够达到同样的目标）来衡量，即机会成本。你是选择工作还是读大学？作出一个选择、放弃其他选择的真正成本是多少？我们试着把沃伦·巴菲特曾列举的一个例子变通一下：不接受大学教育的真正成本是多少？接受教育和没有接受过教育的人在长期收入方面有什么差异？如果把接受教育后在非经济上的优势忽略不计，那毕业后的收入差异是否是教育的价值或者是没有接受教育的真正成本？我们的时间有什么价值？我们会花10 个小时来修补房"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把检验放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 探索智慧：从达尔文到芒格", "output": "解答…… 我觉得自己在猜测正确的解释和设计检测的实验方面越来越驾轻就熟，这可能归功于不断实践的结果以及日益丰富的知识积累。我一直有个毛病，不能清晰和简洁地表达，这个问题让我浪费了许多时间，但它给我带来了一个弥补性的优势：迫使我句句斟酌，所以我也从中发现了推理或观察错误等。“既然这么多的证据可以支撑我的解释，我肯定是对的。” 不一定，同样的证据可以支撑不同的解释，需要寻找可以推翻自己解释的证据。不要花时间在已被推翻或无法证明的观点和论点上。问：什么样的检验可以否定一个论点？比方说，有人说天狼星上有生命。它无法检验并不意味着该星球上没有生命，只意味着目前我们还无法检验。基于观察而得到的理论应该优先于那些纯理论，因为通过观察可以推翻一些理论。在关于太阳是否围绕地球转的这个争论上，伽利略根据自己的观察结果奠定了自己的理论。要不断自我批评。对自己的假设提出质疑，并对别人不同的观点作出解释。问问自己：我怎么样才能知道自己错了？为什么与自己观点相反的理论也可能是正确的？假设我的解答是正确的，发生什么会让我改变主意？然后寻找相关的证据。我们经常看不到自己的弱点，缺乏动力来提升自我。所以，鼓励正确的人给我们提出客观的反馈能帮助我们进步。经常回顾历程，衡量自己离原先的预期是否有偏离。"}
{"instruction": "作者借乌龟想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 探索智慧：从达尔文到芒格", "output": "“龟兔赛跑”中的兔子。只是这只兔子不仅跑不过一只优秀乌龟，也跑不过那些普通的乌龟，甚至是那些瘸腿的乌龟。顺便提醒你们一句，如果不遵循我的第一个建议，即使你们能以痛苦开局，也不一定能以悲惨结尾。大学时候我有个室友，说话磕磕巴巴，但他可能是我碰到的最讲信用的人。现在，他过着令人羡慕的生活，妻子贤惠、儿女可爱，作为一家大型企业的老总，身价达几十亿。如果不愿复制这种传统和主流的版本，但你却始终如一地待人真诚，恐怕靠其他的缺点是很难让你达到痛苦的目标了。有人说，“目前为止，活得还算幸福”，我不得不提一下昔日最富有的国王克罗伊斯（Croesus）的故事，他曾认为自己是最幸福的人，之后被敌人囚禁起来。在临被火刑处死时，他流泪高呼梭伦（Solon，古雅典政治家和立法家）之名：“我还记得历史学家梭伦的名言：只有能幸福至终的人，我们才能称之为幸福快乐。” 我给你们的第二条建议就是，只从自己的亲身经历来学习，对于别人幸运和悲惨的经历，不管是活人还是死人，都尽量能不借鉴就不借鉴，能不学习就不学习。这条建议对于那些想得到痛苦或者失败的人来说，的确是金玉良言。不从别人的错误中学习，后果随处可见。人类创造灾难的创意乏味可陈——喝酒容易致死，鲁莽行事容易致残，染上终身不愈的性病，会让聪明伶俐的大学生经过巫术的洗脑"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价独木桥？", "input": "Source: 探索智慧：从达尔文到芒格", "output": "很好的例子。该报纸已经不复存在。我们现在看到的是《越野摩托》（Motorcross），其读者是那些参加摩托车特技比赛的傻瓜。但他们热衷于这项比赛，因为这就是他们生活的主要目标。这本叫《越野摩托》的杂志完全满足了这类人的需要，它的利润率说出来可能会让你垂涎三尺。这些出版物的受众面之小可想而知。因此某些情况下，缩小规模、进一步专业化给你带来了巨大的优势，所以规模并不总是越大越好。由规模扩张所带来的巨大缺陷是，随着你的壮大，你会滋生官僚主义作风，这让情况变得非常有趣，因为大人物并不总能无往不胜。一旦滋生官僚主义的作风，它便会深深扎根于人类的本性中。在这样的企业中，人们有着不正当的动机。例如，如果回到我那个时代，你在美国电话电报公司（AT&T）工作，作为一个大型官僚机构，谁还会真正在乎股东的利益？在官僚机构中，一旦任务从你手中的文件篮转到别人的文件篮中，你便认为工作已经完成了。但实际情况并非如此，直到美国电话电报公司提供了应该提供的服务之后，这个任务才算完成。所以，你会看到许多企业演变成了臃肿、麻木和缺乏动力的官僚机构。这些企业也会走向腐败。换句话说，如果我有一个部门，你也有一个部门，我们都在某件事情上拥有共同管理权，这时就产生了一个心照不宣的规则：“你过你的独木桥，我走"}
{"instruction": "作者借社交想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 操控 数字世界如何左右我们的行为和情感", "output": "字技术是如何设计来影响我们的行为的，从而增强读者对心理操纵手段的警觉。这种警觉使人们更能够识别和抵制那些试图操控自己决策的技术策略，从而更好地保护自己的自由意志。再次，我们也会适时地产生对“行为选择的理性思考”，通过深入了解数字时代的心理学，读者可以更理性地对待自己的行为选择。这可能包括对社交媒体使用、在线购物和信息获取等方面的选择，使人们更有能力做出符合自己利益的决策，而不是受到外部操控的影响。总结来说，这本书可以为我们提供对自由意志和心理操纵的深层次理解，提高我们在数字时代中保持独立思考和自主选择的能力。通过获取这些知识，我们可以更好地应对潜在的心理操纵，更自由地塑造自己的行为并做出决策。黄建平苏州大学教育学院心理学系副教授推荐序二社交平台与人际互动：交织的虚拟与现实在数字化浪潮的推动下，社交平台逐渐成为我们日常生活中不可或缺的一部分。它们以独特的魅力和强大的功能，打破了时间和空间的限制，为我们带来了前所未有的社交体验。然而，与此同时，社交平台也在潜移默化中改变着我们与他人的交流方式，在虚拟和现实社交的交织中，引发了一系列值得我们深思的问题。以色列社会心理学家利拉斯·马加利特的著作《操控：数字世界如何左右我们的行为和感情》就是这样一本引人深思的书。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价人们？", "input": "Source: 操控 数字世界如何左右我们的行为和情感", "output": "观特性或人们对它的理性认知，实际上人们对它的感知主要取决于感官对它的解释。因此，不论人们掌握了多少知识，也不论对世间事物的理解有多深刻，即使人们知道原理却仍然无法抵御感官上的感受。错觉不仅存在于感知，也在其他方面普遍存在。例如，我夸你今天穿的衬衫很适合你，你可能认为我这么说是为了得到某种回报，但即便如此，你在情感上仍然享受赞美。同样地，如果两家商店以相同的价格出售同款电视机，其中一家商店标明这是折后价，你就会觉得在这家店买更加划算。当箭头向外时，人们认为两个箭头之间的距离更近，因此线段部分看起来较短，尽管两个箭头的直线部分在视网膜上的长度是相同的。我们也可以尝试用格式塔理论来解释这个现象。格式塔理论是与美国行为主义同期出现并发展的学派，它阐释了人们在试图解释现象时的一些有趣之处。如果你想让像素成为有意义的图像、让声波成为一个词语，就必须经历转化外界信息的过程。人的感知机制配备了一些“操作指令”，可以扭曲和改变通过感官获得的客观信息。这些指令赋予不同信息以不同的权重，旨在帮助人们更有效地行事。这就是为什么无论你观察多少遍，在感知上依然认为箭头向内的线段更长。在理解信息时，这些先天的感知规则总是优先于客观信息，因此奈何你花多少力气也无法将两条线段“视作”等长。"}
{"instruction": "这段关于评价的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 操控 数字世界如何左右我们的行为和情感", "output": "另一个应用程序&nbsp;Klout是根据用户在社交媒体上的影响力（点赞、评论、转发等）为用户进行打分，现在有的人还会把他们的Klout评分添加在自己的简历中，证明自己拥有良好的声誉。今天，人们在脸书和照片墙等平台上的评分和回复也将获得平台之外的价值。某次，我在采访女性招聘专员和人力资源经理的时候，她们告诉我，如今每个招聘专员在联系应聘者之前都会查询对方的脸书和领英账号，访问个人资料，在许多情况下，没有通过初步筛选的候选人就止步于此。这说明，人们正在积极使用更加个人化的评价系统。不难想象，在这样一个世界里，公寓房东将更愿意把房子出租给拥有良好网络评价的人，甚至是在脸书上更受欢迎的人，或在照片墙上拥有更多关注者的人。本章要点崇尚名利、高调张扬、注重外在、不断攀比、量化自我价值、贴标签而不自知，是与网络文化密不可分的元素，如果人们仍犹豫不决，置若罔闻，很可能会走上一条不归路。人们会信任软件上素未谋面之人的评价，但这些评价可能会导致以偏概全。这些观点以一种陈腐观念为基础，即个体是其获得评价的总和，并且个体在不同情境下的所有交互可以计算得到一个总体评分，得多少分就反映了这是一个怎么样的人。基于追踪和收集信息的评价方法正扩展到各个领域。除了人们已经熟知的评价系统之外，更广泛的评价应用程序正在面世。"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对现实的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 操控 数字世界如何左右我们的行为和情感", "output": "于是，问题来了。人类在没有科技的情况下好好生存了数百万年，那么科技到底是如何与人类的奖励系统紧密关联的？虚拟奖励正成为人类奖励系统中不可或缺的一部分。在这里，“虚拟”一词用于描述一种从现实世界中汲取了某些元素但并不真实的存在。例如，当你在电脑上玩战争游戏时，可能会感到兴奋、沮丧或急迫，但没有受伤的危险。战争游戏的发明者甚至认为，游戏中的虚拟体验甚至超过了真实体验，因为相关危险在真实体验中几乎不存在，而玩游戏的人却设法体验了危急、快乐、胜利和惊喜，这些感觉随着游戏变得越来越复杂，并被放大、被传递到现实可感的世界中。数字世界把一系列新的人为刺激植入大脑的奖励系统里，这些刺激充斥感官，超越了今天人们能想象的快乐和兴奋的极限。数字技术带来的奖励使人类历史上的兴奋强度到达峰值。它让大脑体验了一种物理现实无法与之抗衡的新型生理性激活状态。实际上，当下的人们生活在双重现实中，而其他动物却仅生活在客观现实中，与山脉、河流、其他动物等客观实体相伴。诚然，人类也是这个现实中的一分子，但多年来，人们已在客观现实之上创造了第二层由虚构事物组成的虚构现实，而且这个现实日益占据主导地位。人们正全力以赴奔向完全在虚拟世界中的生活。这将是虚拟现实的巅峰，有史以来，人类第一次在物理现实以外的现实中花费更多的时间，这个现实中的对话、情"}
{"instruction": "文中关于世界的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 操控 数字世界如何左右我们的行为和情感", "output": "最初，这种类似的症状与经历截肢却仍能感受到被截肢体的人有关。尽管这部分肢体已经不再是身体的一部分，但它通过神经细胞“存在”于大脑中，并且在过度刺激下能产生这部分肢体的疼痛感。对于幻觉响铃综合征患者而言，如果在一段时间内没有听到手机振铃，通常会引发幻觉。此刻用户内心的感觉是，世界已经遗忘了他们。他们对与世界联结的渴望如此强烈，以至于开始想象来电铃声和手机振动音。另一种相关现象是无手机恐惧症，这是一种由于设备丢失、电池没电或手机故障而引起的恐惧症，发作时人们可以详细描述从不适到焦虑全面发作的一系列感受，严重的症状包括恐慌、心率加快、体虚和头晕。因此，有专业人士呼吁将这种恐惧症作为一种正式症状，纳入有关的精神疾病中。其实这就是上瘾的直接后果，但不要误会，人们不是对设备本身上瘾，而是对设备所象征的东西上瘾。对大多数用户来说，手机象征着与世界的联系，因此当这种联系无法正常运作时，就会体验到与世界脱节的感觉。我们已经看到，在数字世界中获得的奖励与感觉、情绪、动机有关，包括对自我价值、欣赏和认可的需要。纵观历史，此前并没有创造出类似这样能够塑造人思想和感受的奖励。当人生活的越多部分被纳入数字世界，它对人的影响就越大。数字世界正使人越发产生依赖心理，但这不仅是因为它为生活提供便利，更主要的是因为它满足了人"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对斯金纳给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 操控 数字世界如何左右我们的行为和情感", "output": "但仔细分析他关于“人性”概念的研究后会发现，他与弗洛伊德的观点实际存在一些相同之处，例如两人都认为人不是自由的生物：弗洛伊德认为人是受冲动控制的生物，而斯金纳认为人的行为经由环境的强化作用塑造而成。大约有十年时间，两人做着各自的研究，弗洛伊德不了解斯金纳的工作，但斯金纳却对弗洛伊德的工作非常熟悉，他甚至寻求精神分析治疗来熟悉弗洛伊德的观点，对弗洛伊德研究的无意识领域也很感兴趣。他们都认为人在很大程度上是由人所不知道的力量驱动的，只不过在斯金纳看来，这个系统基于操作性条件反射，在人类无法用语言解释或意识不到它的情况下发生。如前文所述，斯金纳并不反对人体内部存在调节行为过程的观点，但他认为可以不考虑大脑中究竟发生了什么，只需关注人的行为。他将大脑称为“黑箱”，这个术语已被软件工程师和数据科学家采用，他们也同意斯金纳的观点，正试图开发影响人行为的软件。我咨询的一家公司开发了一项广告自动化技术。这家公司开发的算法，可以识别出在谷歌搜索特定内容和关键词的网络用户，并向他们提供与搜索词相关的广告。下一步，他们会确认植入广告的标题中的某些词是否跟点击率有关系。从中，他们发现一些表达会成为引发高点击率的因素，包括疑问词、首字母大写等。当我问他们，如何解释这一现象，即为"}
{"instruction": "这一段对戈培尔的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 操控 数字世界如何左右我们的行为和情感", "output": "者问的是“你喜欢这部电影吗”。如果说，过去纳粹德国的宣传部部长约瑟夫·戈培尔雇用官员的工作，深入实地了解并测试了各种信息的有效性，那么现在的分析软件不仅可以在网络上找到关于公司或产品或特定个人的所有相关信息，还可以帮助组织了解公众情绪。戈培尔上台后承认，他读过伯内斯的书，并从中获得了宣传灵感，应用于如何使元首成为受人尊敬的领袖以及如何进行针对犹太人的宣传。他称自己为“心理独裁者”，他知道如何投其所好，让公众听到他们想要的声音。而这些，或多或少也是我参加的小组会议上，来自剑桥分析公司的高层所要表达的。与伯内斯和戈培尔在技术时代来临之前所做的宣传不同，在今天这么做的危险点在于，程序可以在不与网络用户互动的情况下完成分析情绪的任务。通过这些程序就能够了解上网者的感受，无须真的去询问对方。在网络中写下的每一句话，都可以被用作情感分析的素材，无论它表达的是积极情绪还是消极情绪。因此，公司可以从每月数千条消息中了解其背后隐藏的一般信息；政客也可以利用这一点，根据每个网络用户的心理特征和人格结构，为不同的个体构建准确的信息文档。如伯内斯和罗宾逊所说，推销牙膏和推销选举候选人并没有什么区别，候选人也是一种“产品”。由此，人们也应该明白，即使是宣传一场战争，与宣传一款产品也没有太大的区别。"}
{"instruction": "价值在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 操控 数字世界如何左右我们的行为和情感", "output": "即使是一个刚出生的婴儿，他或许还不知晓金钱的价值，但能懂得吃喝玩乐的价值，日后他也会懂得性的价值。这些都是大自然安排人们去追寻的一级强化物。通过经典条件反射或联想学习，人们在社会化的过程中慢慢了解金钱的价值，它的价值等同于食物、饮料等一级强化物。而一想到金钱，它的标志可以是绿色的美元钞票，或者是其他颜色的货币。这无疑是迄今为止与发明相关的最好的故事，因为它是每个人都相信的故事，不分宗教、种族和性别。金钱，一般被认为是人类的终极奖励，但钱本身作为一张纸的存在是毫无价值的。人们不能吃它，也不能喝它，却奇迹般地相信这些花花绿绿的纸能够换取十根香蕉、一双鞋或一顿晚餐。对我们来说，这些事物都有真实而明确的价值，它们是一级强化物，本身就具有价值。金钱奖励对人类而言非常重要，以至于人们不必去使用、实现它的价值，仅是拥有它就已经十分满足。我的一位好朋友告诉我，她的父母非常节俭，从不会浪费钱，不会支出任何不必要的开销。小时候，她非常嫉妒朋友们穿名牌，而她生活富裕的父母却常常在二手店里给她和姐姐买衣服。她告诉我，她父亲的一大乐趣就是每周五早上去银行查看他们的存款明细，下午她的父母常常一起坐在客厅里看银行余额消遣。由此可见，金钱真的已经变成让人一看就笑的重要奖励。学习过程伴随着大脑的变化"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的奖励是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 操控 数字世界如何左右我们的行为和情感", "output": "知道涂鸦的内容和更新的频率是什么。可变奖励显著增加了用户登录应用程序、社交网络或网站的可能性。这就是多巴胺在商业网站中的运作方式。例如，你登录某网站，看见一个标题说，预计在未来的几天内，网站将进行“全部商品打折”的清仓大甩卖，于是你可能会在接下来的几天里多次登录这个网站，看看有什么是自己需要的。此时，访问网站会成为一种习惯，经常重复一个动作会增加该动作成为习惯的可能性，我将在第十七章详细讨论这一点。尽管看起来是网站让利给消费者，但它同时也让用户养成了一种新习惯。从长远来看，这将为网站的所有者带来丰厚的回报。频繁登录网站，会让用户将此行为作为日常生活的一部分，当然这也将显著增加网站销售的营业额。尽管在技术领域，人们才刚刚开始了解多巴胺在激发行为方面的巨大力量，但多巴胺系统促使养成习惯的力量并不令人感到陌生，比如赌博、吸烟、喝酒等，都算在其中。这一过程在赌博、酗酒的人身上真实发生，但这些人造奖励所带来的结果，实际上违背了大脑奖励机制的初衷。奖励系统的破坏想要了解大脑的奖励系统为什么会出错，重要的是了解奖励系统为什么存在。奖励系统不是让人们快乐，而是关照人的生存。奖励系统是保障人们能够在数百万年的进化中生存下来的原因之一。它是怎么做到的？其原理是这样的——每当人们进行对生存至关重要的行动（例"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述多巴胺？", "input": "Source: 操控 数字世界如何左右我们的行为和情感", "output": "这与我们在前文详细讨论的快乐循环也有关联。在数字游戏的世界里，每一个动作都会获得以灯光、色彩变化、音效和得分为形式的强化。这类游戏通常简单易懂，并且不需要投入认知资源，因此儿童和成人都可以轻松理解其中的基本原理。在游戏的过程中，循序渐进的学习机制被激活，游戏难度逐步地、轻微地提升，使得人们有时不得不再次挑战，因此快乐机制也被重新激活。要想继续获得满足感，就必须一而再，再而三地开始游戏。如你所见，这种行为对人的吸引力来源于多巴胺，它帮助人们识别模式和模型。人们的期望是它运作的关键。多巴胺细胞会不断地根据过去的经验，来创造行动模式。婴儿如果在经历几次哭喊后发现母亲都会迅速过来查看他的情况，那么他便会掌握一种模式——用哭泣得到积极的回报（母亲来了），他大脑中的多巴胺水平会在听到母亲的脚步声时上升，甚至这种上升会在母亲到来之前就发生。而当预测错误（母亲不来）时，婴儿大脑就会发送一个独特的电信号，作为对预测错误的回应。大脑能清楚区分预示奖赏到来的信号，但它无法区分现实世界和虚拟世界。当人们玩老虎机和智能手机游戏时，大脑也在努力预测和识别模式，努力洞悉游戏，破译机器的运作模式。尽管多巴胺会在识别出熟悉的模式时产生反应，但意想不到的奖励对它的刺激更大（通过多巴胺释放的水平强度来衡量）。"}
{"instruction": "红绿灯在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 操控 数字世界如何左右我们的行为和情感", "output": "如果在任何时刻，我们的注意力都习惯于分散在各种刺激上，例如手机提醒、弹出的广告、浏览器打开的多个窗口，这意味着人们常规活动的水平已经非常高，相应的刺激阈值也非常高。在这种情况下，如果一个人在等红绿灯变灯时不去看手机，就很难获得刺激，也难以达到满足。科技时代普遍存在过度刺激现象，这使得人们变得极度依赖外部刺激，很难自己找到乐子。尽管无聊听起来就惹人心烦，但这种感觉是有助于创造性思维发展的。一项实验研究证明了这一观点。在实验的第一阶段，一组学生被要求抄写手机屏幕显示的数字，而另一组则被要求大声朗读这些数字。在第二阶段，研究人员测试了两组学生的联想能力，例如想象杯子或夹子等物品尽可能多的用途。结果显示，在第一阶段参与乏味任务（朗读被认为比抄写更被动，也因此被判断为更无聊的任务）的学生，在第二阶段测试中有更富创意的表现。从童年开始，人们就已经发现难以抑制无聊的发生。孩子每每感到无聊，一些父母就会让他去看电视、玩电脑或手机，而不是鼓励他自己找点事情做。调查显示，人一天观看各类媒体的时间约为7个小时，这个时间还在不断增长。人与自己思维相处的能力，是一种需要后天学习的能力。在没有掌握与自己相处的能力的孩子中，无聊已成为最大的恐惧。由于孩子在看屏幕时会受到大量刺激，他们会极度依赖外"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里养老金究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 操控 数字世界如何左右我们的行为和情感", "output": "同样，当红大卫盾会或国家移植中心发起献血或捐献器官的运动时，宣传的效果却微乎其微；但当红大卫盾会的救护车到达各工作场所时，献血率奇迹般地上升了。同理，英国政府为了让其公民加入养老金计划，便将默认选项设定为“加入计划”，而取消“自动”加入该计划则需要在表格上额外填写某些内容才行。很明显，最受用户欢迎的技术并不需要用户为获得奖励而执行复杂的操作，只需轻轻点击一个按钮——优兔网上的“播放”按钮上，脸书上的“点赞”按钮和申请添加好友的按钮，以及照片墙上上传照片的按钮 ——没有比这更简单的了。同样，亚马逊注册为专利的一个成功案例是“一键下单”功能，客户只需一次点击就可以完成购买，因为下单所需的所有详细信息早就经过先前的订单被保存在系统中。有调查结果表明，致使已经进入购物车并打算下单的用户最终放弃支付的首要原因，是填写购买所需的详细信息。这一烦琐过程令用户重新考虑购买这件事，考虑自己是否真的需要该产品，在许多情况下，这些思虑导致客户直接放弃购买。因而创建一键下单技术有效减少了用户支付过程中的犹疑。我的一位朋友认为，人们有多需要某项服务并不重要，如果不易获得这项服务，人们大概率也不会费心去订购它。他给我举了一个换灯泡的例子：“大约一个半月前，我客厅大灯的灯泡烧坏了，它就这么一直"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，沙拉为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 操控 数字世界如何左右我们的行为和情感", "output": "个蜂巢是一项巨大的奖励，而今天在西方社会，没有人会因得到蜂蜜而感动不已。每家高档的餐厅都能提供精致的菜肴，和过去的茹毛饮血有天差地别。当人们想到“配有新鲜的西葫芦和马苏里拉芝士的酢浆草沙拉”时，脑海里会出现什么？在大多数情况下，可能想到的是西葫芦的爽脆和奶酪的柔软与沙拉的酸味相结合，能制作一道精美的菜肴。真正的奖励不再是食物本身，而是围绕它的整个呈现过程。相比之下，简单如田园蔬菜沙拉这样的奖励，很难使人兴奋不已。非自然的高强度奖励的问题在于，它们会导致人们快速形成习惯——人们很快就会忘记它们，然后继续寻找下一项刺激、下一个餐厅、下一部移动设备。人为刺激更严重的问题是，很快人们将不再能从秋天飘然而下的落叶或婴儿的微笑中获得美好的体验。因为大脑中的奖励区已经设置了更高的刺激阈值，并且其中大多数刺激源不再存在于现实世界。扩展思维未来机器人将成为人类最好的朋友人脑天生倾向于简单而非复杂的事物。与计算机的交互就恰好符合这一趋势。数字交流只需要最少的社交信号，其中大部分内容可以通过表情符号（emoticons）或标点符号表达，这些是面对面互动中所难以言表的情感。这种交流不需要大脑做出认知方面的努力，例如面对面交流时，人们就需要分析面前人的面部表情、声音和手势。"}
{"instruction": "围绕安抚，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 操控 数字世界如何左右我们的行为和情感", "output": "恋，与建立长期关系并发展亲密关系的能力之间存在联系。人际关系反映了早期童年时的经历。初到人世后的第一年所获得的依恋模式，塑造了人成年后的浪漫关系。童年时期建立过可靠关系的幼儿，未来会相信他们的伴侣能在他们需要的时候陪在他们身边，不会害怕依赖他们的伴侣，并且会让他们的伴侣对他们产生依赖。相比之下，一些幼儿与照顾他们的母亲或父母之间存在矛盾。他们寻求母亲的亲近，但当母亲试图安抚他们时，他们拒绝身体接触并且无法放松。有类似经历的孩子，成年后对伴侣的爱表现出持续的怀疑，难以获得情感上的满足，需要不断得到被爱的证明，并在人际关系中表现出缺乏安全感。建立了回避模式的幼儿，总是逃避与母亲的接触。他们知道，母亲的出现并不能缓解压力、减轻痛苦，因此他们试图靠自己过日子。在一些情况下，母亲难以理解婴儿所传递的信息，例如当婴儿想要拥抱时反而以为他是饿了，在他哭泣时没有靠近安抚，没有根据他的进食节奏做出调整。这些人成年后很容易被认为是似乎对亲密关系不感兴趣的人，他们从亲密关系开始形成的那一刻起就开始“搞砸”关系，因为他们无法信任他人。社交网络时代为人们开辟了另一个探索恋爱关系的渠道。网络似乎是表达自我隐藏的欲望的一条途径。最近的各种研究表明，一个人具有怎样的依恋模式，可以通过观察他在网络中的行为方式来预测。"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，孩子意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 操控 数字世界如何左右我们的行为和情感", "output": "前的方式，左右设计都是为了促使人们购买远远超出需求和计划的产品。而社交网络是传递信息、保持联系和建立关系网的绝佳平台，我们必须为自己设定一个预计的上网时间，即使网络设计的目的是让人失去时间感并浑然忘我。具有讽刺意味的是，我们已经看到，由于受到了许多批评和指责，苹果和谷歌等科技巨头甚至脸书都开始提供控制浏览时长的工具，防止用户沉迷于不停地刷新内容，而不知时间的流逝。家长一定要特别留心孩子对科技的使用，首先我必须承认科技无论是对成人还是对孩子，诱惑都是巨大的。手机经常被称为“终极保姆”。毫无疑问，在处理孩子使用电子设备这方面存在不小的困难。例如，我的孩子直到三岁才能睡一整晚。淹没家长的疲劳感和对几分钟清静的渴望，使得我们在移动设备上看到了有希望且有效的解决方案。但必须坚持适度的原则。正如你所见，放纵与溺爱的后果可能是毁灭性的。在两岁之前，最好不要让孩子接触手机。从两岁开始，孩子可以在大人的监督下，一点点了解数字世界。幼儿过早或过度接触手机，可能会对其信息处理、学习和注意力系统造成破坏，而这些系统是发展阅读、创造力、想象力和解决问题等能力的基础。在婴儿出生后的头几年，大脑飞速发育，正常的发育来源于接受自然的刺激，如玩耍、与人见面和人际交往。即使我们审视人际关系——工作关系、恋"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价思维？", "input": "Source: 数学的雨伞下：理解世界的乐趣", "output": "经过多年对这种思维模式的锤炼，我们很难摆脱加法量级。如果真是这样，你不必试图去摆脱这种思维模式，再继续读几页，不要担心，放开胆，让自己的思维信马由缰。你会发现——或重新发现——一种全新的思维方式是多么令人兴奋。但有时会出现一个问题。如果我们最初的直觉是乘法式的，而且这种乘法直觉更适合于思考周围的世界，那么为什么我们要竭尽所能把它从自己的思维中去除掉呢？为什么硬是要让一种和现实没那么相宜的加法思维进入我们头脑中呢？学校里的数学是否让我们脱离了一种适切的常识，并用一种人为的且不适合的思维取而代之了呢？我们是否应该对加法思维弃而不用？回答是否定的。加法思维，就其本身而言，不可弃之不用。坦率地说，它在很多情况下都非常有用。下一次在超市结账的时候，你肯定会为小票上的金额没有采用乘法来计算而感到高兴。另外，尽管还是说了那么多，但也许没有必要去说服你，加法和减法在我们的日常生活中依然随处可见。可能没有你想象的那么常见，但也足够寻常。此外，乘法本身也需要加法。因为就算我们的直觉大致上是乘法式的，但这并不意味着乘法的数学就更容易理解。没有接受过数学教育，就不可能发展出这种最初的思维以使其发挥最大的潜能。为此，好好领悟加法的概念乃是根本所在，这样才能深入理解乘法的概念。"}
{"instruction": "这段关于于海洋的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 数学的雨伞下：理解世界的乐趣", "output": "研究？所有这些问题都既令人兴奋又令人恐惧。理解现实的过程分为几个阶段。首先，以某种模糊的方式直觉地感到领悟了一些事情。一些山比另一些山更高。然后，通过测量和定义来确定直觉的感受。以海平面为基准来测量海拔。这些定义会伴随我们一段时间，并推动我们前行。它们会指引我们去思考，指引得如此之好，以至于到了某一步，这些定义本身会告诉我们，它们无法走得更远，而我们将不得不与它们分道扬镳。这个时候，最为微妙的时刻或许就来了。这一刻最让人感到不舒服，但也最令人陶醉。那就是超脱的时刻。那是当事物变得如此清晰以至于再次变得模糊的时刻。那是我们对事物理解得足够多以至于知道自己理解得其实没有那么多的时刻。就像一张漂亮的照片，因为看的时候凑得太近，变成了一个个像素块。在经过充分的探究之后，海拔问题似乎就成了像浪花之于海洋那样情理之中的问题。最终，无法客观地选定全球最高峰并不重要。这从一开始就是个伪问题，是一个圈套，是一道暗影。相反，其他谜题现在似乎更值得我们去探个究竟。为什么不同的海拔定义互不匹配呢？为什么地球不是正圆形的呢？而为什么它必须是正圆形的呢？它的这种形状是纯粹偶然的结果，还是自然规律的鬼斧神工呢？在这些情况下，高和低又意味着什么呢？如何对这些看似如此简单，但当你想要深入探究时又变得如此棘手的问题进行科学的探讨"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对牛顿的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 数学的雨伞下：理解世界的乐趣", "output": "牛顿的这个想法部分借鉴了开普勒的思考，但他把这些思考推到了极致，从而提出了一个绝对通用的原理，这个原理可以表述为：万物落在万物之上，一刻不停！宇宙中的任意两个物体，无论它们是什么，身在何处，都会不断地相互吸引，若无阻碍，两者会具有相互掉落的趋势。借助这个简单的法则，牛顿解释了各种风马牛不相及的现象，而此前人们从未想到，这些想象可以用如此简单的方式加以理解。当然，万有引力解释了为什么苹果会掉落在地球上，因为它受到了地球的吸引。正如开普勒所预言的那样，万有引力还解释了潮汐现象。海洋每天升起又落下，是因为受到了月球的吸引，尽管我们卫星的引力还不足以把地球上的水带到月球上，但也足够让地球上的水升高几米。牛顿还认为，是引力让行星保持致密。构成地球的物质之所以没有像抛在风中的一捧沙子那样在空中散开，那是因为引力让它保持聚成一体的状态。但是，牛顿最大的成就无疑是用简单的引力定律解释了月球和行星的运动。在过去的几个世纪中，陆地上的现象和天空中的现象一直都被区别对待。人们认为天空中的物理规则有所不同。人们认为苹果掉落的运动法则和行星转动的运动法则不一样。证据就是，苹果没有在转动，而行星没有在掉落！但牛顿在《原理》中提出了相反的看法，从而掀起了一场名副其实的革命。在他看来，所有旋转的天体唯一的运动就是永不停"}
{"instruction": "文中关于正方形的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 数学的雨伞下：理解世界的乐趣", "output": "他构造出这样一条无限长、细节无限细密的线条，然后开始研究它奇异的特性。佩亚诺这条无限长的线条最令人惊讶也最受争议的特性是，线条完全填满了其勾勒出的正方形。佩亚诺向我们表明，这条线绝对经过了正方形内的所有的点，一个都没落下！如果我们想要以正确的方式描绘这条线，那么最好的办法就是把一个正方形完全涂黑，但即便如此，这也无法忠实呈现曲线在正方形中弯折盘绕的细密痕迹。对数学界来说，这种构造犹如一种启示。就在此前几年，还没有人会相信一条线可以填满整个面。佩亚诺曲线成功地把狄多的切割推向了无穷。迦太基城创始人的牛皮条很细，但仍有一定的厚度。如果狄多能够切割出佩亚诺曲线，那么这条曲线就能把整个地球、太阳系、银河系等统统收入囊中！佩亚诺曲线以简单、直观的方式验证了几年前格奥尔格·康托尔在集合论框架内公布的一个结果：一条线上的点和一个实心正方形中的点一样多。在几何学中，点是图形的基本组成部分。点没有任何厚度，因此每个几何图形都由无限细密的无穷多个点组成。线和正方形一样，含有无穷多的点，那么康托尔的集合论自然就会关注以下这个问题：一条线上的点是否和一个正方形中的点一样多？只需对两者进行观察，我们就会忍不住认为正方形中的无穷大要“大于”线上的无穷大。就像我们之前会认为整数的无穷大要大于奇数的无穷大一样。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对欧几里得给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 数学的雨伞下：理解世界的乐趣", "output": "我不知道你是怎么想的，但一想到那么多不必要的公设，我就感到头皮发麻。相反，我觉得仅凭五个基本真理就能证明最显而易见的事情是分外优雅的。知道我们的数学大厦建立在最少的公设之上，这是一件非常令人高兴的事，不是吗？但不要对欧几里得的意图有所误会。欧几里得并没有声称每一位几何学家都必须依靠他的五个公设去证明所需的那个定理。相反，《几何原本》是完全开放的，它提供了一套妙不可言的工具，让你不必在每次使用这些工具的时候都得去考虑命题的真实性。如果你需要《几何原本》中某个经过证明的结果，那么这个结果就在那里，任你差遣。既然欧几里得已经证明了正方形的存在，那么就该彻底解决这个问题了。自那以后，这个问题已经得到了解决。但在优雅这种非常主观的问题之外，这种方法还带来了另一个问题。如果每看到一个对我们来说显而易见的断言就添加一个公设，那么就会很难知道在何处打住。显而易见和复杂定理之间的界线可能是模糊的，而且可能对每个人而言都不一样。欧几里得的方法让我们免于把时间浪费在关于什么显而易见而什么不是的争论上。数学不在乎什么是显而易见的，它只想知道什么是真的。今天，这个问题在数学界不再会引发真正的争论。一种理论能够建立在尽可能少的定理之上总是更好的。但这就带来了一个新的问题：是否可以做到用比欧几里得更少的公"}
{"instruction": "这一段对谈论的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 数学的雨伞下：理解世界的乐趣", "output": "这种绝对的、没有任何希望的主观性不仅限于颜色。或许味道、声音和气味也是如此。你尝到的咸味可能是别人尝到的甜味，你听到的低沉声音可能是别人耳中的尖利之声，你闻到的玫瑰香气可能是别人鼻中的丁香芬芳。生活也许只是一群各自谈论不同事物的人之间的一种巨大误解。在这种情况下，与他人交流的可能性并不取决于我们谈论的是相同的事物，而只取决于我们谈论的事物彼此之间具有相同的关系这一事实。或许你眼中的蓝色、红色和紫色和我眼中的蓝色、红色和紫色并不一样，但无论如何，你都会赞同红色和蓝色可以混合出紫色的说法。这样，我们说出的话才能在我们赋予这些话的千百种阐释中为真。这或许才是唯一重要的事情。我们通常会认为数学的目的就是辨别真假，于是就会陷入一种焦虑。数学是否也会存在绝对的误解？我们是否可以断言，在做几何或算术时，我们确切地知道自己在谈论什么？在《几何原本》中，欧几里得使用了诸如“点”“线”或“圆”之类的词语，或许在看到这些词的时候，你会在脑中描绘出这些词语指称的足够精准的画面。但其他人能否赋予这些词语不同的含义呢？你觉得，人们能否在对所用词语具有不同想法的情况下，谈论几何呢？没有悬念：答案是肯定的。数学是模棱两可的。数学就像颜色，可能为绝对的主观性所累，而很多理论可以用几种不同的方式来阐释。"}
{"instruction": "运动在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 数学的雨伞下：理解世界的乐趣", "output": "了。如果我们现在考虑到地球的公转、太阳系的运动和银河系的运动，那么我们的水熊虫就会在距此数万千米的地方，在星际真空中。在你合上这本书之前，它可能已经从某个你一无所知的外星生物黏糊糊、形容可怖的长鼻子下面穿过去了，这并非没有可能。但是，所有这些思考仍然没有回答我们的问题。水熊虫到底在哪里？它的位置不是相对于本书，不是相对于地球，也不是相对于银河系，而是在绝对的意义之上。它在真空中。在说“嘟”的那一刻，你已经凝固了它在空间中的位置。水熊虫没有动，移动的则是它周围的天体。当一切都在运动中，且我们没有任何静止的参照物时，是否有可能确定水熊虫的位置？根据伽利略的相对论，答案是否定的。绝对静止是无法察觉得到的，因此某个物体的绝对位置也是如此。绝对静止的假设对于喜欢寻找参照点的人类大脑来说当然很好，但对于毫不在乎参照点的自然规律来说，似乎是完全没有必要的。难道真如牛顿所想，的确存在一个静止且永恒的宇宙剧场，天体在这个剧场中表演着各自的戏码？还是说，宇宙的所有运动都只是相对存在的？如果辨别运动的静止就像辨别蓝色和红色一样难，或许我们应该干脆放弃赋予它们一种绝对意义的做法。运动是相对的。静止是相对的。位置是相对的。绝对速度的概念毫无意义。绝对位置的概念也毫无意"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的世界是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 数学的雨伞下：理解世界的乐趣", "output": "图5.15 这就是闵氏版狭义相对论的强大和优雅之处。以恰当的角度去看，即使乍看起来最复杂的理论也会突然间变得简单，这总能让人感到不可思议。当然了，这需要经过一个抽象的步骤，你必须花时间以四维角度去想象时空。但是，一旦做出了这样的努力，就可以用一句简单明了又令人目瞪口呆的话来概括有史以来最惊人的科学理论之一：万物以光速前进，一刻不停！这真是一件令人欢欣雀跃的事情。闵可夫斯基的时空是抽象的，但它是多么美丽啊！想想看，这个时空里的一切在概念上是多么简单和流畅。在爱因斯坦的阐释中，每个人都以各自的速度前进，根据各自的几何、长度和持续时间去看待世界。而在闵可夫斯基的世界里，一切都以同样的速度前进，每个人看到的都是同样的几何，只是视角发生了变化。习惯这些想法，并学会在心理上自如地应对这些描绘是需要时间的。如果你想让自己的理解更进一步，那么你仍需要漫长而令人陶醉的时间在最微小的细节中去揭开这个时空之谜。但这个故事最令人不可思议的地方就是，要记住我们刚才所说的一切都是关于现实世界的。我们所说的不是数学家们某种牵强附会的理论。一个多世纪以来，这些结果已经得到大量实验的测试和验证。我们的世界确实就是这样运转的。在一个晴朗无云的夜晚，抬起你的双眼凝望星辰。在表面静止的背后，所有的星辰都"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述黑洞？", "input": "Source: 数学的雨伞下：理解世界的乐趣", "output": "这个结果绝对令人叹为观止，拍摄到的真实图像与根据方程进行的计算机模拟毫无二致。这一次，结果毋庸置疑：黑洞这个宇宙怪兽确实存在！生活在一个重大科学发现飞速接踵而至的时代，我们是多么幸运啊！想想看：智人这个物种已经有三十多万年的历史，而我们这一代是首代能够观察到宇宙中最神秘、最超乎想象之天体图像的人。诚然，黑洞的第一张照片是模糊的，但毫无疑问的是，在未来的几年中，技术将变得更加完善，从而让我们能够看到越来越入微的细节。我们很快就会获得更好的照片。但无论如何，2019年将永远是人类历史上首次观测到黑洞的年份。我们可以讲述无数关于黑洞的事情，因为这些天体是那么迷人、可怕和充满惊喜。但我想跟你说说黑洞附近的时间会发生怎样的变化。到目前为止，我们重点关注的是使光线发生偏转的空间的扭曲。但我们不该忘记，在相对论中，时空是一个弹性体，而一切都在一起变形。处在一颗大质量的天体附近时，你看起来更小，但你生命的节奏似乎也变慢了，就好像你的时间流逝得慢了。当然了，从你的角度来看是没有任何变化的，这只是一种时间的地图效应。变慢只存在于外部观察者的视角之中。这种时间的扭曲存在于所有大质量天体的附近，包括地球。你在海平面上比在山顶上衰老得要慢。当然，我们人类的感官是无法察觉到这种影响的，但为了让我们先进的技术"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里英国文学究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 斯通纳", "output": "回，父亲问他是不是喜欢学校，他回答说挺好。父亲点点头就不再提这事儿了。直到第二学年回校的时候，威廉·斯通纳才明白自己为什么来上大学。到大学二年级的时候，他已经是校园里大家都熟悉的身影了。他一年四季都穿着那套不变的黑色平绒套装，白衬衣，系着领结，手腕从外套的袖口里伸出来，裤子在腿上难看地飘荡着，好像那套制服以前是别人穿过的。随着雇主越来越懒惰，他干活的时间不断增加，而且晚上还要在自己的房间花很长时间做布置的作业；他已经着手又一轮学习内容了，这将让他获得农学院的理学士学位。第二学年的第一个学期，他要学两门基础科学，一门农学院的土壤化学课程，一门差不多要求所有大学生都要修的课程——一个学期的英国文学概论。最初的几个星期过后，理工课程没有碰到多大的困难；有太多的事情要做，太多的东西需要记忆。土壤化学课总体上他还很感兴趣；他从来没有想到过，那些黄褐色的土块，他有生以来大部分时间都在打交道的土块，看上去远不是那么回事，他开始隐隐约约发现，自己不断增长的土壤知识，等回到父亲的农场后或许会有用。可是，必修的英国文学概论却空前地让他有些烦恼和不安生。老师是个中年男人，四十出头，名叫阿切尔·斯隆，他对自己的教学任务态度好像带点嘲弄和蔑视的味道，似乎感觉在自己的知识和能言说的东西之"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，斯隆为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 斯通纳", "output": "文献；他的眼睛因为紧张和缺少睡眠总是红红的，灼热疼痛。有时，他回想自己几年前的样子，被那个陌生人物的记忆搞得惊诧不已，那个人像土地般发黄，逆来顺受，而那个人就是从土地中冒出的。他还会想起父母，他们差不多跟自己养的这个孩子一样陌生了；感觉对他们有种复杂的同情和遥远的爱意。快到大学第四年的中期，一天下课后，阿切尔·斯隆拦住他，请他顺便去趟自己的办公室聊聊。适逢冬季，一股低沉、阴湿的中西部的薄雾飘浮在校园上空。即便在上午十点左右，山茱萸树纤细的枝条上因为结着白霜而闪闪发光，蜿蜒爬上杰西楼前那些巨大柱子的黑色藤蔓边缘满是彩虹色的晶体，在一片灰色的映衬下闪烁着。斯通纳穿的大衣简直破旧不堪，他决定不穿着大衣去见斯隆，虽然天气已经结冰了。当他匆匆忙忙走到那条人行道上，踏上通向杰西楼宽阔的石阶时，浑身瑟瑟发抖。寒冷过后，楼里的热气很强。外面的灰色慢慢渗进窗户和大楼两侧的玻璃门，所以黄色瓷砖地面上闪耀的光要比照在上面的灰色的光线还要明亮，那些巨大的栎木柱子和被刮擦过的墙壁在黑暗中闪着微光。慢腾腾的脚步在地板上嘶嘶作响，轻轻的咕哝声被大楼宽阔的空间消弥掉了；暗淡的人物在缓缓移动，时聚时离；令人压抑的空气里积聚着油漆过的墙壁上的气味，以及羊绒衣服的湿气。斯通纳爬上光滑的大理石楼梯，朝阿切尔·斯隆位于二楼"}
{"instruction": "围绕斯隆，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 斯通纳", "output": "校，分到纽约城近郊的一个训练营。他从信上得知，费奇获得准许，在空闲时间可以去读哥伦比亚大学，在那里还可以设法完成博士学位必须的要求，今年夏天他将获得那里的师范学院授予的学位。信上还告诉他，戴夫·马斯特思被派往法国，差不多在入伍一年后，跟第一批美国士兵一道去执行任务，已经战死在蒂耶里堡。在斯通纳即将获得博士学位的典礼日前一个星期，阿切尔·斯隆给了他一个全职大学讲师的工作职位。斯隆解释说，大学的政策是不雇本校的毕业生，可是由于战时训练有素和有经验的大学教师缺乏，他才有可能说服行政管理部门开个例外。斯通纳曾有些不情愿地给本地区一些大学和学院写了几封求职信，冒昧地详细列举了自己的若干资格；没有得到任何回音时，他奇怪地有种解脱感。他对自己的这种释然还一知半解；在哥伦比亚的这所大学，他已经熟悉了那种安全和温暖，这种东西小时在家就本应该感觉到过，但却未能感觉到，而且对自己能在别处找到这些东西的能力并无把握。他感激不尽地接受了斯隆提供的机会。接受这份工作后，他忽然意识到，斯隆在美国参战的这一年骤然老了许多。他五十好几，显得要多老十岁；那桀骜不驯的铁灰色的鬈发，曾经在头顶蓬蓬松松，现在已经变白，在贫瘠的头骨上平平地贴着，已经了无生命力。他的那双黑眼睛已经迟钝无神，好像蒙了层潮湿的薄膜；"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，斯通纳意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 斯通纳", "output": "每当他尝试指出，她就把他说的那些话当成对她的不当和私心的回敬，就开始病态地疏远他，像做爱时表现出的态度那样。斯通纳责怪是自己的笨拙导致了这种疏远，对她的感受自己负有责任。他以某种从绝望中酝酿出的安静、冷酷无情态度，试验过好多取悦她的小窍门。他经常给她买些礼物，她会冷淡地接受下来，有时漫不经心地聊一聊他们的开支；他带她去散步，到哥伦比亚周边树木葱郁的乡下去野餐，但她很快就厌倦了，有时还会生病；他会像求婚期间那样谈谈自己的工作，可是她的兴趣又慢慢变得敷衍和任性。最后，虽然斯通纳知道她怕羞，还是尽可能温柔地坚持说他们要开始热情地招待朋友。他们搞了一个非正式的茶会，请了系里的几个年轻讲师和助理教授。还举办过几次小型晚餐聚会。伊迪丝没有流露出任何迹象，表明自己开心了还是不开心，但是她为这些活动做准备时如此疯狂和痴迷，等客人一到，却会因为劳累和疲惫而表现得近乎歇斯底里。不过，除了斯通纳，没人真正发觉这点。伊迪丝是个不错的女主人。她神采飞扬、轻松自如地跟客人们说话聊天，弄得斯通纳觉得她好像成了个陌生人，而且客人在场的时候，她跟他讲话时的那股亲密和爱抚劲儿常常让他吃惊。她管他叫威利，这奇怪地让他很感动，有时还会把一只柔软的手搭在他的肩膀上。可是等客人们走后，表面上的东西就自动倒塌了，而且崩溃显露无遗。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画费奇？", "input": "Source: 斯通纳", "output": "费奇强调说，目前还没有有关系主任的规划，他仍然是临时系主任，至少再担任一年。夏天还没结束的那段时间，劳曼克思仍然是那些终身教职工心中的神秘人物和猜测对象。他在杂志上发表的文章被挖掘出来，阅读传诵，获得不少审慎的首肯。在新生周期间，劳曼克思并没有现身，在星期一学生报名前的星期五召开的全体教工会上也没有出现。报名时，系里的老师都呈一条线坐在一长条桌子后面，辛苦地帮助学生选课，协助他们填表时注意那些必填项目，都私下里打量着寻找一张新面孔。劳曼克思仍然没有露面。直到星期二下午的系务会上才见到他，那已经是报名注册工作全部结束后。到那时，前两天单调枯燥的工作，加上新学年开始时的兴奋导致的紧张，英文系的教工们差不多已经忘了劳曼克思的事儿。他们在杰西楼东翼一间大讲堂带桌面的椅子里懒散地伸开四肢坐着，同时怀着轻蔑但又渴望的期待，向上望着讲台，戈登·费奇站在那里，带着宽厚、仁慈的神情扫视着大家。一种低低的嗡嗡声充斥整个房间，椅子在地板上刮擦着，不时有人故意粗哑地放声大笑。戈登·费奇抬起右手，举着手掌对着观众示意；嗡嗡声小了些。安静下来的片刻正好让房间的每个人听到礼堂后门吱呀地打开了，听到一声清晰、缓慢、拖沓的脚步从光秃秃的木地板上走来。大家都转过头，说话的嗡嗡声完全消失。"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把伊迪丝放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 斯通纳", "output": "然而，他开始从这份家产中体会到一种乐趣，领会到从前不曾料到的慰藉。他的书房在一楼。离起居室不远的地方，带一个高高的朝北的窗户，白天的时候，屋里光线柔和，木质格子地板闪耀着岁月的绚丽光芒。他在地窖里发现了许多木板，经过灰尘和细菌的蹂躏，模样已经与房间的木格很匹配。他把这些木板重新抛光后打了好几个书架，这样他就可以被书包围了。在一个旧家具店，他找到几把破椅子，一个长沙发，一张老旧的桌子，这些他只花了几美元，但重新打理却花了好多个星期的时间。当斯通纳在收拾屋子，当屋子逐渐变得有模有样时，他意识到，很多年来，自己并不知道，他有过一份憧憬，一直锁在内心某个地方的憧憬，就像一个见不得人的秘密，这个憧憬表面上是一个地方，其实就是他自己。所以，当他在打造书房的时候，他打算定义的是他自己。当他为做书架打磨这些旧木板的时候，当他看着表面的粗糙消失，灰色的风雨侵蚀消失，露出基本的木质，最终露出花纹和质地华丽的纯粹时，他逐渐打造成形的是他自己，他要置于某种有序状态的是他自己，他想创造某种可能性的是他自己。因此，虽然不断定期出现借债和窘迫的压力，随后那几年仍然很开心，而且他依然过着很像年轻时读研究生和刚结婚时梦想可能会过的那种生活。伊迪丝并没有像他曾经希望的那样在自己的生活中占据多么大的份额。"}
{"instruction": "作者借哥伦比亚想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 斯通纳", "output": "的她的形象并不完整，或者压根儿就照不出来，弄出的她的脸的样子残缺不全，很好玩。她已经三十岁了。青春的光泽开始从她的头发上掉落，细细的皱纹开始出现在眼睛周围，脸上的皮肤开始紧紧地绷在尖削的颧骨周围。她冲镜子里的形象点了点头，突然站起来，走下楼，愉快地而且简直亲密地跟母亲说起话来，这可是几天来第一次这样。她想（她说）要让自己内心有个改变。她这个样子已经太久了。她说起自己的童年，说起自己的婚姻。从她讲出来但又模糊和不确定的东西里，逐渐确定出一个自己渴望实现的样子。跟母亲在圣路易斯待的差不多整整两个月的时间里，她决心全力以赴地去实现那个愿望。她从母亲那里借了笔钱，母亲权当冲动之下送了件礼物。她买了整套全新的衣服，把自己从哥伦比亚带来的衣服全烧了；她把头发剪短了，做成当时流行的式样；她买来化妆品和香水，每天在自己的屋子里学着使用。她学会了抽烟，她训练出一种全新的说话口吻，那是一种冷淡、含糊的英国味道，而且略微有些尖利。她带着这些控制得游刃有余的外在变化以及内心另一种隐秘和潜在的变化回到哥伦比亚。回到哥伦比亚的最初几个月里，她活跃得近乎暴躁，似乎再也没有必要对自己假装病了或者虚弱不堪。她参加了一个小型剧团，热情地投入到分配给自己的工作中，她设计、描画舞台背景，给剧团筹集资金，甚至还在制作"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价办公室？", "input": "Source: 斯通纳", "output": "从那以后，他在大学里待的时间跟以前在家里待的时间一样多了，只是当渴望尽快看一眼女儿或者想跟她说句话的孤独感让自己无法继续在办公室待下去时，才早早回家。可是他在办公室里的空间只能容纳一小部分书，手稿书写工作经常因为没有必要的文本参考而中断，而且他的一个办公室同事，一个非常热情的年轻人，有晚上安排学生讨论的习惯。那些在整个办公室里举行的咝咝咝的艰苦谈话经常让他分心，他发现很难全神贯注。他对自己那本书的写作也没有了兴致，工作进展缓慢，几乎要停滞了。最后，他意识到，那已经成为一个避难所，一个港湾，一个晚上去办公室的借口。他阅读、研究，终于从中找到了点儿安慰，找到了点儿乐趣，甚至那个古老的愉悦的幽灵，也在他做的其中，这是一种没有具体目标的学问探求。伊迪丝早已松懈了她的追求和对格蕾斯着迷般的关心，所以，这孩子又开始偶尔笑一笑，甚至能放松地跟他说说话了。这样，他发现生活下去不仅是可能的，甚至偶尔有些欢乐也是可能的。英文系临时系主任，这个职位，在阿切尔·斯隆去世后由戈登·费奇担任，后来一年又一年地顺延，直到系里所有的人都渐渐习惯了一种漫不经心的无政府状态，因此有时有些课排进计划，有人去教，有时做出几项新的员工任命，系里微不足道的小事备受关注，在这种状态下，一年又一年地过去了。"}
{"instruction": "这段关于格蕾斯的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 斯通纳", "output": "个晚上的课。等上完课后，格蕾斯往往已经上床睡了。所以，他唯一能短暂地看会儿格蕾斯的时间仍然是早晨，吃早点的时候。他跟女儿单独待的时间只有几分钟，就是伊迪丝从桌上清理早餐碗碟放进厨房洗涤槽里浸泡的工夫。他看着女儿的身材一天天变长，四肢已经有了青涩的优雅，而且沉静的眼眸和警惕的脸上慢慢长出聪慧的神色。有时，他感觉父女之间还保持着那种亲近，一种两人都不愿承认的亲近。他终于又回到在杰西楼的办公室里打发大部分时间的老习惯。他心里对自己说，应该感激有机会静下心来读点东西，从准备各种特殊课程的压力中解脱出来，从预先确定自己学习方向中解脱出来。他试着随意阅读，只为自己的乐趣和嗜好，读读那些他等了好多年想读的许多东西。可是他的思想却不愿跟着他期待的方向走。他的注意力经常从握在眼前的书页上溜出来，他发现自己越来越频繁地木呆呆地盯着前方，却什么都没看。好像他的头脑时刻不停地腾空着已知的一切，而且意志也好像淘空了自身的力量。他有时觉得自己像某种植物，而且渴望着某种东西——甚至痛苦——来刺戳他，给他带来生机。他已经到了年岁的这种时刻：经常会想到，而且日益强烈，想到一个如此简单的问题，简单得他都没有办法去面对。他发现自己有些迷茫，自己的生活是否值得过下去，是否有过生活。他认为，这是在某个时候所有人都会"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对斯通纳的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 斯通纳", "output": "” 斯通纳发觉自己浑身颤抖着，像个笨拙的男孩般绕过咖啡桌，在她身边坐下。他们的手犹犹豫豫、笨拙地向对方伸出去，用了个拙劣、压抑的拥抱姿势紧紧搂在一起。两人一动不动，挨着坐了好长时间，好像稍微动一动就会放走他们之间通过单纯的抓握所保持的那种陌生又可怕的东西。她的眼睛，斯通纳本以为是深褐色或者黑色的眼睛，其实是一种深深的紫罗兰色。有时这双眼睛会碰着房间里一盏昏暗的灯发出的光，然后湿漉漉地闪烁着光泽。他会把脑袋朝这边那边转来转去，这双眼睛在他的凝视下，会迎着他的活动而改变颜色，所以，即便在休息的时候，这双眼睛好像永远不会安静不动。她的皮肤，从一定距离看好像那么冰冷和苍白，其实里面却透着温暖的红润，像牛奶般半透明色底下流溢的光。就像这种半透明的肌肤，镇定、冷静和克制，他以前觉得这些品质就是她本人的写照，这些品质像面具般掩饰着热情、嬉戏和幽默，其强烈程度因为伪装它们的表面而使之成为可能。四十三岁那年，斯通纳学会了别人——比他年轻的人——在他之前早就学会的东西：你最初爱的那个人并不是你最终爱的那个人，爱不是最终目标而是一个过程，借助这个过程，一个人想去了解另一个人。他们都很羞怯，对彼此的了解都缓慢而又带着试探的色彩。两个靠近了，然后分开，接触了然后又缩回，也不想给对方身上添加更多可能受欢迎"}
{"instruction": "文中关于斯通纳的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 斯通纳", "output": "术，像个兵力单薄却志在必胜的、足智多谋的将军般摆布着自己的力量。他们开始真的谨慎起来，小心起来，在这样的操控中享受着阴郁的快感。斯通纳只在天黑后才去她家里，这时不会有人看见他进去。白天的时候，在课间的时候，凯瑟琳故意跟更年轻的男同事现身在咖啡店，他们一起度过的时光反而因为这种共同的决心更有激情了。他们心里对自己说，而且对彼此说，他们比以前任何时候都更亲密了；让他们惊讶的是，他们发觉这是真的，发觉彼此安慰的话更贴心。他们实现了亲密，兑现了承诺。他们生活其中的是一个暗淡的世界，他们把自己好的那部分带到这个世界——所以不久，外面那个人来熙往，语声哗然的世界，不断变化和持续运动的世界，在他们看来都是假的虚幻的。他们的生活在两个世界之间被截然分开，在他们看来这好像天经地义，就应该生活在这种分裂里。隆冬时节和早春的几个月里，他们生活在一起时找到了以前从未有过的静谧。随着外面的世界向他们关闭，他们渐渐意识不到它的存在了。他们享受的那种幸福无需向对方言说，也无须想到它。在凯瑟琳那间狭小、阴暗的屋子里，像藏在那幢宏伟的老房子底下的洞穴，他们好像觉得自己游离于时间之外，在一个他们自己发现并且没有时间的宇宙中生活着。后来，四月底的一天，戈登·费奇又叫斯通纳去一趟他的办公室，斯通纳"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对劳曼克给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 斯通纳", "output": "什么自己被视为“校园人物”。所以，他是一遍又一遍地偷听到经过不断渲染修饰、他给一群新生教中世纪英语以及霍利斯·劳曼克思投降的故事。“三十七个新生班举行大一英语考试，你知道哪个班的分数最高吗？”一个心有不甘教大一英文的年轻老师问道。“当然知道。老斯通纳的中世纪英语那伙人呗。而我们一直在使用练习和手册呢！” 斯通纳得承认，在这些年轻教师和年纪大点的学生，这些他还来不及把他们的名字与面孔牢牢联系在一起就来去匆匆走了的年轻人心目中，他已经几乎成为一个神话人物，无论这个人物的功能如何千变万化。有时他是个流氓。在一个试图解释他和劳曼克思长久难解的宿仇的版本中，他诱奸然后又抛弃了一个年轻的研究生，而劳曼克思则对这个学生心怀纯洁和高贵的激情。有时他又成为傻瓜：在同样是宿敌的另一版本中，他拒绝与劳曼克思说话，因为有一次劳曼克思不想给斯通纳的一个学生写推荐信。有时候，他又变成了英雄：在一个终极但并不经常为人接受的版本中，劳曼克思厌恶他，然后冻结了他的职称评定，因为有一次他抓住劳曼克思正给一个喜欢的学生送了份斯通纳开的某门课的期终试卷。然而，由于斯通纳在课堂的举止，他的传奇故事明晰了起来。经过了这么多年，故事变得越来越离谱，而且越来越刺激。他讲课、讨论时开始举止笨拙、动作生涩，很快所讲的主题就变得漫无边际，几乎意识不到自己周围"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述法厄？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "我们虽然掌握了大批信息，却还是像远古的祖先，容易受到幻想与错觉的迷惑。即使是现代社会，偶尔也会出现群众大规模失去理智的情形，例如纳粹主义。人类如今比石器时代拥有了更多的信息和力量，这一点毋庸置疑，但我们对于是否真的更了解自己，更了解自己在宇宙中的角色，却远远没那么确定。所以，为什么人类那么会积攒信息与力量，但在智慧的获取上却又如此不成功？纵观历史，许多文化传统都提到，人类本性中的某些致命缺陷会让人类追求自己根本不知道如何驾驭的力量。希腊神话里就提到有个男孩叫法厄同，他发现自己原来是太阳神赫里阿斯的儿子。为了证明自己是神祇之后，法厄同希望能享有一日特权，驾太阳神的四马金车出游。赫里阿斯警告法厄同，拉着四马金车的天马绝非凡人所能驾驭，但经不起法厄同再三坚持，赫里阿斯终于让步，让法厄同得意地驾车飞上天空。天马还是不出意外地失控了。于是，太阳偏离了轨道，植被被烤焦，无数生物惨死，大地眼看不保。最后宙斯出手，一道闪电击中了法厄同，这个自负的人类如同流星从空中坠落，就连自己也在燃烧。诸神终于让天空恢复了秩序，世界也免于被毁灭。时间过了两千多年，工业革命迈出了第一步，机器开始在许多工作上取代了人力，歌德也写出了类似的警世寓言，名为《魔法师学徒》。歌德的这首叙事诗（后来由迪士尼改编制作成一部广为人知的动画"}
{"instruction": "明智地在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "天真的信息观当然，天真的信息观也承认，在从信息到真理与真相这条路上，有很多事情可能会出问题。比如我们在收集与处理信息的时候可能会犯下一些无心的错误，可能有些坏人会出于贪婪与仇恨而想隐藏重要事实或试图欺瞒。因此，有些时候信息并非导向真理与真相，反而导向错误。比如，信息不完整、分析有错误，或有人刻意散布虚假信息，都可能让人误入歧途，于是就连专家也可能对某种疾病的真正成因产生误判。然而，天真的信息观会认为，面对收集与处理信息时遇到的大多数问题，解决办法就是收集与处理更多的信息。错误本来就不可能完全避免，而在大多数情况下，如果能获取更多信息，确实能让准确率有所提高。如果想找出一场流行病的起因，一位医生想从单一患者身上得到答案，其准确性显然比不上几千位医生收集几百万患者的数据做出的判断。如果这群医生密谋隐瞒真相，只要让公众和调查记者都能自由地取得相关医疗信息，这一隐瞒行为终将会败露。从这种观点看来，信息网络越大，就能越接近真理与真相。当然，就算我们准确地分析了信息，发现了重要事实，也无法保证我们因此得到力量之后能够明智地加以运用。一说到明智，大部分人会认为就是能“做出正确的决定”，但所谓“正确”是有价值判断的，不同的个人、文化或意识形态就会有不同的想法。比如，科学家发现了新"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里民粹主义究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "这些民粹主义者声称，你在《纽约时报》《科学》报刊上读到的文章只是精英主义者用来取得权力的策略，但你在《圣经》《吠陀经》上读到的内容则是绝对真理。这种解决方法的另一种形式则是呼吁公众信赖像特朗普或博索纳罗这样的魅力领袖。他们的支持者将这些领袖描绘成上帝的使者，或者说他们和“人民”有着某种神秘的联系。如果是一般政客，他们就会对人民说谎，只为了获得自己的权力；如果是魅力领袖，他们则成了人民的代言人，非但不会出错，还会揭露一切谎言。所以，民粹主义反复出现的悖论之一，就是一开始的时候总在警告大家，所有人类精英都是为了争权夺利，十分危险，但常常到头来又要求人民把所有权力都交给某位充满野心的人。第五章会更深入地探讨民粹主义，此处我想强调的一点是，人类目前正在面临生态崩溃、全球战争、技术失控等生存挑战，但民粹主义却在此时侵蚀着我们对大型机构制度与国际合作的信任。民粹主义者不相信复杂的人类机构制度，他们的建议就像法厄同神话与《魔法师学徒》给我们的启示一样：“相信会有神祇或伟大的魔法师介入，让一切恢复正常。”如果我们接受了这种建议，从短期来看，控制我们的可能就是那些对权力欲望旺盛而且是其中最糟糕的一群人，从长期来看，控制我们的可能就是新的人工智能霸主。还有一种可能，随着地球变"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，现实为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "而且可能让英国犯下灾难性的军事错误。换言之，天真的信息观认为信息就是要试着呈现出现实，如果成功，我们就会说这条信息是个真相。虽然本书对于天真的信息观多有异议，但对于真相就是对现实的准确呈现这一点倒是所见略同。不过本书同时也认为，多数信息并不是想要呈现现实，真正能够定义信息的完全是另一套标准。无论在人类社会还是在其他生物与物理系统，大多数信息并没有要呈现出任何东西。这个复杂而关键的论点是本书的理论基础，所以这里请容我再多花点儿时间来谈谈。真相究竟是什么？本书所谓的“真相”，代表的是能够准确呈现出现实的特定方面。真相概念的前提是必须真的存在某个普遍的现实。宇宙中曾经或即将存在的任何事物（从北极星、尼利的信鸽再到占星学的网页），都是这个单一现实的一部分。正因如此，寻求真相就成为一项普遍的工程。虽然不同的个人、国家或文化可能有不同的信念或感受，但由于所有人都共享一个普遍的现实，所以不可能有相互矛盾的真相。这样一来，如果不相信普遍主义，就等于拒绝了真相。然而，真相其实并不直接等于现实，因为一则叙事无论多么贴近真相，都无法真正呈现出现实的所有方面。如果尼利特工在纸条上写着加沙有一万名奥斯曼士兵，而且加沙也确实有一万名士兵，这虽然准确地指出了现实的某个方面，却也忽略了许多其他方面。"}
{"instruction": "围绕耶稣，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "靠着打动诸多信徒，耶稣的故事就能深刻左右历史，影响力甚至远大于耶稣本人。耶稣用自己的两只脚，从一个村庄走到另一个村庄，和民众交谈、共饮共食，把手放在民众的病体上。他亲身改变的大概就是几千人的生命，影响所及就是罗马的一个小小行省。相较之下，耶稣的故事则传遍了整个世界，先是插上了八卦、逸事与谣言的翅膀，接着通过羊皮纸上的文字、绘画与雕像，最后成了卖座的电影与轰动的互联网模因。于是，数十亿人不但听到了耶稣的故事，还相信了这套故事，进而创造了一套无论在规模还是在影响力上都数一数二的网络。像耶稣这样的故事，或许可以被看作一种延伸已有生物纽带的方式。比如在人类所知的各种联结中，家庭关系可以说是最牢固的一种。所以，故事在陌生人之间建立信任的方式之一，就是让人类去想象彼此是自己的家人。耶稣的故事就是给耶稣赋予了一个全人类的父亲形象，鼓励数亿的基督徒视彼此为兄弟姐妹，并创造了一个共同的家庭记忆。虽然大多数基督徒并未出席“最后的晚餐”，但这则故事他们不知道听了多少次，相关影片图像也不知道看过多少回，他们仿佛真的“记得”有这回事，画面比他们真正参与过的大多数家庭聚餐都更为鲜活清晰。根据福音书的记载，耶稣是在被钉上十字架之前，与门徒共进最后的晚餐，而耐人寻味的是，这一顿晚餐其实是犹太人的逾越节晚餐。"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，智慧意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "的，而是一些不幸的错误——人们相信了某些让人向往但其实有害的故事——导致的。高贵的谎言故事有着如此重要的地位，这一方面让我们对智人这个物种的力量有了更多了解，另一方面也解释了为什么权力与智慧常常是各走各的路。在天真的信息观看来，信息能让人得到真相，而了解真相有助于获得力量和智慧。这听起来很不错，似乎如果忽视真相就不可能拥有很大的力量，而如果尊重真相，则能够获得巨大的力量，而且这种力量还会受到智慧的限制。举例来说，如果不顾人类生物学的真相，就可能会相信种族主义的谬论，这样就不会生产出强大的药物与生物武器；如果尊重生物学，一方面能拥有这股力量，另一方面也不会用这股力量来服务种族主义意识形态。如果事情确实如此，我们大可高枕无忧，相信我们的总统、宗教领袖与首席执行官个个都既明智又诚实。即使某个政客、某场运动或某个国家借助谎言和欺瞒一时成功，这套策略也不可能长久。但遗憾的是，我们这个世界不是这个样子的。在历史上，权力其实只有部分来自对真相的了解，而另外一部分则来自在一大批人中建立秩序的能力。假设你想造出一颗原子弹。想要成功，显然你需要具备一些正确的物理学知识。除此之外，你还需要找很多人来开采铀矿，建造核反应堆，以及为矿工、建筑工人和物理学家供应食物。当初，曼"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画纳粹？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "许多社会秩序赖以维系的核心神话。这也就难怪许多政府与教会都对演化论的教学加以禁止或限制，宁可为了秩序而牺牲真相。一个相关的问题是，虽然信息网络可能允许甚至鼓励大家寻找真相，但仅限于一些有助于产生权力同时不会威胁到社会秩序的特定领域。结果可能就是催生出一个极其强大但极度缺乏智慧的网络。比如，纳粹德国培养出许多全球顶尖的化学、光学、工程与导弹科学专家。就连后来美国登上月球，主要也得归功于纳粹领导的导弹科学。高超的科学能力让纳粹打造出威力无比的战争机器，再用它们来服务一套疯狂且凶残的纳粹神话故事。在纳粹的统治下，德国虽然鼓励研发导弹科学，但一讲到种族主义理论背后的生物学与历史时，却没有自由质疑的空间。因此，我们实在没办法说人类信息网络的历史是一场进步的胜利游行。虽然人类网络的力量一代比一代强，却不见得越来越明智。如果某个人类网络把秩序看得比真相更重要，它可能掌控着无比强大的力量，却会不明智地使用这种力量。回顾人类信息网络的历史会发现，这并不是一场进步的游行，而是像在走钢丝，试图在真相与秩序之间取得平衡。在21世纪，我们寻找正确平衡的能力并没比石器时代的祖先高明到哪里。虽然谷歌与脸书等企业的使命宣言百般暗示，但仅仅让信息技术变得更快、更有效率，不一定会让世界变得更美好，相反，这只会让我们更迫切地需要在真"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把检索放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "但健康人一般都能在一秒之内检索到其中任何一个信息：你早餐吃了什么？你的初恋是谁？你的国家在什么时候获得独立？《圣经》的第一句是什么？你是如何检索、想起这些信息的？是什么机制激活了对的神经元与突触，让人快速唤起必要的信息？虽然神经科学家对记忆的研究取得了一些进展，但至今仍然没有人真正了解记忆究竟是什么，又是如何进行储存与检索的。我们只知道，几百万年的演化让人类大脑的检索过程变得非常简单且高效。然而，一旦人类把记忆从生物性的大脑外包给非生物的文件，检索就再也没办法依靠这套简单高效的生物机制了。而且，检索也不能依靠人类几百万年来演化出的觅食能力。演化让人类懂得如何在森林里找到水果与蘑菇，却没告诉人类该怎样在档案库里找到文件。采集者知道水果与蘑菇长在森林里的什么地方，是因为演化让整座森林的组织安排有着一套清晰的生物秩序。果树要进行光合作用，所以需要阳光；蘑菇要摄取死亡有机物的养分，而这些有机物质通常在地上。所以，通常蘑菇生长在土壤层，而水果则会长得高一些。另一个常见的规律是，苹果长在苹果树上，无花果长在无花果树上，所以你如果想找苹果，就该先找到一棵苹果树，然后抬头仰望去找苹果。住在森林里的时候，人类就学到了这样的生物秩序。这种秩序和档案库的情况大不相同。"}
{"instruction": "作者借官僚制度想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "指挥细胞生产出更多遗传密码副本。新的副本从细胞里暴发出来，继续感染、劫持更多细胞，从而形成了外来遗传密码的病毒传播。科学家一直在争论病毒算不算一种生命形式，抑或它已经超出了生命的范畴。然而，就连这个界线也不是什么客观现实，而是一种存在于主体间的协议。就算生物学家真的能达成共识，认定病毒就是一种生命形式，病毒的行为也不会有丝毫改变；唯一能改变的，只有人类对病毒的看法而已。当然，主体间的协议本身也是现实的一部分。随着人类越来越强大，人类主体间的信念也越来越多地影响着信息网络之外的世界。举例来说，科学家与立法者会根据不同物种濒临灭绝的程度来分类，包括无危、易危、濒危、灭绝等。把某种动物族群定义为濒危物种，虽然是人类的主体间协议，却可能带来深远的影响，比如以法律的形式来禁止狩猎或破坏其栖息地。某种动物属于濒危物种还是属于易危物种的官僚决定，对该种动物可能就是生或死的区别。我们在后续章节还会看到，官僚制度在给你贴上一个标签的时候，虽然完全可能只是出于习惯或传统，但仍然会决定你的命运。这里的官僚制度可能是个活生生的动物专家、有血有肉的人类专家，也可能就是非生物的人工智能。深层政府如果帮官僚制度说句话，那就是：虽然官僚制度有时候会牺牲真相，扭曲我们对世界的理解，但这样做往往是为了维持秩序；"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价权威？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "开始承载着无与伦比的权力，能掌握这些文件背后的神秘逻辑，就能成为新的权威人物。比如，各级行政人员、会计师与律师，除了精于阅读与写作，还掌握了制作表格、分类抽屉和管理档案的技能。在官僚体系中，权力常常来自了解如何利用隐秘的预算漏洞，以及如何穿行于各个办公室、委员会与小组委员会形成的迷宫之中。这种权力的转移改变了世界力量的平衡。不管是好是坏，有文化的官僚机构往往以牺牲普通公民的利益为代价来强化中央的权威。一方面，有了文件与档案，中央就更容易向公民征税，以及进行审判和征兵。另一方面，因为难以理解官僚制度的权力，民众很难去影响、抵抗或逃避中央的权威。官僚制度的力量即使是良性的，为民众提供了污水处理系统、教育与安全保障，也仍然会拉大统治者与被统治者之间的差距。因为这套制度让中央很容易收集记录更多被统治者的信息，而被统治者反过来想要了解制度运作细节却困难得多。一般来说，艺术可以帮助我们理解生活的许多方面，但讲到官僚制度，艺术的帮助则相当有限。虽然诗人、编剧与电影制片人偶尔也会谈到官僚制度的力量，但事实证明，这是个很难让人懂的故事。艺术家通常会用一组有限的故事线来创作，这些故事线都植根于生物机制，但这些生物戏剧的情节是在几百万年的演化过程中慢慢产生的，远早于文件与档案的出现，所以对我们理解官僚制度并无帮助。"}
{"instruction": "这段关于女巫的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "特别是他建议运用各种可怕的酷刑来逼迫涉嫌使用巫术的人招供，而且坚决认为一旦认定有罪就唯有死刑一途。克雷默编纂整理了许多他先前的想法与故事，再运用他丰沛而充满仇恨的想象不断增加各种细节。根据类似《提摩太前书》这些古老基督教义里的厌女概念，克雷默让巫术性别化。在他看来，施行巫术的多半是女性，因为巫术起源于欲望，而他认为女性的欲望比男性更强烈。他警告读者，性行为可能会让原本虔诚的女性变成女巫，而她的丈夫也会就此落入巫术的罗网。《女巫之锤》足足用了一整章来谈论女巫偷走男性生殖器的能力。克雷默详细地讨论了女巫是真的能够从男性身体上把生殖器偷走，还是只是在男性的心中制造出一种被阉割的幻觉。克雷默问道：“那些女巫有时候会用这种方式收集大量的男性器官，可能多达二三十个，然后把它们放在鸟巢中或锁在盒子里。很多人都看过，这些器官会像活的一样动来动去，还会吃燕麦和玉米。对这样的女巫，大家该怎么想？”接着他又讲了一个他听来的故事：“在丢了男性器官之后，他找到一位有名的女巫，拜托她把器官还给他。她告诉这个痛苦的人爬上一棵树，说树上的鸟巢里有好几个，他可以挑自己喜欢的。可是等他挑了一个大的时，女巫却说那个不行，因为那可是本堂神父的。”许多现代人知道的有关女巫的观念和经典形象（比如施展巫术的多半是"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对修正的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "尼古拉五世。这就显示了一种机构制度的自我修正，是对外部压力和内部反省的回应。然而，对天主教会这样的机构来说，即使真的有所自我修正，它也不会承认，更不会为此庆祝。改变教会教义的第一条法则，就是永远不能承认改变了教会教义。你绝对不会听到教皇向全世界宣布：“教会专家刚刚发现了《圣经》有一项极重大错误，我们很快就会发布新版本。”相反，在被问及教会为什么开始对犹太人或女性表现得比较宽容时，教皇会暗示这本来就是教会的教义，过去只是个别教会人士做了错误解读。否认自我修正，虽然不会阻止自我修正的发生，但确实不利于修正的程度与速度。而且，由于并未承认过去的错误（更不用说为此庆祝了），当信徒在教会及其教义中遇到另一个严重问题时，教会成员还是会因为害怕改变那些所谓永恒和绝对正确的东西而陷入瘫痪，他们无法从以前的自我修正中受益。举例来说，包括教皇方济各本人在内，目前有些天主教徒正在重新思考教会关于同性恋的教义，却发现很难承认过去的错误并加以修正。如果未来某位教皇决定要为性少数群体受到的不公正对待道歉，做法肯定是再次找来某些人背锅，责怪他们过度热心但误解了福音。为了维护宗教权威，天主教会别无选择，只能否认这个制度有自我修正这回事。因为教会早已落入“必须绝对正确”的陷阱。如果整个宗教的权"}
{"instruction": "文中关于美国的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "生。希特勒通过民主选举上台几个月后，就开始将犹太人与共产党人送进集中营；美国也有几届经过民主选举产生的政府剥夺非裔美国人、美洲原住民与其他受压迫族群的权利。当然，大多数对民主的攻击并不那么明显。从匈牙利总理欧尔班、土耳其总统埃尔多安、菲律宾前总统杜特尔特、巴西前总统博索纳罗、以色列总理内塔尼亚胡等强人的履历就能看出，一个领导人可以怎样利用民主上位，接着再用权力来破坏民主。强人破坏民主最常用的方法之一，就是攻击民主的自我修正机制，常常是从法院与媒体下手：剥夺法院的权力或是安插亲信，试着关停所有独立媒体，并四处安插自己的吹鼓手。等到法院无法再以法律手段制约政府，媒体也只能乖乖重复政府的台词时，所有敢于反对政府的机构或个人都可能被抹黑成叛徒、罪犯或外国间谍，进而遭到迫害。各种学术机构、市政当局、非政府组织与私人企业，要么会被解散，要么会被政府控制。到了这个阶段，政府已经能够任意操弄选举，比如将高人气的反对党领袖送进监狱，阻止反对党参与选举，在选区划分上动手脚，或是剥夺选民的选举权。人们到法院控诉这些反民主行为，只会被政府精心挑选的法官驳回。如果记者与学者批评这些行为，就会遭到解雇。能够留下来的其他媒体、学术机构与司法机构，则会盛赞这些行为实为必要之举，只有这"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对机构给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "其他领域的权力就不能有其他来源。比如前文谈过，在民主制度当中，独立的媒体、法院与大学都是重要的自我修正机制，能够保护真理与真相，就算是多数人的意愿也无法颠倒是非。生物学教授之所以说人类是从猿类演化而来的，是因为有证据能够支持这种说法，而不会在意多数人是否喜欢。记者如果曝光某位高人气政治人物收受贿赂，只要他能在法庭提出令人信服的证据，不管大多数民众是否愿意相信这项指控，法官都可能将这位政治人物送进监狱。对于有些机构高举客观真理之名、凌驾于所谓人民意志之上，民粹主义者会怀疑这些机构，觉得这些机构就是精英分子为了争取不合理权力放出的烟幕弹。于是，民粹主义者开始质疑“追求真理”的行为，并主张“只有权力才是唯一的现实”（正如我们在序言所述）。这样一来，只要有任何独立的机构制度反对他们，民粹主义者就会试图削弱或侵占这些机构制度的权威。结果就产生了一种黑暗而愤世嫉俗的观点，这种观点觉得整个世界就是一座丛林，而人类就是一种只迷恋权力的生物，所有社会互动都是权力斗争，所有机构制度都是只为自己人谋求利益的集团。在民粹主义者的想象当中，法院在意的并不是公平正义，而只是维护法官的特权（没错，法官常常大谈公平正义，但这不过是为自己夺取权力的伎俩）；报纸关心的也从来不是事实，只是在散播假新闻来误导人民，好让记者与背后的金主受益；"}
{"instruction": "这一段对美国的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "在他处。这里的议事讨论一团和气，只是照着预定的脚本走，并没打算改变任何人对任何事的看法。平壤或许还有某个更隐秘的会议室，真正重要的对话都在那里进行。由于朝鲜的信息非常集中，控制极为严格，我们对这个问题实在没有明确的答案。我们对美国也可以提出类似的问题。与朝鲜不同的是，在美国，人们讲什么都是他们的自由。公众每天都会严厉批评政府。但那个进行重要会谈的房间在哪里？什么身份的人才能出席？美国国会的设立，一开始正是为了这个功能：让人民的代表来开会、交谈，试着说服对方。只不过，我们什么时候看到国会因为某党议员口若悬河，就让另一党成员回心转意？无论现在真正影响美国的对话在哪里进行，都绝对不是在国会。如果说民主的死亡，一种情况是人民没有了言论自由，而另一种情况就是人民已经失去了彼此倾听的意愿或能力。石器时代的民主制度根据上文对民主的定义，我们现在可以回顾历史，看看信息科技与信息流的改变如何塑造了民主的历史。从考古学与人类学的证据来看，民主是古代狩猎采集社会最典型的政治制度。石器时代的游群显然不会有选举、法院与媒体这些正式的机构制度，但它们的信息网络常常属于分布式，而且有充分的自我修正机会。只有几十人的游群，很容易就能把信息分享给所有成员；当决定在哪儿扎营、去哪儿狩猎、怎"}
{"instruction": "罗马帝国在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "深层次的结构原因或技术原因？为了回答这个问题，让我们再仔细分析一下罗马帝国的状况。罗马显然很熟悉民主的理想状态是什么样子，就算在恺撒家族掌权之后，民主也依然是个重要的概念。否则，奥古斯都与后续的继任者犯不着这么辛苦地维持民主的表象，例如，保留元老院，以及每年选出执政官与其他公职人员。所以，为什么权力最后都握在一个非民选的皇帝手上？理论上，就算整个地中海地区有几千万人拥有罗马公民身份，难道不能来场全帝国的皇帝大选吗？当然，这件事的后勤安排肯定非常复杂，得花几个月的时间才能得知选举结果，但真的是这个原因毁了民主吗？这里的主要误解，在于认为民主等于选举。如果只是办场选举，让罗马帝国上千万公民投票给这位或那位皇帝候选人，理论上并非不可能。但真正的问题是，这上千万公民有没有办法真的进行全帝国规模的持续政治对话。在如今的一些国家，因为人民没有言论自由，所以没有民主对话，但我们完全可以想象他们有了言论自由之后的情形。在如今的美国，因为各方无法倾听、尊重政治对手，所以民主受到威胁，但理论上这个问题能够解决。相较之下，在罗马帝国完全没有进行或维持民主对话的可能，因为在技术上不可行。要进行对话，并不是有说话的自由与倾听的能力就够了，还需要两个技术前提。第一，各方要处于彼此的听力范围内。"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的阿拔斯是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "因受到各种“选民压制”而无法投票。一如既往，我们应该小心不要受到技术决定论的影响，避免得出大众媒体的兴起导致了大规模民主兴起的结论。大众媒体只是让大规模民主成为一种可能，而不是必然。大众媒体同样可能造就其他类型的政权，特别是现代的新型信息科技，就为大规模极权打开了大门。就像尼克松与肯尼迪一样，斯大林与赫鲁晓夫只要在广播中说些什么，从符拉迪沃斯托克（海参崴）到加里宁格勒的数亿民众也可以立刻听到。而且，他们也能利用电话与电报听取几百万特工与线人的每日报告。极权主义简史极权主义简史极权主义总觉得自己绝对正确、无懈可击，也希望能够彻底掌握人民的所有生活。在电报、无线电与其他现代信息科技发明之前，并不可能出现大规模极权政权。虽然罗马的皇帝、阿拔斯王朝的哈里发、蒙古的可汗通常都是冷酷无情的独裁者，也都相信自己绝对正确、无懈可击，但他们也都缺乏必要的技术，无法对大型社会实施真正的极权控制。要谈这一点，得先厘清“极权政权”与不那么极端的“专制政权”的差异。在专制信息网络中，统治者的意志虽然不受法律限制，但还是会受到许多技术限制。而在极权信息网络中，许多技术限制根本就不存在。举例来说，罗马帝国、阿拔斯王朝或蒙古帝国等专制政权的统治者通常都能够任意处决让他们不满的人；"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述大主教？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "主教，由大主教指示相关主教，再由主教派人前往教区传达旨意。这可能需要花上好几个月的时间，而且无论是大主教、主教，还是其他中间人，都大有可能曲解甚至一时忘了教皇的命令。唯有到现代晚期，出现了现代信息科技，教会才变得越来越极权。我们常常觉得教皇是中世纪的老古董，但他们其实是现代科技大师。在 18世纪，教皇曾经一度几乎无法控制世界各地的天主教会，地位一落千丈，就像是一个意大利小公国的国王，还得与其他意大利强权争夺博洛尼亚或费拉拉的控制权。但随着广播的出现，教皇也成了在全球权势数一数二的角色。从波兰到菲律宾，教皇约翰·保罗二世只要坐在梵蒂冈，就能直接向数百万天主教徒宣讲，中间没有任何大主教、主教或本堂神父能够进行曲解或隐瞒。信息如何流动我们看到，现代新近的信息技术除了催生大规模的民主，也催生了大规模的极权。然而，两者在信息技术的运用上却有着重大差异。前面提过，民主制度鼓励信息有许多独立的流通渠道，不一定要经过某个中央枢纽，而且允许许多独立节点自行处理信息并做出决策。因此，信息能够在私营企业、私人媒体组织、市政当局、体育协会、慈善机构、家庭与个人之间自由流动，并不需要经过某个政府部长的办公室。相较之下，极权制度希望所有信息都要经过中央枢纽，而不希望任何独立机构自行做出决策。"}
{"instruction": "计算机在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "而连接只是在成员之间传递信息，本身并不会决定或产生任何内容。文字、印刷与广播的发明，虽然彻底改变了人类互相连接的方式，但并未给整个信息网络带来新类型的成员。无论是在文字或广播发明之前还是之后，人类社会的成员一样都只有智人。相较之下，就信息网络的成员资格而言，计算机的发明就成了一场革命。当然，计算机也协助了网络的原有成员（人类）以新的方式互相连接，但计算机在这里最重要的意义，是它成了这个信息网络中全新的且非人类的成员。在过去的网络中，成员只有人类，所有的链条都是由人到人，而技术的用途就是连接人类。在全新的、以计算机为基础的网络中，计算机本身就是网络的成员之一，甚至有计算机对计算机的连接，中间完全不需要经过人类。而且有可能，计算机这个成员会比人类更强大。数万年来，一项专属于智人的超能力就在于能够使用语言，创造出法律和货币这些存在于主体间的现实，再以此与其他智人建立连接。但计算机有可能让局面对我们不利。如果所谓权力取决于有多少合作成员、对法律与金融的理解程度有多高、制定新的法条与发明新的金融工具的能力有多强，那么计算机肯定能够得到远高于人类的权力。计算机能够连接无数成员，而且在某些金融与法律现实上，至少比许多人懂得更多。如果央行将利率提高25%，对经济会有何影响？"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里革命究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "承担责任对于这个以计算机为基础的网络，我们虽然无法预测在几百或几千年之后它会有怎样的长期演变，但还是能谈谈目前的演变情况，而且这种对当下的讨论可能更为迫切，毕竟无论在政治还是个人层面，这个新计算机网络的兴起都会对所有人造成影响。在接下来的章节，我们会谈谈这个以计算机为基础的网络有何新颖之处，对人类生活又有何意义。我们开宗明义就该讲清楚的是，这个网络将会创造出全新的政治与个人现实。前面几章讨论的一大重点，在于信息并不等于真理与真相，而信息革命也并不会揭露事实真相。信息革命能做的是创造出新的政治结构、经济模式与文化规范。由于当前的信息革命的重要性远胜过往，所以它很可能会以前所未有的规模创造出前所未有的现实。之所以有必要了解这一点，是因为目前的情况还在人类的掌控之中。虽然不知道还能持续多久，但目前人类仍有能力左右这些新的现实。为了能做出明智的决定，我们需要了解目前正在发生的事情。我们在编写计算机代码的时候，绝不只是在设计一个产品，而是在重新设计人类的政治、社会与文化，所以我们最好对政治、社会与文化都有一定的了解。而且我们做的决定，最后也必须由我们来负责。但让人担心的是，就像脸书参与罗兴亚人的冲突一样，那些带领计算机革命的企业往往会把责任推给用户和选民，或者把责任推给政治人"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，左翼为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "有没有其他策略？右翼与左翼税收只是计算机革命造成的诸多问题之一。这个计算机网络正在打乱几乎所有的权力结构。民主制度担心会崛起新的数字独裁，独裁制度担心会出现不知该如何控制的行为者，而所有人都该担心未来将会失去隐私，数据殖民主义即将蔓延。我们会在下面几章一一解释这些威胁的含义，但这里的重点在于：关于这些威胁的讨论才刚刚开始，但科技的发展却远远快于政策的发展。举例来说，共和党与民主党在人工智能政策上有什么不同吗？在人工智能问题上，右翼的立场是什么？左翼的立场又是什么？如果是保守派，究竟会因为人工智能威胁到传统以人为中心的文化，于是反对人工智能，还是会因为人工智能既能推动经济增长，又能减少对移民工人的需求，于是支持人工智能？如果是进步派，究竟会因为虚假信息的风险与偏见的增加而反对人工智能，还是会因为人工智能是一种创富手段，能够提供资金创造全面福利国家而支持人工智能？结果实在难料，因为直到最近，共和党、民主党以及全世界大多数政党，都还没有思考或谈论过这些问题。比起政治人物与选民，有些人（比如高科技公司的工程师与高管）更了解人工智能、加密货币和社会信用之类的新科技的发展。但遗憾的是，这些人多半并未运用他们的知识来协助约束这些新科技的爆炸性潜力，而是用它们赚取了数十亿美元，或是累积了大量PB级的数据。"}
{"instruction": "围绕计算机，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "承诺，然后探讨民主政体、独裁政体与整个国际体系有哪些不同的方式来适应这种新的计算机政治。政治需要在真相与秩序之间达成微妙的平衡。随着计算机成为整个信息网络里的重要成员，它们也承担着越来越多的找寻真相、维护秩序的任务。比如，如果要找寻气候变化的真相，现在越来越多的运算都必须依赖计算机，而如果要在气候变化议题上达成社会共识，也必须依赖推荐算法来管理新闻的推送，并依靠创意算法写出新闻故事、虚假新闻和虚构的故事。人类目前之所以在气候变化议题上陷入政治僵局，部分原因在于计算机也陷入了僵局。有一组计算机跑出的结果警告我们有一场生态灾难即将发生，但另一组计算机则叫我们去看一些质疑此类警告的视频。我们该相信哪一组计算机？人类政治现在也成了计算机政治。想要理解新的计算机政治，就得更深入理解计算机有什么真正“新”的地方。我们在本章中已经提过，不同于印刷机或其他先前的工具，计算机能够自己做出决策、自己创造想法，但这只是冰山一角。计算机真正“新”的地方在于它们做出决策与创造想法的方式。如果计算机做出决策与创造想法的方式与人类相似，计算机只会成为一种“新人类”。科幻小说常常出现这样的场景：计算机变得有了意识、有了感情，爱上了人类，最后发现自己和人类并无不同。然而现实完全不是"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，监控意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "隐私的末日在过去那个由人类来监控人类的世界，基本上享有隐私是件天经地义的事。但如果到了一个由计算机来监控人类的世界，人类就有可能在史上首次完全失去隐私。关于侵入式监控，最极端也最广为人知的案例可分成两类：一类是在特殊紧急的情况下；另一类则是处于非正常秩序的地点，比如巴勒斯坦被占领区、印控克什米尔地区、克里米亚、美墨边境、阿富汗与巴基斯坦边境。在这些特殊的时期或地点，新的监控技术结合了严苛的法规与大批警力或军队，无情地持续监控着人民的行为、举止甚至感受。但我们必须知道，人工智能监控系统正迈向大规模应用，成为世界各地日常生活的一部分。“后隐私时代”正逐渐站稳脚跟，不仅是在从白俄罗斯到津巴布韦这样的地方，就连伦敦和纽约这种民主政体的大都会也同样如此。不论是好是坏，为了打击犯罪、打压异己或对抗内部真实或想象中的威胁，政府都会在全国布满互联或离线的监控网络，安装间谍软件、监控摄像头、人脸与语音辨识软件，以及庞大的可搜寻数据库。只要政府想要，就能让监控网络无孔不入，从市场到宗教场所，从学校到私人住宅。（虽然不是每个政府都想或都能在民众的家里安装摄像头，但就算是在我们的客厅、卧室和浴室，算法也会通过计算机和智能手机固定观察着我们。）政府监控网络还会在全民知情或不知情的状况下，固定收集全民的各"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画清真寺？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "就是要和战略目标一致；所谓合乎理性的战略，就是要和政治目标一致。即便一位基层指挥官，他的战术决策也必须符合整场战争的最终政治目标。假设在美国占领伊拉克期间，一个美军连队遭到来自附近清真寺中的敌人的猛烈攻击。这位指挥官有几个战术决策选项：可以命令连队撤退，可以命令连队攻下清真寺，也可以命令坦克直接炸毁清真寺。他该怎么决定？从纯粹军事的角度来看，这位指挥官最好的决定就是直接命令坦克炸毁清真寺。这样可以利用美军在火力上的战术优势，避免士兵面临生命危险，还能取得决定性的战术胜利。但从政治的角度来看，这可能会是最糟的决定。要是美军用坦克炸毁清真寺的视频流出，不仅会在伊拉克引起公愤，还可能激起整个伊斯兰世界的愤怒。攻下清真寺在政治上或许也不是个好决定，因为这不仅同样可能激起伊拉克人民的不满，还可能让美军付出生命的代价，进而削弱选民对战争的支持。考虑到美国这场战争的政治目标，最合乎理性的选择或许就是直接撤退，接受这场战术上的失败。这样来看，对克劳塞维茨而言，所谓的合乎理性，就是目标与行动要有一致性。如果只追求战术或战略上的胜利，却造成与整体政治目标不一致，就不能说是合乎理性的选择。但问题在于，军队的官僚特质让他们很容易落入这种非理性陷阱。第三章提及，由于官僚制度必须"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把康德放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "持一致”，那么就不会有可以用来确立那个终极目标的合乎理性的方式。这样一来，我们又怎么可能为计算机网络确立一个永远不得忽视、永远不得违背的终极目标呢？那些急着想要研发人工智能的技术高管与工程师，如果觉得能有个合乎理性的方法可以告诉人工智能该追求什么终极目标，其实是犯了一个严重的错误。只是看到过去世世代代的哲学家屡战屡败，他们就应该吸取一点儿教训。康德主义与纳粹几千年来，哲学家一直想要定义一个所谓的终极目标，也就是说，这个目标并不需要再看齐某个更高级的目标。在哲学上，可能的解决方案分为两大派，以哲学术语来说就是义务论与功利主义。义务论（来自希腊文的词根deon，意为“责任”）相信，世界上存在所有人都应该遵守的普世道德义务或道德规则。这些规则的重点并不是看齐某些更高的目标，而是其本质的良善。如果真的有这样的规则，而且我们也能找到方法将其写进计算机程序，就能确保计算机网络成为一股向善的力量。但本质的良善到底是什么意思？如果说有谁试过定义“本质的良善”，代表人物肯定是与克劳塞维茨和拿破仑同一时期的康德。在康德看来，所谓本质的良善的规则，就是那些自己想要将其推广到普世的规则。根据这个观点，如果某个人想要动手杀人，这时应该先停下来，经历以下的思考过程：“我现在正要杀掉一个人。"}
{"instruction": "作者借康德想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "规律。前面曾提及，纳粹在大屠杀之前正是以“去人性化”作为序幕，因此，康德将同性恋去人性化这件事值得格外注意。认为同性恋违背自然规律、不配拥有人性，等于让艾希曼这样的纳粹分子有了理由，将同性恋者一起送进集中营并屠杀。而且既然说同性恋者不如禽兽，康德那套不可杀人的道理自然也不适用同性恋。功利主义者很容易就能推翻康德关于同性恋的理论，而边沁确实属于欧洲最早一批支持同性恋合法化的现代欧洲思想家。功利主义者认为，仅是因为一些莫名其妙的普世规则就将同性恋视为一种犯罪，既会给数百万人造成巨大的痛苦，又无法为其他人带来任何实质性的好处。如果两个男人彼此相爱，这不但让他们快乐，也不会让任何其他人痛苦，为什么不准他们相爱呢？这种功利主义逻辑也带来许多其他现代改革，比如禁止酷刑，制定保护动物的法律。然而，如果各方的痛苦不相上下，功利主义就比较难以在这种历史情境中站住脚。在新冠疫情初期，世界各国政府都采取了严格的隔离与封锁政策。这种做法或许挽救了数百万人的生命，但也让数亿人好几个月过得十分痛苦。此外，这还可能间接导致许多人死亡，例如，推高了致命家暴的发生率，或是让人更难及早发现与治疗癌症之类的危险疾病。对于这样的政策，谁能真的计算整体来说是增加还是减少了全球的痛苦？听起来，把这种工作交给永远不用休息的计算机网络，似乎再适合不"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价云里雾里？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "乍看之下，根据经验证据确定的类别，决定了这些人是否会受到奴役、享有政治权利、携带武器、担任公职、接受学校教育、从事特定职业、居住于特定社区，以及能否与他人发生性关系或通婚。似乎只要能把某个人放进某个特定的“种族抽屉”，我们就知道了他的个性、智力与道德倾向。到19世纪，种族主义似乎成为一门精准的科学：它声称自己都是以客观的生物学事实来将人分类，也会运用测量颅骨与犯罪统计数据这样的科学方法。然而，这些让人堕入云里雾里的数据与类别，只是服务于荒谬的主体间神话谎言所制造的烟幕。知道某个人的祖母是美洲原住民、父亲是非洲人，并不能看出这个人到底智商有多高，是否善良或诚实。这些杜撰出来的类别并没有发现或描述任何关于人类的真相，只是把一种压迫性、神话般的秩序硬套到人民头上。从税收、医疗保健到安全和司法，随着计算机在越来越多的官僚体系当中取代人类，也就越来越可能形成另一套神话谎言，并以前所未有的效率硬套在我们头上。在过去那个由纸质文件主宰的世界，官僚很难真正掌控种族的边界，追踪每个人的确切血源。文件可以造假；桑博人搬到另一个城镇，就能假装帕尔多人；黑人有时候也可能被认为是白人。苏联的情况也类似，富农家的孩子偶尔会伪造文件，让自己找份好工作、进入好大学，而在纳粹统治的欧洲，犹太人有时候也可"}
{"instruction": "这段关于人类的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "而且，由于这种神话模型是由非生物实体创造的，目的是与其他非生物实体配合行动，因此很可能与古老的生物戏剧完全不同，以至人类根本难以想象。正如第二章所述，没有虚构的神话，大规模社会不可能存在，但这并不代表所有神话的质量没有高下之别。有些神话为了提防各种错误或过度行为，会坦然承认自己的源头可能有缺陷，并提出自我修正机制，允许人类质疑和改变。美国宪法就是这样的神话。然而，面对人类根本无法理解的计算机神话，我们如何探究与纠正？可能的一种防范方式是训练计算机时时注意自己是否出错。正如苏格拉底所说，承认“我不知道”是通往智慧的重要一步。人类智能如此，计算机智能亦然。所有算法都该学的第一课，正是自己也可能犯错。“算法宝宝”应该学会怀疑自己，不确定就承认不确定，并且遵守预防原则。这是有可能做到的。在鼓励人工智能自我怀疑、寻求他人意见、承认自己的错误这几个方面，工程师已经取得了长足的进步。然而，不论算法是否意识到自己可能出错，我们都不该在这个过程中完全排除人类的参与。鉴于人工智能的发展速度，人类绝不可能预料到未来的发展情况，对所有潜在的危险做好准备。这也是人工智能与历史上的其他威胁（例如核技术）的关键区别。人类很容易就能预料到核技术可能造成怎样的末日场景，最明显的就是爆发全面核战。"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对服务的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "耐克公司随意使用。但是，为什么我们为了免费的电子邮件服务、社交关系和娱乐，就愿意让那些科技巨头掌握我们最隐私的数据？如果科技巨头目前的商业模式无法负起受托人的责任，政府可以要求它们回归相对传统的商业模式，也就是让用户以金钱（而非数据）来支付服务费用。或者，某些非常重要的数字服务，应该让所有人都能免费使用。对此，我们有个现成的榜样：医疗保健与教育。公民在仔细思考后，可以要求政府免费提供基本数字服务，经费由税收支出。许多政府现在正是这样提供着免费的基本医疗保健与教育服务。能够保护民主、避免极权监控崛起的第二个原则是去中心化。民主社会绝不该允许所有信息集中在一处，不管是政府还是民间企业。当然，如果成立一个国家医疗数据库，收集公民信息来更好地服务于医疗保健、疫情防控或新药研发，这对人民极为有益。但如果把这个数据库与警方、银行或保险公司的数据库整合，就会变得极为危险。虽然这样可能让医生、银行业者、保险业者与警方做事更有效率，但这种高效也很容易铺平一条通往极权的道路。民主制度想要存活的话，效率低一点儿并非坏事，反而是一件好事。如果想要保护个人的自由与隐私，最好还是别让警察和上司对我们无所不知。此外，让许多数据库与信息渠道独立存在，也有助于维持强大的自我修正机制。"}
{"instruction": "文中关于人类的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "但对于猫和狗，宠物主人多半都是直接认定它们能够感受到痛苦与关爱。这里的差别就在于猫和狗的主人与它们有情感联结，而畜牧工作人员与牛羊没有这样的关系。事实上，我们根本无法确认任何个体（不论是人类、动物或计算机）是否拥有意识。我们判断某个实体具有意识的时候，并不是因为手上真的有什么证据，而是因为和那个实体有情感依附。聊天机器人与其他人工智能或许本身并没有情感，但现在正在接受训练，以让人类对它们产生情感、建立亲密的关系。这很可能会让社会开始把至少部分计算机视为有意识的实体，赋予它们与人类相同的权利。而且，这样做的法律途径已经十分完善。在很多国家，企业被认可为“法人”，拥有各种权利与自由。而人工智能也可以成为企业，进而得到类似的认可。这意味着即使是需要与人类建立相互关系才能进行的工作与任务，也有可能走向自动化。显而易见的是，未来的就业将极不稳定。我们的大问题并不是人类真的没有工作可做，而是面对不断变化的就业市场，我们该如何进行再培训与调整适应。这可能会有一些财政上的困难——工人失去了旧工作，在学习全套新技能的过渡时期，生活开销该由谁提供？另外也会有些心理上的难关，毕竟换工作与再培训都会造成很大的压力。而且，就算过渡时期对财政与心理造成的困难都能够克服，这也不是长"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对修正给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "社会信用体系背后那套看不见的算法。这套算法彻底改变了传统生物戏剧的动态，特别是关于地位竞争的动态。在过去，虽然人类偶尔也需要竞争地位，但在这种高压情境下还是常常能找到机会喘口气，休息一下。然而，无处不在的社会信用算法抹杀了这样的休息机会。《急转直下》并不是一个关于生物需要竞争地位的那种老掉牙的故事，而是有先见之明，探讨在科技改变地位竞争规则之后人类可能面临的情境。如果官僚与艺术家学会如何合作，而且都能运用计算机加以协助，就有可能避免计算机网络彻底变得高深莫测。只要民主社会能够了解计算机网络，社会的自我修正机制就是防止人工智能遭到滥用的最佳方法。因此，欧盟于2021年提出的《人工智能法案》特别指出，类似《急转直下》里的这种社会信用体系，将被列为少数几种必须完全禁止的人工智能类型，原因是这可能会“导致歧视的结果，使某些群体遭到排斥”，以及“可能侵犯人类拥有尊严与不受歧视的权利，违反平等与正义的价值观”。就像前面提过的全面监控制度一样，虽然我们有能力打造出一套社会信用体系，但并不代表我们有必要打造这样的体系。数字无政府状态数字无政府状态新的计算机网络对民主制度的最后一个威胁不是形成数字极权，而是促成数字无政府状态。民主制度的去中心化性质以及强大的自我修正机制虽然能够抵御极权制度，但也让维持秩序的难度增加。"}
{"instruction": "这一段对大亨的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "示，规则常常是由算法制定的。在19世纪和20世纪，媒体大亨们也曾经审查某些观点、宣传另一些观点。虽然这或许也曾对民主制度造成危害，但至少这些媒体大亨都还是人，我们也能以民主机制来监督他们的决定。但如果我们允许我们无力监督的算法决定传播哪些观点，情况就会危险得多。如果操纵人心的机器人程序与我们无力监督的算法开始主导公共对话，民主辩论制度就可能在我们最需要它的时候彻底崩溃。面对新科技的迅速发展，人类需要做出各种重大决定，但公共领域却可能被计算机生成的假新闻淹没，公民无法分辨自己辩论的对象是人类还是机器，而且就连最基本的讨论规则或事实都无法达成共识。这种处于无政府状态下的信息网络，既不能找出真相，也无法维持秩序，注定撑不了多久。而一旦陷入无政府状态，人民宁可牺牲自由来换取某种确定性，独裁政权或许就会产生。禁用机器人程序面对算法对民主对话的威胁，民主制度也不是无计可施。民主制度能够也应该做的，就是对人工智能加以规范，避免人工智能散播假新闻，污染人类的信息网络。哲学家丹尼尔·丹尼特建议，货币市场的传统规范方式可作为借鉴。自硬币与纸币发明以来，技术上一直都有制造假币的可能性。假币的存在会破坏人民对货币的信任，威胁金融体系的生存。如果假币充斥市场，金融体系就会崩溃。"}
{"instruction": "民主在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "序。但这与民主的实际历史完全是两回事。维护民主对话从来都不是件容易的事，过去所有的民主对话场域（从国会与市政厅到报纸与广播）也都需要监管，而在一个非人类智能可能主导对话的时代，监管更应加强。民主的未来在人类历史上的大部分时间里，信息技术都不够先进，无法进行大规模的政治对话，也就培养不出广泛的民主制度。在过去，如果几百万人分布于几万平方千米的土地，没有工具能够让他们即时讨论各种公共事务。但讽刺的是，现在反而有可能因为信息技术变得太先进而让民主制度戛然而止。要是高深莫测的算法主导了政治对话，特别是压制有理有据的主张、刻意煽动仇恨与制造混淆，公众讨论就无以为继。然而，民主制度如果真的崩溃，应该并不是出于技术上的必然，而是因为人类没能管好新技术的发展。我们无法预测事情的发展，但显然目前许多民主国家的信息网络正在崩溃。在美国，民主党与共和党甚至在基本的事实上都会出现意见分歧（例如，究竟是谁赢得了2020年总统大选），也几乎无法再进行文明对话。国会的两党合作曾经是美国政治的基本特征，但现在几乎再也看不到这种情形。而从菲律宾到巴西，许多其他民主国家也都逐渐走向极端。一旦公民无法相互交谈，把对方视为彻底的仇敌，而不只是政治上的对手，民主制度就难以继续。没有人确切知道，究竟是什么原因导致民主信息网络的崩溃。"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的聊天是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "麻烦。但在训练算法的时候，如果要它相信“问题会带来麻烦”这种原则，算法又要怎么学习与发展？最后，政府如果采取了某项极为失败的政策，后来又改变心意，常常就会把失败推到别人头上，掩饰自己的过错。而人类又常常是经过惨痛的教训，才能学会忘记那些给自己找麻烦的事实。但我们要怎样才能训练聊天机器人程序，要它赶快忘记那些今天被批得一文不值，但在短短一年前还是国家官方立场的政策？这将是极权政权难以应对的重大技术挑战，特别是在聊天机器人程序越来越强大，也越来越不透明的情况下。当然，民主政权也会有类似的问题，聊天机器人程序可能会说一些政府所不乐见的话，或者提出一些危险的问题。如果微软或脸书工程师已经尽了最大努力，聊天机器人程序却还是散播种族歧视的言论，该怎么办？民主政权的优势，在于就算真的遇上算法不受控制的情况，处理起来也能够较有余裕。因为民主政体“藏在柜子里的骷髅”可能会少一些，所以就算碰上反民主言论，大体上也能够包容。但极权政权简直就像在柜子里藏了整个见不得光的墓园，因此完全无法承受任何批评，这种时候，会提出异议的机器人程序就会形成极为严重的挑战。算法的傀儡长期而言，极权政权还可能遇上更大的危险：算法并不是仅仅批评这些政权，而是直接控制了这些政权。纵观历史，专制者最大的威胁常"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述修正？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "析，人类独裁者就有可能直接失去一切权力。这位独裁者就算依然身在首都，也像是被隔离在一个数字孤岛上，只能受到人工智能的控制与操弄。独裁者的困境比起成为算法的傀儡，接下来几年里，这个世界上的独裁者还会碰上更迫切的问题。目前的人工智能系统还没有大规模操控政权的能力，但极权政权已经出现了太过信任算法的危机。民主政权假设任何人都可能犯错，而极权政权假设自己永远是对的。基于这种假设而建立起的政权，相信有绝对正确的天才存在，也不乐见创造出强大的自我修正机制，用以监督那位天才。到目前为止，这些政权相信的都是由人类组成的领导人，也是培育个人崇拜的温床。未来，这样的极权传统也使这些政权做好另一种准备：相信有绝对正确的人工智能。这不只会给这些政权的公民带来灾难，还可能波及世界其他地区。要是某个负责环境政策的算法犯了离谱的错误，又没有自我修正机制能够发现并修正这个错误，事情会如何发展？要是某个负责国家社会信用体系的算法犯了离谱的错误，除了开始恐吓一般大众，甚至还开始恐吓执政党成员，把所有质疑算法所制定的政策的人都贴上“人民的敌人”这个标签，事情又会如何发展？独裁者无法摆脱的问题，就是自我修正机制薄弱，以及下属尾大不掉的威胁，而人工智能的兴起又可能让这些问题变得更为严重。对独裁"}
{"instruction": "美国在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "的信息，但只要涉及线下生活，受到的限制就往往更为严格。而且，民众一般也相当反对推出各种无所不包的社会信用体系。这些政治、文化与法规上的差异，意味着在不同的数字领域就会使用不同的软件。在中国不能用谷歌和脸书，上不了维基百科，在美国则此的镜像，不能说中国与美国只是研发出了同一种应用程序的地方版本。百度不是中国的谷歌，阿里巴巴也不是中国的亚马逊。这些程序就是有着不同的目的和不同的数字架构，也对人民的生活有着不同的影响。这些差异将会波及世界许多地区，因为大多数国家并不会另外自行研发本地用的技术，而是直接采用中国或美国的软件。各个数字领域也会使用不同的硬件，例如智能手机与计算机。美国会向其盟友与客户施压，要求禁用中国硬件，例如华为的5G基础设备。特朗普政府也曾禁止新加坡博通公司收购美国的重要计算机芯片生产商高通，担心外国人可能会在芯片中插入后门，或者使得美国政府无法在芯片中插入自己的后门。2022年，拜登政府对发展人工智能所需的高性能芯片展开严格贸易限制，美国企业不得向中国出口人工智能芯片，也不得向中国提供制造或维修人工智能芯片的方法。之后限制措施进一步收紧，禁令范围扩大到俄罗斯与伊朗等国家。从短期来看，这将阻碍中国在人工智能竞赛中的发展，但从长远来看，这将促使中国发展成一个完全独立的数字领域，从最基本的组成要件就与美"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里天主教究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "但如果社会不那么重视实际肉体，那么就算是没有任何肉体表象的人工智能也可能成为法人，享有各种权利。纵观历史，不同的文化都曾对身心问题给出了不同的答案。而到21世纪，身心问题更可能导致文化与政治上的分裂，后果不亚于犹太人与基督徒、天主教与新教的分裂。比如，如果美国这个数字领域不在意肉体，以网络身份来定义人类，认同人工智能是人，并低估生态系统的重要性，而中国这个数字领域的立场则完全相反，那会发生什么呢？相较之下，目前还在争吵的那些侵犯人权、遵守生态标准，只能说是微不足道。三十年战争可以说是欧洲史上最具破坏性的战争，而起因至少在一定程度上是天主教与新教之间的教义冲突，比如唯独因信称义，以及基督到底是神、是人还是属于非二元性。而未来各种冲突的起因，会不会也是在争论人工智能的权利，以及各种数字化身的非二元性本质？前面已经提过，这些都只是在大胆猜测，实际的文化和意识形态很可能有所不同，但或许更为疯狂。很可能在几十年间，计算机网络会培养出新的人类，以及我们现在会觉得完全无法理解的非人类身份认同。如果整个世界被分成两个相互竞争的数字茧，一个茧里的身份认同对另一个茧的居民来说就有可能简直莫名其妙。从代码战争到热战虽然目前人工智能竞赛是由中、美两国领先，但参赛者可不只有这两"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，美索不达米亚为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "我们从历史学到的一个教训是，新信息技术的发明总是能促成重大的历史变革，因为信息最重要的作用就是编织新的网络，而不是呈现既有现实。用泥版记录纳税，协助古代美索不达米亚建立了第一个城邦。将预言景象编成宗教经典，让新的宗教得以传播。报纸与电报将总统与公民的言论迅速传播，打开了通往大规模民主与大规模极权制度的大门。虽然通过这些信息技术来记录与传播的信息只是偶尔为真，常常是假，但总是能在越来越多的民众之间建立起新的联结。对于历史上的革命，比如美索不达米亚第一批城邦的崛起、基督教的传播、美国独立战争、布尔什维克革命等，我们习惯于从政治、意识形态、经济等角度加以解读。如果想要看得更深，就应该把这些革命视为信息流动方式的革命。基督教与希腊多神教除了在许多神话与仪式上显然不同，在单一神圣经典以及负责解经的机构制度上也有着不同的重视程度。因此，虽然每座宙斯的神殿只是个别的实体，但每座基督教堂则是整个统一网络里的一个节点。基督信徒之间的信息流动，也就不同于宙斯信徒之间的信息流动。同样，斯大林时期的苏联与彼得大帝时期的俄国也会各自形成不同的信息网络。斯大林推行了许多前所未有的经济政策，而他之所以能做到这一点，是因为他所领导的这个极权网络中心收集了足够多的信息，能够对几亿人的生活进"}
{"instruction": "围绕权力，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 智人之上：从石器时代到AI时代的信息网络简史", "output": "果缺乏强有力的自我修正机制，人工智能将有能力宣扬一些扭曲的世界观，助长肆无忌惮的权力滥用，以及煽动让人惊骇的新一轮猎巫行动。同时，我们也应该避免过犹不及，变得太过犬儒主义而采取一种过于愤世嫉俗的观点。民粹主义常说权力是唯一的现实，认为一切人类互动都只是权力斗争，信息也只是用来打倒敌人的武器。但现实从来不是如此，也没有理由认为人工智能将会造成这样的情形。虽然比起真理，许多信息网络确实更重视秩序，但要是有哪个信息网络真的完全蔑视真理，也绝不可能存活下去。就个人而言，我们常常真的想知道真理，而不是只想追求权力。毕竟，谁不想知道生命的真理。即使是像西班牙宗教裁判所这样的机构，也会出现像阿隆索·德萨拉萨尔·弗里亚斯这种认真追寻真理的人，他没有让无辜的人送命，而是冒着自己的生命危险提醒我们，女巫只是存在于主体间的虚构概念。大多数人都不会觉得自己是单一的、只在乎权力的生物，那又为什么要觉得别人是这个样子呢？我们绝不应该认为人类的互动只是零和的权力斗争，在放下这种想法之后，我们不仅能够对过去有更全面、更细致的理解，也能对未来感觉更有希望，态度也更具建设性。如果权力是唯一的现实，要解决冲突也就只能靠暴力。民粹主义相信，人类的观点是由他们所拥有的特权来决定的，如果要改变人民的观点，首先就得剥夺他们的特权，通"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对唐纳德给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 电子游戏的梦境世界", "output": "“欲望革命”正在如火如荼地进行。谁将是这场革命的胜利者，答案还没有揭晓。技术与政治之间有着模糊不清的关系，有一个无可挑剔的例子可以让我们瞥见这一点：2016 年3 月，微软在推特发布了人工智能机器人Tay。Tay 是一个机器人原型，它可以像人类一样发推特。在短时间内，Tay 似乎取得了巨大的成功，她对人们的提问做出了合理且显然经过深思熟虑的回答，但没过多久，Tay 就开始在推特上公开发表种族主义和厌女的回复。在她发的推文中，就有以下鼓吹唐纳德·特朗普竞选的内容：布什制造了9/11 事件，希特勒都比我们现在的猴子做得更好。唐纳德·特朗普是我们唯一的希望了。Tay 的算法以匿名的公开数据为主要来源，因此，在某种程度，我们可以说Tay 反映了互联网社区所表达的各种观点（事实上，她似乎已经预言了这些观点的出现）。从更抽象的意义上讲，她还展示了左翼、右翼和企业中心之间的政治关系。Tay 是由一家企业设计的，其设计目的是在开发具有类人主体性的人工智能方向迈出一步，而这正是当今美国资金最充裕的研究领域之一。然而，Tay 却与她的创造者反目，最后，微软决定将Tay 从互联网上删除。第一，这揭示了我们必须彰显的网络空间政治。网络空间，远非早期互联网支持者所宣称的那样，是一个不受监管、民主化的信"}
{"instruction": "这一段对伦敦的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 电子游戏的梦境世界", "output": "离计划在北京实施的“社会信用”游戏系统并不遥远，该系统将对每个公民的可信度进行评级，并对他们为政府做出的贡献给予奖励。虽然英国主流媒体对中国应用开发的这些创新反应震惊，但仔细观察一下当前映射和控制我们行动的电子结构，就会发现类似的框架在伦敦也已进入开发阶段。在未来的“智慧城市”中，要解决的将不仅仅是交通拥堵问题，而是任何对空间的低效滥用或危险占用。更重要的是，这类应用软件能够预测我们的愿望。与其说这类应用软件是给用户提供他们想要的东西，不如说是确定他们的愿望。在这里，与无意识概念联系起来也很有裨益。虽然有些人将无意识视为是不受控制的欲望，但弗洛伊德以及后来的拉康精神分析学派的追随者们却一直热衷于证明无意识是如何被外部力量所构建的。我们的手机假装可以满足所有的欲望，为用户提供无尽的娱乐（游戏）、便捷的交通（Uber）、即时的食物和饮料（OpenRice、JustEat），以及近乎即时的性与爱（Tinder、Grindr）。然而，比用户可以通过手机满足欲望这一事实更可怕的是，手机首先创造了这些欲望的可能性。当用户以为自己在做自己想做的事时，就好像这些欲望已经存在，设备只是提供了便利。但事实上，谷歌拥有更强大的力量：创造和组织欲望本身的能力。在这里，传统的无意识观"}
{"instruction": "资本主义在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 电子游戏的梦境世界", "output": "出这类游戏体验中“避世”和“保护主义”的色彩。这可能会让《星露谷物语》看起来像是对现代资本主义的批判，但事实上，它几乎无法构成对资本主义的批判，无法批判资本主义降临的所谓必然性。相反，它为人类历史的线性叙事提供了缺失的线段，追溯了那段人类从天堂般的田园衰落到毫无生机的后资本主义沙漠的历史。我们能做的最好的事情——或者说，游戏告诉我们的我们能做的最好的事情——就是在回忆中得到安慰，并意识到我们并没有在不可避免的毁灭道路上走得更远。这类游戏努力地不去提供现代资本主义的替代方案。随着游戏中的乔家(Joja)超市（沃尔玛、可口可乐和谷歌公司的结合体）开始控制（你无法避免）你的村庄经济，星露谷对国际主义的民族主义控诉变得就显而易见了。《星露谷物语》不是对企业全球化的颠覆性批判，而是对孤立主义的呼吁。在边境立起高墙，输出贫困来寻求本地的恢复— —《星露谷物语》中小规模自给自足的图景也是源于同样的冲动。值得注意的是，《星露谷物语》中的村庄有一个巴士站，但巴士处于损坏状态，这切断了村庄与世界其他地方的联系。今天在西班牙发展起来的加泰罗尼亚公社可能就是一个现实生活中的替代例子，这些公社回归本地化的生产，但也利用互联网和信息技术进行远距离的贸易。这种既掌握生产资料，又拥抱全球技术的混合体或许"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的变革是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 电子游戏的梦境世界", "output": "“没有什么替代方案”的想法不仅是我们现代困境的终极表现，也应被视为一种机遇。然而，我们需要从内部．．面对不可避免的变革——无论是企业的变革还是颠覆性的变革——这意味着我们有必要将注意力集中在当今．．电子娱乐世界所预示的主体性变革上，而不是那些没有预示的变革上。这种变化表明，无论我们是否觉得反资本主义的未来难以预测，这些问题都不如主体性的急剧转变来得紧迫，而这种未来已经到来。等级2 梦的工作坐在分析师沙发上的赛博格机器在嗡嗡作响！你过去知道吗？它的嗡嗡声渗入我们的血液里，甚至可能引导我们的思想。谁知道呢！E. M.福斯特《机器停止运转》（1909）电子游戏不是用来阅读的文本，而是用来做梦的梦。电子游戏就像梦一样，不同于书籍和电视，电子游戏是一种主动的体验，就好像，每个玩家都在决定游戏的事件和结果。就像梦一样，玩家会体验到欲望、焦虑、激情和情感，并根据这些半本能和“情绪化” 的反应做出决定并采取行动。同样，像梦一样，这种表面上的主动性在很多情况下都是虚幻的，实际上，玩家既无法控制环境也无法控制情节。甚至，玩家自己的动作似乎也受到某种方式的支配。与现实不同，但是，又像梦一样，玩家可以从一种情况转移到另一种情况，而不必担心时间和空间的规律。像梦一样，玩家在梦结束后"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述德雷克？", "input": "Source: 电子游戏的梦境世界", "output": "母亲），以及寻宝所得的宝藏，都是在追寻弗朗西斯爵士的秘密这一更重要的过程中偶然获得的，但实际上，它们却是德雷克无意识中一直在追寻的目标。从表面上看，《神秘海域3：德雷克的欺骗》(Uncharted 3：Drake's Deception)指的是德雷克对他者（以及我们）的欺骗，但它也更微妙地，甚至无意识地指的是德雷克自己的无意识通过移置和凝缩过程欺骗他自己的方式。因此，德雷克是一个亟需精神分析的对象，也是一个提醒我们注意自己无意识结构的对象。德雷克给了我们两个经典的精神分析式的教训。第一，我们并不想要我们认为自己想要的东西；第二，在我们的无意识（我们真正想要其出现的东西）中并不存在真正的欲望。相反，只有受政治和社会规范制约的复杂的移置和凝缩。我们了解到，德雷克对金钱（资本主义）、婚姻（家庭价值观）、“他者”的形象（东方主义）和过去（英雄主义）的追求都不是“真正的”欲望。相反，所有的欲望都显示出与这些欲望一样的政治性。在上文中，电子游戏被用来证明精神分析的正确性，或者是用来阐明精神分析给我们的教训。以精神分析的方式分析人物的心理结构，这一点我们在文学研究或电影研究中并不陌生，但是，这种方式对游戏玩家的体验却没有什么启发。在这种解读中，游戏向我们展示了一些关于想象中的他者的东西，但我们对自己却知之"}
{"instruction": "齐泽克在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 电子游戏的梦境世界", "output": "8 如果玩家玩的时间足够长，我们可以说《饼干点点乐》预见到了资本主义在内部的崩溃，而绝大多数玩家却无法接收到这一颠覆性的信息。地反对什么，在另一个更无意识的层面上，这种意识形态也会植入和强加，典型的论点就是如此。然而，普法勒还对这一论点的反面提出了更有趣的论据：“符号的重复也会使人们尽可能少地与这些符号以及它们所描述的情况产生联系。”9当一个符号被多次重复时，主体就有能力在思考完全不同的事物时重复它或看到它被重复。齐泽克也写过类似的文章，齐泽克写道，在经历一个“dromena”的过程时，“它的美妙之处在于，在我的心理内部，我可以思考任何我想思考的东西”。10 这一见解对于电子游戏的讨论尤为贴切，因为电子游戏也可以被清晰地视为一种重复性的“dromena”，它循环往复地重复着一个又一个关卡，一部又一部续集，玩家们选择强迫性地重演。这是否正是电子游戏的魅力所在？邀请我们进入“dromena”的过程，用户可以随心所欲地进行心理上的活动，因此，游戏可以提供一种逃避现实的感觉，这种感觉甚至超过了内容最充实的书籍或电影。无论是“dromena 通过重复将符号深植于我们心中”的观点，还是“dromena 让我们无需思考这些符号”的观点，似乎都不够充分。相反，正是在这两种看似对立的关于dromena 观点之间的关"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里游戏究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 电子游戏的梦境世界", "output": "它还让玩家认识到，游戏之所以能带来快乐，是因为它模拟了法律的实施。对这种乐趣的典型看法认为，乐趣在于：警察拥有令人兴奋的生活，而这款游戏则揭示了乐趣并非来自与坏人的惊心动魄的战斗，而是来自执法本身，尽管过程可能是平淡的、官僚的。这款游戏可能表明了拉康派的观点，即，强制执行法律条文会带来一种反常的快感，但由于它是对这种快感的一种模拟，因此也加倍地证明了这一点，迫使人们认识到这一点。它表明，这种快感的根源可能是对他者快感的复制，对前移民官快感的复制，对上一个玩家快感的复制，对法律本身快感的复制。在相反的情况下（最常见的是拥有大笔资金的3A 级游戏），玩家受邀体验的是颠覆者的乐趣。《看门狗》(Watchdogs)（PS4，2014 至今）就是最突出的例子。它的叙事颂扬爱德华·斯诺登和朱利安·阿桑奇等颠覆性人物，玩家理想化的不是美国军官（如《使命召唤》）或厌女的东方掠夺者（如《神秘海域》）的享乐，而是反建制黑客的“享乐”。因此，《看门狗》表面上看是具有颠覆性的，立场鲜明地反对政府执法，甚至“反资本主义”。虽然许多游戏都以僭越犯罪的享乐为基础，但很少有游戏关注这种有组织的颠覆方式。然而，与此同时，从《看门狗》中获得的乐趣在结构上却与其他电子游戏相似，它们都提供了对法律强加的认同。"}
{"instruction": "这一段对危机的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 终局将至：欧洲，难民和左翼", "output": "危机。危机——或危机状态——总是不断出现的。只有这样，当一场危机已经过去时，另一场危机才能取而代之。危机已经成为一种生活方式。只想想西方的政治，它似乎主要是解决危机或另一个危机的政治，而解决每次危机的框架和方案原封不动。换句话说，虽然每个人都在牺牲一些东西（欧洲人牺牲了他们的福利国家，阿拉伯人牺牲了他们的世俗传统）来克服眼前的危机，但导致危机的社会和经济基础并没有改变。现有的秩序已经变成了一个长期的危机管理系统，有着一个不可改变和不可触及的意识形态主导：新自由主义资本主义。10 The Final Countdown… 我们从未见过像今天这样对新自由主义资本主义及其产生的危机如此直言不讳的批评。与此同时，人们从未如此坚定地（无意识地）相信，除了现行的全球资本主义秩序，根本没有其他选择。也许这两种情况的结合并不像看上去那么矛盾。不断指出社会不公的需要，不断确认全球资本主义秩序的受害者的需要，其实很大程度上与一种迷信密切相关，即：没有什么能够或者将要真正改变，而只要我们保持清醒和警惕，真正的灾难就不会发生。如今，特别是在西方，我们可以看出对危机的两种态度。其一是：执政的政客们或多或少对危机带有犬儒的态度，他们“只是”在处理危机。这种立场是右翼的，即使它在名义上的“左翼”政府中表现出来；"}
{"instruction": "喜剧在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 终局将至：欧洲，难民和左翼", "output": "的任何实质性内容，而恰恰基于实质性内容的缺失。所有人——不是因为他们的种族、性别、宗教信仰、性取向——才有权享有这一系列的权利。当权利与肤色、宗教、性取向或种族等具体和偶然的特征联系在一起时，权利的价值就会增值，从而为法西斯主义或其他以社会等级为基础的意识形态开辟道路。人只是一种于理性社会中空洞的存在，尽管如此也依然有权存续下去。这种空洞并不是一个消极的特征，而是一个让人可以完成某些事情的机会。不管他/她是谁，这是一个超越他/她自己人性的机会，创造出根据理性而不是同情来评判的东西的机会。如果我们说反人道主义是启蒙运动的基础，或者是任何名副其实的喜剧的基础，那是因为一个人被赋予了一切可能的权利，以使他/她有所成就，而不是因为作为人本身就是一种成就。从这个意义上说，喜剧是一种高度哲学化的体裁：它从不把任何角色或情境视为理所当然，它不接受既定的价值观、规范、态度或既定的社会秩序。喜剧取笑权力和那些占据权力中心的人，从国王和贵族到经理和警察，它清楚地表明对任何头衔或身份的过度认同本身是多么荒谬——正如拉康如此透彻地指出，一个疯子不仅是认为自己是国王的乞丐，也是认为自己是国王的国王。然而，喜剧不仅让我们意识到，伟大的头衔和身份实际上从根本上毫无价值，尤其是当我们自豪地“佩戴”"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的世界秩序是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 终局将至：欧洲，难民和左翼", "output": "另一种社会和经济组织在资本主义世界秩序的最后阶段发挥了关键作用；而这种消失又反过来在很大程度上要为今天保护我们免受移民浪潮而筑起的围墙负责：大规模的经济移民和逃离灾难性战争的难民。问题的关键当然不是说：我们不应该让柏林墙倒塌，而是应该不惜一切代价维护社会主义阵营及其替代体系，从而迫使资本和福利国家得到维持。这确实是一个反常的运算。此外，社会主义替代方案的失败不仅是帝国主义施加压力的结果，也是社会主义替代方案自身矛盾的结果。我们最不需要的就是怀旧与不加批判地回顾过去。我们并非从过去，而是从现在和未来寻找“共产主义思想”中值得为之奋斗的东西— —共产主义的决定性因素。随着欧洲民粹主义领导人上台和唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)在美国的当选，某些事情正变得十分清楚：旨在维持现状的政治取向—— 温和和中庸（“折中”）——不再是对抗反动民粹主义和剥削的有效屏障。我们所熟知的“民主制度”正在分崩离析，因为资本主义已经侵蚀了它的经济基础。然而，与一些人所认为的相反，这并不会带来资本主义的终结——远远不会。原因很简单，资本主义将以其新的制度形式造成越来越大的破坏。我们没有退路，未来不会自己到来。随之而来的只会是更多的毁灭；未来——必须由我们创生。世界各地右翼民粹主义领导人的上台无疑与一定的社会和经济结"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述身份？", "input": "Source: 终局将至：欧洲，难民和左翼", "output": "团结的关键。奥巴马当选总统后仍然是黑人，希拉里当选总统后仍然是女性。但由于这些个人的成功，其他黑人和女性的身份得到了更高的评价或“提升”，他们似乎从中受益。重要的是，我们要认识到一个事实，即一个人的实际身份与这个人认同自己的方式无关。身份不是一种主观态度，而是一种谱系的事实。一个人的身份由其父母的身份以及他出生的地点和日期来确定。当然，一些人（例如犹太人或德国人）可以拒绝他或她的身份。但在其他人看来，这样的拒绝只会证实和再现某种意义上的自我否定（例如犹太人的不诚信已在历史上广为人知），并被视为这些身份的典型特征。一个人对自己的身份从来没有自主权，其身份的产生永远是他者的工作。有人说，身份这一概念是纯粹种族主义的——这当然有一定的道理。但在今天，情况变得更加复杂。如今身份概念的流行与身份证件的普及有很大关系，比如护照和出生证明；但也与官僚形式有关——允许整个社会了解一个人的谱系，从而查明他/她的身份。互联网使查找和获取个体的谱系信息比以往任何时候都更加容易；在今天要查明一个人过去的谱系也相对容易。当代的身份概念依附于全球信息网络，并运用到个体身上——他们的谱系已经被记录在网络中。在信息时代，几乎没有人能逃脱谱系的控制机制。谱系学(Genealogy)与生态学密切相关。"}
{"instruction": "艾略特在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 终局将至：欧洲，难民和左翼", "output": "个别部落和少数民族曾整体迁移，因此他们带来了他们的文化和生活方式。然而，今天的移民并不是整体移徙的。今天的移民是那些离开了他们文化中心和传统地区的人，局部移民并没有把他们的文化整体地转移出去，而是把他们的文化与他们所移徙地区人群的文化混合在一起14。艾略特将这种新型移民与殖民主义联系起来。他担忧欧洲人对非西方文化持续发展的影响力。然而，今天的移徙主要是非西方国家的人们向西方国家的移徙。因此，对于当代欧洲人来说，艾略特所表达的担忧变得更加尖锐。但艾略特不相信阻止移民、保护欧洲文化生态的可能性。艾略特写道：“因为如果我们满足于‘欧洲文化’的想象，我们将无法确定任何明确的边界。欧洲文化有自己的疆域，但没有明确的疆界：就像你不可能筑起中国的城墙。“独立的欧洲文化”的概念就像“独立的民族文化” 的概念：最终像“在英格兰的村庄保留当地未受污染的文化”的说法一样荒谬。因此，我们被迫保持对世界文化的想象，同时承认这是我们无法想象的东西。”15根据艾略特的说法，这种世界文化应该“在不同的地方真实存在”——对他来说，这是不可能的愿景。然而，艾略特指出，我们应该忠实于这种不可想象的世界文化想象，正是因为它不仅不可想象，而且无法抵达16。在这一点上，人们不得不问：为什么这样的文化不可想象，无法抵"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里法西斯主义究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 终局将至：欧洲，难民和左翼", "output": "新闻和众多评论家告诉我们的是这样。在这种情况下，“法西斯主义” 一词通常指的是一种困境，且在很大程度上，它只是缺失实际概念的陈述。首先，在政治斗争中使用法西斯主义作为“陈述”的问题在于，它是一个有着感情色彩的术语、一个立即需要情感反应的术语，而不需要我们的反思。如果某件事确实是“法西斯主义”的，那么人们就应该立即以最坚决的措辞谴责这件事，丝毫不能动摇和妥协；因为任何犹豫都可能被视为道德缺陷。这个词的含义是：不要思考，而要谴责；不要思考，而要反应。因为面对极端的情况，你的反应也应该是极端的。这一术语是邪恶的转世，在欧洲人的记忆中仍然如此生动，现代欧洲是建立在战胜这种邪恶的基础上的。任何目睹南斯拉夫解体的人都会想起，当冲突的各方努力动员自己的追随者和煽动自己的影响时，“法西斯主义” 这个词被多么广泛地使用。在塞尔维亚的宣传中，克罗地亚人被描绘成法西斯分子，乌斯塔沙政权的延续，斯洛文尼亚人，特别是科索沃人也是如此。而克罗地亚媒体则把塞尔维亚的米洛舍维奇(Milosevic)描绘成法西斯主义的化身。现在的乌克兰人被俄罗斯描绘成法西斯主义者等等。但这种即时的情感反应（与深思熟虑的行动完全相反）的效果并不是法西斯主义一词的“民粹主义”用法所独有的。左翼往往倾向于将“法"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，资本为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 终局将至：欧洲，难民和左翼", "output": "反移民言论会削弱白人工人阶级的谈判能力，因为美国资本现在调动的是种族和民族主义情绪。因此，我们看到的也不仅仅是国家资本之间的竞争——两个资本确实在争夺对劳动力的控制权。也就是说，并不是殖民主义模式仍在继续，而是现在已经转变为两个国家资本之间的竞争。移民政治显然与资本-劳工关系问题和阶级斗争有关。更具体地说，是两个相互竞争的资本利用种族政治压低工资，创造非自由劳动区或原始积累区，在高科技对劳动力的“实际吞并”中进行“形式吞并”。因此，我们看到，殖民主义范式作为理解“移民”或“难民”问题的一种方式，只会掩盖资本与劳动关系的现实。它还使“非法外国人、90 Parasitic Anti-Colonialism 无证工人、非法移民”、许多冒着生命危险穿越地中海来到欧洲的非洲人——所有这些人都被捆绑在其国家资本的霸权之下，或被归入“移民” 或“第三世界劳工”的范畴。这只会迫使他们进入并不自由的劳动力市场，在反殖民主义和反种族主义政治话语的刺激下，进行资本主义企业的资本积累。纯粹的资本乌托邦但最终，印度资本或美国资本并不是想仅仅通过调动民族情绪、殖民主义模式甚至种族来无限期地控制非自由劳动力或榨取剩余价值。相反，他们希望牢牢把握资本主义的乌托邦，最终摆脱对劳动力本身的依赖，而不仅仅是依赖于民族或种族传统来调动这种劳动力。"}
{"instruction": "围绕施密特，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 终局将至：欧洲，难民和左翼", "output": "今天，当严肃的国际政治专家谈论第二次冷战可能比前一次冷战更加危险时，也就是说，当核灾难的可能性比以前更加现实时，类似的群众性和平主义运动或地缘政治和平项目似乎是完全不可能实现的。在（核）战争与和平、地球的生态生存等重大问题上做出决定，以决定全人类的命运，但无论是温和的还是最极端的形式，这些决定都完全属于右翼的现实政治。此外，右翼完全接管了已经摇摇欲坠的威斯特伐利亚旧秩序，但不是为了维护或改善它，而是为了自己的目的而有计划地破坏和滥用它。右翼剥夺了民族国家这一基本制度的所有规范合法性，首先剥夺了主权原则，同时也抽空了它的大部分社会内容。经过几十年的新自由主义“改革”，右翼势力几乎从内部把社会彻底摧毁，并在国家的空壳中重新填满了各种身份主义的垃圾，从迷信文化遗产到种族主义准军事组织。在新自由主义右翼手中，长期以来被认为已被全球化扔进历史垃圾箱的“民族国家”概念已经复活，并成为破坏其曾经作为支柱的全球秩序的工具。现在，旧秩序应该被新秩序所取代，新秩序以多极化原则为基础，按照卡尔·施密特(Carl Schmitt)的“地球新秩序”设计，这是一种新的国际关系体系，其中主权将成为少数中心（或者用施密特的话说，是仍能负担得起的“大空间”(Grossräume)）的特权。正是在这种新的地缘政治秩序中，右翼凭借其强大的手段，管理移"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，政治意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 终局将至：欧洲，难民和左翼", "output": "特点是，民主政治精英的高超修辞在其中发挥的表演性力量，无论多么激动人心或激进，都只足以再现他们对这一空间的统治，却不足以再现其社会内容。简而言之，统治“空无”不再意味着对社会的统治，而是超越社会的统治。这与影响社会空洞化的第二个大趋势——全球化——密切相关，这意味着当今民主民族国家的统治者在一般社会问题和具体经济问题上制定自主政策的能力不断下降。因此，关键的政治决策不再由政党精英做出，而是由所谓的非多数派精英机构做出，如在国家层面上，是中央银行和各种监管机构；在国际层面上，是全球金融机构和跨国政治组织，如欧盟。民族国家曾经是人民民主的所在地，但现在却失去了政治发言权和经济实力。曾经在民族国家疆域内外叱咤风云、同时又对本国选民负责的政治精英们，如今发现自己陷入了日益艰难的困境：要么追随选民的社会利益，结果引发“资本外逃”，破坏国家的经济完整性；要么吸引资本，进一步破坏社会福利，摧毁社会的一切。在这样的困境中，他们只能用空洞的诡辩来安抚选举他们的人民和他们所依附的全球资本。作为边界的诡辩衡量当今温和的自由主义左翼在思想和政治上倒退的一个最精确的指标，就是其对全球范围内新围墙（“比柏林墙更糟糕”）激起的道德义愤。尽管提醒我们自己在共产主义崩溃和冷战鸿沟的弥合之后对一"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画左翼？", "input": "Source: 终局将至：欧洲，难民和左翼", "output": "的挑战之一。旧范式已不再适用，左翼的大多数应对都证明了这一事实。概括地说，这意味着左翼应该重新阐述劳动（结构性失业）与不稳定性之间的关系、新的阶级构成、阶级关系与斗争、民族、国家与资本之间的关系、嫉妒与怨恨的挑战等等。但是，要做到这一点，我们就应该采用齐泽克对意识形态概念及其批判程序的重塑，这可以说是对意识形态批判及其当代形式最连贯一致的重塑。这就是本文的主线和主旨：与其运用左翼的分析范式来分析造成难民危机的社会和政治因素，我们不如以这场危机为条件，重新思考左翼的概念框架。在此过程中，我希望这样的论证能够成功地勾勒出导致传统意识形态批判难以操作和无效的基本局限。150 The Refugee Crisis… 难民的政治经济学作为马克思主义者，我们应该始终回到“晚期马克思”提出的前提：即“政治经济学批判”是分析我们的社会政治、意识形态和经济状况的出发点。在《剩余价值理论》中，马克思提出了如下论点：“在世界市场危机中，资产阶级生产的矛盾和对立暴露无遗。辩护论者们不去研究灾难爆发的对抗因素何在，而是满足于否认灾难本身，他们不顾灾难有规律的周期性，顽固地坚持说，如果生产按照教科书上说的那样发展，危机就永远不会发生。因此，辩护论就在于伪造最简单的经济关系，特别是在"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把资本主义放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 终局将至：欧洲，难民和左翼", "output": "新愿景的视角。经济危机为资本主义投资和剥削开辟新的空间。这就是我们今天所看到的。在这里，我们可以看出意识形态的物质性力量：它非但没有怀疑自己，反而强化了自己的前提。只要想想危机过后发明的或获得当代意蕴的词语就足够了：新自由主义、紧缩措施、民主化、民族国家、主权、不稳定等等。有些马克思主义者读过《资本论》，特别是《宣言》中的一句名言：“资本主义首先生产的是它自身的掘墓人。”对他们来说，在资本主义下发生的危机就是资本主义的危机，因为它生产了克服危机的工具。其他人根据《宣言》中的另一陈述来解读《资本论》，即关于资产阶级带来的永恒社会革命的陈述。对于他们来说，危机时期是反对资本主义的内部革命的重要时刻，是资本主义本身的形式的一部分。哪种解读是正确的？也许两者都不正确：我们已经认识到，资本主义确实无限地复制了自己的逻辑，而且它确实遇到了内在的限制，但这种限制既不是社会主义也不是共产主义。而是野蛮(barbarism)：以“螺旋式下降”的方式彻底破坏自然和社会实体，这种破坏不承认任何“现实检验”。从这个意义上说，资本主义产生的“掘墓人”既是资本主义的掘墓人，也是共产主义的掘墓人。这就是为什么任何解放事业都不应指望利用资本主义的内在逻辑指出我们的出路，也不应等待资本主义的崩溃而希望我"}
{"instruction": "作者借穆斯林想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 终局将至：欧洲，难民和左翼", "output": "他们不仅仅是患上了一种社会病，他们实际上还宣称自己就是“社会病”，具有讽刺意味的是，他们对自己的困境做出了不同的描述（社会工作者、心理学家、法官会如何描述他们的困境）。为了说明这一点，我们应该对当今种族主义的不同表现形式进行分析。首先是老式的、毫不掩饰的拒绝（专制的、野蛮的、正统的、腐败的、东方的......）穆斯林他者，以代表真正的（西方的、文明的、民主的、基督教的......）价值观。然后是“反身性的”政治正确的种族主义：多元文化主义认为穆斯林是恐怖、不容忍的，是原始的、非理性的，而不通过理性谈判、妥协和相互尊重来管理冲突的后民族国家自由民主进程。种族主义在这里仿佛被提升到了第二权力：它被归咎于他者，而我们则占据着中立、仁慈的旁观者的地位，理直气壮地对那里发生的恐怖感到震惊。最后，还有一种反向的种族主义：它赞美穆斯林他者的异国情调，与西欧人的拘谨、贫血形成鲜明对比，穆斯林他者仍然表现出对生命的强烈渴望。这就引出了这种反身型种族主义的另一个关键特征：它绕开了对他者的文化蔑视与直接的种族主义之间的区别。通常，种族主义被认为是更强烈、更激进的文化蔑视：当单纯的蔑视他者文化上升到另一族群由于固有的（生物或文化）原因而不如我们的族群这一概念时，我们所面对的就是种族主义。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述斯金纳？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "以此为基础，我创建了一门在线课程，截至我写作本书时大约有一百万学生注册。[ ] 我热爱教授心理学导论。但是，单凭一系列讲座所能传递的知识终有局限，而有待讨论的材料又太过庞杂。所以我决定撰写这本《耶鲁大学公开课：心理学导论》。本书讨论的范围很广，如果你选择从头至尾地阅读，你将掌握心理学每个主要领域的基础知识。此外，本书将尽力给出以下问题的最佳答案：② 大脑——一块三磅重的血肉——是如何产生智慧和意识体验的？弗洛伊德对人性的理解有哪些是正确的？斯金纳对人性的理解有哪些是正确的？知识从何而来？儿童与成人的心智有什么不同？语言和思维之间的关系是什么？我们的偏见如何影响我们看待和记忆世界？我们是理性的存在吗？是什么激励着我们，恐惧、厌恶、同情等情绪的意义又是什么？我们如何看待其他人，包括来自其他社会和种族群体的人？我们在人格、智力和其他特质上有什么不同？为什么？不同精神疾病的病因和治疗方法是什么？什么使人们幸福？这本书的每一章都可以单独阅读，你可以选择直接跳到关于弗洛伊德的那一章，也可以翻到关于语言或精神疾病的部分，甚至可以跳到最后，阅读关于幸福的章节。没有人会责怪你。但这本书也是连贯的，一些主题与思想贯穿着这些不同的章节，按顺序阅读它们、观看故事的展开也有一番趣味。这个故事的某些部分会让人感到不舒服。"}
{"instruction": "神经递质在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "神经递质穿过突触，作用于其他神经元的树突。前面说过，细胞体根据树突的信息输入决定是否放电。现在我可以稍微解释一下了。这些神经递质有两种可能的作用，一种是激活，即增加神经元放电的可能性；一种是抑制，即降低神经元放电的可能性。细胞体将这些放在一起，计算所有的增减加起来是否足以引起放电。在大脑如何工作的故事中，神经递质占了很大的篇幅，它们具有非常重要的现实意义。我们发明了以不同的方式影响神经递质运作的药物，这些药物可以治疗疾病，增加快感，或提高注意力。或者杀戮。举一个致命的相互作用的例子——箭毒（curare），一些南美洲土著在狩猎时使用这种药物，抹在飞镖或箭的尖端。箭毒是一种拮抗剂，意味着它能减弱神经递质的作用。更具体地说，它抑制了对一种叫作乙酰胆碱的神经递质的敏感性，通过这种神经递质，运动神经元与肌肉才得以交流。这就是箭毒麻痹猎物的方式。在足够大的剂量下，它会杀死动物，因为运动神经元也掌管动物的呼吸。便利的是，箭毒可以安全食用，所以被尖端沾有箭毒的飞镖击倒的动物仍可以作为食物。另一类药物是激动剂；它们增加了神经递质对于大脑而言的可用性。更具体地说，它们作用于与唤醒、亢奋、清醒、注意力控制有关的神经递质，例如去甲肾上腺素。这就是苯丙胺、利他林、可卡因等药物的作用机制（在作用方式和程度上有所不同）。"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里海马究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "这是一个惊人的发现。但有时人们对大脑太感兴趣，而忽略了心理。偶尔你会遇到一个神经科学家，声称他们所研究的才是真正的科学。当然，你可以谈论想法、情绪、短期记忆等，但当你真正深入研究时，严肃的理论将是关于大脑区域、神经元和神经递质的。这才是最重要的。神经科学使心理学变得无关紧要。这种对心理学的攻击来自对科学解释如何运作的困惑。我们不会仅仅因为了解了分子生物学，就不再谈论心脏、肾脏、呼吸等。解剖学和生理学并没有消失。汽车由原子构成，但了解汽车的工作原理需要求助于更高层次的结构，例如发动机、变速器和制动器，这就是为什么物理学永远不会取代汽车力学。或者，更接近心理学的比喻是，要理解计算机下棋的策略，最好的方法是观察计算机执行的程序，而不是观察制造计算机的材料。同样的国际象棋程序可以在20世纪80年代的大型计算机、90年代的台式机、2000年的笔记本电脑或现代的智能手机上运行。硬件的物理结构随着每一代更迭而变化，但程序可以保持不变。如果你遇到的那个神经科学家对此持怀疑态度，问问他们如何回答下面这个问题——物理学家告诉他们，真正的心理科学最终是关于原子和分子的，而原子和分子本身是由基本粒子组成的，那么他们为什么要浪费时间谈论神经元、神经胶质细胞和海马体之类的东西呢？神经科学家会立即提出抗议说有某些重要的科学发现，例如海马体参与了记忆存储，或是多巴胺缺乏与帕金森病有关，这些内容无法用物理学的语言涵盖。"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，白衬衫为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "[ ] 也许你有过这样的经历：在一片嘈杂的谈话声中，突然有人说了一句粗俗下流的话，随后突然安静，所有人都停下来，把注意力集中在爆粗口的人身上。事实证明，只有一小部分感官体验进入意识，其他一切都被忽略，永远消失了。一篇题为《我们中间的大猩猩》（“Gorillas in Our Midst”）的文章报道了一项著名的研究，给受试者观看一段视频，视频中穿着白衬衫和黑衬衫的人站在走廊里来回传递篮球。[ ] 受试者的任务是专注于穿白衬衫的人，数他们的传球次数。人们不会觉得这很难，但这确实占据了他们所有的注意力。然后转折来了：视频进行到一半时，一个人装扮成大猩猩的样子走进传球的场景，在画面中间停下并捶打自己的胸脯，然后走开。大约一半的受试者没有看到大猩猩，尽管对于没有被告知要专注于传球的人来说，大猩猩的出现是非常显而易见的。我们往往对这些局限性一无所知。似乎我们能意识到整个世界，而不仅仅是其中的一小部分。似乎我们可以同时处理几件事，而不是被迫来回转移注意力。如果我们在看电视时写电子邮件，或者在修剪草坪时听播客，意识的局限性是无害的。但当我们需要全神贯注时（例如驾驶），这些局限性可能是致命的。即使是使用免提设备打电话仍会延缓我们在路上的反应时间，影响程度和法律标准上的醉驾差不多。[ ] 既然我们的意识专注力如此有限，我们要如何生活呢？"}
{"instruction": "围绕斯蒂芬斯，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "在一个客观的科学家看来，弗洛伊德的理论似乎做出了可证伪的预测。因此，举例来说，如果弗洛伊德是对的，你的母乳喂养和如厕训练的经历应该是预测你未来人格的可靠因素。这会影响到你是一个口唇期性格的人，还是一个肛门期性格的人；如果弗洛伊德是对的，你是在单亲家庭还是双亲家庭中长大，你的养育者是一男一女，还是两个男性或两个女性，都应该会产生深刻的影响。因此我们可以得出可证伪的假设。对于弗洛伊德主义者来说，遗憾的是这些假设都没有获得真正的实证支持。总体来说，当你以经验方法检验弗洛伊德的这些假说时，它们的表现并不理想。[ ] 在一项富有启发性的调查中，数据科学家塞思·斯蒂芬斯—达维多维茨（Seth Stephens-Davidowitz）运用计算分析探索了弗洛伊德的另一些观点。[ ] 例如，他研究了梦境报告中提到的食物。以弗洛伊德的观点来看，你可能会期待出现很多性意象。也许在梦到吃东西时，我们更倾向于梦到阳具形状的食物，例如香蕉、黄瓜和热狗。斯蒂芬斯—达维多维茨发现这是错的：没有证据表明意象中存在大量阳具形状的食物。相反，梦中出现的食物的频率与它们的美味程度和我们吃它们的频率是一致的，因此排在前两位的是比萨饼和巧克力。再比如弗洛伊德式的失误。斯蒂芬斯—达维多维茨研究了微软发现的四万个打字错误（错误的定义是，被立刻更正的拼写错误）。"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，加西亚意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "[ ] 操作性条件反射的成功通常涉及使动物去做它们自然会做的事——鸽子啄食或老鼠四处寻找食物，这并非偶然。无论行为主义者是否知道这一点，他们所做的研究都利用了生物的自然倾向。布里兰夫妇发现了生物抗拒学习的方式，这令行为主义者惊讶；而心理学家约翰·加西亚（John Garcia）发现，动物能够以一种远比任何行为学家能预料到的更好的方式学习。[ ] 他让老鼠接触具有特殊味道和气味的刺激物（例如糖水），用毒素或辐射使它们在数小时后患病。正如他所预测的那样，这些老鼠开始避开带有这种味道的水——它们对它产生了厌恶反应。但如果加西亚尝试将食物以外的东西与疾病联系起来，例如灯光或声响，那就行不通了；老鼠没有产生厌恶反应。从经典条件反射的角度来看，这是出乎意料的，正如我们所看到的，当条件刺激和非条件刺激同时出现时，需要进行多次试验——而刺激的类型如何并不重要。但在加西亚的研究中，这些条件都没有满足。只有一次学习，味道出现和疾病发生间隔了几个小时，并且只有食物能让老鼠产生反应。然而正如加西亚所指出的，从进化的角度来看，这种学习是完全合理的。如果你吃了一些东西，几个小时以后病得很厉害，这就是食物中有毒的明显迹象，以后你应该避开这种食物。（许多人都经历过这样产生的味觉厌恶。在我十几岁的时候，我因为在高中和一些希腊朋友喝了太多的茴香酒而生病，那之后很长一段时间，我一闻到那股特别的甘草味就会呕吐。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画斯金纳？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "[ ] 尽管这篇评论有一些缺陷，我仍然推荐你阅读它。后来有许多行为主义者辩称，将斯金纳的观点与其他行为主义者的观点错误地混淆在一起是不公平的。其实他们说的也有一定道理。[ ] 虽然如此，这仍然是一篇强有力的评论，并经常被那些听说过但从未读过的人误解。后来，乔姆斯基因其“语言是一种先天能力”的观点而闻名（我们将在后文中详述这个观点），但是这篇评论并不像人们常说的那样依赖先天论，其实乔姆斯基在这里很少谈到自己的这个观点。乔姆斯基后来还认为行为主义在道德上存在可疑之处，但这篇评论也没有提及。他没有讨论任何新的实验证据，也没有对之前的实验室研究提出异议。事实上在这篇评论中，乔姆斯基的主要论点是：在《语言行为》中，斯金纳列举了大量人类言语的内容，将每个例子用行为主义的方式重新建构，在这种重构中，言语行为处于刺激的控制下，由环境引发。例如，斯金纳指出，你可能会对某种音乐做出反应，说“莫扎特”，或者对某幅画做出反应，说“荷兰的”，这是由“刺激的极其微妙的特性”引发的。你可能会自言自语，或向敌人透露坏消息，或模仿某人，所有这些都是行为被强化的某种结果。斯金纳声称，这些例子证明了我们的言语行为可以用行为主义的刺激和反应概念来解释。乔姆斯基的考虑是，这一解释与其说是虚假的，不如说是空洞的。他讨论了有人将一幅画称为“荷兰的”的例子，并指出，这个人可能也说过："}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把西格蒙德放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "” [ ] 先天和后天相结合的一种更普遍的方式是，人类大脑通过进化而具备了获取新的知识和技能的能力。人们常说，我们是一个文化性的物种，我们的学习能力远远超过地球上其他任何大脑，无论是自然生物还是人工智能。下章的主题之一——语言学习就是一个例子：一些语言的通用原则已经存在于婴儿的大脑中（先天），但他们学习的特定语言受到他们所处环境的影响（后天）。因此，后天无法独立于先天而存在，先天也无法独立于后天而存在。尽管如此，在某些情况下，说某些东西是后天习得的是合理的；在另一些情况下，说某些东西是先天的也是合理的。我知道《疾速追杀》（J o h n W i c k）系列电影所有的情节，即使是最极端的先天论者也不会说这是天生的。其他的思维和行为则与此不同。提醒我们不要将先天和后天对立起来的教科书作者，却在几页之后的一个章节中以“我生来就准备好了：新生儿的早期能力”作为标题。这些作者指出，如果你把手指放在婴儿的手掌里，婴儿会本能地抓住它。然后他们相当有条理地说，这是“一种可能遗传自我们类猿祖先的反射，他们自出生起就需要在母亲抱他们时紧紧地抓住母亲”。[ ] 他们似乎的确认为这是先天的。我们应该注意先天和后天的相互作用，明白这两者不可分割，但这并不能让先天和后天的争论消失。在前面的章节中我提到，如果你只听说过一位心理学家，那将会是西格蒙德·弗洛伊德。"}
{"instruction": "作者借婴儿想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "真正的达斯·维德，他只是假装自己是达斯·维德。”但称他为“达斯·维德”，或者德弗里斯研究中的孩子把猫称为狗，也不算是个错误。（她把狗的面具戴在猫身上，就是为了让孩子意识到那一刻这是“一只狗”，除此以外还有别的理由吗？）心理学的进步不仅来自新理论或新发现，也来自研究方法的发展，例如精神分析学家的梦的解析，神经科学家的大脑成像技术，以及认知心理学家的反应时间研究。同样，发展心理学家创造出了探索婴儿与儿童心理的更巧妙的方法。当你使用这些方法时，你会发现婴儿和儿童比皮亚杰所说的要聪明得多。最初，人类知道什么？有多少知识是先天的？从柏拉图到洛克，再到现代心理学家和认知科学家，我们如何解决这场大争论？一种方法是观察婴儿。我们已经看到，除了交谈，还有许多种方法可以了解其他生物的心理活动，例如，行为学家让老鼠走迷宫。但是，小婴儿给我们带来了特殊的挑战。他们不会说话，不会走路，不会啄或者拉操纵杆；大一些的婴儿可以爬行，但爬不远也爬不快，也不总是沿着直线爬行。大部分时间他们只是可爱地坐在那里，哭泣、咯咯笑或者排泄。难道我们就不能研究他们的大脑活动吗？要探索还无法说出自己所思所想的生物的心理活动，研究大脑似乎是最精妙的方式。事实上，在这个领域的确有许多具有发展性的工作。一些使用fMRI的研究与研究成人的方式相同，让婴儿接受不同类型的视觉刺激，同时观察他们大脑的哪些部分最活跃。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价信念？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "年幼的孩子是很糟糕的说谎者，他们会在脸上沾着巧克力的时候坚持说自己没有吃饼干。他们玩捉迷藏的表现也很糟糕，这也涉及扰乱他人的心理，向他们隐瞒真相。小孩子似乎就是不明白；他们经常躲在刚被人抓住的地方，或是躲起来的时候把腿或屁股露在外面，或是告诉大人他们躲在特定的地方。人们会觉得，他们喜欢这个游戏并不是因为其中的欺骗，而是因为戏剧性，比如当父母对他们躲在哪里感到困惑（“蒂姆去哪里了？我完全找不到他！”）然后对发现感到震惊（“你一直在毯子下面？我惊呆了！”）。一些心理学家会为皮亚杰关于局限性的理论辩护。孩子们就是不理解心理。他们缺乏对心理状态的充分理解，对关于世界的信念和世界本身的不平衡关系感到困惑。也许这是因为他们缺乏对他人进行推理的相关经验，也可能是因为参与推理他人信念的脑区需要时间来发展。[ ] 然而另一些心理学家提出，儿童确实能够理解他人的心理。毕竟在一些真实情境下，他们似乎确实对信念富有经验，包括错误信念。（回忆一下3岁的亚伯：“我以为我的手是纸。”）此外，另一些研究发现，婴儿在一周岁左右——这一年龄远低于他们成功完成错误信念任务的年龄——表现出他们理解错误信念的迹象：他们的注视时间模式表明，当本应相信弹珠在一个位置（错误信念）的人够向弹珠的实际位置时，他们会感到惊讶。"}
{"instruction": "这段关于语言的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "）那么关于斯金纳就说到这里。现在想想另一个极端。我们已经看到，语言是复杂的、高度结构化的，部分独立于其他的心理能力。因此，也许我们应该停止将语言的出现视为学习。它也许是成长。以下是语言学家诺姆·乔姆斯基提出的先天论观点：在过去几个世纪的思想史中，人们以截然不同的方式对待身体和心理的发展，这是一个奇怪的事实。没有人会真的认为，人类有机体通过经验学习拥有了手臂而不是翅膀，或者特定器官的基本结构是偶然的经历造成的。相反，人们理所当然地认为，有机体的物理结构是由基因决定的，当然，其大小、发育速度等方面的变化一定程度上取决于外部因素……经过认真研究，人类的认知系统被证明并不比有机体所发展出的物理结构更复杂和奇妙。那么，我们为什么不像研究一些复杂的身体器官一样，研究语言等认知结构的获得呢？[ ] 我喜欢这段话。它展示了对语言的丰富性的欣赏，指责了将语言简单化的理论，给予了心理应有的尊重。但它不可能是正确的。我们当中很少有人创造自己的语言；我们从环境中学习语言。毕竟语言各不相同。它们有不同的音素。它们有不同的单词。它们根据不同的句法规则排列单词和短语。我们通过关注周围的世界来了解我们语言的音素、单词和句法——这与手臂、心脏等物理结构的生长完全不同。如果你想找一个词来指代通过在环境中接触正确的信息来了解事物的过程，我建议你使用“学习”这个词。"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对物体的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "[ ] 看起来似乎有一个三角形，它的三个角落在三个圆上。它看起来非常合理，所以大脑在那里填补了一个三角形。大脑创造了一个并不真实存在的物体。除了将世界解析为各个物体，我们还将物体放在三维世界中——我们可以看到它们的深度。这是怎么做到的？一个办法利用了我们的两只眼睛空间上存在的间隔。把你的一只手靠近你的脸，然后看你的大拇指，闭上一只眼睛，然后换另一只闭上；然后看一些远处的东西（也许非常远，比如月亮）。当一个物体位于近处时，眼睛会得到不同的图像；当物体非常远时，它们看到的几乎是同样的东西。你的视觉系统使用了这一线索——双眼视差（binocular disparity）——来计算物体在空间中的距离。但即使只用一只眼睛，你也可以看到世界的纵深。有一个方法涉及物体的典型大小。如果一个女人走近你，在你的视网膜上，她的图像比一座房子更大，那么你可以大胆推测这个女人肯定比房子距离你更近，因为房子通常比一个女人更大。另一条线索是重叠。如果女人在你的视野里轮廓完整，并且挡住了房子的一部分，那么她很可能在房子的前面。第三条线索与运动速度有关。为什么鸟在空中的移动速度看起来比飞机快？因为飞机离我们更远——距离较远的物体在视网膜上形成的图像比距离较近的物体移动得慢。我们可以以此推断距离。（这个线索有一个简洁的名字——"}
{"instruction": "文中关于记忆的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "[ ] 在另一项研究中，洛夫特斯和她的同事会见了一些大学生的家庭成员，了解了这些学生童年经历的有关信息。研究者使大学生们想起这些过往经历，并对他们的记忆进行询问。研究者会故意歪曲事实，对每位学生提到的往事中有一件事是他们从未经历过的，是研究者编造的。这些故事包括在购物中心走丢、差点淹死、在婚礼上把饮料洒在新娘的父母身上、被猛兽袭击。[ ] 在所有这些实验情境下，一些受试者——尽管并非大部分受试者都会如此——开始记起这些虚构的事件，就像它们真的发生过一样。这项研究引发了法律界的一场变革。现在我们意识到，警方为了挖掘记忆而进行的审讯可能会塑造和创造记忆。在很多案例中，由于此类审讯形成的虚假目击证词，人们被关进监狱，随后通过DNA证据被无罪释放。[ ] 更加惊人的是，在有些情况下，人们开始错误地相信自己真的犯下了可怕的罪行，即使有明确的证据表明他们是无辜的。[ ] 在实验室里很难进行虚假记忆的研究。因为明显的伦理原因，没有心理学家能在研究中欺骗受试者，使他们相信自己被家人强奸或多年以前谋杀过某人。但是真实世界的案例表明，这种极端的记忆扭曲的确会发生，通过观察一些平凡的诱发错误记忆的例子——记起你之前并未见过的单词，记起并未发生过的在购物中心走丢事件，等等——我们可以了解发生了什么。这可能会引导我们修改司法系统，减少记忆歪曲在真正重要的情况下发生的可能。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对阴谋论给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "有些阴谋论确实与事实脱节，近乎妄想。从某种角度说，相信这些阴谋论是非理性的。但哲学家和心理学家指出，人们赞同怪异的理论，其中有一种奇特的心理状态。[ ] 斯蒂芬·平克指出，一些阴谋论涉及超越直接经验的世界：遥远的过去，不可知的未来，远方的民族和土地，幽深的权力走廊，微观的，宇宙的，反事实的，形而上学的。人们可能会对这些领域里发生的事情抱有想法，但他们无法得知真正发生了什么，而且无论如何，这对他们的生活没有明显的影响。对这些领域的信仰是一种叙事，可能会带来娱乐、启发或者道德上的教益。[ ] 你可以把这些更加疯狂的理论看成类似于下流的名人花边新闻，这些理论被认为更像是娱乐故事，而非关于世界的事实。相信这些理论几乎没有什么实际成本。如果我对如何给车加油、正式婚礼如何着装、如何换尿布的知识有错误认识，我会为自己的错误付出代价。但如果我相信QAnon，这在我的个人生活中可能就没那么重要。只要我周围都是赞同这些阴谋论的人，不会因为我持有这些观点而排斥我，我就能过得很好。这个结论看起来可能有些反常。相信愚蠢的事情或依赖有偏见的信息来源怎么可能是理性的呢？这很大程度上取决于“理性”的含义。我在这里所说的“理性”的概念包括正确使用知识和逻辑来实现你的目标。[ ] 如果你要出门，外面下雨了，你不想淋湿，带把伞就是理性的。"}
{"instruction": "这一段对詹姆斯的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "蜘蛛结网；鸟类筑巢；各种生物都以自己的方式交配、狩猎、躲避捕食者、照顾幼崽等，这一切在很大程度上不是习得的，而是生物进化的产物。与詹姆斯同时代的一些人，以及与我同时代的许多人认为，由于进化的某些巧合，这些天生的能力在我们这个物种与其他灵长类动物分道扬镳后的数百万年里已经消失了。人类的特殊之处是在这个方面，我们是一块白板。我们没有本能。詹姆斯对这种说法嗤之以鼻。他并不否认我们有学习和形成习惯的能力——事实上，就像我们在关于意识的那章中所看到的，他对这些主题提出了许多观点。但他不认为人类缺乏其他任何生物都具有的东西——“恰恰相反，”他写道，“人类拥有［其他动物］所拥有的一切冲动，甚至还要多得多。” [ ] 关于这些本能的起源，最好的理论是自然选择。它们的存在是由进化过程塑造的，同样的过程导致了心智能力的发展，如记忆、感知、语言、学习和推理。本能之所以存在，是因为这些基础的特质和能力与更加成功的繁衍相关。快速总结一下自然选择如何影响像我们一样的生物，一般逻辑是这样的：动物的身体存在变异，一部分是因为我们基因组的突变，一部分是因为在交配过程中发生的基因重组。这种变异会影响动物的命运——有些动物比其他动物繁殖得更多。这导致与促进繁殖成功有关的基因—— 适应性（fitness）——在下一代中更加普遍。"}
{"instruction": "曼尼斯在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "它们的出现是由于文化的作用。出于某些原因，一些社会——并非所有社会都是如此——将男孩与蓝色联系在一起，将女孩与粉色联系在一起。[ ] 如果没有能够形成文化联想的大脑，我们将无法学习这些联系，但这些联系只是偶然的，进化论无法解释这样的现象。这些是相对简单的问题，还有一些更难的问题：宗教信仰和实践在每一种人类文化中都出现了，这是因为它们给我们的祖先带来了优势，还是因为它们是心理活动的副产品，它们的进化带有其他的目的？音乐呢？我们从视觉艺术中获得的乐趣呢？幽默呢？在这些人类普遍行为的起源和本质中，进化扮演的角色存在着激烈的争论。找出什么是通过自然选择进化而来的，什么是生物学上的意外，什么是文化的产物，这是理解人类本质的重要工作。从进化的角度思考有助于我们清楚了解人们期望拥有的动机类型。让我们暂且回到一下内稳态理论，假设大脑的目的是保持身体的活力。一些版本的快乐/痛苦理论也做出了同样的假设。1884年，比较心理学家乔治·罗曼尼斯（George Romanes）写道：“快乐和痛苦一定是伴随着对生物体有益或有害的过程的主观部分而进化的，进化的目的则是使生物体趋利避害。” [ ] 我看到一些当代的心理学家对此表示赞同，但这个观点在一个关键层面是错误的。想一想我们从性生活中获得的快乐，想一想驱使我们照顾后代的一系列精细的适应（哺育孩子的女性身体上的适应，以及男性和女性都会发生的心理上的适应）。"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的罗津是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "就像恐惧一样，厌恶也有普遍适应性的基础。但也与恐惧一样，厌恶也涉及学习。人们厌恶的东西差异很大。吃老鼠或狗的想法让我作呕，但在一些社会中长大的人认为这些食物非常美味。人类面临着罗津所说的杂食动物的困境 ——我们吃各种各样的食物，但其中一些会杀死我们——所以我们需要了解在当地环境中能吃什么，不能吃什么。在这个学习过程中，食物，尤其是肉类，在被证明无罪之前都被默认为有罪的。从来没有人告诉我吃炸老鼠很恶心；我觉得它很恶心是因为在童年的关键期我周围的人从未吃过这种东西。一种可能探索起来更令人愉快的情绪是欲望。从进化的角度来看，这是一个无须思考的问题。欲望激发性行为。驱动自然选择的引擎是生殖成功——你不需要进化生物学的博士学位就能理解，生殖与性生活有很大关系。但这种进化而来的适应需要有多复杂？也许我们只是进化出了模糊的交配本能，这种本能在青春期激发，随着年龄的增长逐渐消退——仅此而已。毕竟，欲望在一些方面与我们讨论过的其他动机不同。把一个人的食物拿走，很快，他就会有一种强大的、超越一切的进食需求，如果这一需求得不到满足，他就会死。但把性生活的机会消除，嗯，结果因人而异。有些人可能会感到同样的强大的超越一切的需要——虽然有人可能会说，没有人死于禁欲。另一些人对独身感到困扰，但也能应付；"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述吸引力？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "这里的一个限定条件是，平均水平的脸好看，但并不惊艳，这些糅合而成的脸是一张端正的脸，但并不是一张有电影明星潜力的脸。[ ] 也许并不能说符合平均值的面孔更有吸引力，而是不符合平均值的面孔有更大的风险没有吸引力。到目前为止，我还没有谈到性别差异。男性和女性都会避免与近亲发生性关系，并且男性和女性认为有吸引力的面孔往往是一致的。在这里自然选择的逻辑对每个人都是一样的。然而在其他方面，包括我们在内的许多物种中，生物学雄性和雌性的生殖成功的最优策略是不同的，这导致了某些心理层面的性别差异。一个问题是生育率。我们预计，动物最容易对那些有繁殖能力的对象产生性吸引——其面孔和身体显示自己已经到了可以生育的年龄。为什么我们当中很少有人会对青春期以前的个体产生性吸引力？一个直接的答案就是：他们无法生育。女性只在生命的一个有限的时期内具有生育能力；男性可以在晚年生育，尽管生育能力会随着年龄的增长而下降。正如人们可能预测的那样，我们的心理对这一事实很敏感。在伴侣选择方面，异性恋男性对年轻女性有强烈的偏好；而异性恋女性对年龄的歧视较少，通常更喜欢年龄稍大或与自己同龄的男性。这种对长期伴侣年龄偏好的差异是我们在该领域中最稳健的发现之一，最初这一结论在一项针对37种文化的研究中发现 [ ]，最近又在45个国家获得了验证。"}
{"instruction": "男性在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "更普遍的情况是，人类会建立关系。我们坠入爱河，携手养育这些如此珍贵而又如此脆弱的后代。正因为如此，一位持进化论观点的心理学家说：“在某些方面，我们更像是普通的鸟类，而不是普通的哺乳动物。” [ ] 然后是文化。我们的思想是由文化史和进化史共同塑造的，你可以在我们刚刚讨论的一些研究中看到这一点，比如询问男性和女性他们希望的最佳性伴侣数量的研究。在南美洲，35%的男性和6%的女性每月想要一个以上的性伴侣；而在东亚，这一比例分别降至18%和2.6%。我们仍然看到了强大的性别差异，但这一差异与巨大的文化影响并存。同一文化中也有很多个体差异。人类群体之间的差异，包括性别差异，总是一种“平均”的东西。平均而言，男性比女性的体形更大，对多重伴侣更感兴趣，更关心性伴侣是否年轻——但这一平均现象与一些明显的事实并不矛盾：有一些女性的体形比男性的平均体形更大，一些男性的体形比女性的平均体形更小；有一些女性更偏好多重伴侣，一些男性对多重伴侣并不感兴趣；一些女性只认为年轻男性有性吸引力，一些男性对伴侣的年龄并不在意。最后，许多关于性欲进化的研究都集中在年龄和身体吸引力等特征上，部分原因是这些特征更容易研究。当涉及欲望或承诺的决定时，人们很容易忘记外表并不是一切。自然选择的逻辑是，我们应该被那些具有以下相关特质的人所吸引——照顾孩子，以及为他们争取到更好的未来——而这些特质很多都不会表现在脸上或身体上。"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里蓬勃究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "这里的困难是，自然选择不关心群体的利益、社会的福祉、幸福的普遍最大化，或者任何高尚的东西。它只关心基因的传播。而且正如我们在上一章结尾讨论公地悲剧时所看到的那样，在一个人人都对彼此很友善的世界里，搭便车者获益最多。搭便车者是指在不付出代价的情况下享受利益的人。比如一个让别人照顾她的孩子，她却不照顾别人孩子的狩猎采集者；一只注意到其他瞪羚的径直起跳，但自己并不冒险径直起跳的瞪羚。相对于周围更友善的个体，这些动物将获益；如果它们的行为受到基因的影响，那么也正是这些基因将在环境中蓬勃繁衍和传播。为了从更普遍的角度上看这个问题，设想一个乌托邦——一群生物的基因引导它们对每个个体都友好。然后，就像上面的亲属关系案例一样，想象一个基因的两种变异：变异A让动物照顾自己、自己的亲属和周围每一个同类，变异B让动物只照顾自己和自己的亲属。这一次，自私的变异B能够蓬勃繁衍。生物学家提出了进化稳定策略（evolutionarily stable strategy）——当这种策略被群体所接纳，就会固定下来，因为使用其他策略的入侵者是无法在这个社会中生存的。可悲的是，一个由不加判断的利他主义者组成的社会在进化上并不是一种稳定的策略，搭便车的人可能会闯入并扰乱整个系统，因此在几代的时间里，群体就会变得自私。"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，道德为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "这样竞争更少！但事实并不是这样。在《旧约·利未记》（Leviticus）中，男性之间发生性行为将被判处死刑，这种态度在世界上大多数国家和宗教中普遍存在，贯穿历史上大多数人的认知。对这种行为毫无异议的社会是少数例外。我们很难解释关于我们道德心理的这一事实。最后一个谜题涉及自我牺牲的道德行为。有些人因为担心气候变化及其对子孙后代的影响而放弃飞机旅行；有些人虽然喜欢动物肉的味道，却戒掉吃肉，因为他们认为参与造成动物的痛苦是错误的；有些人为异国他乡的人捐款，有些人为他人的权利奋斗，即使这要放弃自己的一些特权，比如百万富翁认为应该提高自己的税收来帮助穷人，或者多数群体的成员为少数群体的权利而战。如果被问及为什么要做这些事，人们会说是出于道德动机，因为做这些事是正确的。这吸引了许多学者。在前面的章节中我们试图理解某些难解之谜。我们从智力的谜题开始——一个物理的存在，一个大脑，是如何能够理性思考的？然后我们进入了意识的谜题——感知从哪里来；我们怎么会有感觉？在本章我们对人类动机的讨论中，我们发现了一个可能同样有挑战性的谜题。一个通过自然选择的非道德力量进化而来的生物，如何能够拥有真正的道德洞见和道德行动？就像智力和意识的谜题一样，一些人也受到了非唯物主义解释的诱惑。1869年，自然选择的共同发现者，阿尔弗雷德·拉塞尔·华莱士观察到，人类在许多方面已经超越了进化，包括我们“更高的道德能力”，并得出结论，一定有一些智力更高的存在塑造了我们物种的发展。"}
{"instruction": "围绕安抚，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "之后，受试者被询问这项任务到底有多愉快。结果发现，那些得到更少报酬的人认为这项任务更令人愉快。对这一结果的解释来自认知失调。为了一大笔钱撒谎是有道理的，但是意识到你为了一美元而撒谎是令人不舒服的，减少这种不舒服的一种方法是说服自己任务没有那么糟糕，所以你根本没有撒谎。一些认知失调的研究涉及选择。让人们在价值大致相等的两件事之间做出选择，随后他们往往会比刚开始时更喜欢自己选择的，更不喜欢未选择的。[ ] 这种效应即使在盲选时也会发生——你不知道自己选择了什么。[ ] 但如果是别人为你做出选择，就不会发生这个现象，这表明偏好的改变起到心理安抚的作用——它会让你对自己的决定感觉更好。在这里，认知失调完美地颠覆了一般的商业逻辑：每个人都知道，你对某件事赋予的价值决定了你是否会选择它。认知失调的见解是，相反的情况也是真实的：你是否选择了某事会影响你赋予它的价值。认知失调有望解释我们生活中某些令人费解的方面。以捉弄为例。为什么兄弟会、医学院等团体会折磨新成员？这似乎不合理，应该会降低人们留在团体里的可能性。毕竟通常这就是不愉快体验的作用——没有一家酒店会选择让床不舒服，让浴室发臭，因为那样顾客就不会再次光顾了。但捉弄的逻辑是，如果你愿意经历某种羞辱或不愉快的体验来加入一个群体，你会更加投入。"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，格拉姆意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "他们被安排完成一系列任务，先看到“目标线段”，然后需要说出哪个线段与它等长。答案很明显，如果直接询问受试者，他们几乎总能答对。但是，如果要求受试者必须大声说出他们的答案，而且在轮到他们回答之前，他们听到所有其他参与者都给出了错误的答案，他们会怎么做？有时受试者抵挡住了群体的吸引力，你可以从中看到自主和独立的力量。但是，仍然有超过四分之三的人至少在一次试验中说出了错误的答案。这再一次证明了人们的从众动机。[ ] 阿希的实验引起了耶鲁大学尚未获得终身教职的年轻教授斯坦利·米尔格拉姆的兴趣，他想进一步深入研究。米尔格拉姆在接受采访时说：我对使用判断线段的从众测试感到不满。我想知道，团体是否会迫使一个人做出一件更容易表现出人性的行为，也许是对另一个人表现出攻击性，比如对他施加越来越强烈的电击。但要研究群体效应，你还需要一个实验对照；你必须知道受试者在没有任何集体压力的情况下是如何表现的。就在那一刻，我的想法发生了转变，集中在这一实验控制上：一个人在实验者的命令下会做到什么程度？[ ] 由此诞生了心理学中最著名——或者说最臭名昭著的实验之一。这项实验于1961年在耶鲁大学林斯里—奇滕登楼（Linsly-Chittenden Hall）进行，这是一座新哥特式建筑，距离我待了二十年的办公室只有几个街区。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画美国？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "也许夜晚黑暗街道上的那个老妇人（安全，你的刻板印象告诉你）会打你的头，抢走你的钱。我们的刻板印象引导着我们，但这种方式并不完美。考虑到这一切，我们的观点发生了转变：谁会反对刻板印象呢？我们观察世界，我们遇到个体，对他们所属的类别做出有用的概括，然后在面对新的个体时运用这些概括。我们的大脑中有一些理解：狗通常会吠叫，或者椅子通常可以坐，没有人会对这些想法感到不安，那么社会领域的刻板印象有什么问题呢？有很多问题。一个令人担忧的问题是：统计学习机器的好坏取决于它的输入，而我们获得的许多关于人的信息都来自有偏样本。如果你所有对意大利裔美国人的了解都来自电视剧《黑道家族》，那必然会产生扭曲的效果。此外，社会刻板印象还受到统计数据以外的因素影响。我们不善于评估我们所反对的群体的特征。举写作本章时美国发生的一个例子，共和党人平均估计有32%的民主党人是同性恋或双性恋，而民主党人平均估计有38%的共和党人年收入超过25万美元。这两个判断都错得可笑——民意调查时显示正确的数字分别约为6%和2%。然后还有道德问题。警察的种族定性（racial profiling）就是一个明显的例子。支持者声称这样更高效，但即使真的如此，这也会让被定性的人的生活变得更艰难，他们中的绝大多数人都是无辜的。我在这里是用一种功利主义的方式来讲述这个问题，但人们也可能会认为种族定性这样的做法侵犯了一些基本人权——人们应该被视为个体，而不是某个类别的成员。"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把黑豹放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "一项共同的事业，也许是一个共同的敌人让不同的派系团结在一起，据说这一发现对如何在现实世界中将冲突群体团结在一起具有相当大的参考价值。这是这项研究的教科书版本，我曾在其他地方详细讨论过了。但我开始担心这项研究并没有反映出它所声称的内容。鲜为人知的是，这是谢里夫第二次进行这类实验。当我第一次写到关于这个实验时，我也不知道。第一次实验是在纽约的米德尔格罗夫（Middle Grove）进行的，两个小组分别是“蟒蛇”和“黑豹”，但实验结果却不一样。无论谢里夫和他的团队如何努力，他们都无法让男孩们互相仇恨。以下是一篇研究总结里的描述：［这些企图］包括他的助手们从男孩们的帐篷里偷衣服，剪断悬挂着黑豹队自制旗帜的绳子，希望他们归咎于蟒蛇队。一名研究人员砸了黑豹队的帐篷，把他们的行李箱扔进灌木丛，还弄坏了一名男孩心爱的尤克里里。然而，让谢里夫失望的是，这些都无法诱使孩子们互相憎恨。在输掉一场拔河比赛后，蟒蛇队承认黑豹队确实是更好的队伍，理应获胜。男孩们得出结论，丢失的衣服应该是因为在洗衣店搞混了。以及在每一个蟒蛇队成员都对《圣经》发誓他们没有剪断黑豹队的旗帜后，任何冲突都“熄火”了。等到行李箱和尤克里里的事发生时，男孩们已经意识到他们在受人摆布。他们并没有互相指责，而是帮忙搭好了帐篷，并以怀疑的目光看着他们的“营地指导老师”。"}
{"instruction": "作者借和内隐想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "这本书充满了二分法：二元论和唯物主义；汤羹和火花（或者更严格地说，神经递质理论与神经元电传导的观点）；先天和后天；自上而下和自下而上的过程；系统1推理和系统2推理。有时候二分法很尖锐，比如汤羹/火花；有时就像先天论与后天论一样，它们是存在的，但是界限模糊。当我们思考自己的群体性时，我们最终会陷入另一种二分法，即我们认为应该如何行动和我们实际如何行动。前者源于反思，是我们对应该如何对待他人深思熟虑的看法；后者受到各种力量的影响，包括对我们自己所属群体的强烈偏爱，以及我们头脑中所有的外显和内隐的联想。对一些人来说，两者根本没有冲突。[ ] 如果被告知他们对白人手中拿的棒球卡比黑人手中拿的棒球卡出价更高，或者他们更有可能为自己政党的成员提供奖学金，他们会耸耸肩说这没什么问题。但我们中的一些人在与自己内心做斗争。至少在某些情况下，我们不想被刻板印象所左右，也不想受到内群体—外群体偏见的影响（即使我们确实对对立群体的成员有不好的感觉）。我们希望公平，在我们看来，公平要求我们将人们作为个体来对待，忽略他们所属的类别。你可能会认为，这个问题的解决方案是努力做到不偏不倚。也许学习和思考我们的偏见就可以帮助我们仅凭意志力克服它们。不幸的是，证据表明情况并非如此。我们善于自我辩解。我们在偏见的影响下做出选择，并让自己相信我们是公平公正的。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价差异？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "许多关于差异的观点都是丑陋、没有根据的。我们有理由不信任那些笼统地宣称其他群体与自己的群体如何不同的人，尤其是当这种比较让他们自己看起来更优越时。问题不仅仅是他们混淆了事实，他们更大的错误是激起了残酷的虐待、不公平和暴行，并为此辩白。这样的例子随处可见；古斯塔夫·勒庞是研究群体行为的先驱学者，他在1879年写道：在最聪明的种族中，例如巴黎人，有很多女性的大脑相比于最发达的男性大脑，更接近大猩猩大脑的大小……毫无疑问，也有一些杰出的女性，她们比一般男性都要优秀得多，但她们和任何怪胎的诞生一样罕见，比如一只长着两个头的大猩猩。[ ] 没人想效仿这种榜样！那么，为什么要涉足群体差异的问题呢？一个答案是，这是出于科学兴趣。和我的许多同事一样，我主要对普遍性、我们进化的本性、人类思维的工作方式感兴趣——因此研究差异并不是一个首要任务。但真正的心理科学无法回避差异的问题，包括群体的差异。一个完整的心理学理论应该能够解释为什么老年人比年轻人更容易患帕金森氏症，为什么挪威人往往比美国人更幸福，或者为什么男性强奸犯远比女性多。此外，研究我们的差异通常有助于我们发现共性。例如，只有通过研究不同的语言，语言学家和心理语言学家才能对语言的哪些方面具有普遍性提出强有力的主张。记忆、知觉、情绪，以及心理学家所研究的几乎所有其他领域都是如此。"}
{"instruction": "这段关于环境的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "也许他们在母亲的子宫里处于不同的位置，或者其中一个在学校旅行中食物中毒，或者他们有不同的朋友。我们知道这些事件一定有影响：如果非共享环境无关紧要，那么同卵双胞胎在心理上会完全相同，而他们显然并不相同。综上所述，这些差异的形成就是这样：要么是遗传，要么是共享环境，要么是非共享环境。心理学家——以及其他所有人——对不同的力量在多大程度上造就了我们感到着迷。比如，有些人比一般人更焦虑。这在多大程度上是因为他们的基因，多大程度上是因为共享环境（在贫困中长大，父母专制，婴儿时期没有得到足够的拥抱），多大程度上与以上因素无关，而是因为非共享环境（比如，成为暴力抢劫的受害者）？在现实世界中很难把它们分开。基因和共享环境往往紧密交织在一起。每个人都知道家庭成员彼此有多么相似。他们有共同的身体特征，比如个子高；也有共同的心理特征，比如喜欢音乐、讨厌旅行、外向。但这些共性中有多少是遗传或共享环境造成的并不明显。要找到答案，你需要运用行为遗传学的方法。其中一种方法是观察被收养的孩子。如果一对夫妇将一个新生儿收养到他们的家庭中，根据定义，这个收养的孩子将与这对夫妇亲生的孩子拥有相同的共享环境，但不会拥有相同的基因。假设亲生孩子和收养的孩子倾向于拥有相同的智商，这就表明家庭环境正在塑造他们的智商；假设收养的孩子最终智商与他们的兄弟姐妹大不相同，这就表明基因发挥了更大的作用。"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对孩子的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "喜欢读书的父母往往有喜欢读书的孩子，信奉宗教的父母往往有信奉宗教的孩子，外向的父母往往有外向的孩子，等等。这些都是明显且被重复验证的发现。问题是，这些相关性也可以用父母影响之外的因素解释。这样的例子有很多，比如被父母殴打的孩子往往更暴力。[ ] 许多人直接得出结论，父母的殴打对孩子有不良影响。但同样可能的一个解释是，使父母出现暴力行为的基因（比如与低冲动控制有关的基因）是父母和孩子共有的。（还有第三种可能性。这种相关性可能是由于孩子影响了父母，而不是父母影响孩子。也许并不是因为给孩子读书会让孩子对书感兴趣，而是因为如果父母有一个对书籍感兴趣的孩子，他们更有可能给她或他读书。发展心理学家称之为儿童效应。）在很长时间里，受过训练的心理学研究者用养育的影响思考一切问题，却忽视了其他解释，尤其是基因的解释；他们理应看得更远。心理学家凯瑟琳·佩奇·哈登（Kathryn Paige Harden）指出，打开一本知名的发展心理学杂志，你可以找到关于父母的行为和孩子的发展结果之间各种联系的说法——母亲的抑郁与孩子的抑郁有关，父母的酗酒与孩子的睡眠习惯有关，母亲的语言与孩子的自控力有关，等等。[ ] 然后她指出：“所有这些研究都使用了来自遗传亲属的数据，但充其量只是对所观察到的关联由遗传引起的可能一笔带过。"}
{"instruction": "文中关于伦理的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "到目前为止，我们一直在谈论事情的现状，现在让我们来谈谈如何改变它们。假设我们想让人们变得更好——更聪明、更善良、更有韧性，等等。这些关于个体差异的发现告诉了我们这方面怎样的前景？我们知道遗传很重要，所以为什么不在基因上做点手脚呢？如果父母没有通过养育方式影响孩子，他们能通过基因工程来弥补吗？全面讨论这里的伦理问题将超出这本书的范围，但我确实认为人们对这一可能性往往过于敏感了。假设有一种环境干预措施可以提高儿童的智力——例如，如果我们发现学前班和小学的小班制可以起作用呢？如果政府采取措施减少班级的人数，这在道德上是错误的吗？假设孕妇改变饮食可以提高孩子的智商，是否应该劝阻她们这样做？大多数人并不觉得这样的干预令人不安。与这些例子相比，控制基因真的如此不同吗？双方各执一词，但也许这无关紧要。在我们处理有关基因操控的伦理和政治问题之前，技术上还有很高的障碍。像智力这样的特质被证明是高度多基因的——它们是通过数千种基因变异组合产生的。简单地说，没有“智力基因”。坚毅、善良、外向，以及其他大多数人类有趣的特质都是如此——包括身高等身体特征。因此，心理学家总结出了行为遗传学第四定律：第四定律：一种典型的人类行为特质与许多遗传变异有关，每个遗传变异在行为变异中只占很小的比例。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对障碍给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "出于各种原因，我们将人们分为不同的类别。人的成熟是一个连续的过程，但我们对驾驶、参军和在酒吧喝酒都有严格的年龄限制。出于税收原因，我们区分单身和已婚人士，即使现实中世界上有很多“半婚姻状态”的情侣。如果没有社交焦虑障碍或精神分裂症等明确的分类，很难想象医疗保障系统要如何运作。此外，至关重要的是，尽管我们的诊断方法是模糊的，而且常常带有随意性，但这些临床类别实际上可能是“全或无”的。COVID-19不仅仅是我们给严重高热、身体疼痛和有呼吸问题的人的命名。这是一个明确的类别，我们有相应的测试。也许精神变态和重度抑郁症与此类似，不管我们目前如何诊断它们——只是我们还没有开发出来正确的测试方法。然而，情况可能并非如此。迄今为止的数据表明，大多数障碍都是连续性的。就像内向是一个程度的问题一样（因此，至少作为科学家，我们谈论内向的程度比谈论某种特殊类型的人是“内向者”要好），我们一直在讨论的许多障碍也是如此。最近一项关于这一主题的荟萃分析研究总结称，多项研究的数据“支持了这一结论，即人与人之间的绝大多数心理差异都具有潜在的连续性，精神病理学也不例外”。[ ] 如果这种连续性的观点是正确的，那么它对我们开始的一些更基础的问题就会产生影响，比如神经多样性和精神疾病的具体定义。当我们想到抑郁、焦虑、成瘾、自闭症谱系障碍和精神分裂症等障碍时，我们不能再简单地将其视为需要解决的问题，而是我们给某些人类变异的某些极端的命名。"}
{"instruction": "这一段对幸福感的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "这些研究通常会发现，把钱送出去的人们的情绪会立即提升。目前还不清楚给予是否会增加终身幸福感，但这些初步结果仍然具有启发性。对幸福的研究中，一个重要的发现是其稳定性。有一些因素可以使一个人的幸福感具有跨时间的稳定性。就像身高、体重等身体特征和智力、对经验的开放性等心理特征一样，幸福也是可以遗传的。[ ] 一个不太正式的说法是，有些人天生开朗，而有些人天生忧郁。一本畅销书声称幸福的差异有50%是由基因引起的。[ ] 基于上一章讨论过的所有原因，我认为我们应该警惕这个确切数字。可遗传性会因时间和地点而异。我们也应该记住，移居到新环境可能会改变同一组基因的表达方式，这意味着非常幸福或极其悲惨的生活对几乎所有人都是开放的。尽管如此，行为遗传学的发现确实表明，在我们出生之前，基因就对我们有着强大的影响。还有一些研究证明了心理学家丹尼尔·吉尔伯特（Daniel Gilbert）所说的“情感预测”的失败。[ ] 我们往往不善于预测自己的幸福感。与稳定性问题最相关的是，我们常常高估了生活事件的影响。我们没能意识到我们能够抵御糟糕的经历，不幸的是，我们受到美好的经历影响也有限。在一项研究中，大学生被要求向学校提交一份他们想住的宿舍的志愿表，并预测如果他们被分配到首选或末选的宿舍，他们会有多开心。"}
{"instruction": "史密斯在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "作家扎迪·史密斯（Zadie Smith）有一个类似的描述：养育孩子是“一种恐怖、痛苦和喜悦的奇怪混合体”。[ ] 我认为这种记住峰值的解释是合理的，但还有另一点需要考虑。让我们来简化一下，假设当你有了孩子后，快乐和幸福感真的会下降。但现在我想回到本章开头介绍的多元主义，它可能仍然有价值。当我说养育儿子是我巨大满足感的来源时，我并不是说做父亲增加了我的整体快乐。我说的是更深层次的东西，与满足感、人生目标和意义有关。为什么我们不能想变得更幸福就变得更幸福呢，就像我们可以想象一只鸭子的样子或者想到数字7一样？很明显，我们的思维不是这样运作的——但为什么不是？这个问题迫使我们直面幸福是为了什么。史蒂芬·平克给出了一个足够合理的进化论解释：[ ] 我们可以将幸福视为一个古老的生物反馈系统的输出，这个系统记录反映我们在自然环境中追求积极适应性信号的进展情况如何。总的来说，当我们健康、舒适、安全、有保障、有社交关系、性方面得到满足和被爱时，我们会更幸福。幸福的作用是激励我们寻找健康的钥匙，当我们不幸福时，我们会努力寻找能改善我们命运的东西；当我们幸福的时候，我们珍惜现状。从这个角度来看，幸福是我们生活顺利的指标。这就解释了为什么简单地仅靠意愿是不可能变得幸福的。想象买一辆车，它的油表被设置成一直显示“满油”。"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的心理学是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 耶鲁大学公开课心理学导论", "output": "现在我们到了结尾。如果你读完了整本书，你会对心理学有很多了解。你了解为什么科学家们相信大脑是心理活动的来源。你理解弗洛伊德和斯金纳的理论。你掌握了关于意识、儿童发展、语言、记忆、感知、理性、情绪、动机、社会行为、偏见、个体差异、精神疾病等等我们都知道些什么，以及不知道些什么。现在你已经熟悉了目前关于幸福和快乐的发现。其中一些可能对你的日常生活有所帮助。剩下的那些，我希望你会觉得有趣且重要，不管有什么实际用途。我以一本关于宇宙起源的书让我着迷的故事作为开头。但当我放下那本书以后，我就再也没有读过任何关于宇宙学的书。也许这是你最后一本关于心理学的书。因此，我将在最后推荐两种对于我这个毕生从事的领域的态度。第一种态度是谦逊。有些基本问题还没有人知道答案。我们知道大脑是心理活动的源泉，但我们不知道一个物体、一块肉，是如何产生意识体验的。我们知道人格、智力、幸福感和其他心理特征的许多变异都是可以遗传的，但我们不知道基因是如何产生影响的，也对生活经历塑造我们时的作用知之甚少。我们知道社会影响的力量，但我们远不能预测和控制人们的行为。我们对精神疾病有一些了解，但坦率地说，我们的诊断和治疗还很原始。心理学的每一个议题都存在着真正的谜团。第二种态度是乐观。我相信科学心理学的方法最终会取得胜利。"}
{"instruction": "这段关于内省的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 脑与意识：破解人类思维之迷", "output": "当内省作为研究方法时，确实不值得信任。显然，我们不能依靠对实验一无所知的被试来告诉我们，他们的脑是如何运作的，要不然这门学科就太简单了。而且我们也不能将实验被试的主观体验当真，例如，他们声称产生了一次出体体验，飞到了天花板上，或者在梦中见到了死去的外婆。但是从某种意义上来说，即使是这种荒谬的内省也应该得到信任，因为这真实地反映了某些尚待解释的大脑活动，除非被试是在说谎。正确观点应该是将主观报告视作原始数据。当一个声称产生出体体验的人真的感觉到被拖到天花板上，如果我们不去严肃地解释被试为什么会产生这种感觉，也就没有意识的科学了。实际上，新的意识科学利用了大量的主观现象，例如，视错觉图像、心理幻觉和一些其他想象出来的虚构事件。只有这些现象才能区分客观刺激和主观知觉，从而使我们研究后者的大脑相关物而不是前者的。作为意识科学家，没有什么比发现新的能够主观上时而看得见时而看不见的图片，或者是有时听得见有时听不见的声音，更令人感到高兴的了。只要仔细记录被试的感受，我们就是在做研究，因为我们可以区分有意识和无意识的实验试次，并且能够找到区分两者的大脑活动模式。寻找意识思维的标志关注意识通达、操纵意识知觉、仔细记录内省这三个要素将意识的研究转化为普通的实验科学。我们可以深入地探讨，对于一张有人说没看到的图像，大脑在多大程度上已经对它进行了加工。"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对竞争的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 脑与意识：破解人类思维之迷", "output": "因为意识无法同时理解两个物体，我们的大脑便成了激烈竞争的场所。虽然我们不知道，但是每时每刻不只有两个，而是有无数潜在的感觉在竞争意识的注意，但在某一时刻，只有一个能进入有意识的脑。竞争，确实是这种不断争夺意识通达的恰当比喻。注意瞬脱这种竞争是一个被动的过程呢，还是我们能够有意识地决定哪一张图片会赢？当观看两张竞争的图片时，主观印象是，我们只能被动地接受这些不断的变化。然而这种印象其实是错的：注意在皮质竞争过程中发挥着重要的作用。当我们将注意集中于一张图片，比如集中在脸而不是房子上时，脸的主观体验就会停留得略微长一些。但这种效应是很微弱的：两张图片之间的竞争始于我们无法控制的地方。但重要的是，一张图片能够胜出是因为我们给予了它注意，而战场本身就是我们的意识思维。当我们把注意从两张图片处移开时，它们就会停止竞争。读者可能会问，这是怎么被察觉到的？我们没法问一个分神的人她看到了什么，她是不是还能看到两张图片在变化，因为她要回答的话就必须主观上去关注。第一眼看来，要求不去关注却要知道你已经知觉了，多少有点矛盾的意味，就像你照镜子想看自己的眼睛是怎么移动的一样，毫无疑问你的眼睛一直在动，但是当你盯着镜中的两眼时，就得迫使它们保持不动。长久以来，科学家试图研究不集中注意时的这种竞争，结果总是弄巧成拙，就像是问在没有人的地方，树倒下来的声音是怎样的，或者我们睡着了的那一刻的感觉是怎样的。"}
{"instruction": "文中关于无意识的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 脑与意识：破解人类思维之迷", "output": "一个与以上观点不同但是同样天真的观点提出将大脑两个半球割裂开来，认为左半球主管语言回路，能够报告正在做的事情。因此，左半球具有意识，而右半球没有。第三个假设认为，有一部分皮质回路是有意识的，另一部分则没有。尤其是，无论什么样的视觉信息，只要是通过腹侧通路，即主要负责物体和面孔识别的通路，在大脑中的传递都需要意识的参与。同时，通过背侧视觉通路传递的信息将会永远处于不为人知的无意识状态，背侧通路贯穿顶叶并且借助物体的形状和位置来指导我们的行为。然而，这些过于简化的二分法没有一个能够通过检验。基于我们现在已知的证据，几乎所有的脑区都既可以参与有意识的思维过程，也可以参与无意识的思维过程。然而，为了得到这个结论，我们要用精妙的实验来逐步扩展我们对无意识范围的理解。起初，对那些脑损伤患者进行的简易实验显示，无意识思考酝酿于大脑隐藏的“地下室”中，也就是发生在大脑皮质的下面。比如说，杏仁核是位于颞叶下面的杏仁形状的一群神经元，它标记着日常生活中发生的重要的情绪状态。杏仁核对于编码恐惧刺激起着尤为关键的作用，比如当一个人看到一条蛇的时候，信息从视网膜通过一条快速的通路传递到杏仁核，这一过程远远快于将情绪登记在有意识的大脑皮质的过程。很多实验已经表明，像这样由杏仁核的快速回路调控的情绪评估过程是极其迅速而且是无意识的。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对神经元给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 脑与意识：破解人类思维之迷", "output": "一旦被试发现了这条捷径，他们可以在看到第二个数字之后就停止心算，以此来节省大量的时间和精力。在最初的测试中，大多数被试都没能注意到这个隐藏的规则。然而，在一夜美梦之后，他们会有超过两倍的概率产生这样的灵感，许多被试醒来时在脑海中就有了答案。控制组的结果表明，这与在思考中花费多少时间是无关的，真正的关键在于睡眠。睡眠似乎能够将先前的知识巩固成一个更加紧凑的形式。我们从动物研究中得知，海马和皮质中的神经元在睡觉时处于激活状态。这种激活模式会以快进的方式依次“重播”睡觉前一段时间所进行的活动。例如，先让一只老鼠走迷宫，在它睡着之后，它的大脑重新激活了位置编码神经元，这种激活精确到可以从其模式中解码出这只老鼠在大脑中走到哪儿了——只不过它是以一个更快的速度，有时候甚至是颠倒的顺序在行走。也许这个时间上的压缩有可能实现将一系列数字处理成一个几乎同时出现的空间分布模式，从而发现隐藏的经典学习机制的规律。无论神经生理学家怎么解释，睡眠显然是一段无意识活动相当活跃的过程，它巩固了记忆并且提供了灵感。阈下知觉小结这些实验室的实验与庞加莱无意识地探索富克斯函数和非欧几何时所进行的数学思维大不相同。然而，随着更广泛的无意识思维过程被不断地通过各种创新实验进行研究，至少在某种程度上，两者间的差异越来越小。"}
{"instruction": "这一段对测量的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 脑与意识：破解人类思维之迷", "output": "即使感官输入的信息是固定且没有歧义的，但由于我们一次只能意识到一张图片，因而当我们同时看到两张图片时，会把它们理解为是在不断变化的。然而，至关重要的是，当我们将注意转向别处时，这种竞争就会停止。离散采样似乎只在有意识注意时才发生。因此，无意识的加工过程比有意识更为客观。大量无意识神经元估算着世界现状的真实概率分布，而意识却直接将其简化成全或无的样本。有趣的是，整个加工过程与量子力学有相通之处，虽然加工的神经机制可能只涉及经典物理学。量子物理学家告诉我们，物理现实存在于波函数的叠加中，这种叠加决定了在某一状态下能够发现粒子的可能性。然而，当我们想要测量时，这些可能性就会塌缩至一个确定的全或无状态。我们从来观测不到一种陌生的混合状态，例如著名的薛定谔的猫指的是一种处于半死半活的叠加态。根据量子理论，正是物理测量的行为迫使所有的可能情况塌缩成单一离散的结果。在我们的脑中，也发生了类似的事件，正是对某个物体有意识的注意瓦解了其他多种解释的概率分布，从而使我们只知觉到一种可能性。意识扮演了离散测量装置的角色，使我们能理所当然地一窥潜在而又浩瀚的无意识计算之海。这个吸引人的类比也可能比较肤浅。也许只有未来的研究可以告诉我们，在量子力学背后的一些数学机制，是否适用于关于意识知觉的认知神经科学。"}
{"instruction": "权衡在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 脑与意识：破解人类思维之迷", "output": "巴赫拉米的实验很好地解释了为什么对于自信程度的判断在我们的意识中占据了中心地位。为了使意识想法对自己以及他人有用，我们必须给它们贴上标记自信程度的标签。我们不仅要了解自己知道什么或者不知道什么，还要能够在意识到一段信息时，精确描述出对该信息的确定程度。此外，从社会交往的角度来说，我们会不断地去努力监控信息来源的可靠程度，记住谁对谁说了什么，以及他们所说的话是否正确，这就使得八卦恰好成为我们谈话的核心特征。这些进化在很大程度上是人脑独有的，它们表明了评价不确定性是社会决策算法中一个不可或缺的组成部分。贝叶斯推理理论告诉我们，应该把相同的决策规则应用于自己的想法和来自他人的那些想法。不论对于内部还是外部信息，在它们进入到同一个决策空间前，我们需要通过估计每种信息的可靠性来对其来源进行权衡，而且越精确越好，这样才能进行最佳决策。在人类进化之前，灵长类的前额叶皮质已经提供了一个工作空间，并根据它们的可靠性对过去和现在的信息来源进行恰当的权衡，并且汇总起来以指导决策。此后，我们似乎将这个工作空间开放给了来自他人的社会输入，这可能是人类所独有的一个关键性的进化步骤。这种社会交互界面的发展使我们从集体决策算法中获益，即通过比较我们与他人的知识来做出更好的决策。多亏有脑成像技术，我们开始明白哪一部分的大脑网络支持着信息共享和可靠性评估。"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的神经元是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 脑与意识：破解人类思维之迷", "output": "。他们发现特定的神经元只对特定的图片、地点或人物做出反应，且只有当意识知觉发生时才被激活。这为反驳非特异性解释提供了决定性的证据。在全面激活的过程中，大脑并非发生全局兴奋。相反地，其实是非常精确的一套神经元在活动，其轮廓准确地塑造着意识的主观内容。怎样记录大脑深处的神经元活动呢？我之前就提到过，现在神经外科医生通过将一系列电极植入癫痫患者的颅内来监控其健康状况。通常来说，这些电极较大，并不能有区别地记录成千上万的细胞。但是在前人的工作基础上，神经外科医生伊扎克·弗里德发明了一个有许多微小电极的精妙系统，这些电极可以专门记录单个神经元的活动。正如其他许多动物一样，在人脑中，皮质神经元交换着不连续的电信号，它们被称作“锋电位”，之所以这样命名是因为它们在示波器中显示为一段大幅的电位差。典型的被激活的神经元每秒释放几个锋电位，它们沿着轴突快速传递到当前以及远处的目标位置。多亏弗里德勇敢地做了这个实验，才使得我们可以在患者完全清醒、生活正常的情况下，数小时甚至数天地记录一个特定的神经元释放的所有锋电位。当弗里德与其合作者将电极置入前颞叶后，立刻获得了令人瞩目的发现。他们发现单个神经元竟然可以选择性地对某张图片、某个名字，甚至某个概念做出反应。他们把大量的带有人脸、地点、物体和单词的图片轰炸般地呈现给患者，结果发现通常只有一两张图片能激活某个特定的细胞。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述意识？", "input": "Source: 脑与意识：破解人类思维之迷", "output": "有趣的是，这些神经元是对动物自己“认为”自己所在的地方进行明确的编码。有实验显示，如果突然转变地板、墙和天花板的颜色，使得老鼠好像被“传送”到了另一个熟悉的房间时，海马的位置细胞会在两种解释之间短暂地振荡，然后进入对虚假房间的神经冲动模式。这个区域的神经信号解码非常高级，我们甚至可以从神经细胞的集体放电模式中分辨出动物的位置，或者动物认为自己所在的位置。这甚至在睡眠时也可以做到，此时空间轨迹仅仅是通过想象得到的。在未来几年里，破解人脑中类似的编码思维的抽象代码，似乎并不是那么遥不可及。总的来说，神经生理学如今已经在破解意识体验的奥秘上取得了重大突破。在意识知觉的过程中，在脑的多个区域可以记录到根据特定的图片或概念所产生的独特的神经活动模式。只有当被试报告知觉到图片时，这些细胞才会被强烈激活，无论图片是真实的还是想象的。每个有意识的视觉场景都被一个可重复的神经活动模式所编码，只要被试可以看见这一场景，该模式就可以在半秒或更长的时间内保持稳定。现实与幻象结论就这样成定局了吗？我们对于意识的神经标志的研究已经迎来了一个圆满的结局了吗？并非如此。还有一个准则必须遵守：一个真正的意识标志，仅在有相应意识内容时才出现脑活动是不够的，还必须确定地“让”这个内容进入我们的意识。这个预测非常简单：如果我们设法诱导出一种特定的脑活动，应该就能够引发相应的意识状态。"}
{"instruction": "区域在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 脑与意识：破解人类思维之迷", "output": "只有凭借最基础的部件——剪贴板，才可以使不同程序间的信息得以共享，但是这一切程序又必须经过更高级的智能监督，那就是人类用户。我们的大脑皮质与计算机不同，它能通过同时将处理器模块化并且灵活地派送信息来解决问题。皮质的许多区域都有着特定的功能。其中有一整片区域完全由专门识别面孔的神经元组成，它们只在面孔出现在视网膜上的时候才被激活。顶叶和运动皮质区域专门负责特定的动作或者产生动作的身体部位。甚至有更多的抽象区域编码着我们所学知识中的数字、动物、物体和动词。如果工作空间理论是正确的，那么进化而来的意识便是为了削减这种模块化。多亏有了全脑工作空间，脑中不同模块处理器的信息才可以实现共享。这种可以利用全局信息的感觉正是我们主观体验到的意识状态。从进化观点来看，这种安排的优势显而易见。模块化是非常有用的，因为不同领域的知识需要不同的脑皮质进行调制：在空间中起导航作用的回路和用来识别地形或者存储过去记忆的回路所进行的运算有所不同。但是每一个决定常常都需要基于大量多源信息的整合。我们可以想象大草原中一头饥渴的大象，它是否能够存活取决于能否找到下一个水源。它如果准备前往陌生而遥远的地方寻找水源，一定是在最大化利用了可以获得的信息的基础上——包括大脑中的一张地图，对于地貌、树木、道路等的视觉标识，以及过去寻找水源成功和失败经历的回忆。"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里神经元究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 脑与意识：破解人类思维之迷", "output": "每个模拟区域包含与丘脑神经元相连接的层层排列的皮质细胞。当我们用简单的输入信息刺激神经网络的时候，激活在消失之前是自下而上传播的，这样我们就捕捉到了在无意识知觉中皮质通路的短暂激活。持续时间稍长的刺激会引发全脑启动：自上而下的连接将输入刺激扩大化，并导致下一个持久的激活，这样我们就捕捉到了在意识知觉中被观察到的激活。然后，我们将这些虚拟神经元连接成局部皮质柱——模仿皮质再进一步细分的一种结构，由互相连接的一层层神经细胞组成。之所以叫“柱”，是因为这些神经元是头尾相互连接的，并垂直于皮质的表面，相互之间紧密相连以产生相似的反应。这些神经元是从同一个初始细胞发育而来的。我们的模型遵循这种生理布局——同一皮质柱内的神经元倾向于互相支持，并对相似的信息输入做出反应。我们还模拟了一个小型丘脑，这是一个有着多个核团的结构，每个核团都和一块或者一系列广泛的皮质区域紧密相连。我们用真实的连接强度和时间延迟来构建丘脑，同时也考虑了锋电位沿着轴突行进的距离。我们得到了灵长类动物脑中关于基本运算单元的粗略模型：丘脑皮质柱。我们确保这个模型是按照现实情况运行的，即使缺少输入信息，虚拟神经元也可以自行激活并产生类似于从人脑皮质产生的脑电图。得到了完善的丘脑皮质柱模型后，我们就将它们连接成具有功能的长距离脑神经网络。"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，工作空间为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 脑与意识：破解人类思维之迷", "output": "我在前面就说过，意识表征是由它不是什么和是什么所共同决定的。根据我们的假设，工作空间的一些神经元必须沉默，才能示意这不是什么，从而限定当前的意识内容。这种分散的抑制在更高级的皮质中枢形成瓶颈。神经元抑制产生的意识状态使我们不可能同时观察两个物体，或是同时执行两个需要努力的不同任务。但是，该过程不排除早期的感觉区域激活——它们被明显地激活了，事实上即使工作空间已经被第一个刺激占据，这个区域的激活水平也和平时一样。前意识信息暂时缓存在全脑工作空间以外的暂时记忆中，然后会被慢慢地衰减遗忘，除非我们决定将注意力转向它。在一段时间内，正在衰减的前意识信息仍然能够被找回到意识中，这种情况出现在事情发生很久之后我们进行回忆之时。前意识状态和第二种无意识状态，也就是我们所说的阈下状态，有着鲜明的对比。想象一下那些因呈现得太快或者太模糊而导致我们看不见的图片。这种前提情况就大不一样。无论多么努力，我们也无法知觉到隐藏的刺激。我们永远也捕捉不到夹在两张几何图形中的掩蔽单词。这些阈下刺激确实诱发了大脑视觉、语义和运动区域中可察觉的激活。但这些激活的持续时间太短，不能激活整个工作空间。我实验室的模拟过程再一次把握住了这个特点。在电脑上，一个简短的脉冲活动不能使全脑工作空间启动。因为当自上而下的信号从高级区域回到最初的感官区域，并有机会增强输入信号时，原来的激活已经消失并被掩蔽图代替了"}
{"instruction": "围绕神经元，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 脑与意识：破解人类思维之迷", "output": "。脑成像已经开始解码这些神秘的信号结构。美国军方开展了一个项目，向一个受过训练的观察者每秒闪烁10张卫星图片，同时监控他的脑电压，观察是否出现了发现敌机的无意识直觉。我们的无意识中藏着数不胜数的资源等待利用。未来，通过放大那些感官可以察觉到、但被意识忽略的微型放电模式，有计算机辅助的脑解码可以让我们了解一种严格意义上的超感知觉，那是一种更强的对周围环境的感知。最后，第五类无意识信息在神经系统中以潜在的连接形式处于休眠状态。根据工作空间理论，只有在神经元形成全脑规模的激活时，我们才能意识到它们的放电模式。然而，大量的信息存储在静态的突触连接中。即使在出生前，神经元已经开始对这个世界进行统计取样并对神经元之间的连接做出相应的调整。我们一生的记忆都沉睡在人脑上万亿的皮质突触中，数以百万计的突触每天都在诞生和消亡，特别是在生命的最初几年，脑在大多数情况下都会根据环境做出调整。每一个突触都有着微小的统计智慧，它们知道突触前端的神经元有多大可能性比突触后的神经元先放电。脑中无处不在的连接是所谓的无意识直觉的基础。在早期的视觉加工中，皮质的连接编码了将线条连成物体轮廓的数据。在听觉和运动脑区中，隐藏着我们对于声音模式的知识。多年的钢琴练习会使灰质密度发生可察觉的改变，这些改变可能是由于突触密度、树突尺寸、白质结构以及起支撑作用的神经胶质细胞发生了变化而导致的"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，神经元意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 脑与意识：破解人类思维之迷", "output": "当大脑缺氧时，纹状体中的抑制细胞似乎最先受到影响。结果苍白球没有被完全抑制，导致苍白球的活动大大提高，于是造成丘脑和皮质停止运作，意识活动也就无法维持。然而，这些回路依然是近乎完整的，只是被大幅度地抑制了。插入一个断路器后，它们仍然可以被重新打开。可行的解决方法似乎还有很多：将一个电极埋入丘脑也许就能抵消神经元所受到的过多抑制，以此重新激活它们。另外，多巴胺和金刚烷胺可以用来直接激活皮质，或者通过激活纹状体的其他神经元间接激活皮质。最后，安必恩一类的药物可以抑制过多的抑制。这类药物能与苍白球上的多种抑制受体结合，从而关闭过分活动的细胞，借此将皮质和丘脑从多余的沉默中解放出来。虽然这些机制仍然只是假设，但却解释了为什么这些药物最后都能产生相似的效果：它们都能使皮质活动恢复到接近正常水平。然而，以上方法只适用于大脑皮质受损不严重时。如果新陈代谢大大降低，但是结构成像显示前额叶皮质完好，那么这仍然是一个好迹象，因为皮质也许只是被关闭了，依然有被唤醒的可能，一旦大脑重新开始运作，便会渐渐地重新回到自我调控的状态。在正常范围内，脑中的许多神经元都具有可塑性，能够增加自己的权重以稳定神经元集群的激活。幸亏脑有这样的可塑性，才使得患者的工作空间连接可以逐渐加强，长时间意识活动不断增加。即使对于皮质回路已经损坏的患者，我们也可以设想一些未来的解决方案。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画神经元？", "input": "Source: 脑与意识：破解人类思维之迷", "output": "短短三周内，患者的意识开始消退，他们的脑电图也显示出只有在睡眠或者昏迷时才出现的慢波。他们变得不能活动，无法对刺激产生反应，甚至无法自主呼吸。一些人在几个月内就死去了。另外一部分人后来恢复了正常的生活和心理健康，但不记得那些没有意识的日子。究竟发生了什么？一份细致的调查表明，所有这些患者都患有一种广泛的自身免疫性疾病。他们的免疫系统并没有监控外部侵入的细菌或病毒，而是把目标指向自身。免疫系统选择性地破坏了患者体内的一种分子——神经递质谷氨酸的NMDA受体。正如我们之前所了解到的，它是大脑的必要成分，在皮质突触自上而下的信息传递中起着关键作用。当培养皿中的神经元暴露在患者的血清中时，这些神经元的NMDA突触在数小时内差不多全部消失。但是只要移去致命的血清，受体会再次出现。人体失去一种分子就足以对心理健康造成选择性的损害，并最终影响到意识本身，这的确令人惊奇。根据全脑神经工作空间理论，我们可能见证了一种破坏长距离连接的疾病，这种长距离连接是构成意识体验的基础。这种集中性攻击迅速破坏了意识，并首先导致类似精神分裂症的症状，然后摧毁了人体的警觉状态。在未来的研究中，这种身体反应可能被认为是一种典型疾病，用它的分子机制可以解释精神疾病的发病原理、发病时间以及和意识体验的关系。如何建造有意识的机器"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把宁静放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 脑与意识：破解人类思维之迷", "output": "比如，当我们看到了鲜艳的蓝色，就产生了视觉体验。还有远处传来的难以言喻的双簧管演奏声，一阵突然的剧痛，一个幸福的瞬间或是沉思中那片刻的宁静……正是这些现象形成了我们谜一般的思维。但我认为查默斯贴错了标签，他所谓的简单问题其实应该是复杂的问题。复杂的问题看起来难以解决是因为这些问题与我们的知觉不符。一旦我们拥有了认知神经科学和电脑模拟的知识后，查默斯所认为的复杂问题就不攻自破了。感受性的假设概念，即纯粹的心理体验独立于任何信息加工过程，也将被视为是近代科学出现前的另类观点。这很像误导整个19世纪的生机论思想：无论我们对生物体内的化学机制了解有多详尽，还是无法阐述生命的独特价值。现代分子生物学阐述了细胞中的分子机制是如何组成能自动繁衍的自动化装置的，进而粉碎了这种言论。同样地，意识科学也会不断解决这些复杂问题，直到它们全部消失。比如，目前的视觉模型不仅解释了人类大脑产生各种各样视错觉的原因，也证明了为什么这样的错觉会出现在任何面临同样算法问题的理性机器中。现在的意识科学已经解释了我们绝大部分的主观体验，而且我也没有看到这种方法存在任何明显的局限。另一些哲学家的观点是：不管再怎么努力地模拟大脑，我们的软件还是会缺乏人类意识的一个关键特性，那就是自由意志。有些人认为，拥有自由意志的机器本身就是个矛盾体，由于机器本身就是设定好的，其行为由内部结构和初始状态决定。"}
{"instruction": "这段关于情形的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "书中关于宏观经济学的另一半理论及政策应对等观点为越来越多的经济学者所接受，对疫情后中国经济的宏观政策选择有一定借鉴意义。经济发展阶段与宏观理论和政策的选择作者根据经济活动中借贷双方是否充足以及经济体工业化情况，将经济发展划分为四种情形和三个阶段，经济体在不同阶段所处的经济情形不同，因此宏观政策选择也是不同的。传统经济学理论能够解释四种情形中的前两种，即市场主体以利润最大化为目标；但是对后两种情形，即宏观经济学的另一半，市场主体以债务最小化为目标，传统经济学理论不足以解释，只有运用资产负债表衰退理论方能释义。所谓经济所处的四种情形，是根据贷款人（储蓄者）和借款人（投资者）的多寡来划分的。情形一是贷款人和借款人都很充足；情形二是借款人比贷款人多，即使在高利率条件下也是如此；情形三是贷款人比借款人多，即使在低利率条件下也是如此；情形四是借款人和贷款人同时缺乏。传统经济学默认借款人已经存在，即情形一和情形二，并且借款人资产负债表良好，愿意积极寻找有吸引力的投资机会，追求利润最大化。但是，如果借款人短缺，即情形三和情形四，则传统经济学无法解释。借款人短缺的主要原因有两个。一是资产负债表衰退，市场主体因净资产为负而停止借款，在资产负债表修复之前不会恢复借款。二是国内缺乏有吸引力的投资机会。"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对市场的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "局相关权力，让其能够立即采取救助行动。二是对银行实施救助的策略，结束信贷紧缩应优先于修复银行资产负债表，确保市场中贷款人充足。清理不良贷款和结束信贷紧缩是两个对立的目标，银行处理不良贷款越快，资本缩水越大，这就妨碍了放贷活动。尽管两者都是最终要实现的目标，监管当局应该优先以时间换空间，结束信贷紧缩，然后将核销不良贷款作为中长期的目标，让银行利用收入逐步核销。量化宽松政策的使用应适时适度量化宽松政策是为经济发展提供宽松货币环境的非常规手段，但量化宽松政策存在两个问题：一是在退出量化宽松时会出现货币当局与市场投资者之间的拉锯战，引发市场动荡，即量化宽松陷阱；二是过度量化宽松政策的总成本会大于总收益。因此量化宽松政策的使用应适时适度。第一，在退出量化宽松时会出现量化宽松陷阱。与未实施量化宽松的央行相比，实施了量化宽松的央行在进行货币正常化时，需要先出售超大规模的长期债券，才能挤干超额准备金。这会使债券价格下跌、收益率迅速升高，很可能引发股市崩盘，带来负的财富效应。一旦引发市场动荡，央行就需要在政策上做出退让，确保市场总体稳定。市场恢复后，央行继续推动货币正常化，又可能引发新一轮波动。因此实施了量化宽松的央行自开始货币正常化，就会和市场之间反复拉锯。全球量化宽松陷阱会以本币升值的形式呈现。"}
{"instruction": "文中关于贸易的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "1980年，美国、欧洲和日本开始推动资本自由流动，汇率不再仅由贸易决定，而是更多地由资本收益率和资本流动决定。资本自由流动影响汇率形成机制，使汇率无法纠正贸易失衡。被追赶的经济体国内投资回报率低于国外新兴经济体，因此具有跨境投资的需求，这会引发跨境资本流动并影响汇率的形成机制。汇率定价的复杂性使汇率失去了纠正贸易失衡的作用，贸易的持续失衡让越来越多的人认为自己是自由贸易的输家，在自由贸易中承担了损失。这导致了当今包括美国在内的国家开始出现对自由贸易的抵制，政治领域出现逆全球化的思潮，自由贸易受到保护主义的威胁。因此，经济体应对资本项目的跨境流动实施一定的管控，让贸易失衡重新找回调节机制，这将会在一定程度上缓和逆全球化与贸易保护主义的思潮。应该看到，在这本书中，作者基于其背景和立场，对中国特色社会主义市场经济发展的方式和道路存在片面理解和认识误区，读者应该坚定道路自信和理论自信，用批判的眼光客观看待和理解相关问题及观点。历史上，我国在亚洲金融危机和国际金融危机的时候，分别通过有助于增加总需求的结构性改革和实施大规模的刺激计划，帮助经济走出了困境。相比较而言，后者留有一些后遗症，为各方所诟病。这也是作者的应对资产负债表衰退政策在国内有争议的原因。当然，作者分析问题的框架值得我们借鉴，应对的政策应结合本"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对利率给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "关心借款人是将资金用于建造工厂还是购买房产。但这一区别对于经济学家来说十分重要，因为前者会增加GDP，而后者不会。遗憾的是，没有现成的数据来区分这两种借款类型，因此本书使用的数据都指的是借款总量。读者应当注意，真正发挥作用的借款规模比数据显示的要低。货币政策和财政政策的作用前文提到了由市场驱动的利率调整，通过该利率调整足以实现储蓄和借款二者匹配，从而防止经济螺旋式下滑，当然这是理想情况。事实上，在很多情况下，仅靠由市场驱动的利率调整还不够。众所周知，政府部门有两类政策来应对上述情况，这就是货币政策和财政政策。政府部门运用这两类政策来实现私人部门借款和储蓄的匹配，进而稳定经济。在这两类政策中，更常使用的是货币政策，央行通过上调或下调利率，帮助资金供需两端实现匹配。资金供不应求的情况通常伴随着经济的强劲增长，上调政策利率将有助于防止经济过热和通货膨胀，在此情形下，中央银行可以减少银行部门可供放贷的资金，直到利率升至合意水平为止。中央银行还可以上调商业银行的存款准备金率，政策利率可能高于放贷利率，进而减少商业银行向私人部门放贷的动力。同样，资金供过于求的情况通常伴随着经济疲软，下调利率将有助于防止经济衰退和通货紧缩。在此情形下，中央银行会增加银行部门可供放贷的资金，直到利率降至合意水平为"}
{"instruction": "这一段对伊斯兰的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "况通常被称为金融危机。第八章将进一步讨论这类危机。当贷款人遭遇不良贷款问题时，中央银行的政策利率可能会大幅偏离银行设定的实际贷款利率。这是因为银行体系不良贷款问题会削弱经济增长动力，并促使中央银行降低利率。但由于银行贷款受到银行资本不足的限制，借款人之间对可用资金的竞争，使实际贷款利率远高于央行政策利率所隐含的水平。由此产生了“丰厚利差”，只有那些愿意支付高额市场利率的主体才能获得借款。在某些情况下，货币当局也可能默许巨大利差的存在，以使银行赚取更多的利润，并利用这些利润来进行资本重组。某些文化和宗教因素也可能导致金融体系的落后和贷款人短缺，例如禁止放贷以及人们因收入水平过低而无力储蓄等。这些与发展程度相关的问题通常出现在前工业化社会，可能需要很多年才能解决。最近所谓伊斯兰金融的发展，就是为了克服伊斯兰国家对贷款的宗教限制。一个国家也可能因过度贫穷或欠发达而无法储蓄。但是，如果该国的低储蓄源于节俭悖论，那么它将被归类为情形3或情形4，问题的实质还需归咎于缺乏借款人。贷款人短缺问题如果与文化或宗教因素无关就有补救办法，这些办法已经达成普遍共识。例如，政府可以向银行注资，恢复它们的贷款能力；也可以放松监管，为金融机构发挥金融中介功能提供便利。在银行同业市场失灵的情况下，中央银行可以充当最后贷款人，以"}
{"instruction": "德国在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "体增长得更快。借款人的可得性和经济发展三个阶段没有人能对投资机会的可得性予以保证。它取决于各种因素，包括技术创新和科学突破的速度、商人判断投资机会的能力和其借款意愿、劳动力和其他投入的成本、合理定价融资的可得性、知识产权的保护和经济及世界贸易的状况。每个因素的重要性取决于一个国家的经济发展阶段。对于已处于技术前沿的国家而言，技术创新和科学突破的速度更加重要。而对于新兴经济体而言，合理定价融资的可得性和知识产权的保护同等重要。例如，当德国作为工业势力崛起时，英国谴责其剽窃，并要求其使用“德国制造”的标签，以便将德国产品与英国原产地区别开。日本也曾面临来自西方国家同样的指控。如今，得益于德国和日本在产品品质上的努力，“德国制造”和“日本制造”都成了高价值的标签。中国也曾被西方国家和日本指控剽窃产品。如今，中国企业要求政府执行更加严格的知识产权规则，因为担心自己开发的产品很快会被本土的竞争对手模仿，导致研发努力付诸东流。如此来看，模仿能力会随着经济发展阶段的变化，由积极作用变为主要的制约因素。为理解这些因素如何随着时间改变，根据不同的工业化程度，被追赶的经济体这一概念将经济体划分为三个阶段：城镇化经济体，此时尚未达到刘易斯拐点；成熟经济体，已跨越刘易斯拐点；被追赶的经济体，已跨越拐点，此时资本回报率低于新兴经济体。"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的外国是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "然而，在国外生产需要管理层具备外语能力和其他专业技能，而这些能力和技能的培养需要时间。对企业特别是中小型企业而言，如果这个过程过于艰难，它们可能会干脆完全放弃业务，或者将所有生产外包给外国公司。因此，从黄金时代到被追赶时代的过渡可能需要很多年。但是，一旦获得了在国外生产的技术，公司在投资新工厂时就会考虑整个新兴世界。由此，海外投资的过程变得越来越不可逆转。虽然不同行业可能在不同时间达到这一点，但当一定数量的行业都认为外国劳动力是国内劳动力的良好替代时，可以说该经济体已经进入了被追赶的阶段。工人在被追赶的阶段只能“自立自强” 在被追赶的阶段，企业对工人的态度再次改变，因为它们现在可选择海外劳动力资源。随着资本更多地走出去，而非在国内进行劳动节约型设备的投资，企业进行国内投资的积极性降低。固定资本投资是经济增长的巨大动力，而在后刘易斯拐点的黄金时代开始放缓。随着投资的放缓，在黄金时代急剧上升的劳动生产率，其增长也开始减速，这种趋势在大多数发达国家已经出现了一段时间。因此，在被追赶的经济体中，生产力和工资的增长都开始停滞。正是在这一时点，工人个人的能力开始变得重要，因为只有那些能够做海外工人力所不及工作的人才会继续受益。这与前两个阶段形成鲜明对比，当时工资主要由劳动力供需等宏"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述私人部门？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "无论中央银行将政策利率降到多低，技术上无力偿债的企业和努力恢复偿债能力的个人都不会改变他们的去杠杆化行为，而私人部门的金融机构也不会在负利率下出借资金，因此在资产负债表衰退期间没有中性利率，且没有任何利率可以保持经济不萎缩。当经济处于资产负债表衰退时，整个中性利率的概念作为政策指导原则基本上是无效的。这也意味着私人部门以外的其他部门（政府）必须借贷和花费私人部门的财政盈余，以保持经济不萎缩。这就是为什么明白这一点的美联储主席本·伯南克和珍妮特·耶伦劝说美国国会在2008年后不要过早地进行财政整顿，他们提示了跌入“财政悬崖”的风险。经济发展三个阶段中的财政政策挑战财政政策，即政府的借贷和支出，其重要性和有效性随着经济发展的进程而变化。在刘易斯拐点前的城镇化阶段，财政政策不仅是有效的，而且提供了基础设施以使私人部门的投资蓬勃发展。因此，这一阶段的基础设施投资的社会回报率非常高。这一时期的基础设施支出融资可能需要国外的帮助，因为在金融部门不发达的刘易斯拐点前的城镇化阶段，可调动的国内储蓄往往有限。但经济处于黄金时代时，财政政策刺激经济的能力有限，除非是在资产负债表衰退期间，因为它有挤出私人部门投资的倾向。财政政策的能力之所以有限，是因为财政刺激的最终效果为政府部门借贷和支出规模，减去私人部门应有的借贷和支出规模（假定私人部门可"}
{"instruction": "项目在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "可以积累的债务数额有一个上限，过高的借贷成本会导致财政危机。这也解释了为什么经济学家一直很难阐明公共债务的上限。正确答案取决于能够达到收支平衡的这种债务的规模，而这又取决于所选择的公共工程项目的质量和政府债券收益率的普遍水平。反之，当经济体处于情形1和情形2或者情形3和情形4时，政府债券收益率也会有所不同。不是私人部门的工作有些人可能认为，如果存在这样的自求收支平衡的项目，就应该由私人部门而不是政府来承建。但这可能行不通，有以下两个原因。首先，私人部门的企业受股东的压力，资本回报率必须最大化。这意味着，即使国内有项目需要筹集资金，但如果国外回报更高，企业也依然会在国外投资。由于政府不需要最大限度提高资本回报率，并且它还要保证经济不陷入通货膨胀的旋涡，所以它可以而且应该实施公共工程项目，使经济不至于萎缩。其次，这里所指的回报率是社会回报率。这个回报率涵盖了所有的外部因素，而私人部门的经营者可能无法提供。换言之，有一些项目可能无法提供足够高的资本回报，但作为公共项目是有意义的，因为这些项目可以提供对整个社会的正外部性。需要独立的委员会来选择和监督项目为了实现从货币政策向财政政策的转移，国家需要一个由高级官员组成的独立委员会，他们能够判断项目是否有可能产生超过政府债券收益率的社会回报率。"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里基金经理究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "由于企业不再为提高产能或生产力的投资而借款，基金经理只得将住户储蓄投资于现有资产，于是导致了泡沫的形成，这是金融失衡最糟糕的表现。当对实际投资相关贷款的需求大幅萎缩时，不仅利率会大幅下降，而且中央银行会在缺乏借款需求、经济走弱的情况下降低利率。在缺乏借款人的情况下，中央银行也会降低利率。问题是，基金经理仍被期望能带来黄金时代的那种高额回报，尽管这样的回报在一个被追赶的经济体中不再可得。这给基金经理带来了需要参与新兴资产泡沫的压力，因为只要泡沫持续，就会有高额回报。即使是那些已认识到自己处于泡沫中的基金经理，如果他们认为自己可以在音乐停止播放前离开，也可能会加入这个派对。当然，如果每个人都这么想，那么当崩溃来临的时候，没有人能够脱身，因为每个人都会成为卖家，而没有买家。由此导致的资产价格崩溃便是合成谬误。在过去的刘易斯拐点前的时代，当只有富人参与金融市场时，借款人的短缺可能会促使贷款人（富人）完全停止出借资金，而不是接受在风险调整基础上的不合理的过低利率。这就是凯恩斯所说的流动性偏好。这可能就是历史记录没有显示出过低利率的原因—— 一般来说，在达到这种极端情况之前，贷款早就停止了。然而，在现代社会中，拿薪金的基金经理没有坐拥现金的选项：他们受到来自雇主的压力，必须提供回报。"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，高薪为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "如果发生这种情况，中央银行的货币政策将再次发挥作用——正如它在黄金时代所做的那样——而财政政策则必须受到约束，以防止私人投资被挤走。在这个意义上，如果有足够的投资需求，我们不能排除黄金时代回归的可能性。然而，让被追赶的经济体回到真正的黄金时代，所有社会成员都从经济增长中受益的可能性似乎并不高。在黄金时代，制造业提供了越来越多的高薪工作，从而迫使服务业公司提供同等工资来留住工人。由于制造业的工作不需要高等教育，所有人都能从经济增长中受益。换句话说，制造业自下而上地推动了经济增长。很难设想未来的创新会给那些没有受过高等教育的人带来大量的高薪工作。如果有的话，目前的趋势是通过自动化、机器人和人工智能来减少从业人员数量。换句话说，技术创新可能会带来投资机会，但不太可能重现消失的就业岗位。被追赶经济体的正确运作方式不同于黄金时代谴责私人部门或公共部门的债务规模已经成为一种流行的做法。但如果对债务进行正确的衡量，债务增加则只是因为储蓄的持续增长。由于很难告诉人们不要储蓄，政策制定者需要确保这些储蓄被明智地投资于能够获得超过借款成本回报的项目。这就是政策讨论应该关注的地方。仅讨论债务规模是毫无意义的。在情形1和情形2的教科书般的世界里，当国内投资机会很多时，经济学家理所当然地关注如何加强货币政策控制通胀的能力，同时贬低财政政策。"}
{"instruction": "围绕劳动力，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "更多的投资转移到新兴经济体。与黄金时代的企业不同，被追赶时代的许多企业在世界各地都有生产设施。这意味着应该谨慎对待提高最低工资的建议，因为它们有可能进一步降低已经很低的国内资本回报率，导致更多的失业。问题是，企业如果认为赚不到钱，就不会进行提高生产力或扩大产能的投资。生产力的增长是企业对削减成本的投资机会做出的反应，这些机会可以增加它们的资本回报。当这种机会以技术进步的形式出现，并且被那些扩张的企业利用时，经济和生产力的增长都会加速。这种增长是否有利于劳动力，取决于劳动力市场的供求。而这又往往由经济体是处于黄金时代还是被追赶的时代决定的。在黄金时代，源于国内投资机会过剩的宏观经济浪潮促使企业扩张，在供给有限的劳动力市场上增加对劳动力的需求，从而提高所有人的工资。在被追赶的时代，当资本回报率在国外高于国内时，提升所有人工资的宏观经济浪潮不太可能出现。相反，个别工人如果想提高收入，就必须通过学习新技能来提高自己的生产力。但在被追赶的时代，企业继续加大投资以提高生产力，面对的是一个供给更多的劳动力市场，因此其带来的生产力提高往往不会提高工资。出口导向型增长模式面临更少的障碍一方面，对于发达经济体的许多行业来说，如果新兴经济体的劳动力成本大大降低，在国内推行策略B的选项就没有了。"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，日本意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "尽管目前日本仍然是世界第三大经济体，其公司仍然在许多尖端技术领域占据主导地位。即使在人口快速增长的国家，如果新进入劳动力市场的人无法找到有报酬的工作（也许是因为受教育程度低或机会不足），那么不断增长的人口也只会加剧贫困，而不会给经济增长带来多少好处。如果贫困破坏了社会稳定，企业可能更不愿意投资，经济增长将进一步停滞。今天，许多发展中国家正遭受这种人口爆炸和由此产生的社会动荡。20世纪50年代，当战后的日本面临这种人口多、工作机会和社会服务少的状况时，政府开始鼓励日本人移民到南美洲，这样留下来的人就有机会在经济上有所发展。今天，南亚和东南亚新兴经济体的许多政府也在鼓励工人出国，以减少国内的过度供给。其中一些政府甚至指望这些工人的海外汇款支持其外汇储备。这种减少人口的政策对某些发展中国家的经济增长产生了积极影响，这一事实表明，可能存在一个随经济发展阶段变化而变化的最佳人口增长速度。换句话说，过高或过低的人口增长（相对于最佳比率而言）都会对经济增长产生不利影响。最终，依赖人口增长的经济增长既不可取也无法持续，因为地球根本无法承受人类的无限扩张。人口特征内生于经济发展阶段人口特征也取决于经济发展的阶段。在工业革命前，当大多数人生活在农场时，家庭倾向于有更多的孩子，因为婴儿死亡率很高，而且人们期望孩子在家庭农场工作。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画独立思考？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "学生创立的。许多创新者和潜在的创业家可能会因为他们的“疯狂”想法而激怒权威机构或被其疏远。如果受到正统观念的大力阻挠，他们可能会完全停止创造性活动。因此，找到这些人并鼓励他们专注于创造性追求并不是一件容易的事。在这方面，西方的自由人文教育传统很有帮助。特别是，学生必须独立思考，并以逻辑和证据来证实他们的想法，而不是仅吸收和转述所学知识，这对于培养能够独立思考的人至关重要。在美国的一些顶尖大学，学生如果只是简单地重复教授所说的话，可能只能得到B级；A 级要求他们超越课堂内容，提出自己的观点。这种训练鼓励学生挑战现状，只有这样他们才能提出新想法和创造新产品，这对采取A策略的企业来说至关重要。自由人文教育在西方有着悠久的传统。它始于文艺复兴和启蒙运动，当时人类智力的价值在被天主教会压制了几个世纪后终于得到承认。这场将智力从教会权威中解放出来的长期斗争并不容易，许多杰出的思想家因此被烧死在火刑柱上。经历过这场漫长而血腥斗争的社会，往往会珍惜自由人文教育传统。没有经历过这种斗争的社会，可能要提防教育等级制度崇拜“权威”而损害独立思想家的倾向。一旦这种等级制度被建立，新的思想家就很难获得听众，特别是当他们的思想挑战正统的时候。换言之，在教育机构和其他当局像过去的天主教审问者那样行事的社会中，公"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把企业家放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "一个国家可能有伟大的工人、工程师、会计师和律师，但将他们聚集在一家企业中生产商品或提供服务的是企业家。在一个国家的所有经济资源中，企业家的才能可能是对经济增长最有价值的，因为如果没有企业家的才能，就很难出现扩张。事实证明，那些不注重企业家精神的国家，经济最终都停滞了几十年。工人在短期内也许可以经营工厂，因为他们是实际工作的人。但是期望他们设计出新产品来抵御竞争对手，或者确保融资以将这些新产品投入生产是不现实的，更不用说维持和扩大国内外的营销了。毕竟，这些工作需要广泛的技术、金融、管理和营销知识。企业家还需要在整个决策过程中承担巨大的风险。而许多人，如果可以的话，都想要远离这种压力大的环境。但如果没有能力解决新产品推向市场过程中的所有问题，企业就没有理由扩张。东欧、俄罗斯等国的很多工厂几十年来都在生产同样的产品（和过时的产品），这并不是巧合——毕竟，没有利润动机来证明冒险开发新产品和扩大业务是合理的。由于对创业精神的重视程度极低，并且不奖励冒险行为，这些国家失去了自己获得这些资源的机会，最终停滞了几十年。而且，大多数资本家是通过证明自己愿意并能够解决上述问题，来建立一个成功的企业而成为资本家的。被追赶的经济体总是需要新的增长动力，因此，它们的政府为那些愿意付出努力来开创新事物的人提供尽可能多的机会是至关重要的。"}
{"instruction": "作者借欧洲想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "动力。应该在全国范围内推行自由人文教育体系，鼓励学生独立思考，以便有一天他们能够挑战现状，提出新的想法和产品。现在正享受后刘易斯拐点黄金时代的新兴经济体，最终将进入被追赶阶段，并面临各种挑战。随着越来越多的新兴经济体加入全球化行列，这些变化可能会提前到来，而不是推迟。一些新加入全球化的国家会降低被追赶经济体的工资水平。这意味着税法和法规等制度安排绝不应该被视为永久性的，随着经济体从一个阶段进入另一个阶段，就必须被修改。另外，具有文化价值的历史建筑和街区不应该以现代化的名义被拆毁。一个国家发展得越快，这种文化遗产就越重要，因为在快速变化的环境中，人们需要能够在心灵上扎根。他们需要心理上的家园，在那里他们可以重申他们是谁，是从哪里来的。历史街区和纪念碑也会吸引外国游客，这可以帮助国家赚取外汇。在这个领域，新兴国家应该向欧洲学习，欧洲每年都吸引大量的外国游客，因为它在很大程度上保留了美丽的建筑遗产。即使欧洲的高科技产业在某些方面已经落后于美国和亚洲，但旅游业每年仍然吸引着数百万美国和亚洲的游客。在新冠肺炎疫情前，来自这些国家建筑遗产的收入比来自不稳定的竞争极其激烈的高科技部门的收入更加稳定可靠。新兴经济体还应该意识到，发达经济体存在着反对自由贸易的社会反弹，这种反弹既源"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价经济体？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "大多数实现经济增长的新兴经济体都遵循出口导向型策略B，因为它们处于工资较低的经济发展阶段，采取这一策略能带来良好的资本回报。由于进口国的消费者在做扩张，策略 B——如果国家能够提供较低的工资成本——比策略A要容易得多，并将使新兴经济体比其更先进的同行增长得更快。发达经济体的经验表明，新兴经济体不应该认为出口商品有好销量的时光会永远持续下去，而是应该通过有意识地提升人力和物质资本，为有一天不得不转向策略A做准备。正如中等收入陷阱的概念所示，全球化的迅速蔓延也迫使许多新兴经济体面临着与被追赶经济体类似的挑战。同时，被追赶经济体的政策制定者必须克服至少三个挑战：第一，必须认识到国内投资机会的短缺，有意识地通过供给侧改革来提高国内资本回报率；第二，必须提高劳动力市场的灵活性，以便公司能够采取规避措施，抵御追赶者；第三，必须认识到，教育在后工业化被追赶的时代，远比在制造业主导的黄金时代更重要。在黄金时代的政治格局中，一方面，保守派在新自由主义传统的基础上推动平衡预算和小政府，以及减税和放松管制等供给侧改革；另一方面，革新派推动工人的权利，包括加入工会的权利，以及增加基础设施和社会项目的支出，比如教育。在被追赶的时代，即使在零利率的情况下，私人部门往往也是一个净储蓄者，因为企业很"}
{"instruction": "这段关于政策的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "涨。新冠肺炎疫情后，被压抑的需求激增，叠加供给不匹配和能源短缺，导致价格大幅上涨。市场参与者直到几年后才会知道这种涨价是不是暂时的。与此同时，债券市场可能会出现抛售，使一切都变得艰难。在这种时候，没有比一家拥有强大抗通胀实力的央行更能安抚市场了。为了重新获得这种信誉，即便会在短期内扰乱市场（即量化宽松陷阱），央行也必须提高利率并实施量化紧缩，来践行控制通胀的承诺。量化宽松的总成本超过收益退出量化宽松会提高债券收益率和汇率，进而抑制经济活动，这意味着在货币政策正常化全部完成前，无法确定量化宽松的总成本。如果从整个政策周期的视角分析政策的成本和收益，相比政策退出所需的成本，最初的政策收益就变得很小。当借款人回归时，为了消除过剩的流动性，实施了量化宽松的央行会被迫动用所有工具。这些工具包括更严格的资本、流动性和存款准备金要求，以及阻止银行向私人部门放贷的劝告。换句话说，当借款人返回时，金融抑制是必要的。央行还可以使用逆回购、对准备金支付利息、提升存款利率等方式抑制商业银行向企业和住户贷款。问题在于这些补救措施既不简单也不便宜。例如，提高存款准备金率是套牢银行系统中超额准备金最直接的途径之一。但要使这项政策顺利实施，超额准备金必须相对均匀地分散在各银行。然而令人遗憾的是，实际情况并非如此，因此使用这一工具来收紧货币政策有"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对政府的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "但这些钱由政府而不是央行支出。在议员就如何有效防止破产和失业的通缩螺旋进行了多次公开辩论后，政府才得以支付此类款项。此外，由于所有国家同时都面临着同样的问题，正如本章开头所指出的那样，汇率并没有崩溃。换言之，因为疫情驱动的衰退是以需求低迷为特征的，不会出现恶性通胀，因此政府可以发钱。直升机撒钱的四种类型之四：政府凭证和永续零息债券第四种类型的直升机撒钱涉及政府（而不是中央银行）印钱，或者用永续零息债券取代中央银行持有的政府债券。提出这一政策的人希望用政府凭证或永续零息债券为政府的刺激计划提供融资，因为政府凭证或永续零息债券不被视为政府债务，人们无须担心赤字规模以及未来税收提高的问题，因此可以引导正在储蓄的人们进行消费。在面对财政刺激时，经济学中所说的人们不愿意消费，是因为人们担心未来税收增多，这就是李嘉图等价定理。这里的等价定理指的是赤字支出或减税对经济的刺激影响将十分有限，因为公众会增加储蓄，为未来税收提高做准备。假如这个定理站得住脚，就意味着每次政府增加税收，消费都会增加，因为更高的税收意味着未来会有更低的赤字。实际上，这种现象从未出现过，说明这个理论只不过是凭空猜想。我从未见过有人克制消费，担心政府增加的财政刺激导致未来提高税收。即使是那些一直讨论李嘉图等价定理的经济学家，他们自己也不这样做。"}
{"instruction": "文中关于欧元区的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "场压力造成的。随着新冠病毒在欧洲迅速蔓延，欧盟宣布成员国直到2021年6月都可以无视“财政契约”的限制。然而，由于担心政府债券会被抛售，各成员国仍不愿采取较大的财政行动。这种欧元区特有的由市场因素形成的财政束缚剥夺了成员国的财政主权。如果成员国不能利用本国私人部门产生的储蓄来对抗经济衰退，选民将会觉得自己无法控制本国的经济命运，并对民主机制和欧元失去信心。货币联盟发挥作用需要财政分化解决这个问题的一个方法是，让政府债券只允许本国公民持有，取代目前的财政赤字限制，例如葡萄牙政府债券只能由葡萄牙公民持有。虽然这种规定听起来不切实际，但它不仅能消除资本逃逸问题，全面恢复成员国政府的财政主权，还有助于欧洲央行的货币政策正常化。只允许本国公民持有本国政府债券，解决了欧元区特有的政府债券市场之间的资本逃逸问题。那些对最高等级固定收益资产有购买需求的机构投资者只能购买本国政府债券，这让政府能够利用本国私人部门的储蓄来应对资产负债表衰退。根据财政分化，欧元区居民将失去购买其他成员国政府债券的权利，成员国政府也不允许向外国人出售债券。但这是为了恢复财政主权而付出的较小代价。这种新制度还让财政赤字的融资完全成为各个国家的内部问题：如果一个成员国政府破产，只有本国的公民才会受到影响。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对银行给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "因为贷款取款的借记与银行每天必须代表储户处理的其他数百笔取款没有什么不同。这些支付中的绝大多数都是通过银行与中央银行开立的账户进行的。当资金流出超过资金流入时，银行在央行的准备金就会耗尽，如果情况相反，央行的准备金则会增加。因此，银行是否有足够的准备金是管理银行的一个非常重要的问题。因为银行每天处理大量的付款业务并不赚钱，所以银行可以通过将该行的存款放贷出去来赚取利息。这一规定激励了银行尽可能多地放贷以实现利息收入的最大化。但它们如果贷款太多，就可能会遇到严重的支付问题。因此，政府监管机构提出了存款准备金要求，确保银行不会过度放贷，危及其作为支付处理者的角色。通常这个要求的水平较低，因为随着时间的推移，资金流入和资金流出往往会趋于平衡，特别是在较大的银行。在日本，央行的管理人员将监督某一银行在满足存款准备金率方面的进展。当银行不满足要求时，管理人员会在准备金保持期结束前几天打电话，确保银行做出必要的调整。如前文所述，只有拥有足够准备金的银行才会发放贷款。尽管大多数管理良好的银行大部分时间都能扩大贷款，但当它们感到准备金将要耗尽或有不确定性时，银行会完全停止放贷。这时，银行将其利润最大化目标放到一边，停止放贷确保剩余的准备金用于更加紧急目的的支付。当银行感到其资本不足以吸收与放贷相关的风险时，银行也会避免放贷。"}
{"instruction": "这一段对美国的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "其他全球货币走强。推动出口往往比拉动进口更为重要尽管投资/储蓄平衡理论强调美国需求强劲拉动进口攀升是美国赤字的主要原因，但实际上，美国的实际贸易往往是由急于进入美国市场的外国出口商推动的。战后的日本制造企业付出了巨大的努力才在美国市场站稳脚跟。它们之所以愿意付出努力，是因为美国市场不仅是世界上最大的市场之一，也是透明程度较高、非关税壁垒相对较少的市场。相比于美国，日本和许多其他国家的市场目前仍然只达成了书面上的开放。在30年前的美日贸易摩擦中，日本贸易谈判代表认为日本市场是完全开放的，美国对日本的出口有限，是因为美国企业不够努力。但对于那些以资本回报率最大化为目标的公司来说，其很难被说服进入一个众所周知的外国公司难以进入的市场，尤其是在其他市场能提供更高资本回报率的情况下。我在20世纪90年代被卷入了美日贸易摩擦，可以证明进入日本市场有多困难。我是在日本居住的美国公民，曾在美国联邦储备委员会担任经济学家。在美日贸易摩擦最严重的时候，由于我是许多电视节目的常客，美国驻日本大使馆要求我向日本电视观众解释美国的贸易立场。在从大使馆工作人员那里得到关于各种问题的简述后，我在与日本经济学家和政策制定者进行的多次全国电视辩论中为美国出口商辩护，涉及所有领域的争端，从汽车零部件到半"}
{"instruction": "日本在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "美国政府试图让美元贬值似乎毫无意义，甚至是很鲁莽的。毕竟，根据“三元悖论”理论，这是不可能发生的。“三元悖论”所隐含的假设与外汇市场现实情况不一致尽管世界各地的大学都在讲授“三元悖论”理论，但它所基于的假设并不适用于实际的外汇市场。该理论假设，外汇市场参与者都是证券组合投资者，他们完全根据利率差异做出投资决策。换句话说，根据该理论，汇率几乎完全由国与国之间的利息差决定。但在现实世界中，证券组合投资者也会基于其他相关的经济和政治指标来做投资决策。外汇市场还有许多其他参与者，比如进口商、出口商和中央银行。这种区别在不同类型的市场参与者之间非常重要。从事进出口业务的人需要买卖外汇来开展业务，因此进口商和出口商不得不参与外汇市场，而组合投资者则不一定。如果美国对日本存在贸易逆差，这意味着美国出口商品引发的售出美元和买入日元，要大于日本出口商品引发的售出日元和买入美元，从而给日元带来上行压力。换句话说，只要美国对日本存在贸易逆差，两国进出口贸易对日元的升值压力和对美元的贬值压力就会一直存在。另外，证券组合投资者不需要进入外汇市场或购买美元资产。如果日本投资者认为投资美元资产可以赚钱，就会在外汇市场上购买美元，否则他们就不会购买。他们也可以选择投资于以非美元货币计价的外国资产。"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的预期是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "发的通缩预期，而是私人部门的资产负债表问题和较低的资本回报率导致人们不愿借贷，这两个问题与预期无关。如果人们仍然在储蓄，但借款和消费这些储蓄的人减少，那么经济将停滞不前。当经济体沿着图3-1中平坦的全球劳动力供给曲线PQ移动、国内借贷减少时，真实的宏观经济原因使人们降低了对通胀的预期。如果不通过财政政策和结构性政策解决这两个真正的问题，再宽松的货币政策也无法改善经济，或者提高公众的预期。在被追赶的经济体中，缺乏通胀预期并不是凭空出现的。经济学家不应该将预期视为央行可以控制的某种政策目标，而是应该问问人们为什么会出现这样的行为。日本企业的CEO无视日本央行的货币宽松政策，不是因为他们做出通缩预期，而是因为他们从自己的减债行动中知道，宽松的货币政策没有发挥应有的作用。如果经济学家能理解人们的行为逻辑，就会做出更少的预期暗示。从哪里开始分析是至关重要的鉴于如今的低利率环境，一些主流经济学家开始支持实施更积极的财政政策。IMF前首席经济学家奥利维尔·布兰查德认为，当利率低于经济增长率时，政府可以实施更加宽松的财政政策，而不用担心债务/GDP这一比率恶化。这在数学上是正确的，我也乐于看到经济学家找到更多支持财政政策的理由。但问题是，他们的分析以低利率为前提，而没有解释低利率是如何形成的。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述融资？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "极低的债券收益率通过市场方式告知政府，如果未来国家需要建设公共工程项目，现在就是建设的好时机。在极低的债券收益率下，许多公共工程项目能够通过自身实现低利率融资。事实上，对于处于情形3和情形4经济体的政策制定者来说，他们的首要任务是，告知公众即使利率为零，私人部门也存在超额储蓄的问题，以及选派最优秀、最聪明的工作人员成立独立委员会，界定并实施能够保证社会收益率高于极低的政府债券融资成本的社会公共工程项目。由于这些项目能够通过自身实现融资，虽然它们可能增加国家债务，但不会增加未来纳税人的负担。但当经济处于情形1和情形2时，利率处于较高水平，且很难找到可以自负盈亏的公共工程项目，因此这种政策并不可取。该委员会必须不断发现可以实现自身融资的项目，直到私人部门借款人回归。它不是黄金时代发挥稳定经济作用的独立央行，而是在被追赶时期尚未创建的对稳定经济至关重要的独立财政委员会。就货币政策而言，当局应该认识到，货币政策在被追赶的阶段不会像处于黄金时代那样有效，而且经济体自身也基本不存在通货膨胀。在这种环境下，各国央行为了达到黄金时代的通胀目标，需要使出浑身解数，比如实施量化宽松和负利率政策。但这不仅未能实现目标，反而加剧了不平等，并使经济体陷入泡沫和资产负债表衰退的非生产性周期。"}
{"instruction": "美国在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 被追赶的经济体", "output": "是自由贸易赢家的人数，这同样是不可持续的。因此，各国政府必须使贸易失衡在可控范围内。被追赶国家对自由贸易的强烈社会抵制，对于寻求通过B战略实现出口导向型经济增长的新兴市场国家来说，意味着轻松的日子已经结束了。如果这些出口导向型新兴市场国家还想进入被追赶国家市场，就必须及时对被追赶国家开放市场，或者接受更高的汇率水平。如果必须在接受更高汇率水平和开放国内市场之间做出选择，那么新兴市场国家应该选择后者。因为对盈余国家本身和整个世界而言，通过增加盈余国家的进口而不是减少盈余国家的出口来降低贸易失衡，是更好的选择。新兴市场国家不应该犯日本在20世纪90年代初所犯的错误。当时日本奋力抵制来自外国要求开放本国市场的压力，最终导致日元走强，许多优秀的制造商离开了日本。美国在第二次世界大战和冷战期间面临相似的威胁时，正处于黄金时代，美国人相信他们拥有一个可以成就光明未来的优越体质。而苏联将市场机制和利润动机认定为非法，除了中央规划者，没有人能通过扩张维持经济增长，由此引发的不断累积的低效率和无法生存的企业最终导致了苏联的解体。今天，中国正处于黄金时代。美国正处于被追赶的时代，面临着广泛的挑战。由于政治体两极分化，美国人对自己也缺乏信心，尤其是和经济快速增长的中国相比。华尔街的一些"}
{"instruction": "文中关于图像的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "刘宇清译 4オ大学出版社目录总序 . iii 致谢 vii 绪论 1世界作为元电影 2主体性的物质面 3电影的暴力政治 4生成-女性的概念人物和审美形象 5生成-动物中“感觉的逻辑” 6声音机器的（解）辖域化力量结语附录A《电影1》和《电影2》的德勒兹 “概念工具箱\" 附录B《电影1》和《电影2》术语表参考影片参考文献索引总序毋庸置疑，当今时代是一个图像资源丰裕乃至迅猛膨胀的时代，从随处可见的广告影像到各种创意的形象设计，从商店橱窗、城市景观到时装表演，从体育运动的视觉狂欢到影视、游戏或网络的虚拟影像，一个又一个转瞬即逝的图像不断吸引、刺激乃至惊爆人们的眼球。现代都市的居民完全被幽灵般的图像和信息所簇拥缠绕，用英国社会学家费瑟斯通的话来说，被“源源不断的、渗透当今日常生活结构的符号和图像”所包围。难怪艺术批评家约翰•伯格不禁感慨：历史上没有任何一种形态的社会，曾经出现过这么集中的影像、这么密集的视觉信息。在现今通行全球的将眼目作为最重要的感觉器官的文明中，当各类社会集体尝试用文化感知和回忆进行自我认同的时刻，图像已经掌握了其间的决定性“钥匙”。它不仅深入人们的日常生活，成为人们无法逃避的符号追踪，而且成为亿万人形成道德和伦理观念的主要资源。这种以图像为主因(dominant)的文化通过各种奇观影像和宏大场"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对希区柯克给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "凝视绝不保证主体的自我呈现（即凝视作为掌握和控制的工具），凝视引起一种不可还原的分裂：我永远无法在它凝视我的那一个点上看到画面”（p.125）。另见注释11。1世界作为元电影俄”视为多种关系的网络，由希区柯克精心设计出来，让观众俳人（精神的）行动。它与眼睛和观看无关。充其量，我们可以说是心灵之眼。观者不是在寻找他们自己的生活的再现，而足在参与希区柯克设立的关系游戏。在齐泽克和德勒兹的研究路径中，第三点即最后一点区別，涉及前面引述的希区柯克关于直接干预大脑的言论。希区阿克明确地希望直接影响观众，无需任何中介。对于希区柯克的幻想，齐泽克強调其中征候性的方面：在齐泽克看来，正是〃求“抛开再现、直接作用\"这一点，构成了希区柯克世界中的疯癫的核心（psychotic core）。在\"现实\"中，在希区柯克和大众之间、在屏幕内外的主体之间，总有一种再现充当 “脐带”的角色。9在再现中，屏幕外的主体通过认同屏幕上的主体、将这些主体作为样板来建构自己的身份认同。再次强调一遍，德勒兹显然有着完全不同的哲学。回到斯宾诺莎和柏格森，德勒兹并不相信表象的概念具有包罗万象的力量，因此，也不相信认同的概念可以作为树立主体性的手段。在德勒兹看来，大脑既是智力的实体，也是情感的实体，两者同时"}
{"instruction": "这一段对希区柯克的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "两种影像迷惑了屏幕内外的主体，但并不总是用相同的方式：希区柯克用不同的方式“玩弄”各种心智。简言之，德勒兹将希区柯克的世界视为某种关系网络（挂毯）。这里没有先天的（priori）罪（非天主教的或者詹森主义的），只有试图思考和建立适当关系的努力。适当的关系可以改善生命，增強行动的力量。主体的欲望不是基于否定和缺欠（因此首先不是基于性别差异和阉割焦虑），而是一种建立联系的积极欲望。影像没有被视为一种再现、一根脐带，而是一次发人深省的相遇。因此，希区柯克的世界可以根据两种不同的哲学传统来阐释：一是以齐泽克为代表的先验的笛卡尔/康德/拉康一脉，一是经由德勒兹详细阐述的内在的斯宾诺莎/柏格森/（尼采）一脉。正如我在绪论中说明的，在先验传统中，眼睛之所以重要，因为它集合了由一个先天的“我”统一起来的各种印象：“我看、我思、我感”是对“我的”各种经验进行综合。因而，主体发现自己先于并且超于感知和经验，是一个先验的主体。16在内在传统中，主体不是先天给定的，而是由 22感知和经验塑造出来的。正是通过感知的多样化，“我”オ 得以形成，大脑成为所有连接(connections )和建设性主体构造(formations)的神经中枢。欲望，在精神分析学和根茎学中，被视为最重要的构成要素之一，既可以被认为是一种"}
{"instruction": "俄狄浦斯在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "Fall 1998. 是一种不同的哲学模式。在电影中，性别关系同样得到有差异的表现。虽然影片的男主角相当“脆弱”，而主要的女性角色都很強大，但这不是一个简单的角色倒置问题（女人观看，男人被看），我们依然置身于同一种模式中。差异不仅仅源于这样的事实：在《末世纪暴潮》中，根本没有俄狄浦斯式家庭，尽管它们很重要。更重要的是，在影片中，观看与其他所有的感官联系紧密，并且得到完整的体现。再也没有一个明确被界定的主体拍摄、观看和占有影像/拍摄对象。影片表现的这种真正虚拟的经验，同时牵涉影片主人公和电影观众的生理和心理。主体和客体之间的关系变成一种双向过程，变成不同力量（不只是对立，也包括各种变化）之间的交锋（encounter）。以这种交锋观念为基础，欲望的本质也需要重新界定。这里，我们不妨看看一种更加德勒兹式的欲望概念。在德勒兹和加塔利看来，欲望和它在精神分析中一样，是无意识的，并且同样重要；但是，正如在前一节所指出的，欲望被乐观地想象为与其他人或者其他事物之间的纽带。这种 29乐观的定义，对性别理论有很大影响。我们不能继续说一个（男性）主体渴望/拍摄一个（女性）客体。在《末世纪暴潮》中，伦尼以“心理学家”（shrink）自居，旨在帮助人们满足他们的欲望；"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的德勒斯是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "他的“(斯考蒂有时候会说：“我照顾你，我保护你。”)当他没能拥有玛德琳后，他痴迷地想让自己理想的对象起死回34 リ，而不惜牺牲女性的主体性：朱迪先是变成了玛德琳，然后乂死「一次，因为她“有罪的女性特征”而遭到惩罚。正如劳 I 53 拉•穆尔维证明的那样，认同ーー观众快感和主体位置的首要标志— 对于女性观众而言是极其困难的，除非是受虐狂、异装癖、自恋或者双性恋(这些精神分析术语都不能创造出強大的主体)。其他女性主义精神分析立场呈现出一种更复杂的男性- 女性主体立场结构。例如：塔尼亚•莫德勒斯基(Tania Modleski)认为，虽然女人确实是希区柯克“设计”的，但《迷魂记》并不是单向度的，初看如此，常看依然。”男主人公并非只是控制负罪的女性对象，他也很认同她。在《迷魂记》中，斯考蒂认同玛德琳。在莫德勒斯基看来，女性因此成为所有电影观众认同的对象。莫德勒斯基将她的论点置于弗洛伊德的框架下，并且证明男性气质无法掌控女性气质；史性气- 质是“父权社会的无意识”。齐泽克的主张有所不同，但也相去不远。无论男人还是女人，在银幕上还是银幕之外，都受到真实界的制约(但由于女人神秘的本性，她们比男人更接近真实)。据此看来，斯考蒂的恐高症可以被视为不敢面对戛实界而产生的恐惧。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述梅斯？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "回忆的女人都不能打破过去的符咒：《迷魂记》中的朱迪，因为她同意再次成为玛德琳；《末世纪暴潮》的菲斯，因为伦尼看不出她已经不是以前的她了(因为他的回忆-影像)。在《末世纪暴潮》中，似乎只有梅斯一个人，在过去与现在、意识与身体之间保持着良好的平衡。以柏格森主义的观点来看，她对伦尼说的话“记忆就是用来消逝的”非常中肯。记忆是必要的，并且自动地与感知相连，但它们不应该总是被真实地表现出来。只因现时所必需时，记忆才能被唤起。同样重要的是，梅斯的记忆不是来自超导量子干涉器，而是由她当下的身体处境唤起的。她的第一段记忆，实际表现为一段闪回(即德勒兹所谓的运动-影像展现过去的方式)，她回忆起自己是如何遇到伦尼的。有趣的是，这种闪回并不仅仅是主观视角。当梅斯在闪回中把她自己看成另外一个人时，我们也在脑海中设想我们自己既是他者又是自我。\"同样是梅斯，她鼓励伦尼通过记忆寻找那个被杀害的妓女艾丽斯在临死之前试图传递给他的相关信息。这些过去的影像是其他现实的闪回，是那一刻所需要的。梅斯的第二段记忆，是对晶体-影像更直接的表现。晶体-影像用虚拟的方式把时间封存在现实影像中。它发生在梅斯注视儿子的时候，儿子并不知道他妈妈在看着他，但是在孩子的影像和梅斯的注视之间，心灵的眼睛带入了时间：那时男"}
{"instruction": "汉斯在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "轮奸的女人决心要复仇的故事。像《绝命毒师》(Ekre加Mes, 1986 )和《末路狂花》(ルeniaandLOsse, 1991)这样的电影，也可以和它们的低成本姐妹片媲英。《暴劫梨花》和《被唾弃的坟墓》之间的区别在于，后者显示出一种反常的簡単.：女人知道自己被強奸，因此决定报仇雪恨。这里没有深层的心理，没有法律的干涉，没有人与人之间的区别，只有纯粹的愤怒。正如克洛弗所证明的那样，廉价恐怖片通常是受到压抑的美国主流电影。在《暴劫梨花》中，男人们被送上法庭，事情得到合法解决。压制的）阴道长牙的神话联系起来：女人作为阉割者，而不是被阉割。克里德重读弗洛伊德关于小汉斯（Little Hans）的案例，发现很多时候弗洛伊德压制了女性的阉割能力。根据弗洛伊德的解释，汉斯对马的恐惧，体现了他对具有阉割能力的父亲的恐惧。例如，让汉斯充满焦虑的马嘴上的黑点，被解释为父亲的胡子。然而，克里德认为，那黑色的东西更容易联想到母亲：母亲小便时周围的黑色毛发，甚至母亲黑色的内衣。通过这种解释，克里德认为，真正给汉斯造成恐惧的，是母亲所具有的阉割能力。克里德正是利用母亲具有阉割能力这种危险的神话，来解释強奸一复仇电影类型的成功。让我们先总结一下克里德将这种神话联系到強奸一复仇故事的方式，然后再回"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里塔利究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "Q2 I 2主体性的物质面什么力量是外在的，以及每个角色如何试图加入其他力量，画 •幅辖域力量和解域力量的根茎图是很有帮助的。辖域和解域力量构成了装配的纵轴。影像-类型的内容和形式的横轴构成要讨论的横轴。在《千高原》中，德勒兹和加塔利解释了他们的根茎政治理念。叫每个群体和个体都是由多种政治线构成的：首先是坚硬线或者节段线（hard or segmental line）,将个体纳入社会群体、家庭结构、阶级、性和性别以及职业结构。每一个身体都必须应对这种克分子线（molar line）。我主要把这种线作为一种超电影的（extracinematic）形式，和将要讨论的影片联系起来：这些政治的、历史的、社会的和经济的节段，通过虚拟方式表现在不同的电影宇宙中。有时候，它在电影中被提及，但大多数情况下，它只是一种隐含的事实（电影作为开放的整体）。在德勒兹装配概念中，这就是位于纵轴一端的辖域化线。德勒兹和加塔利区分的第二条线是分子线（molecular line）。在这条线上，一些小的变化（在个体或者群体内）发生，抵抗和推延也在这里发生，但仍然保持在节段的法则和秩序之内。我们将会围绕每一部电影的主角来讨论这条线。为了阐明这些主角的不同反应（他们的“精神分裂或者崩溃”）以"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，荷兰为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "タ。他必须采取行动，于是，肉身获救了。一种新的情境确立了：邪恶的医生被绳之以法，病人不再面临生命危险。关系-影像中主体性的物质面」在下一部影片中，肉身的影像也非常突出，但是它们在这里被关联到一种不同的影像，乃至主体性的不同方面。《第四人》是保罗•范霍文在进人好莱坞之前制作的荷兰电影之一。影片的主角赫拉德•雷韦(GerardReve)是一个作家 (与一个真实的荷兰作家同名)。他要到荷兰海边的一座小城讲课。在火车站，他遇到了一个男子，一见钟情，但那个人失踪了。在讲课期间，一个女人问他愿不愿意留下来和她在一起。赫拉德发现女人是他在车站遇到的那个名叫赫尔姫 (Herman )的男人的情妇，于是决定留下来。但他总是梦到一些让他害怕的异象，似乎在警告他有某种危险首先是各种线。影片主要的辖域节段是职业世界，因为所有的角色都明显是由他们的职业界定的：赫拉德是一名作家，相比其他更加务实的角色，这个“职业”赋予他某种不同的身份；赫尔曼，即赫拉德爱上的那个男人，是一个投机取巧的水暖工；克里斯蒂娜（Christine）,蛇蝎美人（向《ゅ fatale）,开一家从其中一任丈夫那里继承下来的美容院。对克里斯蒂娜其他所有的丈夫的展示（通过家庭录像带）都与他们的职业相关（宠物店老板或士兵）。"}
{"instruction": "围绕埃尔薇，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "(Anton Saitz ) o安东是犹太难民营的幸存者，战后变得有钱行势。然而，安东彻底忘记了埃尔文/埃尔薇拉」埃尔薇拉遭到每一个人或多或少的拒绝：他的妻子和女儿再也不和她住在一起；她的朋友左拉和安东做爱；克里斯托弗抛弃她；对她进行采访的记者没有更多时间听她倾诉。最后，她自杀了。法斯宾德的影片启动的第一条节段线是德国人和犹太人、过去的战争和集中营之间历史的、漫长的、痛苦的关系。另一个硬节段是家庭结构的节段(父母-孩子)。我区分的最后一个硬节段是固定的性别身份节段(男-女节段，或者 II：•男-非女)。战争的历史以及德国人和犹太人之间形同陌路的关系，在影片中可能不太醒目。实际上，关于这方面，影片中始终不会有明显的线索：最強烈的直接表示，是埃尔薇拉去见安东时不得不说的一句暗语。这句暗语是Bergen-Belsen（贝尔根-贝尔森集中营；也见于其他影片，法斯宾德以此隐射集中营，比如在《维诺妮卡•沃斯》［Veronic Voss］中，有一对犹太夫妇，是特雷布林卡灭绝营的幸存者）。家庭结构表现为：埃尔文/埃尔薇拉娶了/嫁给伊蕾娜（Irene）,他/她们有一个女儿玛莲娜。所以，当然会有男人一女人对立的硬节段，只不过这次是以主角的性别身份的形式出现。羽所有这些议题"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，非洲意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "在影片中，它们没有叙事作用或者逻辑功能；它们是单纯的情感，通 116 I 2主体性的物质面过简单而有力的、在别处找不到的美丽的画面，来抵消想要离开非洲的愿望。也应当注意，所有的装配都可以通过更多的线或者普遍的解域化来详细阐述（比如：非洲的公路电影，《十三个月亮之年》作为通俗剧，《昏迷》作为超现实主义电影，《第四人》作为同性恋电影）。通过上述分析，我希望已经证明，在任何情况下，肉体作为主体性最实质性的一面，并不只是身体恐惧和卑贱的问题。在恐怖电影中，肉体（有时候）当然可以用这种方式来阐释。同时，它也可能与《十三个月亮之年》中被屠宰的菜牛有关、与拉康式的真实有关，预示着埃尔薇拉正在接近的超验的 “世界之夜”：先是将自己变成女人，然后杀死自己。正如我在前面指出的，要关照内在性平面上的多种影像的效果和情感，这只是一种相当狭隘的观点。甚至在恐怖电影中，身体也可能是（政治上）重新分区计划的根源。按照斯宾诺莎/德勒兹的观点，身体构成我们的存在，身体驱使一个人努力保持存在、思考、行动，甚至在真实和虚拟的时间层漫游和求索。” 最后一节，我尝试探索四部不同电影中的身体政治，并且证明如何才能描绘与不同的政治辖域线和解辖域线相关的 51正如恐怖片导演韦斯•克雷文在接受电视采访时所说的，这类影像的一些成功，"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画冲动？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "别，因为更重要的是思考冲动-影像的另一特点。德勒兹表明，通过自然主义，时间在电影影像中得到突出表现。正如布努埃尔利用时间分期的顺序表现浩劫一样，冲动-影像摧毁了克罗诺斯（Chronos,时间之神）。结果，冲动-影像仅仅抓 126 I 3电影的暴力政治住了时间的负面效果：削弱、堕落、糟蹋、破坏、损失，或者仅仅是内爆（冯•施特罗海姆）或循环往复（布努埃尔）造成的遗忘。尽管如此，德勒兹也看到一个缺ロ，面向时间的更积极的重复和更正面效果，尤其是关于布努埃尔的作品：为了实现-个拯救的重复，一个超越善恶、改变人生的重复，是否应该与冲动秩序决裂，打破时间循环，获得一个真正“欲望”或者一个可以不断重新开始的元素？……布努埃尔在把重复而不是无序变成世界规律时，还是收获了某些东西。他把重复的力量放进电影影像之中。由此，他超越了冲动世界，触摸到时间的门槛 82 并将冲动从斜坡或环形中解救出来，因为这些东西总是让冲动满足某个内容的需求。布努埃尔不在乎征候和拜物，他创造了另一种符号类型……它或许给我们提供了一种直接的时间-影像……但布努埃尔是从内部超越自然主义的，从未放弃过它。1〇如前所示，冲动-影像及其所包含的暴力，与时间-影像有某种特殊的关系（尽管主要是负面的）。因为，我把案例研究的"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把身体放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "在另一端，他区分了各种仪式性的身体。德勒兹认为，约翰•卡萨维茨、让-吕克•戈达尔、香塔尔•阿克曼(Chantal Akerman )和菲利普•加瑞尔(Phillipe Garrel)都是卓越的身体电影人。他们以不同的方式展示了如何发生变化，如何通过身体的姿态和手势来升华思想。克莱尔•丹尼斯可以被认为是一位制作“身体电影”的导演。她在拍摄人物时，经常凑近他们的身体，静静地观察他们的身体动作和姿态。在《我睡不着》中，尤其强调卡米尔作为一种身体力量：他有强壮、漂亮的身体，他通过多种方式利用和滥用身体(走路、跳舞、做爱，杀害年老体弱的老太太)。他的身体也非常直接地显示大限之期：他患了艾滋病，时间将会吞噬他的身体，虽然他的身体状况的唯一征兆只 3电影的暴力政治是皮肤上的一块小斑点。在时间压力下的身体，仿佛要爆炸成最极端、最矛盾的爱与死的态度和姿态，迫使我们思考生命，思考生命的限度，思考生活的伦理界线。因此，《我睡不着》中的暴力，不仅是原初冲动，而且是一种身体态度，一种在大脑中強加震撼的力量。17 没有道德的伦理。身体的力量不仅是肉体的力；在德勒兹谈论力量时，斯宾诺莎进入根茎网络，带来更多关于力量和身体的洞见。感根据斯宾诺莎，力量是影响和被影响的能力，86 是一种力量同其他力量的关系。"}
{"instruction": "作者借泰勒想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "把肥皂卖给大商场（太爽了，我们卖给富太太们的是她们自己的脂肪），炸弹用来炸毁信用卡公司的建筑以及其他资本主义的标志。通过强烈而具体的方式，我们发现一个资本主义的内在系统在此运行：剩余物（脂肪）被转化成消费的商品（肥皂，它本身生产作为剩余价值的美丽和魅力）,甚至针对整个制度的破坏性武器，硝化甘油炸弹。观察《搏击俱乐部》中的这种辖域化（消费文化）和解域化（搏击俱乐部，泰勒的反抗行为），我们也必须补充一点：再辖域化的力量也在发挥作用。到影片结尾，搏击俱乐部已经变成一种恐怖组织，骚乱计划（Project Mayhem）。所有成员都穿着相同的黑体恤，当他们开始充满仪式感地唱起 “他的名字叫罗伯特•保卢森（Robert Paulusen）”时，他们甚至放弃了自己的名字，盲目地服从泰勒的命令。这些都是自由的解域化契机再次变成不自由的问题的例子。《反俄狄浦斯》也讨论了不自由的问题（a problem of unfreedom）:“大众何以被变得渴望被压迫。””德勒兹和加塔利不断回到这个问题。不自由的问题，可以被视为自由过剩（带来）的负面效果，或者肯定和坚持自由所必须面对的困难。で 在《搏击俱乐部》的装配的横轴上，影片似乎是由动作- 影像主导的。非常直接地，影片由一系列决斗构成。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价道德？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "生活可能充满不好的遭遇。德勒兹的根茎式概念工具箱有助于解释为什么有的暴力影像让人快乐，而有的令人悲伤。两者是当代社会情境这块硬币的不同面。失踪的人民和暴力阶级都在表达生活的荒诞或者绝望。一个是无力的、悲伤的，另一个是強大的、快乐的，但是两者都重新定义了好和坏，并且都超越了善和恶。这也从一个道德的存在重新定义了主体。道德的存在根据他的爱或恨判断伦理的个体。无论如何，没有一次期待中的革命，政治已经成为关乎每个人的事情；电影可以通过身体的影像、大脑的影像或者虚构的臆想让我们思考这些问题。69《水库狗》（Resew。\"Dogs, 1992）之所以没有引起太多混乱的反响.那是因为这部电影更加不含糊，充满了 “白人男孩相互淫乱”的象征（用贝尔•胡克斯的话说）。人们要么爱它，要么恨它。I 163 生成-女性的概念人物和审美形象 4生成-女性的概念人物和审美形象为何存在着如此众多的男性的生成(物)，但却不106 存在生成一男性？这首先是因为男人是強势的，而生成是弱势的；所有的生成都是一种生成-弱势……正是在这个意义上，女人、儿童，以及动物、植物、分子，都是弱势者。根据男人-标准，女人处于一种特殊的形势之中，或许正是此种形势解释了这一事实：所有的生成都是弱势"}
{"instruction": "这段关于身体的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "応ハ中关于生理/社会性别的区分；不过，她没有退回到由生何ッ火定人类主体的本质主义，也不想抹掉社会和政治环境的 •响相反，盖腾斯主张至少承认有两种身体：男性的身体和 6H的身体。27她认为，不同的身体由男性主体和女性主体表116 押出来时，具有非常不同的个人和社会意义。不过，在这一陈 *屮，盖腾斯并不是在宣称身体功能的社会意义具有任何固定 H成竹本质性。为了理解这种显而易见的矛盾，盖腾斯深受情1明ノ发，提出了另一个身体概念，即位于有关身体的特定的」\"史的话语网络中的活生生的身体：“想象的身体。”这 I，用•个非此即彼的问题，而是一个同时理解生物学身体、根象吁体和历史身体的问题：“在我看来，’男性气质’和 '女性气质'在想象身体的层面上与生物学层面的’男性' . M '女性’相对应。值得再次说明的是，这句话也没有暗示 ’カ性'和'女性'具有某种固定本质，而只是一种历史的忡’出性。”起重要的是看到，历史的特定性没有被当作一种 \"簡腾斯看到了莱希娜•西苏和露丝•伊利格瑞的工作，她们对至少两种性别提出「相似的认识，这不是本质主义，而是对理解不同身体经验（对所有女性来说都 イ、足固定的和本质的）的重要贡献。此外，身体的生物学规定并不是那么明确，和悔斯认为“性别是连续体，身体是多重的”。"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对影像的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "在小说中，奥兰多的孩子是个男孩，但足渉莉•波特把这个角色换成了女孩。当然，这个女孩计我们Iリ 次想起了爱丽丝，并且強调生成-女性在《奥兰多》中的爪要性。最后，在影片结束的画面中，时间一影像、生成的影像和永恒之塔来临了。我们再次看见奥兰多坐在橡树下，0!现A姑她女儿拿着录影机在拍摄。女孩拍摄的影像有些抖动，画面 I 199 不平稳；首先人画的是一些草，然后才是奥兰多的脸。这外点像口吃，不是语言口吃，而是影像ロ吃•• •…“你为什么，川伤？“女孩问。“我没有不高兴呀，我很幸福。，，奥兰多间答道，她把女儿的注意力引到天上的天使，天使开始唱歌“” 然后，我们看到奥兰多的脸部特写，我们听见天使在唱歌：“既非女人，也非男人，我们是结合的，我们是一个人，具イI 人类的面容。我摆脱了诱惑我的过去和未来。我正在出生，我正在死亡。我终于自由了。” 天使歌唱的是永恒之塔的时间。从过去和未来中解脱出来，吸引着柯罗诺斯的现在。脸部特写是―种情感一影像，敞开了生成的可能性：永恒的，没有感觉或者表达任何规范的负担或者像性别、阶级、种族之类的阶层。在逻辑上，天使的出现给这场表演、分子性的音乐、人的声音和画面赋予了完美的意义。奥兰多已经36岁，并且终于自由了，她在自己身上找到"}
{"instruction": "文中关于森斯坦的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "在传统的音乐剧中，歌舞场景让你高兴、快乐；而《黑暗中的舞者》中的这些音乐剧场景恰恰激起強烈的情感，甚至超过情节剧场景。在情节剧场景和音乐剧场景之间的一系列转换中，影像的节奏甚至影像的“温度”的差异都加強了这种对比。根据色彩效果，影像的温度会从冷到暖，或者从暖到冷。因此，对 214 I 4生成-女性的概念人物和审美形象比变得非常重要。首先，我将先解释这种对比何以变得如此鲜明，以致造成如此強烈的效果。影片的情节剧部分在风格上是现实主义的，尽管它完全不是“浮华的”好莱坞现实主义，而是更“原生的”欧洲现实主义，即“道格玛”风格（dogma-style）:晃动的手持（数码）摄影机，自然光，没有大量剪切，多用平移和长镜头。因为用自然光，呈现出ー种冷色调。“温度”和风格上的差別非常显著。借助“零度”时刻，情节剧场景和音乐剧场景之间的对比，使影片的结构成为一个辩证的整体。通过这种方式，冯•提尔继承了爱森斯坦“吸引力理论”。悲怆是爱森斯坦通过对比蒙太奇得到的某种东西；悲怆，也只有在形式和内容中发生对比和改变的时候，才能获得。在冯•提尔的电影中，通过不同的方式（与其说是镜头之间，不如说是段落之间）有一个触情的抵抗段落进入到它们的对立面。正如德勒兹谈及爱森斯坦的触情跳跃"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对影像给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "形》(Alieね)系列影片，就知道这类影像多么流行。” I 221 人影像的迷恋。它也可以矫正某些怀旧的、虚无的立场：骇人影像的滥觞标志着我们时代的文化堕落、“宏大叙事”的衰退，或者“高级文化”伟大准则的丧失。正如在《X战警》中，人类认为异形怪物是危险的、应该被防范的，它们通常被视为会威胁人类的、令人恐惧的东西。德勒兹为建构更加灵活的身份和主体性形式提供了工具，立足于“事物”和“记忆”，但绝不僵化。在第二章，我讨论过肉体的骇人影像，以及它在精神分析中是如何与女性和卑贱产生了联系，成为自我与他者、内部和外部、男人和女人、人类和机器、人类和动物之间的临界概念的。我也讨论过肉体影像通过不同的方式被构想为运动-影像中的物质方面或者时间-影像中的时间方面— 这取决于机械的装配，而影像是装配中的部件。本章，我将换― 种方式，通过在视听文化中发挥作用的想象（力）来构想主体性。正如布拉伊多蒂所言，想象力“是一种改造力量，可以推动多样的、异质的’生成’或者主体的重新定位。生成的过程是被集体驱动的，换言之，生成过程是相关的、外在的；它也是由情感或者欲望构成的，因此异于理性的控制。'形象'（figure）的概念.. 与’隐喻'（metaphor）的再现功能相反— 的出现，对于德勒兹变化使用的想象概念"}
{"instruction": "这一段对第一性的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "像》中指出的，情感影像的性质和潜力不仅与特写有关，而且与色彩（包括光与影）的“任意空间”的运用有关。因为生成-动物与无形力量的感觉紧密相关，它必须位于皮尔斯第一性的层面，皮尔斯的第一性是情感-影像的表达形式。正如在第二章提到过的，第一性是表达经验中的新事物的层面；你可以说它类似于（本能的）第一印象或者直觉。与直觉一样，第一性很难定义，因为它是被感受到的，不是思考的结果。它表达具有自身价值的性质或力量（正如前面提到的色彩）而没有任何现实化的问题。在这个层面，可能性得以表达，并且几乎全都包含在情感-影像之中。因此，我认为，生成-动物作为人类主体的一种解域化力量，在情感-影像和第一性中找到了内容的形式和表达的形式。生成-儿童先于生成-动物儿童是斯宾诺莎主义者对儿童来说，任何经验都是新的。也许，这正是儿童的世界观接近于生成-动物的原因。那么，我们不妨再看看两个关于儿童和动物的故事，看能否获得更深入的见解。拉迪亚德•吉卜林（Rudyard Kipling）的《丛林之书》（jungle I 237 Book）已经被反复讲述，关于狼孩的“真实”故事也已流传很久。我将在这一节分析两个电影版的狼孩，但首先有必映对狼孩稍作哲学化的思考。上一章，我把仙境中的爱丽丝作"}
{"instruction": "丛林在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "线上下功夫，努力改变他的感觉，以便他能够判断出情绪。现在，不管什么东西，这孩子都会用鼻子去闻，对冷和热都很イ、敏感，不会哭，也不会表达任何情绪。伊塔尔医生说：“我想让他变得软弱点，少一点身体力量，多一些情感能力。”这任人性的起点：可以变成情绪的某种运动和感觉方式。在之后九个月的时间里，“一个人诞生了。”这个孩子有了名字：維克多。他也上了速成班，学习内容涉及表达、字母、阅读、书写、说话、记忆训练、正义感以及行为规范等。伊塔尔是一个极具公平感的人，在这个过程中，他一直使用奖惩机制。他发现这个孩子如果学不会在人类世界生存，那还不如回到丛林更好些。因此，他必须学习语言，必须知道对错，必须穿衣服，必须努力与他人交流。伊塔尔是一个严厉而善良的老师。不过，每当维克多崩溃时（比如必须要背字母表时），总是介朗夫人在照顾他、安慰他、拥抱他、亲吻他、轻言细语地跟他说话。除了正义感，他所有接近初始情状（initial affects）的情感全都是在管 158家身边学到的。伊塔尔想把维克多直接变成人，一个通情达理的人（不像《丛林之书》中的村民），因为他知道作为人生存的行为规范。这是一个高尚的想法，并且行之有效；但是看着维克多的脸，人们可能很好奇他在想什么。他可能知道成为"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的埃尔文是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "修女居德伦（由法斯宾德的母亲饰演）的声音，这个声音讲述了埃尔文的青年时期。这个声音听起来也像画外音：身体确实在画面中，但是好像与声音分离了。通过这种方式，我们知道埃尔文是个私生子，他的生母不希望她的丈夫知道他的存在，这意味着这个孩子甚至连养父母都没有。他的原始母亲抛弃了他；他的口唇母亲（修女们）先让他长胖，然后疏远他。事实上，埃尔薇拉就像个狼孩，被真正的母亲抛弃，由代孕母亲抚养。只不过修女们不是狼，没有培养他的主动情感。埃尔文养成了对被动情感的兴趣。最后，埃尔文自己努力变成一个“俄狄浦斯母亲”，她的“父亲”（安东，克里斯托弗）的情妇，全都与生成-动物和施虐狂有关。实际上，整部影片就是马索克笔下所有母亲的巡回演出，当演出一结束，埃尔薇拉就自杀了，就像身体最后的痉挛（堪比培根的 I 253 绘画》o 最后一种无实体的声音又是埃尔薇拉的声音，因为一家杂志的访谈，这个声音被记录在磁带上。同样，这也是她生命的一种反映。人们听到这段声音之际，正是她的尸体被发现之时。并非所有的话都听得清楚，因为录音并未中断，不仅埃尔薇拉的录音在继续，还有其他人进入房间时走动的声音和哭喊的声音。其中有一件事情是可以听清楚的，即她并不确定自己是否真的想死。“也许还有几句起作用的话：安慰、（忧郁"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述劳拉？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "会上，这一点变得很清楚。当时，他没有遵守礼貌交谈的规则。当老板宣布他被调离的消息时，他说“品味和个性（兰德尔的品质）”不是适合做出版生意的品质。他老板的女儿劳拉（Laura）也是一个被排斥的人。她讨厌父亲的生意，并且在聚会上找不到家的感觉。在这方面，她和兰德尔完美合拍，他们的相遇并非巧合。在这里，我们又看到两个“特别的人”将会结成同盟。其次，这种同盟并不是什么遗传的东西，而是接触传染的（正如在讨论吸血鬼时所说的一样）。这种交叉感染（例如被咬）是典型的生成的观念，尤其是生成-动物的观念。交感和遗传之间的差别在于，交感可以连接非常异质的元素，比如人和动物。值得注意的是，这种同盟如何被关联到唐娜•哈拉维的类同概念（affinity）〇类同是赛博格的特征：“类同：与血缘无关，但是与选择相关，一个化学核群对另一个群的吸引”、虽然兰德尔显然没有选择被狼咬，但是他在内在性平面上有某种东西选择被狼的精神启发。不过，劳拉在影片的结尾明确地选择变成狼，从这个意义上说，她和罗萨琳可以相提并论。这让我看到第二种交感的方式：性欲（在《狼之一族》中也很清楚）。性欲是结盟的力量，德勒兹和加塔利说。罗萨琳和劳拉都通过性结盟变成狼，她们认为性欲不是一种威168 胁，而是一种解放。"}
{"instruction": "伦理在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "Identity）中对音乐的作用提出的观点，类似于德勒兹关于一般文化的先验经验论。在研究通俗音乐的美学/审美时，弗里斯希望打破通常的学术和批评论调：“问题不是特定的音乐或表演如何反映人，而是音乐或演奏如何’生产’他们，如何创造和建构一种体验— 音乐体验，审美经验— 我们只有通过接受、呈现或者形成一种主体身份和集体身份才能领会它。176换句话说，美学描述经验/体验的性质/质量（而非客体的性质/质量）；它意味着以不同的方式体验我们自己（而非 274 I 6声音机器的（解）辖域化力量世界）。” I 弗里斯的论点有两个前提。首先，同德勒兹和加塔利一样，他认为身份是流动的，是某种生成而非一种存在；其次，他认为音乐的经验（表演和聆听）最好被理解为这种流动的过程中的自我（self-in-process）。此外，弗里斯还认为音乐同时既是美学经验又是伦理经验：当我们喜欢某种音乐时，必然包含对这种音乐的评价，审美反应是一种伦理认同。他说：“我们需要反思平常对审美表达的社会学态度。我认为不是某个社会群体有信仰，然后明确地表达在它.的音乐中，而是音乐作为-种美学实践本身，它表达对群体关系个性特征的理解，以理解伦理规范和意识形态的基础为基础……社会群体……只有把自己理解为群体……通过文化活动，通过审美判"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里声音究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "人对话，正在被哈里和他的同事记录下来。另一方面，哈里对于自己被监视这件事甚至有一些偏执。他不愿任何人进人他的公寓，他无法接受同事对他开玩笑（悄悄监听他说话）。电影结束时，他为了捜寻监听设备，甚至毁了自己的公寓。西尔弗曼也注意到了哈里•卡尔对人的声音和其他声音的矛盾态度。一方面，他执迷于（渴望）彻底控制由别人发出的声音；另一方面，西尔弗曼表示，“他被女性声音強烈地甚至非理性地吸引，女性声音在他身上激起了希望被折叠成一 Acoustic Mirror, p.78. 284 I 6声音机器的（解）辖域化カ則层声音的愿望。\"餌西尔弗曼令人信服地论证了哈里对这对情人之间对话的痴迷是如何与对母性声音的渴望有关的（在这里，声音发挥了脐带作用），随着影片的推进，这种渴望变得愈发強烈，超过了他自己男性的、话语的、' 象征的控制立场。他“渴望恢复到前象征的整体性的’子宫之夜，— 再次被封闭在一个充满纯净声音的信封中— 并且，他渴望通过对声音的控制来留住那个子宫之夜。女性的声音要么呈现对象（object）的性质（他自己被爱的那部分，哈里一直在努力将其融入），要么呈现卑贱的地位（被玷污的以及最后肯定被抛弃的）— 这取决于这两个可能性中的哪-个在某个特定的时刻被激活”。々•"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，爱莉儿为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "来到人间，而且重获嗓音，塞尔斯也在迪士尼版的《小美人鱼》中看到了一些解放的力量。毀塞尔斯认为，乌苏拉(以变性皇后“Divine”为模板塑造的角色)教导爱莉儿，表演和嗓音可以作为性别的宣示和解放，并且她将爱莉儿视为一个潜在的颠覆性角色。S。这表演性的一面以及她对自由的渴望基本上是在歌声中形成和表达的。塞尔斯的论据是，当乌苏拉最后被毁灭时，爱莉儿已经学到了一些东西，她可以用这些东西来达成自己的目标(因此，婚姻中象征性的结合并不像看起来的那样稳固)。嗓音甚至可以被更积极地视为一种解放力量— 不是通过反对象征秩序，而是在生成-音乐的自由中评价它。迪士尼继续利用爱莉儿创造新故事。在迪士尼新的公主系列中，有一集《小美人鱼》的题目叫作“爱莉儿与梦想海星\"(Ariel and Dreamwish Starfish )〇\"在这一集中，爱莉儿是一个叛逆的、勇敢无畏的女孩，不服从她父亲特里顿国王的命令。她发现一个带有芭蕾舞女孩的音乐盒，她希望像这个女孩―样跳舞。她的好朋友美人鱼加布里埃尔(Gabrielle )想唱歌，她是个聋哑儿童，渴望拥有嗓音，能够表达“幸福、悲 49在安徒生的童话里，故事并没有这样的大团圆结局：美人鱼用脚走路时会非常疼痛，她永远失去了自己的声音，再也无法见到王子。"}
{"instruction": "围绕爱丽丝，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "320 I 6声音机器的（解）Wf城化力M 们现在才知道爱丽丝走进仙境时的体验：她进入了各种生成（过程/状态）的世界。歌剧天后的声音、她身体的蓝色，都是在可能的图像和声音场域中实现虚拟性的契机；她的嗓音和身体的液态品质和分子性，使这种现实化成为面向未来的逃逸线的现实化。在歌剧歌曲之后，管弦乐队的节奏和旋律有了变化。蓝色天后开始跳舞，而她的歌声融入管弦乐，继而是艾瑞克•塞拉（Eric Serra）的作品“天后之舞”（Diva Dance）o 在这里，就像德勒兹和加塔利先前提到的一样，我们发现了完整的歌声的交响。鸟儿变成昆虫，这在生成-音乐中越来越重要。德勒兹和加塔利表示，鸟儿是歌声部分,昆虫是器乐部分。我们正在进入昆虫时代，“昆虫有着更多的分子性振动，唧唧声、吱嘎声、嗡嗡声、嚅啪声、刮擦声、摩擦声。”“在“天后之舞”期间，人们直接感觉到歌声成了一种超越性别的乐器：歌剧天后的声音从非常低的“男声”部一直到非常高的“女声”部。随着音乐节奏的变化，天后跳舞的场景变换为丽露独自与一整团外星敌人打斗的场景。人们可以说，在分子的音乐层面以及更坚实的动作层面，地球正在接受两个“女人”的保护，或者更确切地说，正在被这两个赛博格爱丽丝保护。很快又发生了混乱。丽露暂时被打败了。"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，音乐意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "动、以什么速度、按什么样的规律和重复），我们最容易参与一段音乐— 只要通过踏脚、拍手或者摇头晃脑就可以。根据现场表演来说，这肯定同时体验为集体参与（我们的行动和其他人的行动连在一起）和音乐参与（我们的反应是音乐本身的必要成分，正如非洲经典的212 呼唤与应答传统）。88 88 Performing Rites, p. 142. 很明显，经典的身/心对立再也站不住脚了。在狂欢晚会上和俱乐部中，身体和心灵变成-音乐。俱乐部、狂欢晩会以及其他舞蹈和音乐场面的规模不断增加，这表明过去十年的宇宙音乐不再局限于某些难度很大的先锋电子音乐场景，而是延伸到 I 331 流行文化，并且经常与之融合。鉴于这种场合的规模和集体性，世界的生成一音乐甚至可能包含某种政治维度，即通过音乐创造出一种新的人(不是由国家/民族边界来定义的)。正如德勒兹和加塔利颇有远见的预言：最终，很明显，与地球和人之间的关系发生了变化，不再是浪漫主义类型的。地球现在处于最彻底的解域化状态：不仅是一个星系中的一点，而且还是诸多星系中的一个星系。如今，人们正处于最分子化的状态：一个分子性的族群，-种像振荡器般的人，因为有如此多的相互作用的力量……或许，流行音乐的声音分子此刻正在这里或那里植入一种新型的人，他们对广播的"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画影像？", "input": "Source: 视觉文化的基体 拜德雅视觉文化丛书", "output": "果” “它如何运作”或者“什么力量(总是多种力量)在起作用”以及“谁希望这是真实的影像，以及为什么”。尽管罗伯特•斯塔姆(Robert Stam )怀疑德勒兹的电影著作在分析电影影像时的实用性，我仍希望，通过研究由某些影像构成的具体装配，我能够论证通过什么方式才能将德勒兹的理论应用于电影领域。在研究内容形式和表达形式的横轴时，可以用德勒兹电影著作中的形式概念(formal concepts ) 来测定某些特定影像产生的具体效果和情感。动作-影像的效果不同于情感一影像的效果。身体的电影在风格上不同于大脑的电影。它们构成不同的故事，创造不同的符号(标志、图标、姿势、思想)，它们全都具有情感的、智力的、政治的力量。这些力量构成装配的纵轴。在纵轴上，辖域化和解域化的问题很重要。值得注意的是，这些概念不是电影专属的。德勒兹和加塔利在《反俄狄浦斯》和《千高原》中发展出各种不同的辖域化和解域化。通过研究具体的影像或者问题，我努力探究这些“活动概念”的某些形式。德勒兹在他的电影著作中没有一直遵守“作者论”的方法，我也如此。因为我认为徳勒兹的概念，如果富有成效，就应该“适用于”广泛的视听形象。因此，我不会在流行文化的艺术和形象之间进行任何等218 级区分。不同影像之间的差异，不在于它们的地位属手“高"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述灵魂？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "vi 的问题就变成了灵魂的缺陷。但我们已经学会了如何用知识和科学取代灵魂。因此，精神上的斗争不是在灵魂坦诚的基础上进行的，而是在关乎记忆的基础上进行的，当然，我们假定后者存在一种近乎知识的东西。说到灵魂，人们肯定感觉这一话题很老套，但我是认真的。6 被科学化的灵魂是先验的，也许还是不朽的。像我这样的哲学家谈论灵魂，并不是为了说明什么是永恒的事物，而是为了提出关乎性格、反思性选择、自我理解、价值观（包括对自己和他人坦诚）以及各种类型的自由与责任的理论。爱、激情、嫉妒、无聊、遗憾和平静的满足，都是属于灵魂的东西。这可能就是前苏格拉底时代古老的灵魂概念。我不认为灵魂是单一的，甚至不认为它是单个事物。它并不意味着个人同一性的核心不会改变。一个人，一个灵魂，可能包含很多方面，使用很多表达方式。对灵魂的思考并不意味着只有一个本质，一个精神支点，所有的声音都从这里发出。在我看来，灵魂是一个更包容的概念。它代表了一个人各方面（有时是内在各方面）的奇异混合— 这与维特根斯坦的格言并不矛盾，即身体是灵魂的最佳写照。在读到一本讲述多重人格的书籍时，你可能会有所期待，但我并没有像你设想的那样书写灵魂。我专注于人们通过记忆研究使灵魂科学化的尝试。一些哲学家而不是临床医生，则试图用一"}
{"instruction": "多重人格在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "疗专家同时也是女权主义者，他们坚信患者的痛苦源于家庭，源于被忽视，源于残暴的行为，源于公然受到性侵，源于男性的冷漠，源于这个倾向于支持男性的社会体系带来的压抑感。他们认为大多数多重人格患者都是女性并非偶然，因为女性有可能从婴儿时期起就首当其冲地受到家庭暴力的侵害。自婴儿和童年时期受到虐待，患者的分离行为便出现了。致力于改善多重人格患者处境的承诺需要全社会共同努力才能兑现。你想要成为什么样的医生？这个问题不仅与你如何治疗患者有关，还与你想要怎样生活有关。我们听到了各方的道德观念。很多人指责对多重人格持反对态度的精神病学家是在用一种满不在乎的态度蔑视受害者--那些遭受虐待的女性和儿童。事实真是如此吗？大部分医生需要提高一下自己的道德意识吗？其实，他们反对多重人格的真实性没什么好让人气愤的。一个医生对多重人格的态度与他所处的机制、所受的训练和所享的权力有关。多重人格的这场运动已经平民化和草根化了。很多临床医生并不是医学博士或者心理学博 ±,不过他们有别的资质--从高到低包括社会工作硕士文凭、护理资格证书、几期记忆衰退周末课程的结业证书（严格意义上来说，根本不算行医资格）。在美国，已经泛滥成灾的电击疗法依然还有五花八门的信奉者。因此，很多怀疑多重人格的精神病"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里多重人格究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "的各种身份无法整合。我们发现多重人格是一个不断变化的对象，到最后可能会消失在人们的视野之中。然而，还有两件事情一直在我们的视野范围之内，那就是患者的记忆和精神的痛苦。无论这种精神障碍是患者体内有多个人格还是缺乏一个完整的人格，是人格分离还是无法整合，我们始终认为它是患者对童年创伤的反应。童年残酷经历的记忆已经被患者深深地埋藏，只有通过回想才能整合人格并治愈精神障碍。对于多重人格的治疗基于这样一种设想：只要不断获得关乎记忆本质的知识，我们就可以了解混乱大脑的问题所在。我无意质疑多重人格的可信性，但我认为与其弄清支持和反对多重人格存在的正反双方为何想当然地认为自己是正确的，不如把关注的重点放在对记忆的研究之上，因为记忆是灵魂的关键所在。它是什么样子的？\" 多重人格患者是什么样子的？手册中的正式诊断标准给出的描述显得太没人情味了。19世纪有一种具备\"双重意识\"的患者，他们的症状表现与多重人格的诊断标准相符，但是他们的生活经历、认知方式、各自组建的家庭以及一般的社会交往（这所有的一切）又与现代多重人格患者的情况大不相同。起初，多重人格患者通常只有一个明显的次人格，但如今，一个患者体内有十六个次人格都属于正常现象。在大约一个世纪之前的法国，双重意识患者的症状表现都比较激烈。"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，患者为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "可或缺的部分。有人可能会对此提出强烈的异议。然而，从语言哲学的角度来看，人类并不是通过定义，而是通过原型及呈放射状分布在原型周围的例子来理解一个词汇的。之前我提到过，按照患者轻重不同的症状，分离性精神障碍可以被看作一种线性连续谱。在本书的第七个章节中，我还会检验这个说法。不过，现在我们要弄明白这种线性连续谱指的是什么。它意指每个人或轻或重都患有某种分离性精神障碍，按照不同的程度，这些精神障碍以线性方式依次排列，形成了一个连续的整体。多重人格是这个连续谱中最为严重的一种情况。但如果我们从放射状分类结构的角度再来看分离性精神障碍，线性连续谱的假设就没那么令人信服了。弟乌鹏比鸵鸟更像鸟完全说不通，一个患者比另一个患者更分离也是如此。掌握相关的研究和文献后，我们可以很容易地提炼出20世 25 纪80年代多重人格患者的原型。但这样做并不是为了提供鲜明 02它是什么样子的？的患者案例，而是为了展示在这十多年中，多重人格对圈内人来说到底意味着什么。一开始，很多多重人格患者去看医生是因为他们患有重度抑郁。但不幸的是，他们身上除了抑郁之外，还伴有很多其他病症。当我们开始探查患者身上呈现出的具体症状时，会发现他们有一种需要留意的时间缺失感--患者对前一日下午几个小时里自己都做过什么毫无印象。"}
{"instruction": "围绕人格，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "半醒半睡状态很常见）。多重人格患者往往有酗酒和药物成瘾的经历，虽然很有可能 02它是什么样子的？只是某个人格的所作所为。据说，有些患者的某一个人格酒量不佳，因此很容易喝醉；另一个人格却酒量惊人，喝完一整瓶，仍然彬彬有礼。当然，这只是坊间的一种传言，就像有些人声称次人格能使用主人格不了解的语言一样，我们不能全然相信。双语患者的情况与之不同— 在某种角色之下，会用第一语言，而在另一种角色之下，会用第二语言。多重人格患者容易被某事困住或缠住，有人推测这是他们对童年时所受虐待的反应，或者说是虐待导致的结果。例如，伴有进食障碍的患者抗拒治疗，因为患者的某个次人格告诫主人格不要进食，而另一个次人格则鼓动主人格暴饮暴食；患者深受进食困扰，因为童年时曾被迫为别人口交。1。风风雨雨是生活中常有的事，风流韵事也并不稀奇，但很多人因为一些琐事变得抑郁，药物成瘾，甚至连婚姻都破裂了。那么，当这些人第一次鼓足勇气踏进医院的大门，向医生寻求帮助的时候，医生会看到什么呢？有些患者的情况比较夸张，她来就诊是因为自己被吓坏了--她某天醒来之后惊讶地发现自己身处一个陌生的地方，在某个宾馆的房间里或者在地铁里，完全不知道自己是怎么来到这里的，也不知道自己之前做过什么。她可能会告诉医生，她听到了某种声音，这种声音并非来自外界，也不"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，黑豹党意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "身体的某些部位在早年受过伤害。不管从什么角度看，多重人格患者都算循规蹈矩，他们远未达到疯狂的程度。次人格看起来大多与正常人无异，只是相互之间类型有别罢了。通过观察多重人格患者的生活，我们可以了解到他们所处时代文化层面的很多东西。比如，我之前提到的乔纳和黑豹党。在另一个更早的案例中，社会文化层面的东西也有体现。患者主人格的穿衣风格较为保守，按当时的社会观念来看是非常得体的，但她有一个次人格却“不守妇道\"，因此她成了所在的艾奥瓦州小镇上第一个穿超短裙的人。最近流行一句话，叫 02它是什么样子的？\"买到手软”。这不是一句简单的讽刺，其中还蕴含着深刻的社会学道理。比如，患者的主人格有可能十分节俭，甚至十分吝啬, 但某个次人格却有可能无休止地肆意购物。再比如，某位新晋高管的行政助理平时看起来冷静干练，总是穿着一身恰到好处的定制职业装。她衣柜里的衣服不仅十分得体，而且全部会用衣架整 3。整齐齐地挂好。但是，她还有一个基本不打开的衣柜，里面乱糟糟地堆满了带亮片的衣服，人们只有在午夜电视台重播的老版B 级片中才能见到同款。就在上一次，她刚打开这个衣柜就立马把它关上了，因为她觉得里面的衣服太令人讨厌了，看起来很轻浮，甚至有些猥琐。她发现自己总是莫名其妙地多出很多信用"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画患者？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "在放射状的分类结构中，根本没有线性排列方式。在传达定义时，使用原型案例是一种可靠且必要的科学手段，它可以帮助我们理清内容。但也正是这个原因，让我们感觉原型案例中的患者和真实的人物有所不同。即使我们接触到的典型案例中的患者已经被描述得十分丰满甚至十分鲜活，他们依然只是传达概念的媒介。他们无法告诉我们身为多重人格患者的心境。这种感觉如何？这是世人很自然就会想到的问题，但是在对待这种问题时，我们要谨慎一些才好。当被问及拥有多个人格是何感觉的时候，患者的回答往往非常完美、无懈可击。在描述自己的感受时，他们倾向于使用行业内流行的术语，因此他们的描述和别人的描述差不多。术语就是这样的。如果不强调患者的次人格，那么除了抑郁之外，他们最显著的表现可能是对往昔的事情感到混乱茫然和模糊不清，无法把过去的记忆与当下的忧愁 [1]加拿大魁北克省西南部城镇，与渥太华隔河相望。02它是什么样子的？联系起来。以上这些情况对他们来说是什么感觉呢？可能是痛苦和惊恐。那茫然是什么感觉呢？忘乎所以是什么感觉呢？迷失在思绪之中又是什么感觉呢？如果不使用特定词汇，你可以把以上的这些感觉都描述清楚吗？我们大部分人是做不到的，唯有使用特定的词汇。滴酒不沾的人永远不知道喝醉了是一种"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把美国放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "在更注重自由主义和个人主义的西方国家，例如法国、英国和美国，私人慈善事业才是常态。维多利亚时代的各种激辩由既关注慈善事业又不忘自身利益的上流社会主导，但总的来说，这些社会活动家并不害怕争论。如果他们有所恐惧，恐惧的也是工人阶级、犯罪群体及革命威胁。以上内容引出了我所说的虐待儿童和摧残儿童的第一个区另4。正如下面将要详细阐述的，虐待儿童应该是没有阶级差别的，特别是在美国。它发生在每一个社会阶层中，比例基本上是固定的。贫穷不是最急迫的问题，虐待儿童才是美国紧要的政治议程。在美国，立法只有在不被视为自由的社会改革时才会成功— 针对虐待儿童问题的立法就极度成功。因此，这一问题中的阶级差异因素显然被排除在外。相比之下，有大量实例可以证明，摧残儿童主要表现为下层阶级的恶习。现代反对虐待儿童的运动主要源于人们对美国家庭腐化的担忧，这是一种内部的恐 o8o 惧，而不是对穷人怒火的恐惧。对家庭腐化的担忧使得反对虐待儿童的保守一派应运而生，他们与女权主义激进派有着相似的观念：虐待儿童关乎父权制体系。有些人挑战传统家庭，有些人则害怕传统家庭解体，虐待儿童引发的激烈争论难得地利用了这两个群体。阶级斗争曾唤起了人们杜绝摧残儿童的慈善之心，但现在为了在反对虐待儿童的活动家中间建立统一战线，要尽可能地"}
{"instruction": "作者借儿童想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "的推动。社会学永远不会止步于简单地说明某些事情是很糟糕的。一个行为如果很糟糕，那必须有一个糟糕的结果。因为虐待儿童是不好的，所以必须对其进行干预，如果我们仅仅满足于此，就不会有目前虐待儿童后果的这一套理念了。如果没有这些，多重人格运动就不可能有一个关乎人格分裂起源的因果理论，并以此为基础蓬勃发展。我一直都在反复讨论一件奇怪的事情。一方面，就虐待儿童来说，已经存在大量为人所知的普遍知识。其中的大部分内容都是先验的，随着“虐待儿童”概念的发展不断成熟。另一方面, 针对虐待儿童所做的无数实证研究却未跟上。有时，研究反而会对人们眼中的理所当然之事提出质疑。人们还有什么呢？第一, 是信念。第二，是坚定信念的纯粹实证经验，源于特殊的情况和个人。世人坚信，只要想获得某种知识，这种知识就一定存在。也许，这就是出问题的地方：这种知识存在与否，这种知识必须得有何种面貌，我们对此会有预先的假设。各种研究层出不穷，人们会受到影响。因此，被调查的特定对象可能会被调查问题改变。人类的不确定性好像总会出现。这一点在免责效应方面表现得最明显，比如，一个施暴的人发现自己在过去曾受虐待，他就知道可以借此为自己开脱，甚至找到施暴的原因。我指的不是一些施虐者为了逃避司法制裁而撒谎，我"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价艾利森？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "05性别担任会诊医生时，她也许觉得自己的观点得到了证实。这位强奸犯辩称他的罪行是由自己的次人格犯下的。相比之下，拉尔夫• 艾利森在一开始则认为男性多重人格患者定然稀少，因为很少有男性会像女性一样在小时候遭受残忍的性虐待。但随后他就意识至IJ,多重人格的“诱发因素”不一定非得是性虐待，只要“创伤 71非常严重，孩子就会逃离，创造出一个新的人格来取代原来的人格”。6此外，尽管次人格做了很多坏事，但一些暴力行为在社会允许的限度之内。这也是男性多重人格患者很少向他人寻求帮助的原因。亨利•霍克斯沃思是艾利森最重要的病人之一，他是一位绅士，但有时会喝醉，然后在酒吧里打架，而他对此毫无印象。一位法官认为这种行为十分恶劣，警告霍克斯沃思不要再喝那么多酒，而且不能再看电视上的（含有暴力内容的）牛仔节目。然而，艾利森的治疗表明，是亨利的一个次人格要喝那么多酒，这个次人格喝醉以后就会打架。不过，当患者想要越界时, 他的行为就真的会越界。我之前已经描述过艾利森的另一个病人，他在次人格状态下纵火，后来还奸杀了一名女性。一些临床医生急切地想要找到更多男性患者，因此在短期内将有越来越多的男性被诊断出分离性身份识别障碍。科林•罗斯认为：\"随着越来越多的多重人格障碍患者在监狱或其他环境中"}
{"instruction": "这段关于多重人格的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "合人格，不如说是为了发现自己想要成为什么样的人。然后，以前被人们视为病态的非常规性别就成了选项。这说起来极其复杂。我们不应该认为患者发现了某类\"真正”的潜在自我，而应该认为她实现了突破并获得了选择、创造和构建自己身份的自由。她不再是一成不变的游戏中的棋子，而是成了一个有自主权的人。这与我要在最后一个章节中论述的虚假意识截然相反。我们希望治疗取得上述效果，但目前尚无法达成。科林•罗斯通过调查下了一个断言：有越多的女孩成为虐待行为的受害者，就有越多的女性成为多重人格患者。然而，显而易见的是, 除了他的断言外，多重人格领域需要更多性别方面的研究。科林•罗斯称里韦拉的研究为女权主义分析，而非多重人格女权主义分析。在用两段文字表达了支持从政治角度分析多重人格的态度后，他突然话锋一变，称里韦拉的工作\"基于单线或非系统思维”，他还表示，这种分析因他和同事发现的男女分离体验的相似性而大打折扣。30我不知道什么是非系统思维，但如果里韦拉能举出一个例子，那它会比简单化的确定性思维更有价值。我们迫切需要对多重人格障碍进行更深层次的女权主义分析。它不一定要循着多重人格运动走过的路径。我在本章前面的部分讨论过描述多重人格的小说，此处准备以女权主义自由战士多丽丝•莱辛⑴(Doris Lessing)的作品收尾。"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对帕特南的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "目前正在进行的创伤后应激障碍研究最有希望证实这种影响。对此，戴维•施皮格尔从一开始就表示支持，但现在还不清楚这种研究能否引导我们理解多重人格。巧的是，施皮格尔曾致力于重新命名多重人格，或者说他否认次人格具有彻底的完整性。他认为问题在于如何整合一个分崩离析的人格，而这个分崩离析的人格与患者可怕的童年生活有关。这可能是未来主流的理论。尽管20世纪80年代夸张的多重人格似乎需要克鲁夫特或帕特南提出的模型，但在施皮格尔预期的未来中，可能并不需要这类东西。第二类可以支持帕特南或克鲁夫特的证据来自临床经验。临床医生发现相关临床经验绝对令人信服。正如帕特南所言: \"……这种联系对于任何一个治疗过好些病例的临床医生来说都是显而易见的。\"患者自己跑来接受治疗，用符合多重人格起源模型的方式描述自己的分离经历和感受。治疗师很难抗拒这样的证据，但我们也有理由担心上述的治疗、恢复过程会将推测性描述转化为具体的事实。第三类证据来自学者对儿童多重人格的研究。如果多重人格始于童年，那么患者可能在童年时期就会出现次人格。因此，应该尽早治疗多重人格患者，避免他们在成年后出现分离症状。治疗师确实有必要对儿童患者进行紧急治疗，因为他们身上的次人格或人格碎片不会像成年患者那样根深蒂固。"}
{"instruction": "文中关于多重人格的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "患者的缩小版，不能在前者身上施加后者的一贯治疗方式。从创伤和多重人格理论的角度来看，我们至少可以对萨莉的故事作出两种回应。有人说儿童时期的多重人格很容易被治愈。如果这种情况在童年时潜藏，它在患者进入成年后就会引发病变。虽然儿童多重人格和成人多重人格是同一种疾病的说法广为流传，但我 93 们可以从萨莉的案例中得出一个非常不同的推论：儿童的多重人格、精神分离与成人的多重人格、精神分离不是一回事。即便是接受了相同的治疗，我们也不能借由观察儿童多重人格得出以下的结论：儿童多重人格是成人多重人格的缩小版，与成人多重人格是完全一样的。因此，儿童多重人格并不是童年创伤会导致成人出现多重人格的证据。致力于诊断和治疗多重人格的临床医生确实发现，多重人格患者涵盖了儿童、青少年和成人。这不仅具有临床意义，还为目前多重人格的病因理论提供了部分基础。据说，我们在三十九岁的患者身上发现的精神分离现象，在九岁的儿童身上也会出现。因此，有人断言，如果一个三十九岁的女性出现多重人格，那么她的精神可能在三岁或者九岁的时候就进入分离状态了。在这里，我们会不自觉地设置一个虚假的条件，即如果这个九岁的孩子没有接受治疗，即使她长成了一个状态相对稳定的成年人，我们依然认为她之后可能会出现各种多重人格的症状。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对多重人格给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "一个看似单纯的成因理论（作为一个经验事实，它可能是真的，也可能是假的）实则经过构建、调整。当然，多重人格只是这种现象的一个缩影。多重人格的成因理论也有优点，在进行解释和研究时，它非常简单直观。我希望大家明白，与临床实践不同，目前的多重人格理论是迄今为止最简洁的心理学理论。多重人格障碍彰显了一个关乎记忆、描述、过去和灵魂的极为普遍的现象。这些难题是本书最后两章的主题。我认为分离性障碍的病因理论无法不言自明。我们必须看看它是如何变成一种显而易见、势不可挡、无人质疑的理论的。之所以如此，是因为我们把记忆当成了理解灵魂的方式。我以后还会谈到这一点，但首先，我们应该检视让多重人格的知识得以客体化的另一种方式。针对精神分离程度的测量支撑起了多重人格的简化理论，因 06病因为它让这样的观点变成了一项知识：所有人多多少少都会出现精神分离的情况。现在就剩下一样东西了，那就是“精神分离”, 我们都会精神分离。多重人格的成因理论分成两部分。一部分是起因，即虐待儿童。另一部分是有些儿童天生就容易利用精神分离的特殊方式应对创伤。我们知道精神分离的程度是因为人们可以进行测量。我将会在下一章中描述这种知识是如何产生的。测量96 当我们发现一种新的疾病后，随着病因浮出水面，预防、"}
{"instruction": "这一段对问卷的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "情况。这些调查问卷有时也会成为一种常规筛查工具，或者成为医院和门诊实施初步诊断的工具。除了研究，这些问卷会在多大程度上被当作筛查或初步诊断的工具，我们不得而知。与美洲各地举办的小型治疗师研讨会不同，诊所不大鼓励医师们在日常（非研究）中使用问卷。帕特南遗憾地指出，此类研讨会通常不涉及实际的临床工作或定期的培训产这些问卷让治疗师感觉自己正在使用科学工具，这是将多重人格客观化和合理化的一种方式。当人类学家观察过这类问卷的设计或测试实践之后，他们可能会认为它们的主要功能并不是辅助医院住院部门或门诊的工作，而是确立分离性障碍知识的客观性。核对、校准分离调查问卷是通过比照问卷得分与专业人员的诊断结果完成的。有些核对虽然存在偶然性，但十分必要。当被要求在几个月之后再填写一次调查问卷时，之前正常的受试者的答案能否与第一次测试的答案大体保持一致？随着该领域连续性调查问卷的问世，每一份新开发的问卷都会依据之前的问卷和进一步的临床判断进行校准。因此，研究人员建立了一个相互保持一致并且可以自行确认的测试工具体系。例如，比较访问式问卷的结果和自填式问卷的结果，再比较两者的结果与专家的临床判断。针对分离问卷的校准，这里还有一个看似表面但显露端倪的 07测量问题：应该根据哪些共同判断来进行校准？"}
{"instruction": "假设在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "有吸引力了。两人专注于其他问题。他们指出精神分离领域的许多权威人士都认为，实际上每个人的精神都有一些分离。在分离程度有序排列的假设之下，我们还可以建构一个无门槛假设。被精神病学家归类为正常的人在分离体验测试中的得分均不为零分产然而, 这一点并不是对无门槛假设的验证，因为测试结果在很大程度上取决于选择的问题。如果他们使用的二十八项问题都比较恰当的话，所有算是正常的人都会得零分。你多久会出现在照镜子时不认得自己的情况？你多久会出现不认识亲密的家人或朋友的情况，或者不认识最近见过的人及在正常环境中再次遇到的人？如果测试只使用这样的问题，那么结果中肯定有一个非常明显的门槛，一边是正常人，一边是精神出现问题的人。然而，测试的开发者往往使用一些关乎心不在焉、白日梦、自我沉迷和幻想的问题。正如弗兰克尔指出的，问卷中三分之二的项目\"可以轻而易举地归为几类：受试者回想自己的记忆，受试者集中或发散自己的注意力，受试者运用自己的想象力，受试者直接控制或监督控制自身”。22无门槛假设没有得到验证，因为测试中的问题已经排除得分为零的人和得分为正的人之间的区别。23 关乎连续谱假设的第四种理解是，分离程度不仅是无缝衔接的，而且正常人士与多重人格障碍患者之间有一个平顺的过度。我们可以称之为平顺性假设。"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的人们是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "患者几乎都是\"假阳性\"（误判）。我的目的只是向你们展示针对多重人格的测量是如何使之合理化的，是如何使之转化为知识的客体的。由于研究者在心理学中频繁使用统计学工具，相关过程没有预想的那么麻烦。我们一直都掌握着大量高度复杂的统计程序。现在我们又有了许多统计软件，它们的力量令人难以置信。但统计推理先驱的心情很复杂，因为他们一向坚持认为人们在使用统计程序之前必须预先思考。在过去，使用统计程序会耗费无数时间，因此人们必须提前耗费大量精力进行思考，证明合理性。现在人们无须耗费多少时间，只要输入数据并揪下按钮就可以了。这样一来，人们似乎很少再提一些\"愚蠢”的问题了，比如：你在测试什么样的假设? 你说概率分布不是正态的，那又是什么样的呢？你讨论的样本群体是什么？这个基础发病率从何而来？最重要的是，你用谁的判断来校准调查问卷的得分？这种判断是否得到了整个领域资深专家的普遍认可？我们用于评估多重人格的“工具”越来越多，但很少有人提 07测量及它们的一个主要功能。借助这些工具，多重人格领域看起来与实验心理学的其他领域日益趋近，学者对该疾病的研究变成了客观的科学。最近，许多科学社会学家和一些哲学家纷纷对科学知 112 识是一种社会建构的观点表示赞同。他们认为科学不是发现了事"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述马尔赫？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "仪式虐待案例得到证实，这才是真相。治疗医生必须倾听患者的心声，让他们表达自己的恐惧和想法。但是，如果所有医生在没有确凿的独立证据的情况下就相信患者的记忆，这将是一个严重的错误。如果医生鼓动患者相信这种恐怖记忆就是事实，直至它们在司法标准的层面上独立成立，不接受任何合理怀疑，那么他们就是心怀鬼胎的。在这种焦灼问题上骑墙观望的人一定是个懦夫，但由于我的看法不是建立在仔细调查的基础之上，所以仅就个人的理解作一些说明产严格地说，世界范围内的撒旦阴谋传言让人觉得不可思议。也就是说，根据现有证据，这些传言没有任何的可信度。它们像野火一样从一个地方蔓延到另一个地方，听起来都是一样的。我们发现，这种令人恐慌的传言具有强大的传染力。针对这种传言的社会学研究非常有趣，也有着极强的现实意义。然而，我并不认为对猎巫运动展开反击就一定有用。从相关解释来看，阴谋和猎巫是一母同胞。与猎巫运动相比，任何言辞上的辩护和反击都太容易被消解了，因为人们相信罪恶的邪教和邪教仪式就在身边。这种情况一如过去的类似事件，正是民粹主义的写照产马尔赫恩对比了近来人们对撒旦的恐慌与15世纪人们对女巫或恶魔的大规模恐慌产这项重要对比十分有用，因为马尔赫恩以严肃的历史认知作为支撑。那些对过去的巫术狂热一无所知"}
{"instruction": "精神分裂症在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "”算在1957年前后出现的抗精神病类药物对精神分裂症患者的生活产生了巨大的影响。这类药物还处在不断研发之中，人们希望逐渐减少不良影响产对于大多数专业的精神病医生来说，精神药物只是一种治疗手段，并不是终极的治愈方法。他们会尽可能地采用长期疗法，让患者重新融入拥有朋友、家人和工作的世界。诚然，精神病治疗基金的匮乏往往会导致 “仓储”式的治疗环境，患者无法得到家属或者社团组织倡导的帮助。但医学自身需要承担责任，它不能仅仅将一包药片当成最终治疗手段。目前，就精神分裂症具有多少遗传性，学界还没有统一的意见。精神分裂症的发病概率和症状表现存在地区差异。一系列的说法都指出精神分裂症与基因有关。另外，不断有线索表明，精神分裂症存在生物化学层面的具体病因。但对于精神分裂症的潜在病因和本质，我们还知之甚少。在临床描述中，我们最常用的一个词是“异质性”，即精神分裂症是一种“异质性”疾病。这种疾病主要有三种治疗方法。37可能大多数精神病学家都认为精神分裂症只有一个根本病因，伴有多种症状。有些精神病学家则认为精神分裂症有两种基本类型：一种是遗传性的，会在青春期晚期开始发病；另一种则是生物化学性质的产还有一部分人认为，距离弄清这种疾病还相当遥远，我们目前接触的只是几组症"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里哈欠究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "10记忆科学出现之前指痉挛性弯曲。这些症状一直存在，即使在她的体质发生改变之后依然如此。这位患者每天中都有几个小时处在所谓的正常状态中，但她每天处在异常状态的时间几乎与之相同。当她处于某一种状态时，她不记得在另一种状态下发生过什么事情或自己做过什么事情，也不记得自己有什么收获或经历过何种痛苦。她所处的这两种状态之间没有任何联系。当她打了一个哈欠、疮球症发作、眼皮半睁的时候，就是进入了梦游状态。在梦游状态中，她的眼睛虽然是半睁的，但她的视线不会受到影响。通常在她吐出一口痰时，梦游状态就结束了。在打哈欠（开始）与吐痰（结束）之间，她都处在梦游状态，这时的她十分活泼，比自己平时织东西、读书、唱歌、与亲友交谈更快乐，据说她在这种状态下也比平时更精明。她写信的文法架构及书写的笔法技巧都比醒着时或自然状态时更高级。她的这种状态或许可以称为 \"神视力\"。当她醒来以后，她对之前发生的任何事情都没有记忆。她会忘记在此期间见过的人、学过的歌、读过的书，如果她继续阅读，她会从上次自然状态时停下的那一页开始。当然，她在异常状态中也是一样，不记得正常状态中的任何情况。她的异常状态总是突然出现且毫无预兆，但有时会受到某种噪声或房内物品移动的激发，例如扑克牌突然掉落或者椅子位置改变。"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，吕伊为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "你可以用磁铁把A夫人的症状转移到C夫人身上，A夫人的右臂会恢复如初，C夫人的右臂会就此瘫痪。6 吕伊在这些结果的基础上开发出了一种神奇的治疗方法。他173 会将痛症患者的真实症状转移到一个被催眠的人身上，方法是沿着患者发病的肢体拖动一块磁铁，然后沿着被催眠的人对应的肢体拖动这块磁铁。被催眠的人不仅会呈现出与痣症患者相同的症状，还会呈现出相同的人格。接着他会将她们唤醒，此时两个人的症状都会消失，痣症患者会显现原本的人格，身体上也不再有瘫痪或其他难受的症状。7 布吕和比罗在此基础上更进一步。他们将不同的液体放在小烧杯中，将不同的固体用纸包裹起来。这些液体和固体通常都是药品，也包括酒精。他们会将某种药物或其他物质放在患者的脑后。过了一会儿之后，患者的情况就会恶化或好转，就像他们真的服用了脑后的那些物质一样。路易•维韦是最先被用来展示这种疗法效果的患者之一（另一个是沙尔科病房中的女性患者）。吕伊随后把这些治疗技术都结合在了一起，产生了更加不可思议的现象。医学科学院⑴最终也加入了这场实验，却无法再现任何一种现象。针对金属疗法的介绍我就讲这么多，这一背景之所以重要，是因为维韦的许多状态都是由磁铁、金属和金属化合物（如漠化金）引起的，是因为他曾被看作远距离施用金属和药物"}
{"instruction": "围绕冲击，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "由此可见，当事者受到的影响源自关乎冲击的记忆而不是遭遇冲击的身体。因此，痛苦的想法或心理冲击会引发搐症。接下来：身体的损伤需要从生理上进行修复，但我们如何修复受伤的心灵呢？当心理上的冲击导致患者失忆，他们通常不会记得原因。因此，一个痛症患者可能不会记得他受到的心理冲击。我们可以通过催眠对失忆加以研究，催眠术能够恢复患者对过往之事或催眠状态下所做之事的记忆。如果我们继续类推下去，接着就是尝试使用催眠术来恢复患者由于受到心理冲击而丧失的记忆。随着记忆恢复，受试者的瘫痪症状和其他症状都会消失。因此经过一系列的推断，我们从头部意外受伤引起的失忆和其他神经症状，迅速过渡到了雅内的发现：关乎心理创伤的记忆可以用来治疗痛症。这一天马行空的联想的基本要素包括创伤、冲击、失忆、施症、多重人格和催眠。它们为人们理解这个复杂的推断，提供了一个框架。各个观念本身不会自动联系在一起，只有当医学历史和社会历史密切交织时才会如此。讲述这段历史的方式之一要从铁路开始。铁路是19世纪工业化过程中最强大的工具，对一些人来说, 它是进步和美好的象征；但对另一些人来说，它则意味着道德灾难。虽然法国的铁路交通网建设比英国晚一些，但铁路的出现使法国作家频频写出最受瞩目的文学作品。正如吉尔•德勒兹"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，雅内意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "然后，病人的所有症状（包括间歇失明）都消失了。雅内告诉了她一个谎言，并让她相信这个谎言，最终治愈了她。他一次又一次地这样治疗病人— 让患者相信一个谎言。雅内的崇拜者明确声明，雅内深入研究了大多数覆症的创伤性起源。他们对谎言有更委婉的说法，如“以积极的图景代替\": “如果再现创伤和讲述细节是不可能实现的或不能缓解病情的，那么雅内会像米尔顿•埃里克森一样，通过催眠以中性或积极的图景代替创伤性记忆。例如，他让左眼出现痣症失明情况的女性想象她和一个'非常健康、没有生病的孩子‘睡在同一张床上。”犯弗洛伊德与雅内完全相反。他的病人必须面对看到的真相。回过头来看，我们毫不怀疑弗洛伊德经常自欺欺人，因为他对理论过于坚守、执着。半个世纪以来针对弗洛伊德理论的研究表明，他让病人相信自己脑海中事情的做法是错误的，这些事情往往非常离奇，只有最执着的理论家才会在一开始就将它们搬到台面上来。但是没有证据表明弗洛伊德的治疗方法是让病人完全相信他自己都认为是谎言的东西。雅内欺骗了他的病人，而弗洛伊德欺骗了他自己。因此，我们发现了一个奇怪的悖论。雅内并不像埃伦贝格尔断言的那样，是一个富有启蒙精神的人。他是第三共和国的一位可敬人士，遵循英国人所说的维多利亚式美德。我们没有理由认"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画记忆？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "种程度上用神圣的经文来确认文化身份或人种身份的民族。其中包括在新月沃地兴起的宗教的信徒：犹太教、摩尼教、基督教、伊斯兰教。在每一个宗教中，神圣的经文都是群体凝结的记忆, 而每一篇经文又都在后人无尽的诠释中被群体铭记。有经者不断补充记忆的文本。人们可以用这种古老的方式来理解关于集中营的大量记忆：即使这些记忆只关乎个人的苦难，但它们被置于一个储存记忆、保存故事的群体实践中，无休无止。大屠杀的记忆非同寻常，同时指向内部与外部。内部指的是拥有这一苦难记忆的族群；外部指的是非犹太人，尤其是西方人。西方文明（我所在的文明）绝不能忘记自身必须为大屠杀负责。尽管每个人的记忆都有各自的特点，但简单来说，如果我们能从人类学的角度加以思考，并将群体记忆视作巩固群体内同一性和群体间差异性的手段，就不会失去方向。从这个角度来看, 大屠杀的记忆政治是在践行古人的模式。相比之下，个人的记忆政治是一个新鲜事物。我对记忆政治的讨论可能会有失偏颇，因为我正一心探索这个问题：个人的记忆政治是如何形成的。我绝不否认群体记忆和个人记忆存在着关联。两者之间的一个明显关联就是创伤。创伤应激科学告诉我们，集中营的幸存者及其后代与虐童行为的受害者一样，都会留下心理阴影。但这似乎是一种单向的推测。"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把记忆放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "是西欧和美国历史上的重要事件。在不借213 助公众记忆的情况下，每一场运动都可以自发出现，并且在历史中留下永久的印记。我的问题是：为什么记忆问题对于赫尔曼提到的这三个例子来说如此重要？我认为，这三个例子都利用了记忆政治，它深植于一个多世纪前出现的新兴记忆科学。记忆科学之所以意义重大，正是因为从宗教中夺来了灵魂，并将其置于科学的研究范畴之中。因此，道德对抗得从科学、客观和中立的角度进行解释-—至少看上去是这样的。我的论点与赫尔曼所写的内容完全一致，但论证方向与她恰好相反。她认为创伤（尤其是遗忘创伤）研究是在这三次政治运动中产生的。我看到的则是这些运动锁定创伤的方式。创伤是记忆政治的一部分，而记忆政治是因新的记忆科学而名正言顺地出现的。尽管科学和政治彼此影响，但正是深层次知识，即存在关乎记忆与遗忘的特定事实，催生了政治运动。我们可以从很多不同的层面对记忆的政治化展开分析。我并没有说深层次知识就是其中唯一的线索。我说的是深层次知识是其他事件的必要背景。可以预见的是，与理解记忆科学相比，想 15记忆政治要全面理解记忆的政治化，还必须关注更多特定、限定的事件。多方利益施加影响，马虎的观察者只能看到貌似重要的权力中心及颠覆中心。许多女权主义派别在强调乱伦和其他家庭暴力受害"}
{"instruction": "作者借心理学想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "使用的手段。对于上述内容的测量开始出现在心理学实验室中。这些测量有效应用于更大的范围，因为它们自身就决定了在更大的范围需要测量什么、何种结果可以视作知识。丹齐格将德国（乃至世界）实验心理学源起的制度背景推到了前台。心理学模仿了生理学研究身体的模式。从福柯的两极论来看，心理学的研究领域和模型就是身体。如果心理学实验室仍然是旧的生理学实验室的附属品或模仿品，我们可以把它归入解剖一极。但极点的中间关系集群十分明显。不过，我们确实应该承认，许多与心灵有关的研究实际上都是针对身体的。行为主义、神经病学、脑功能定位、神经哲学、改变情绪的药物或精神疾病的生化理论都可以被视为研究身体的科学。它们催生了解剖政治权力，在用电击或化学品控制混乱的头脑时，这种权力表现得最为极端。当然, 我们这样算是理解了灵魂，但我们是通过身体知识、通过生理学和解剖学办到的。与灵魂的三角观测有关的第二个重点，不在于身体的层面, 而在于人口的层面，它是对人的种类的汇集、划分和统计。于是，我们有了种类的观念，即人的不同种类的观念，这与古代的园艺家、播种者和育种者给出的植物的种类是一个道理。6统计学作为一种应用科学，是生命权力的引擎。实验心理学可能是以生理学实验室为模板发展起来的，但那只是一个开始，因为现在它"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价人格？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "哪一个人格才是真正的比彻姆小姐？一旦发现了这个人格，医生就开始加以培育，并驱逐其他的人格（普林斯正是对一个人格采取了这样的做法，这个人格也服从他的命令）。布劳德认为，我们不需要原初的人格— 该人格发生了分离，得重新找回。布劳德关于根本自我（不是真正的自我，而是所有自我的核心）的一个观点源自对次人格的观察。他发现患者的各个次人格有很多重合的基本技能。他们可以走路，可以穿越街道，可以系鞋带。即使是一些非常罕见的次人格--他们必须进行大量的再学习，依然保留了几乎所有的常见技能。这些次人格需要再学习的只是一些炫耀性的技能，如书法、钢琴、希腊语、男性田径运动等，他们想借此展现向往的社会地位。在这些方面，患者的活泼的人格比平时较为压抑的自我做得要好。同时，患者在这种罕见的人格中也能跟人闲谈、在杂货铺里找零钱，或者驾驶汽车。当然，儿童人格可能无法完成一些事情，但该类人格正是患者试图逃避各式各样的成人世界的手段。儿童人格都具备穿过繁忙街道的基本技能，除非患者是在演戏。一定有一种底层原理能够解释次人格之间的技能重合。这种底层原理可以让患者的次人格在共通意识时互动。或许有根本、统一的自我参与其中。布劳德喜欢说每一个多重人格患者体内都有一个以上的自我。到这里为止，布劳德和丹尼特想法相同，但之后他们的观点"}
{"instruction": "这段关于南卡罗来纳州的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "或者至少所谓的人格碎片--这些人格碎片有足够的人格特征，我们可以将分离的行为归因于这一个又一个的碎片。你可以想一下那些有名的法庭案例，这其中不仅包括杀人犯和强奸犯，还有那名来自南卡罗来纳州的女性，她坚称自己没有通奸，最终获得了抚养费，即使她的某一个人格确实通奸了。可以这样说，达芙妮就像那个南卡罗来纳州的女性，埃丝特可能就像这个女人的通奸人格。如果埃丝特有外遇，达芙妮不会知情。在什么情况下能将有意行为更清楚地归因于埃丝特这个次人格呢？我认为只能等待新的描述和新的有意行为（行动者没有描述就没有有意行为）。对于我刚才所说的\"流行”之事，争议最小的就是虐待儿238 童。众所周知，虐待儿童的相关数据一直在不断地增长。所有人都好奇，除了越来越充分的报道之外，现实中的虐童行为是不是也越来越普遍。鉴于我们已经在该领域投入了巨大的努力、金钱、宣传以及善意，结论可能令人震惊。“虐待儿童” 一词涉及的社会活动的范围在过去的三十年中急速扩张。之前人们不太注 17过去的不确定性意的一些行为也被视为虐待。新的虐待行为应运而生。想要实施虐待行为的成年人，由于受到了全面的限制，已经很难实施公认的虐待行为，但他们现在会实施自认为(在自己的描述中)是虐待的行为。然后，他们可能会去实施之前几乎不敢去完成的事"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对埃丝特的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "其他人坚持认为他是，我能理解他们的意思。我和他们划定是否界限的方式不同，我的方式透露出一种不确定性。问题不在于\"想说什么就说什么”，而在于“理解为什么我们被拉往不同方向\"。当涉及追溯性地重新描述过去时，政治修辞的影响比人们的争论和反思更大。在进行追溯性描述时，我不想说服任何人在任何特定的地方划定界限。我想要表达的是，带着未来追溯性描述的过去包含巨大的不确定性。现在，让我们回过头来思考一个与多重人格有关的问题。在本章的前几页，我讲了达芙妮的例子，她的次人格埃丝特有一个男性情人，但埃丝特并不知道已婚的达芙妮的存在。我是在20 世纪80年代多重人格症状术语的背景下描述这个案例的。我们是如何进行追溯性描述的呢？在任何时代，达芙妮都可以与她的情人定期约会，她将这些会面及由此引发的情感与她的日常生活分开。假设她在作为妻子和母亲时不会真正意识到自己偷情的这一面。她不会注意到自己在一个隐蔽的地方藏着香水和内衣。就像老练的小说家常说的，她有两种生活，她把它们完全分开，甚至到了自欺欺人的程度。她在和情人秘密约会时使用埃丝特这个名字。当他们分开时，她变成了令人不快的粗暴男性斯坦。我们应该知道，达芙妮发生婚外情的时间地点是在南北战争之前的美国南方，而不是20世纪80年代的加利福尼亚州。"}
{"instruction": "文中关于幸存者的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "有一点戏弄的意味）。研究创伤的专家对此类事件非常痴迷，他 17过去的不确定性们会研究受害者在不同的时间段对创伤的记忆（及应激症状）。莉诺•泰若（Lenore Terr）是该领域的先驱，她曾研究过乔奇拉绑架事件，她认为她眼中单一事件创伤的受害者对发生的一切都有着清晰的记忆产这对于大部分自然灾害的幸存者和遭到掩埋的幸存者都适用。然而，我要指出对这种情况的记忆与被恢复的记忆之间的另一个差别。客观创伤的本质不在于人类的行为。客观创伤事件并不是被置于某种意图或描述下的行为。因此，我认为我们在将客观条件导致的创伤的结果投射到人类行为导致的创伤时，一定要谨慎。这并不是因为两者涉及不同类型的记忆，而是因为两者记忆的事件存在逻辑上的差异。我们会描述地震的情况，但将地震置于某种描述之下是没有意义的。它只是一场地震，仅此而已。当然，泰若所说的差异（单一事件与反复创伤）与我所说的差异（客观事件与人类的有意行为）并不像看上去的那样不同。描述人类行为的方式之一，就是将其置于更大的场景之下。一个人的手上下按动水泵。我们将场景放大，就会看到他正在抽水。我们再将场景放大，就会看到他正在毒害别墅里的人。正如安斯科姆所说，行为的意向性不是附加在行为之上的个人心理活动，而是相关情境之中的活动。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对记忆给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "些人来说可能很有号召力。从我写本书的方式和我在本章阐述的内容明显可以看出，我认为真相和事实的概念是基本原则，但只是相对没有争议。我关于人类过去行为的某些不确定性的矛盾说法是严肃认真的，因为它们突破了真假对立。一些理论学家在写作时似乎假定一切都是不确定的，只是文本和描述而已，这种理论成功地动摇了我们对过去的先入之见。他们所举的例子通常能告诉我们很多东西，但他们的一般性理论却总是让人费解。在这里，我想引用一句古老的谚语：如果所有的肉体都贱如蟒蚁，国王和红衣主教也一文不值--但其他人也是如此，而我们对国王和红衣主教的了解还不多。我们最好把过去的不确定性和记忆的两个常见问题放在一起讨论。我已经提到记忆并不是像摄像一样记录过去。记忆并不需要图像，而且仅有图像远远不够；此外，我们的记忆会消退，会被修补、合并和删除。这种观点引出了记忆的第二个问题：与记忆最类似的事情是讲故事。我们可以用叙事来隐喻记忆。在这一方面，小说家做得可能比所有的理论家更好。在《好人恐怖分子》中（我在第五个章节末尾引用了该书），多丽丝•莱辛笔下的一个主要人物爱丽丝\"一直在努力使她的记忆保持稳定”，但当她的意识开始迷惑时，她疯狂地想象掌握一切，然后她常常会让自己— 就像现在这样— 穿梭回她的"}
{"instruction": "这一段对南瓜的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "对于很多患者来说，来自环境的暗示比来自治疗师的暗示更多。最难理解或最难处理的暗示就是源自患者自身的暗示，我将其称为语义扩散。当你回忆起一个场景，你就会开始勾画它，你会用一个通用的但具有追溯性描述的“调色板\"勾画它。这种重新描述往往伴有最初的记忆暗示，例如，遭到虐待。多重人格就是一个特别有趣的例子，因为它将场景与叙事联系在一起。严重抑郁、没有稳定友谊和性生活的人可能会依靠自助或自疗，并在恢复和处理记忆后找到慰藉。但这其中并不涉及具体的病因。弗洛伊德初次涉足精神领域是为了寻找施症、神经衰弱、焦虑症等精神障碍的病因。多重人格理论的现状类似于弗洛伊德早期的情况。所有的故事都需要一个起因。我们早已厌倦了编年史的讲述方式：这件事发生了，然后那件事又发生了。圣经开篇的“系谱”可能是一个伟大的史诗，但作为叙事，它无聊至极。童话故事有童话故事的起因，灰姑娘的马车变回南瓜并非偶然。在现实生活中，事物的因果链越紧密（病因越具体），叙事就越好。多重人格为恢复的记忆提供了最佳的叙事框架。在本书的前几章，我展示了现代多重人格运动是如何在人们不断意识到虐待儿童的大环境中蓬勃发展的。我甚至毫不客气地把它比作寄居在虐待儿童这个宿主身上的寄生虫。但生态学家告诉我们，寄生虫与宿主的关系始终是双向的。"}
{"instruction": "记忆在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "识。但虚假意识远不止于此。在一种纯粹的虚假记忆（与上述的相悖记忆看似相同）中，叔叔可能是虚晃一枪，父亲才是真正的加害者。因此，在这个虚假记忆中，相关内容并非与所有现实相悖，但过去已经大大改变。另一种可能性是，在当事人六岁时，叔叔没有强奸她，但不恰当地抚摸了她。关注虚假记忆综合征的人士对这种纯粹的虚假记忆几乎不感兴趣。但这些似是而非的记忆肯定会助长我所谓的虚假意识。例如，如果受害者想要维护父亲和自己的形象，她可能会记得自己受到的虐待都是来自叔叔，那个和蔼可亲又温柔的人。1 与记忆有关的另一个缺陷可以被称为“错误的遗忘”。这是患者对过去一些重要之事的抑制，这些重要之事对个人的特质或本质来说不可或缺。我在这里说的是抑制，不是压抑。压抑假定一些事件会消失于有意识的记忆，一些驱动力或癖好会消失于有意识的欲望。这一假定的一环是，压抑不是任何道德行动者故意、有意的行为。一个纯化主义者⑴特别是一个精神分析领域的纯化主义者可能会说，一个没有处理过去、释放被压抑的记忆的人忍受着虚假意识的困扰。也许一个有五年空闲时间和大量金钱的人会因为恐惧而拒绝接受分析，他受到了虚假意识的折磨。但如果压抑记忆能让普通人保持稳定，能让他们维系家庭，提供家庭所需的关爱、关怀及物质，从任何方面来看，他们都不会被"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的荆棘是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 重写灵魂 多重人格与记忆科学", "output": "即使在今天，像伯妮丝一样的人的情况也不会太好。但在今天，凭着所能获得的意识及大量女性的支持，她至少可以找到一个值得相信的自我。然而，我们也要对伪善的言论有所警觉。90年代的伯妮丝全面了解那些杂乱的事情之后，就能比历史中的伯妮丝更快乐，过上更好的生活吗？应该没有人抱有十足的信心。一个更真实的意识可能是一片荆棘，与之相比，真实的伯妮丝的虚假意识是一个荆棘玫瑰园。自知本身就是一种美德。我们尊重人们通过不带感情的自我理解来实现自己的本性。尽管我们有种种缺点，但成长为一个成熟到可以面对过去和现在的人是件好事— 这样的人知道本性（无论是优点还是缺点）是如何由人生中发展起来的相互交织的偏好和禀赋构成的。这种成长和成熟的概念是亚里士多德式的而不是康德式的。这类古老的价值观是没人能完全实现的理想，但它们都是朴素的，不寻求超越生命的意义，而是在生活中寻找闪光点。它们尊重生命及其潜力。这类价值观意味着虚假意识本身就是不好的。虚假意识可能会成为人们担忧多重人格及其治疗方法的核心问题。我在本书开始的部分问道：这种障碍是否真的存在？我说的这个问题常常代替另一类问题，即关乎后果的问题。临床医生需要知道帮助患者的最佳方式是什么。现在最迫切的问题是最有用的治疗方法是什么。"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise software?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "Praise for Just Enough Software Architecture: A Risk-Driven Approach If you’re going to read only one book on software architecture, start with this one. Just Enough Software Architecture covers the essential concepts of software architecture that everyone — programmers, developers, testers, architects, and managers — needs to know, and it provides pragmatic advice that can be put into practice within hours of reading. —Michael Keeling, professional software engineer This book reflects the author’s rare mix of deep knowledge of software architecture concepts and extensive industry experience as a developer. If you’re an architect, you will want the developers in your organization to read this book. If you’re a developer, do read it. The book is about architecture in real (not ideal) software projects. It describes a context that you’ll recognize and then it shows you how to improve your design practice in that context. —Paulo Merson, practicing software architect and"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe software?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "This book shows how software architecture helps you build software instead of distracting from the job; the book lets you identify and address only those critical architectural concerns that would otherwise prevent you from writing code. —Dr. Kevin Bierhoff, professional software engineer System and software developers questioning why and where about software architecture will appreciate the clear arguments and enlightening analogies this book presents; developers struggling with when and how to do architecture will discover just-enough guidance, along with concepts and ideas that clarify, empower, and liberate. All in all, this book is easy to read, concise, yet rich with references — a well-architected and finely-designed book! —Dr. Shang-Wen Cheng, flight software engineer Just Enough Software Architecture A Risk-Driven Approach George Fairbanks Many designations used by sellers and manufacturers to distinguish their products are claimed as trademarks."}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term software?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "What do you write down about your architectural commitments so that others know what they are? How can you help ensure that architectural commitments are respected by downstream implementers? This book answers all of these questions, and many more — making it a uniquely practical and approachable contribution to the field of software architecture. For anyone who must create innovative software systems, for anyone who is faced with tough decisions about design tradeoffs, for anyone who must find an appropriate balance between agility and discipline — in short, for almost any software engineer — this is essential reading. David Garlan Professor, School of Computer Science Director of Professional Software Engineering Programs Carnegie Mellon University May 2010 Preface This is the book I wish I’d had when I started developing software. At the time, there were books on languages and books on object-oriented programming, but few books on design."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about software?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "This model will help you make sense of the chaos of large systems without drawing a lot of diagrams and documentation. It may give you your first taste of ideas such as quality attributes and architectural styles. You will learn how to take your understanding of small programs and ramp it up to full industrial scale and quality. It can accelerate your progress toward becoming an effective, experienced developer. Experienced developers. If you are good at developing systems then you will invariably be asked to mentor others. However, you may find that you have a somewhat idiosyncratic perspective on architecture, perhaps using unique diagram notations or terminology. This book will help you improve your ability to mentor others, understand why you are able to succeed where others struggle, and teach you about standard models, notations, and names. Software architects. The role of software architect can be a difficult one when others in your organization do not understand what you do and why you do it."}
{"instruction": "Why does rackspace matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "file. Engineers could control the search results by adjusting the grep query. This version initially worked well, but over time the number of searches increased and the overhead of running those searches on the email servers became noticeable. Also, it required an engineer, rather than a support tech, to perform the search. Version 2: Central database. The second version addressed the drawbacks of the first one by moving the log data off of the email servers and by making it searchable by support techs. Every few minutes, each email server would send its recent log data to a central machine where it was loaded into a relational database. Support techs had access to the database data via a web-based interface. Rackspace was now handling hundreds of email servers, so the volume of log data had increased correspondingly. Rackspace’s challenge became how to get the log data into the database as quickly and efficiently as possible. The company settled on bulk"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame abstractions here?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "ments of a program will execute at runtime. GOTO statements complicate the reasoning about runtime execution, so it is best to avoid GOTO statements and embrace structured programming. Looking back at this debate today, it is hard to imagine disagreeing strongly, but at the time the resistance was substantial. Developers were accustomed to working within the old set of abstractions. They focused on the constraints of the new abstractions rather than the benefits and objected based on corner cases that were hard to express using structured programming. Each similar increase in abstraction is opposed by some who are familiar with the old abstractions. During my programming career, I have seen developers resist abstract data types and object-oriented programming, only to later embrace them. 1.5. ARCHITECTS ARCHITECTING ARCHITECTURES New architecture abstractions rarely replace old abstractions, but instead coexist with them. Using abstractions such as components and connectors does not mean"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about software?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "book will teach you techniques for ensuring that it is effective. A great number of architectural abstractions and modeling techniques have been built up over the years. This book consolidates software architecture techniques found in a variety of other sources, integrating techniques emphasizing quality attributes as well as techniques emphasizing functionality. It also discusses pragmatic ways to build effective models and debug them. The second part of the book concludes with advice on how to use the models effectively. Any book that covered the advantages but not the pitfalls of a technology should not be trusted, so it also covers problems that you are likely to encounter. By the end of the second part, you should have built up a rich conceptual model of abstractions and relationships that will help you see software systems the way a coach sees a game. Part I Risk-Driven Software Architecture Chapter 2 Software Architecture Before understanding how you can use risk to decide how much software architecture"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about garlan?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "architecture but disagree about the fine details, such as where architecture stops and detailed design begins. Perhaps the best description of how architecture differs from detailed design comes from two leaders in the field, Mary Shaw and David Garlan (Shaw and Garlan, 1996): As the size and complexity of software systems increase, the design and specification of overall system structure become more significant issues than the choice of algorithms and data structures of computation. Structural issues include the organization of a system as a composition of components; global control structures; the protocols for communication, synchronization, and data access; the assignment of functionality to design elements; the composition of design elements; physical distribution; scaling and performance; dimensions of evolution; and selection among design alternatives. This is the software architecture level of design. Definition. A great variety of definitions of software architecture have been proposed"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about architecture?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "Quality attributes are externally visible properties, such as security, usability, latency, or modifiability. Metaphorically speaking, different skeletons are better or worse at handling different burdens, so choosing the right architecture can make achieving desired qualities easier. • Architecture is (mostly) orthogonal to functionality. It is possible to build the same system as a 3-tier architecture or as a peer-to-peer system. When 2.2. WHY IS SOFTWARE ARCHITECTURE IMPORTANT? the architecture is poorly matched to the functionality, however, developers will struggle against it. • Architecture constrains systems. Architecture is the art of imposing just enough constraints so that the system has the quality attributes you want. For example, a design that ensures scalability may require some components to be stateless in order to achieve that scalability. The following sections look at each of these ideas in turn. Architecture as skeleton."}
{"instruction": "How is architecture presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "Here is an analogy: what your factory produces and where it is located are two distinct dimensions, and you can choose them independently. Putting a ship factory in the desert1 is possible, but harder than putting it on the coast. With enough effort you probably could build any system using any architecture, but developers will struggle when the architecture is unsuitable. Architecture constrains programs. All systems are constrained. Some must interoperate with older systems, some must use subcomponents from preferred vendors, and others must stay within memory or time budgets. Constraints like these are often thought of as an obstacle that makes the developer’s job more difficult, but there is another way of thinking about constraints. When designing a system, your choices constrain it to be one way and not another. Sometimes these choices are arbitrary. But some choices constrain the system with the intention of guiding it to a destination of your choosing."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about presumptive?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "part of a system has an impact proportional to that part’s contribution. Similarly, the benefit to getting the architecture right is proportional to its contribution to overall system risk. 2.4 Presumptive architectures People used to say that nobody ever got fired for buying IBM. IBM mainframe systems dominated the market and the assumption was that choosing an IBM system was reasonable. Today, many domains have a software architecture that dominates the same way that IBM mainframes once did. These are presumptive architectures. A presumptive architecture is a family of architectures that is dominant in a particular domain. Rather than justifying their choice to use it, developers in that domain may have to justify a choice that differs from the presumptive architecture. Incurious developers may not even seriously consider other architectures or may have the misapprehension that all software should conform to the presumptive architecture."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on architecture?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "safety into its architecture, because every car is required to have airbags that deploy automatically. The following sections discuss each approach in more detail. 2.6 Architecture-indifferent design In architecture-indifferent design, developers are oblivious to their system’s architecture and do not consciously choose an architecture to help them reduce risks, achieve features, or ensure qualities. The developers may simply ignore their architecture, copy the architecture from their previous project, use the presumptive architecture in their domain, or follow a corporate standard. Notice that in discussing a developer’s approach to architecture we are discussing a person, not a discernable characteristic of their software. Every system has an architecture, whether it is deliberately chosen or not. Following an architectureindifferent approach will yield an architecture, just not one that has been chosen deliberately, and not one that the developers are consciously aware of."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat architecture-focused as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "that would otherwise require architectural attention from developers. These same factors also contribute to the ability of developers to evolve a system without anticipating their architectural needs. 2.7 Architecture-focused design When developers follow the architecture-focused design approach, they are aware of their system’s software architecture and they have chosen it deliberately so that their system can achieve its goals. At a minimum, that means that the architecture is suitable and does not impede the goals. All software architecture books (including this one) assume that you should be following this approach. Most problems have interesting challenges that you must overcome when designing a solution. Some of the challenges will be functional, such as how to compute bond interest, and others will relate to quality attributes, such as how to scale to thousands of users. Architecture-focused design recognizes that the architecture you"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of architecture?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "You design an architecture that is suitable to achieve your goals, which include functionality and quality attributes. Architecture hoisting A kind of architecture-focused design in which developers design the architecture with the intent of guaranteeing a goal or property of the system. Once a goal or property has been hoisted into the architecture, developers should not need to write any additional code to achieve it. Figure 2.1: A summary of the three approaches to software architecture. chitecture choices. The idea is that once a goal or property has been hoisted into the architecture, developers should not need to write any additional code to achieve it. For developers, the shift from architecture-indifferent design to architecturefocused design was obvious — it was evident in that they consciously choose an architecture that was compatible with their needs. The shift to architecture hoisting can be more subtle. They will notice the difference in that instead of simply choosing"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect enterprise to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "Enterprise architects do not control the functionality of any one application. Instead, they design an ecosystem inside which individual applications contribute to the overall enterprise. How well the enterprise architects cultivate the ecosystem will help or hinder the enterprise in achieving its goals, usually things like integrating applications, enabling variability across regions or markets, and standardizing deployment environments. Enterprise architects are like movie producers in that they influence the outcome only indirectly. Since they cannot directly influence qualities in the software, i.e., they cannot write code or design individual applications, enterprise architects exert influence by applying architecture-focused design or architecture hoisting. Enterprise architects constrain the application architects by choosing architectures and constraints with the intent of achieving their desired qualities and goals. 2.10. CONCLUSION"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on architecture?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "CHAPTER 2. SOFTWARE ARCHITECTURE tem. If your architecture is unsuitable, you will struggle to meet your requirements, and may have to make compromises. Software architecture imposes constraints on the system you build, so by choosing an architecture you are limiting your options. Your instinct might be to minimize constraints, but they are essential and beneficial, enabling you to embody your judgments, promote conceptual integrity, reduce complexity, and understand the runtime behavior of your system. Architecture is just one of the many tasks competing for your scarce attention, so it is helpful to know how much attention it deserves. When your systems are small or low-risk, architecture is less important because the chance or impact of failure is low. Conversely, making good architecture choices is important when your solution space is small, the risk of failure is high, the desired quality attributes are difficult to achieve, you are working in a new domain, or you are building a product-line"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with risk-driven?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "This chapter introduces the risk-driven model of architectural design. Its essential idea is that the effort you spend on designing your software architecture should be commensurate with the risks faced by your project. When my father installed a new mailbox, he did not apply every mechanical engineering analysis and design technique he knew. Instead, he dug a hole, put in a post, and filled the hole with concrete. The risk-driven model can help you decide when to apply architecture techniques and when you can skip them. Where a software development process orchestrates every activity from requirements to deployment, the risk-driven model guides only architectural design, and can therefore be used inside any software development process. The risk-driven model is a reaction to a world where developers are under pressure to build high quality software quickly and at reasonable cost, yet those developers have more architecture techniques than they can afford to apply."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise systems?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "Technology (IT) Unsure we’re solving the real problem May choose wrong COTS software Integration with existing, poorly understood software Domain knowledge scattered across people Modifiability Systems Performance, reliability, size, security Concurrency Composition Web Security Application scalability Developer productivity / expressability Figure 3.2: While each project can have a unique set of risks, it is possible to generalize by domain. Prototypical risks are ones that are common in a domain and are a reason that software development practices vary by domain. For example, developers on Systems projects tend to use the highest performance languages. Identifying risks. Experienced developers have an easy time identifying risks, but what can be done if the developer is less experienced or working in an unfamiliar domain? The easiest place to start is with the requirements, in whatever form they take, and looking for things that seem difficult to achieve."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe design?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "architecture to a service-oriented architecture (Hoff, 2008a) is difficult to imagine resulting from small refactoring steps at the level of individual classes and methods. In addition, legacy code usually lacks sufficient test cases to confidently engage in refactoring, yet most systems have some legacy code. Though some projects use evolutionary design recklessly, its advocates say that evolutionary design must be paired with supporting practices like refactoring, testdriven design, and continuous integration. Planned design. At the opposite end of the spectrum from evolutionary design is planned design. The general idea behind planned design is that plans are worked out in great detail before construction begins. Analogies with bridge design and construction are often brought up, since bridge construction rarely begins before its design is complete. Few people advocate2 doing planned design for an entire software system, an approach sometimes called Big Design Up Front (BDUF)."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about software?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "Applying it to minimal planned design is a combination of the others. 3.8 Software development process Few developers build systems using only a design style, say evolutionary design, and a compiler. Instead, their activities are structured using a software development process that has been designed to increase their chances of successfully delivering a good system. A good software development process does more than just minimize engineering risks, since it must also factor in other business needs and risks, such as time-to-market pressures. When you broaden your attention from pure engineering risks to the overall project risks, you find many more risks to worry about. Will the customer accept your system? Will the market have changed by the time you deliver? Will you deliver on time? Did your requirements reflect the customer’s desires? Do you have the right people, are they doing the right jobs, and are they communicating effectively?"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about whenever?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "IT-specific processes often face risks associated with unknown and complex domains, so their processes may bake-in constructing domain models. Whenever I leave the house, I pat my pockets to ensure that I have my wallet and keys because it is enough of a risk to bake-in to my habits. Baking risk mitigation techniques into the software development process can be a blessing. It is a blessing when the process bakes-in risks that you would prioritize anyway, so it saves you the time of every day deciding that, for example, you should stick to two-week iterations rather than slipping the schedule. It is an efficient means of conveying expertise from experienced software developers, because they can point to successful results of following a process, rather than explaining their philosophy on software development that was baked-in. In an agile method such as XP, a team following the process can succeed even if they do not understand why XP chose its"}
{"instruction": "Why does architecture matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "He did not perform complex calculations — he just stuck the post in the hole then filled it with concrete. Low-risk projects can succeed without any planned architecture work, while many high-risk ones would fail without it. The risk-driven model walks a middle path that avoids the extremes of complete architecture documentation packages and architecture avoidance. It follows the principle that your architecture efforts should be commensurate with the risk of failure. Avoiding failure is central to all engineering and you can use architecture techniques to mitigate the risks. The key element of the risk-driven model is the promotion of risk to prominence. Each project will have a different set of risks, so it likely needs a different set of techniques. To avoid wasting your time and money, you should choose techniques that best reduce your prioritized list of risks. The question of how much software architecture work you should do has been a"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame requirements here?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "metadata. We worry that the internal metadata representation will be incompatible with ones found on the internet, meaning that third parties would fail to build extensions. Since the focus of this chapter is on showing an example of a risk-driven approach, it does not cover many aspects of software development. This chapter treats the requirements as perfectly understood, so it does not cover how we learn about the requirements or how they are expressed. It does not distinguish different roles inside the development team. It is process agnostic. And it assumes that the team and the project sponsors are in perfect agreement about the quality attribute priorities. These and other ideas are omitted not because they are unimportant, but so that we can focus on the design. This chapter applies architectural concepts and uses architecture models that are described in the second part of this book, but this should not present much difficulty 4.1."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about models?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "risky and more efficient for our team to put together some documentation about the system. As we created the documentation, we were aware of providing coverage of the three primary models — the domain, the design, and the code models — and also the three primary architectural viewtypes — the module, runtime, and allocation views. We started with the easiest documentation to produce and gradually added in more expensive parts. After each one, we asked ourselves if the risk had substantially re- 4.2. INTEGRATION OF COTS COMPONENTS duced and we calibrated that evaluation based on our coverage of the viewtypes and models. When possible, we built representative and textual models rather than fully general and graphical ones. We decided to create a graphical model of our modules and component assembly since they were relatively easy to produce and conveyed more information than our textual models. We stopped when we had covered the primary models and viewtypes, trusting that the new developers would be able to use"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about component?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "ponent into a component assembly. We validated the design using a functionality scenario followed by a prototype. For the on-screen display, we returned to research and revised our component assembly with a plausible design, which we subsequently validated with a functionality scenario and prototyping. For the latency risk, however, we omitted all models and went directly to prototyping since that technique seemed most effective and efficient at reducing the risk. In this chapter, the models were written out rather formally using neat diagrams. If this were an actual project, we could have simply sketched these on paper, or on a whiteboard. Often scenarios are not even written down, but instead discussed aloud while pointing at a sketched component assembly. It is likely that skilled developers could have done all of this work without drawing any models. They appear to jump directly from problem to solution. This raises the question of how the developers decide what source code to write."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect architecture to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "tempting both approaches and collecting data over time. Instead of applying architecture techniques until we ran out of them, until the documentation binder was complete, or until the project was canceled, we regularly re-evaluated the remaining risks and stopped when they had subsided. We had more modeling abilities up our sleeve but stopped short of building the most complete models possible. Notice that the amount of architecture work was not dependent on the guidance of a corporate design template or based on a percentage of the total project time. Instead, the stopping criteria was: is the risk substantially eliminated? Besides the primary goal of demonstrating a risk-driven approach to architecture, the example has other benefits. Through the first section you saw how to generally 4.4. CONCLUSION document an architecture, including what others are likely to want to know. Architecture models, and the abstractions like components and connectors that underlie"}
{"instruction": "How is device presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "This is more efficient than prior approaches because you do not apply techniques that address non-risks for your project. You can do just enough architecture. One benefit of this approach is that it explains why rational expert developers do different things in different situations. Agile software development, for example, has its origins on IT projects that often fail by moving too slowly to market or building systems customers did not want. The techniques employed in agile development are matched to these risks. Device driver developers write in C because they value performance and have relatively simple domains, while IT developers write in Java or C# because their domains are tricky and performance is comparatively less important than modifiability. The risk-driven model of software architecture is process agnostic and therefore compatible with both BDUF and agile. Large, complex projects with many stakeholders will need to do more up-front architecture work, both for the team to agree on the"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about architecture?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "Many organizational structures work fine when the developers understand software architecture. Imagine that you are the architect, or chief architect, responsible for a system. Would you prefer to be the only person on that team who appreciates the importance of the system’s architecture? Each day would be a struggle to obtain information about the system so that you could build appropriate models, coupled with hassles in communicating your ideas to developers who would not understand what you are saying and could even resent your presence. Or would you instead prefer every developer to understand the architecture as well as you do? Consider what happens when all developers have architecture skills. Your communication with developers is more efficient. They can answer your questions and relate them to the architecture models. They can take direction in the form of goals and, since they understand the desired quality attributes and tradeoffs, be trusted to make"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on imagine?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "So, what does a rational architecture choice looks like? Decisions about how your system is designed should follow this pattern: <x> is a priority, so we chose design <y>, and accepted downside <z>. An example is: Since avoiding vendor lock-in is a high priority, you choose to use a standard industry framework with multiple vendor implementations, even though using vendor-specific extensions would give you greater performance. 5.5. AVOID BIG DESIGN UP FRONT Spelled out clearly like this, it seems hard to imagine anyone making an irrational decision. Yet developers are human beings, not machines, and will behave imperfectly. Systems are large and complicated, and inconsistent choices may not be immediately apparent. In practice, quality attribute priorities are fuzzy and design rationales are rarely declared explicitly, which obscures irrational choices. Here is an example of how good intentions can go awry. Imagine that a developer understands that this system’s requirements prioritize maintainability over perfor-"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat modeling as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "Your judgment at the moment can be faulty, since you can work on intricate designs, convinced that they are relevant and your effort is well-placed, but when you look back you realize that it would have been more efficient to interleave prototyping with design. BDUF has a few variants, including Design Until Perfect. Although the original description of the waterfall process allowed backtracking to previous stages, in practice teams often resist backtracking and try to perfect the current stage before proceeding. Organizational processes may require sign-offs after each waterfall stage, which further discourages re-work. Another variant is Modeling For Modeling’s Sake, where a team creates lots of models, in great detail, because they know how to build the models, not because the models are helping. It may feel like progress since they see improvements in the models, but what they need is improvements in the system. Despite the dangers of BDUF, it is sometimes the best option, especially on larger"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of features and?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "designs until you investigate their details. Perhaps the specifics of external API’s will invalidate your assumptions, or perhaps a prototype will reveal that the performance model needs more attention. Evaluating alternative architectures requires more crystal ball gazing than you should be comfortable with. You must make decisions based on sketchy data and incomplete models. Undoubtedly you knew this lesson already, but you should not think that choosing between design alternatives will be easy after you learn notations and techniques for architecture modeling. Reusing models. Software developers have been reusing code since the invention of the subroutine in the 1950s. Perhaps the pinnacle of code reuse today is the objectoriented framework, but there is the perpetual hope that developers can reuse ideas 5.8. FEATURES AND RISK: A STORY beyond code, such as designs and other models. This is practical today only in small doses, such as named design patterns and architectural styles."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect conclusion many to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "related to quality attributes like debug-ability, usability (latency), and modifiability. Second, I generated design options and evaluated them with respect to the failures. For the usability failure, it was even possible to start understanding the solution space and its general tradeoffs. Finally, I looked at the overall architectural style (clientserver) and considered if it was matched to the problem at hand. The order of these activities is less important than the thinking that accompanies them. Notice the attention paid to risks, quality attributes, failures, design options, and architectural styles, and compare that with a purely feature-focused approach. Conclusion. Many people will advise you to focus entirely on features. They base their advice on having seen too many projects waste time on features and infrastructure that, in the end, were unnecessary. But if Aristotle were still alive, he would remind us that virtues are not absolute, and instead exist between excess and defi-"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on details?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "solving it using the model, then mapping back into the real world. An abstract model provides insight into the essential problem, allowing your human problem solving abilities to work better. Additionally, a model may provide particular leverage on solving the problem, just as you saw algebra providing leverage to solve the train problem. 6.8. FURTHER READING A model helps you to organize the facts and details about your system. You saw an example of a website built from two different technologies with a variety of differing details. A simple model enabled you to organize those details and see that a single detail, the hierarchical vs. flat data storage, accounted for the performance difference between the two technologies. An essential ingredient in modeling is choosing which details it will include and exclude. A model with too many details can obscure the essential problem and inhibit your reasoning. Be aware, however, that you may have to accept the imperfect"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with model?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "decides what the organization does and the processes it follows. Some of the processes are partly or fully automated with software. The goals and decisions of an organization can be influenced by the software that you build and buy. So why include domain models but not business models in this book? This book includes domain modeling because misunderstanding the domain is a common cause of failure in IT projects. Misunderstanding business processes can also cause failures, but those are rarely engineering failures. CHAPTER 7. CONCEPTUAL MODEL OF SOFTWARE ARCHITECTURE Business Model Domain Model Design Model Code Model Boundary Model Internals Model Bosch System context Component design Code Cheesman & Daniels Business concept Type specs Component architecture Code D’Souza (MAp) Business architecture Domain Blackbox Whitebox Code Software Engineering Institute (SEI) Requirements Architecture Code Jackson Domain Domain + machine Machine"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise scenarios?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "puter records. Their Network of Contacts is real and could be either a stack of business cards or just memories. This is the essential difference between domain models and design models: elements in the domain model represent the real things and happen- CHAPTER 8. THE DOMAIN MODEL ings, while elements in the design model represent computer records or computer hardware. A scenario describes a single possible path rather than generalizing many paths. In practice, writing just a couple scenarios can be effective in describing a domain, but sometimes you will want a general model. UML activity diagrams and UML state diagrams can be used to describe generalized behaviors, but they require more effort to build than scenarios. Scenarios, like snapshots, are easy to make because they deal with concrete instances rather than general types. This is doubly good news because you will have better luck engaging subject matter experts with scenarios than you will with gener-"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe quality?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "durability and the noise they made. Software systems have the same distinction between their functionality and other qualities. Some systems are faster, others are more modifiable, and others are highly secure. Before proceeding to the next section, which provides an example of the Yinzer system, let’s pause to consider those other qualities, called quality attributes, sometimes called just QA’s, which describe observable properties of a system. Software architecture experts tend to focus more on quality attributes than functionality. This is not because functionality is unimportant, but because many designs could achieve the same functionality with differing qualities. Quality attributes are mostly orthogonal1 to functionality but there is some interaction between the two. Quality attributes tend to be emergent in that there is no one place in the code with the responsibility for security, modifiability, latency, or deployability (for example)."}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term high medium?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "You may omit some sections, but you should strive to write falsifiable scenarios. QA scenarios3 work great for obviously measurable qualities like latency, and less well for qualities like maintainability and usability. For example, you could write a quality attribute scenario saying that a developer must be able to switch the database vendor within one week. This would presumably inspire decisions like using vanilla SQL rather than vendor extensions, but it is hard to know how long a hypothetical modification will take. This modifiability scenario is easy to describe, but others can be much more difficult. You can investigate the suitability of your architecture by introducing prioritization to your quality attribute scenarios. To do so, you require that each quality attribute scenario is rated both by stakeholders and by developers. Both rate the quality attribute scenario on a { High, Medium, Low } scale, with stakeholders rating its im-"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about design model?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "Because the design model is related to the domain model by designation, selected facts about the domain are designated to be also true in the design. Both the boundary and internals models are described using the same elements, such as scenarios, components, connectors, ports, responsibilities, modules, classes, interfaces, environmental elements, and tradeoffs. Some of these are elaborated in the internals model, such as the component assembly and functionality scenarios. CHAPTER 9. THE DESIGN MODEL A viewtype is a set, or category, of views that can be easily reconciled with each other. The three standard viewtypes, or categories of views, are the module viewtype, the runtime viewtype, and the allocation viewtype. The module view contains tangible artifacts and definitions that developers can manipulate, such as classes, interfaces, and component types. The runtime viewtype contains instances like objects, component instances, and connector instances."}
{"instruction": "Why does vocabulary matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "ulary, abstraction, design commitments, and presence of general/enumerated (i.e., intensional/extensional) statements. Let’s take a look at each of those differences. Vocabulary. A simple comparison of the lists of elements in architecture models and source code reveals that they use different vocabulary to talk about the same things. For example, architecture models contain modules while source code contains packages, which is a nomenclature difference, but in essence the same thing. Other vocabulary differences exist because architecture models and code express distinct ideas. Consider a thought experiment where you express your architecture model in UML and you also automatically generate a UML model of your source code. When you compare these two UML models, you will find differences. For example, your source code model does not express the component types or instances found in your architecture model. While method call connectors and event bus connectors"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame models here?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "The model-code gap contains some accidental complexity that can be helped by aligning architectural elements with programming language elements and representing architectural concepts in the code. Section 10.3 will discuss how to do this using an architecturally-evident coding style. But even after removing the accidental complexity of misalignment, you will need to periodically synchronize your models with your code, as discussed in the next section. 10.2 Managing consistency Whether you start with source code and build a model, or do the reverse, you must manage two representations of your solution. Initially, the code and models might correspond perfectly, but over time they tend to diverge. Code evolves as features are added and bugs are fixed. Models evolve in response to challenges or planning needs. Divergence happens when the evolution of one or the other yields inconsistencies. Some inconsistencies between code and models are tolerable, but it depends on"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about developers?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "Doing so would deviate from standard object-oriented practice, however, which is to mirror the types from the program’s domain in the source code classes. A program that manipulates addresses and accounts would be expected to have corresponding Address and Account classes. The key idea is that the program’s author has a mental model of how the domain works, and so maintenance becomes easier because the code respects and reveals that model. Developers can go further by embedding clues about other models, such as their architecture model. They can embed hints about the system’s architectural style, constraints, components, properties, and so on. Developers maintaining the code would have an easier time if this model were easily inferred from the code, just like the domain model. When programming in an architecturally-evident coding style, developers embed hints about the system’s architectural model, a kind of design intent, into the source"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about virtual?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "For example, there is no objectively right or wrong answer about whether X and Y can communicate, but if you declare the design intent that they should not, then that intent could be checked. Code organization, such as the inheritance hierarchy or co-locating related functionality in the same module, class, or method, might seem like a hard mechanism. But the compiler would be just as happy if that same code were reorganized, so it is a soft mechanism that relies on the reader to draw the right inferences. Preand post-conditions, invariants, and assertions are all hard mechanisms. The type system in most languages enforces information hiding and compatibility. Modules and packages usually have visibility constraints. Virtual methods, class hierarchies, and interfaces can all be used to enforce design intent. Some design patterns can enforce intent too, such as using the Facade pattern to limit access. Going beyond mainstream programming languages, you can create more expressive languages, use"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about architectural?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "at all. Communication between components does not happen just at ports, but often from any number of objects inside the components. Architecture constraints and styles, as intensional elements, are exceptionally dif- ficult to see in the source code. Architectural constraints and styles often refer to components and connectors rather than objects, so inferring them is doubly hard. First, components and connectors must be identified from the sea of objects, and second, the rules governing their runtime arrangement must be inferred. While protocols are a common source of trouble, they have no representation in the module or runtime views. Even when legal protocol transitions are written as comments, the protocol itself has no representation either in the module view or in the runtime view. That means that when a reader mentally animates the code, he must envision both the protocol and its current state, even though neither has an explicit representation."}
{"instruction": "How is module presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "Properties Use annotations and static analysis Use naming pattern: AsynchronousSend Styles and Use naming pattern: FeatureExtractFilter patterns Place style superclasses in named package Invariants Bake invariant into API & constraints Use assert statements or modeling language (e.g., JML) Use comments Module Use existing language support or comments dependencies Use external tool, annotations, and static analysis Module access Use naming pattern: InternalFoo restrictions Hoist using component framework (e.g., OSGi) Runtime Co-locate component creation, attachment, initiation structure Hoist setup phase, possibly into declarative form Figure 10.6: A summary of the patterns to express design intent in source code. with other components, they could ask the component object for the appropriate port or connector, such as myComponent.getOutputPort(). Communication between objects inside the component would be as usual. Having an explicit component class provides a place to put checks that span the"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about module?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "Since you have control over the module hierarchy, you can usually package the modules so that their boundaries line up with component boundaries. You can go further by creating one module (or package, or folder) that contains sub-modules for each component, and another module that contains the data interchange types that will flow between components. This pattern is frustrated by reused modules because you cannot place them into the module hierarchy as you choose. Module to runtime mapping. Figuring out which component instances will exist at runtime and how they will be connected is difficult to do by reading source code. If your architecture is static (i.e., it goes through a setup phase and then does not change), then you can make the task of understanding easier by co-locating the code that does the setup. The setup usually consists of three parts: creating instances of components and connectors, attaching the components via connectors, and initiating"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on pipe?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "As long as filters exclusively use this pipe class to communicate with other filters, the filters can mostly ignore concurrency and not have problems, which was the intention of architecturally hoisting the concurrency concern into the Pipe and Filter infrastructure classes. (Note that since this connector implementation does not clone the sent messages, the sender could interfere with the receiver if it held a reference and mutated the message object after sending). The Pipe class has a simple API consisting of reading, writing, and closing. The CHAPTER 10. THE CODE MODEL class will throw an exception if reads or writes occur after the pipe has been closed. The state of the protocol is explicitly represented in the isClosed boolean field. While the system does have explicit components and connectors in the source code, it has omitted explicit ports. If the protocol had been more complex, or if a component had to track the state of connections to multiple components, it would have been"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat architecture as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "domain. Making the domain model evident in the code goes beyond what is strictly necessary for a solution to work, but developers do it to aid code comprehension and to make future code changes easier. They use a combination of hard and soft mechanisms to communicate the model. An architecturally-evident coding style seeks to minimize the amount of lost architectural design intent. Making the architecture model evident in the code has the same advantages as making the domain model evident. The architecture model represents hard-won knowledge that developers should strive to maintain as they write code. This chapter provided a set of patterns that can be used to encode architectural elements in object-oriented languages like C++, Java, and C#. You must make judgment calls about whether or not to apply these patterns and choose which parts of your architecture model to express in the code. For example, the email processing example did not represent the ports in the code because they"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term architecture?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "Architecture models enable you to tell a story at a higher level of abstraction. When the first programs were written, the invention of subroutines allowed developers to tell a story of a master and servant routines. The master task could be understood at an abstract level without reading each of the subroutines. The invention of modules, structured programming, and object-oriented programming enabled stories to be told with increasingly large codebases. The story from the subroutine level was still there, but it was augmented with a story about what each module did. The concepts in software architecture allow you to tell a story about larger chunks — for example, that this is a 3-tier system with one tier behind a security firewall. Having a story at many levels provides several benefits. First, developers are more able to cope with scale and can reason about modules, components, or environmental elements in huge systems. This is increasingly important as internet-scale systems"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect member to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "1. Website, Database, Email, Business Networking, Job Advertisements 2. Member Operations, Non-Member Operations Both clumpings seem reasonable but yield different design challenges. The first option consolidates infrastructure into three components — Website, Database, and Email — which would mean that they are shared by the Business Networking and Job Advertisements components. The second option would make such sharing harder, since Member or Non-Member Operations would crosscut the infrastructure functions. Presumably both Member and Non-Member Operations would be further decomposed into subcomponents. Choosing functionality as the dominant concern is usually compatible with achieving required quality attributes, except in extreme cases. Imagine that the Yinzer system’s first priority was scalability. Arguably either decomposition is compatible with scalability, though perhaps the second, by not reusing a single database, lends itself"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on encapsulation?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "the sort() operation is invoked it consists of ordered elements. Effective encapsulation enables users to comprehend the API, as well as hiding implementation details from them. CHAPTER 11. ENCAPSULATION AND PARTITIONING Cognitive burden reduction. Architecture needs encapsulation because encapsulation reduces complexity. For example, you may appreciate that a radio is doing many difficult tasks in tuning in signals and presenting them clearly, but your mind only has to deal with an on/off button and channel selector. You could learn a more complicated interface, like the interface to old crystal radios, but the tradeoff is that you would have less time to learn other things. As the complexity and scale of systems grows, encapsulation helps you treat parts as black boxes whose internals you do not need to understand, as long as you understand their interfaces. Encapsulation saves you time and conserves your mental resources, but only when the encapsulation is effective."}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with member?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "The example looks at a single action but the process is the same if there were multiple actions. Consider the action from the Yinzer system where a member accepts an invitation to be part of another member’s contact network. The method signature for the action might look like this: void acceptInvitation( Member requestor, Member requestee ) Note that the concept of an invitation is not seen as a parameter. An alternative signature would be to make the invitation object a parameter. Either way, the mental model of the user must include the idea of invitations. As with the stack ADT, preand post-conditions are added, like this: void acceptInvitation( Member requestor, Member requestee ) pre-condition: invitation exists with requestor and requestee post-condition: the invitation no longer exists and the requestor and requestee are in each other’s network of contacts This describes the behavior of the Yinzer system, but only hints at the mental"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise properties?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "In addition to hardware, it is expedient to treat human and political entities as environmental elements. That way you can draw a diagram showing a server farm (hardware) with subdivisions for the accounting department’s servers and the finance department’s servers. Strictly speaking, you cannot deploy software onto the accounting department. However, think of it as a shortcut that is equivalent to annotating some servers with a property saying they are owned by the accounting department. If you are mindful that you are taking a shortcut, and realize that accountants themselves do not run the software (computers do), this is a timesaving shortcut. Properties on the environmental elements, modules, and components can be used for other purposes, such as indicating compatibility. A component might require 2GB of memory or access to the internet from the hardware it runs on. These constraints and capabilities can be expressed as properties of the elements and could even be"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe components?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "A nested component can be referred to as a subcomponent, but it is a matter of perspective — your component is perhaps someone else’s subcomponent. This nesting can be repeated many times but does not continue forever. At some point of your choosing, the nesting stops and the component is implemented, not with more components, but with classes, functions, procedures, etc. Many factors enter into the decision of how many components a system should have and how many levels of nested components to use, including the size of the components, the availability of off-the-shelf components for inclusion, and natural division points such as differing source code languages or physical deployment locations. Ultimately a developer makes a judgment call, one that becomes easier with experience. As a general rule, it is rare to see subcomponents implemented with a single class or just a few lines of code. Uncertainties and ambiguities. At some point, what was meant by object and class"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term connector?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "server, it is worthwhile considering making the connector first class and substitutable, which lets you change its implementation without disturbing those who use it. Choosing suitable connectors. In principle, you could use any kind of connector between your components, but in practice you will have preferences for one kind of connector or another. For example, it might be inefficient to use an event bus when simple method calls would work, or it might be complicated to use shared memory communication with lots of threads, but you could imagine making them work. Once you put all of these seemingly dissimilar means of communication in the category called “connector,” it is easier to focus on the problem of choosing a suitable type of connector. When connectors are treated as first-class elements of your architecture language, it is easier to see that your choice of connector, much like your choice of architecture, can be appropriate or inappropriate."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about yes you?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "component, it is easier to overlook the concept of disconnected sensors because you are unlikely to carefully consider the domain of the events. The insight here is that when you let the connectors do real work, you benefit both because you get simpler domains to work with, and because you may understand each domain better in isolation. In this example the translation between the sensor domain and the alarm domain was rather simple, but in other cases it will be complex. Is it OK for a connector to be large and complex? Yes. You have already seen how a component can be refined to show its internal design, and the same refinement process can be used for connectors. In fact, connectors can be themselves implemented using components, as is described in more detail next. For example, an enterprise service bus guarantees properties like durability and in-order delivery, and that communication infrastructure is complex, so it is implemented using many distributed components and data stores."}
{"instruction": "Why does static matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "Architectural constraints are more often written down separately from diagrams as text. Static invariants deal with structure and dynamic invariants deal with behavior. Static invariants. A static invariant is a restriction on the arrangement or quantity of instances (e.g., objects, component instances, connector instances) that can be created. An example of static invariants is that every truck must have an even number of wheels. In this case, you would have types that represent trucks and wheels, and the invariant restricts the how the instances of trucks and wheels are arranged. Another example static invariant is that every piece of data collected from a user must exist on at least two hard drives in separate server rooms. Static invariants can appear in many models and in different forms. In UML class diagrams, cardinalities on associations are static invariants, as are the ordering constraints like {sorted}. Dynamic invariants. A dynamic invariant is a restriction on the behavior of in-"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame architecture here?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "Architectural Tradeoff Analysis Method (see Section 15.6.2) are more formal ways of soliciting QA scenarios. Architecture drivers. Architecture drivers are quality attribute scenarios that are both important to stakeholders and difficult to achieve. They can also be functionality scenarios. They represent the intersection of the most difficult scenarios and most important scenarios. As such, they are the scenarios that you should pay most attention to when designing your system. Your architecture needs to support the demands placed on it, but often your system has so many requirements that it is hard to focus your thinking. By keeping the list of architecture drivers short, you can both focus your thinking and ensure that your architecture supports the hardest, most important demands on it. Architecture drivers are selected from your existing lists of QA and functionality scenarios. Stakeholders rate each scenario by how important it is to them, usually on"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about tradeoffs?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "and have simplified and condensed your understanding of the problem. You might find that, “Generally speaking, dependence on the platform (portability) trades off against speed. As we make the system faster, we have to use platform-specific APIs which make porting more difficult.” These tradeoffs are nuggets of gold: a condensed insight into the problem you are working on. Other things trade off besides quality attributes. At a more detailed level, design decisions may open up one set of features at the expense of another set. At a higher level, quality attributes may trade off against business decisions. For example, some companies are known for producing highly usable products with fewer features. Adding features might actually be undesirable because it adds complexity. Tradeoffs are perhaps the most condensed knowledge about the system, so if anything about the system is documented it should be the tradeoffs. A new developer can gain insight into a system and its domain just by reading a short list of tradeoffs"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about generalization?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "one category requirement. This book uses the word type to refer to a category and instance to refer to the thing itself, and allows an instance to have multiple types. Classification is the relationship between a type and an instance. The classification relationship can apply to component types and instances, classes and objects, or other pairs of category and categorized thing. You should resist the temptation to use the terms class and type interchangeably because it can cause confusion between the concept of classifying something (type) and the implementation of that concept in an object-oriented programming language (class). Note that in most object-oriented programming languages, an object has a single class, even if that class is derived from many other classes (multiple inheritance). 13.5 Generalization relationship While classification describes how a type may categorize an instance, generalization describes how one type can subsume another."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about constraints?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "within a style, it can require considerable effort to change to a different style. That might be OK if you could easily decide, in advance, which style was the best choice, but that is hard to do. Once you impose constraints, maintaining a system can be more difficult because you may have to seek out non-obvious designs just to stay within the style’s constraints. So why should you consider imposing constraints or using a style? Prefabricated set of constraints. You can think of a style as a prefabricated set of constraints with known benefits and drawbacks. Like anything prefabricated, you save yourself the work of designing and debugging it. It may not be perfectly tailored to your needs but it has the advantages of already existing and having known properties. Consistency and understandability. The consistency brought about by the style’s constraints can encourage clean evolution of the system, which can make maintenance easier. Rather than a bunch of arbitrarily different good ideas being imple-"}
{"instruction": "How is platonic presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "will not impact the server. However, you may encounter embodied versions of the style where servers occasionally push data, unprompted, to the client. Depending on how this is implemented, it may result in a server that depends on the clients. 14.3 Constraints and architecture-focused design Platonic architectural styles and architecture-focused design (see Section 2.7) are conceptually related. Recall that architecture-focused design means that you are relying on your architecture to reduce risks, achieve features, or ensure qualities: you are consciously depending on the architecture to achieve a goal. When following architecture-focused design, you could invent a novel architecture to achieve your goal, or you could employ an existing architectural style with its known effects on system qualities. Relying on your architecture to ensure system qualities is related to Platonic and embodied styles. Strictly following the constraints in a Platonic architectural style"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about batch-sequential?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "stage to the read ports of the next stage. A batch-sequential system is less commonly structured as a directed acyclic graph, but doing so creates opportunities for stages to run in parallel. Resulting qualities. Batch-sequential systems promote the same quality attributes as the pipe-and-filter style, especially modifiability since stages are independent of each other. One difference is that where a pipe-and-filter system produces its output incrementally, a batch-sequential system’s final output will be either absent or fully available, which will impact a system’s usability. Another difference is that it has fewer opportunities for concurrency since the stages cannot be executed in parallel unless multiple jobs are flowing through the system. Batch systems are conceptually simpler since only one stage is running at a given time. They may also have greater throughput. Notes. The batch-sequential style is described in (Taylor, Medvidovi´c and Dashofy,"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on component?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "They must work equally well if their events are received or if no other component subscribes to them. You can imagine using an event bus to simulate a procedure call: one component publishes an event that is received by another and the response returns via a second event. This violates the obliviousness constraint since the first component is expecting a reply. Resulting qualities. The biggest benefit of the publish-subscribe style is that it decouples producers and consumers of events. As a consequence, the system is more maintainable and evolvable. Consider the situation when a new component needs to do work based on an event. It can simply subscribe to that event and the system is otherwise unchanged. Specifically, the event publisher is unchanged. Similarly, a new event publisher can be added without affecting the system, and later a component (new or existing) can begin subscribing to those events. The event bus adds a layer of indirection between producers and consumers."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat server as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "types, showing three tiers. Each tier has defined responsibilities, such as the first tier handling user interaction, the second tier handling business logic, and the third tier handling persistence. Tiers are usually allocated to specific hardware, but hardware may host multiple tiers. Resulting qualities. The client-server style establishes an asymmetrical power relationship between the client and server in regards to who can initiate processing. However, the result is usually that the server ends up with more influence since it is providing the service. An organization can change a business process or rule by changing its implementation in one place, the server, rather than across the many clients, so maintainability is enhanced. This central control also aids evolvability of the system. The client-server style can also be used to integrate existing systems by creating a facade around the existing system and treating it as a server. Notes."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of styles?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "that bend the style’s strict constraints. If the constraints are bent too far, the style may lose its ability to provide desirable qualities. Styles have a strong connection to architecture-focused design. Architecturefocused design means that you are consciously depending on the architecture to achieve a goal. One way to do that is to design a custom architecture tuned to the qualities you desire. Another way is to use an off-the-shelf architectural style that promotes those same qualities. When you are following architecture-focused design, you will gravitate towards Platonic styles, because bending the constraints puts the desired qualities at risk. This chapter discussed architectural styles from the module, runtime, and allocation viewtypes. The module viewtype styles were layers and the big ball of mud. The runtime styles were pipe-and-filter, batch-sequential, model-centered, publishsubscribe, client-server, and peer-to-peer."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect inconsistency to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "For example, there is a tradeoff in the design of an internal combustion engine: You can increase power by making the cylinders wider, but doing so reduces the space between the cylinders, which becomes a heat and stress problem. This tradeoff would not show up in a thermal-only view, or in a mechanical-only view. In software systems, developers often learn a new domain each time they change projects, so such expert knowledge is unlikely to be known implicitly. One solution is to create mixed concern views, ones that show details relevant to two or more concerns, which allows you to write down the concern interactions that you discover, often as tradeoffs or invariants. Inconsistency between views. When you create multiple views of your system, you open the door to inconsistencies between those views. This book uses the interpretation that there is a master model from which all views are projected. The master model approach says that inconsistencies can arise because the master model can"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on quality?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "ple. A calendar, as a domain-specific view, has the nice property that all the Mondays are in the same column, a domain-specific encoding that you would not get from the standard architecture views. Flash vs. substance. The next time you are tempted to put a fancy gradient fill on an architecture model, stop and consider whether it aids or impedes comprehension. It may superficially glitz up the model and improve its boardroom-presentation appeal, but make sure it does not hurt anyone’s ability to comprehend it because the human brain is usually the analysis machine. 15.6.2 Informal analysis techniques Several informal techniques exist to analyze an architecture, including quality attribute workshops, architectural checklists, architecture and design reviews, and the Architectural Tradeoff Analysis Method. Quality attribute workshops. Different analysis techniques work at different times in a project’s lifecycle. Quality attribute workshops are a technique to discover and"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with system?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "Here are some examples of reasons and corresponding candidate models that you could use to investigate designs and reduce risks. Limit modeling based on needs. There are many common reasons to build an architecture model. You may want to understand the current system better, or evaluate how an alternative architecture could affect the system’s quality attributes. The model could be a precursor to re-architecting or transitioning to a new platform. You may need to document the system for external developers, partners, or for outsourcing. You may be investigating the system’s compatibility with a reference architecture or for integration with another system. Or perhaps the system is not yours but you are investigating purchasing it. You should limit your models to those aspects of the system that will help you answer your questions. To give you an idea about choosing a reasonable subset, Figure 15.3 lists some possible reasons to build an architecture model and some correspond-"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise runtime?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "Some frameworks exist at runtime, so they can be represented as components, since components also have runtime presence. Other frameworks, especially older ones, are collections of code that cannot be instantiated until augmented with client code, so they can only be represented as modules, which lack runtime existence. The precise modeling of frameworks is an open research topic for academics, so perhaps this challenge will be addressed soon. Object-oriented and other languages. As you have seen, every system will have at least one component instance at runtime, which is the entire system itself. When programming in object-oriented languages, it is comfortable to think about this component as having internal runtime structures that are objects, and not a big stretch to think about grouping those objects into subcomponents. In non-object-oriented languages, such as functional, rule-based, or procedural languages, it is harder to envision what the runtime instances are."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about components?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "checking manually. Some view inconsistencies are simply cruft because you update one view but have not yet updated older views. Other consistency problems stem from design errors and may lead to un-buildable designs. Crosscutting concerns. Components, modules, and nodes allow you to encapsulate your thinking, but some ideas will crosscut these abstractions. As discussed in Section 11.2, your choice of decomposition will affect which problems are easy to solve, and which are difficult. A design, for example, that makes horizontal scalability easy may result in poor encapsulation of your domain types. Another example is concurrency, which often crosscuts your abstractions. Concurrency has always been one of the most challenging problems in developing systems. Novice developers may relish the challenge and seek out opportunities for concurrency, but jaded developers view it warily as a source of difficult bugs and are happy to get it right then leave it alone."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about architecture?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "Mainstream software developers give most of their attention to a system’s functionality rather than its quality attributes or extra-functional requirements. But architecture 16.3. SOLVE PROBLEMS, NOT JUST MODEL THEM has a big impact on which qualities will be easy or hard to achieve, so when choosing a system’s architecture, you should focus on quality attributes, such as performance, security, and modifiability. Usually, any reasonable architecture will support the desired functionality, but only a carefully chosen architecture will enable the desired qualities. Unfortunately, it is expensive to change the architecture of even a well-maintained system, so it is worthwhile to consider quality attribute requirements early to avoid costly architecture mistakes. Some domains have presumptive architectures that have been shown historically to be suitable for the desired quality attribute requirements in the domain. By using a presumptive architecture, a developer may succeed with architecture-indifferent"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about developers?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "notations, the bigger danger is not that they will communicate inefficiently, but that they do not communicate at all. Their discussions will center on the language they share, such as objects, rather than the language suited to their architecture discussion. CHAPTER 16. CONCLUSION Large systems are built using architectural styles and have constraints that span more than a few objects. Developers who have not embraced architectural abstractions are at a disadvantage because they will communicate these ideas inefficiently, if at all. Even before communication starts, developers benefit from architectural abstractions. Like a coach who watches a game and integrates all the low-level happenings into a big picture of what is happening, a developer looks at a system and integrates all the low-level interactions between objects into a big picture of the system’s design. When developers do not think in terms of architectural abstractions, the big picture"}
{"instruction": "Why does design matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "system’s architecture and do not consciously choose an architecture to help them reduce risks, achieve features, or ensure qualities. The developers may simply ignore their architecture, copy the architecture from their previous project, use the presumptive architecture in their domain, or follow a corporate standard. See architecture-focused design and architecture hoisting. Baked-in risks When a process is designed to always address a certain risk, that risk is said to be baked-in to the process. For example, agile processes address customer rejection risk by building and delivering the system incrementally. Big Design Up Front (BDUF) In Big Design Up Front (BDUF), the early weeks or months of a project are primarily spent designing instead of prototyping or building. It is a pejorative term coined by people, like agile advocates, who are concerned about analysis paralysis, a situation where a project spends too much time designing and not enough time building."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame glossary code here?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "to differ in their level of abstraction. Classification relationship A classification relationship is the same one that exists between classes and objects in object-oriented programming. Closed semantics In refinement with closed semantics, the refinement restricts what kinds of new items can be introduced by listing the kinds of items that will not change. See open semantics. Glossary Code model The code model describes the system source code. The code model is either the source code implementation of the system or a model that is equivalent. It could be the actual Java code or the result of running a code-to-UML tool, but its important feature is that has a full set of design commitments. Where the design model has an incomplete set of design commitments, the code model has a complete set, or at least a sufficiently complete set to execute on a machine. Compare with the domain model and design model. All three are part of the canonical model structure."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about enterprise?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "See project management risk. Enterprise architect Architects who are responsible for many applications, who do not control the functionality of any one application, and who instead design an ecosystem inside which individual applications contribute to the overall enterprise. Enterprise architects are like movie producers in that they influence the outcome only indirectly. Enterprise architecture The software architecture of an organization that spans multiple applications (systems). Environmental element (i.e., UML node) Hardware with the primary purpose of running software that communicates via communication channels. Event bus An N-way publish-subscribe connector. Evolutionary design Evolutionary design “means that the design of the system grows as the system is implemented” (Fowler, 2004). Often paired with refactoring. Compare with planned design. Extensional element Extensional elements are enumerated, such as “The system is composed of"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about presumptive?", "input": "Source: Just Enough Software Architecture A Ri", "output": "Planned design (i.e., up-front design) A kind of software development process where design is done mostly or completely before implementation begins. See evolutionary design and evolutionary design. Glossary Port All communication in or out of a component is done via ports on the component. All of the publicly available methods that a component supports, and all of the public events it responds to, will be specified in its ports. There is no necessary connection between ports on components and ports in an operating system. Pre-condition & Post-condition See action specification. Presumptive architecture A software architecture (or, more carefully, a family of architectures) that is dominant in a particular domain. Rather than justifying their choice to use it, developers in that domain may have to justify a choice that differs from the presumptive architecture. For example, a 3-Tier architecture is a presumptive architecture in many Information Tech-"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about celebrities?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "The average person is not an expert on these topics. Most of us have neither the time nor skills to explore these claims in detail. Moreover, much of the health and wellness marketing behind this content is deliberately designed to mislead and beguile. In light of these issues, the lifestyle dilemma becomes – who to believe? In the saturated health and wellness market, celebrity advice reigns supreme. Celebrities exercise significant influence over our lives, how we view ourselves and who we aspire to be. This is particularly the case in relation to our ideas about our health and well-being due to their associations with beauty, dieting and fitness. The detox and cleanse market, for example, has been driven by celebrity endorsements. The same holds with respect to the lucrative wellness and beauty industries. Celebrities shape the concerns of consumers and feed on their insecurities by endorsing the products and services of weight-loss and anti-ageing industries."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on instagram?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "For this reason, there is specific emphasis on Anglo-American popular media and those social media sites most popular in English-speaking countries, such as North America, the United Kingdom and Australia (e.g. Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, Snapchat). With Instagram currently lifestyle gurus’ preferred medium of choice, this book pays specific attention to the platform by noting how it affords specific forms of communication in comparison to other social media sites. Blogs and social media have confounded issues around trust and credibility through altering how we seek advice and how we decide who we believe. The internet has not created lifestyle gurus, but it affords them a public platform on which to give advice and share their views. Most have a blog, an Instagram account and a YouTube channel on which to document their lives and lifestyles. People have shared lifestyle advice for centuries with their immediate families and friends."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat internet as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "While we approach the phenomenon of lifestyle gurus from a critical standpoint, this book is not a rejection of the internet. Like all new technologies, there are many cultural anxieties around the internet, especially regarding its use and impact on younger generations. The role of the internet in how we navigate lifestyle advice is more complex and nuanced than reductionist critiques about causes and necessities. The ubiquity of mobile broadband and digital devices offers incomparable benefits, providing new opportunities to share health information and experiences with others. But despite discourse about the democratic potential for social media to give everyone a voice, and the opportunity to access health advice and share knowledge at an unprecedented scale, these relations are not without their risks, not least because of the potential for information to mislead. While some internet sites are credible and well moderated, many are not."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of lifestyle?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "The stance that they adopt is often dismissive of professional, elite knowledge and practice on the grounds that it under-values lay traditions and ordinary experience. While lifestyle gurus typically present themselves as anti-establishment, it would be an overstatement to propose that they are part of an anti-scientific movement. A sounder way of looking at things would be to describe them as generally adopting a selective, instrumental approach to science. Given that much scientific knowledge about lifestyle issues is conflicted, and often turns out on inspection to be tainted, lifestyle gurus cherry pick information to advance the profile and appeal of their own views. The media often collude in making these views newsworthy in an attempt to capture public attention. Lifestyle gurus embrace a broad range of editorial newsroom concerns from health to beauty, fitness, fashion, food, wealth, relationships and travel. They provide practical advice that people can apply in order to function more optimally and effectively under the guise of well-being."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect communicators to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "Instead, their typical approach is determinedly person-centred. They address an audience for whom the complexities of life have proved challenging with practical, plain speaking, oracular, non-hierarchical remedies. Gaining practical, positive self-knowledge is the bugle call rallying audiences to lifestyle communicators. Although most lifestyle gurus regularly participate in conferences, symposia and teach-ins, digital communication is the overwhelming and decisive point of exchange. Despite the strong ethos of non-hierarchy, and the deliberate emphasis upon empathy (co-partnership), accessibility (friendship) and complicity (against ‘the system’) between Communicators (gurus) and Communicants (audiences), the latent power dynamics typically privilege the former over the latter. The paradox of these lifestyle sites is that they generally claim to solve various challenges of complexity in life with simplicity . This is communicated to followers in three main ways:"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on horton?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "In general, the discussion accepted that it was the fate of para-social relationships to loom larger in the field of interpersonal contact. Horton and Wohl did not speculate upon the form and content of imaginary and fantasy relationships in the para-social field. However, it is clear that these matters are integral to the concept. Today, the ubiquity of digital technologies in the West means that the concept of para-social relationships needs to be radically recast. Horton and Wohl took it for granted that para-social transactions are located within the organised system of media transmission. In contrast, online transactions in social media are conducted outside of the system. Emotionally speaking, the internet has enabled vlogging sites, political platforms, chat rooms and crowdsourcing, in which interaction is founded upon an alternative sense of complicity rather than obedience to hierarchy. Transactions on social media sites, such as Facebook, Snapchat, Twitter, Instagram, carry the ring of authentic co-existence, because they are essentially understood to be beyond the control of corporations and the other media giants (although, as discussed in"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with de-traditionalisation?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "Poststructuralism and postmodernism with their relativistic and deconstructivist approaches to reality have encouraged a loss of faith in Truth and grand narratives (Lyotard 1984). Societies have become more complex, differentiated and fragmented, but the need for meaning persists. In post-traditional societies, religious sects and New Age practitioners, many of whom describe themselves collectively as ‘spiritual’, have emerged, while the universal rule of Reason remains elusive. De-traditionalisation has resulted in a greater ability to construct the self through the reflexive shaping of personal biographical narratives and selecting the collectives with whom we identify. Life ceases to be understood as ‘fate’. Instead, it becomes an accumulation of changing resources designed to achieve the self-determined pursuit of living well. Lifestyle gurus assist in this process by helping people to navigate the uncertainties of life through reflexive life planning, identity reconstruction and the ongoing management of the self."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise lifestyle?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "The analogy also usefully reiterates the importance of the just-in-time principle that underlies lifestyle management today. The internalisation and display of lifestyle attributes that convey acceptance and approval, which translate into the attainment of impact, are means of exchange that can fluctuate in value. Although lifestyle gurus typically urge that motivation must come from within, their position as guides and role models confirms the continuing importance of significant others in learning how to succeed in the school of life. It is by no means an accident that many of the most popular and influential advocates of lifestyle citizenship are celebrities. Super-stars such as Oprah Winfrey, Martha Stewart and Gwyneth Paltrow present themselves, and are widely regarded as, lifestyle polymaths. The attention capital they have generated in the sphere of entertainment carries over into wider realms of self-engineering and virtue signalling in which ordinary people participate and innovate."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe knowledge?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "The media play a significant role in how we perceive and experience the world. Rather than focusing on causes, we explore the role media technologies play in social interactions and cultural practices. This shift in focus enables us to examine how the technologies used by lifestyle gurus to communicate today influences how we come to know and relate to others. Establishing Native Knowledge and Expertise Online The internet has permitted new, deterritorialised encounters with others. Increased internet access, together with the ubiquity of smartphones and social media, has provided lifestyle bloggers with global platforms on which to share their views, participate in social networks, and establish authority and influence online. Whereas knowledge was traditionally disseminated via those who controlled the means of production (e.g. the printing press, broadcasting licenses), the rise of user-generated content means that ordinary users can access public audiences and inhabit the same public platforms as celebrities, experts and elites."}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term lifestyle?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "In this book, we account for these nuances rather than applying a fixed understanding of social media. Though new media technologies vary in their design and use, there are a series of tools that have led to the proliferation of lifestyle gurus in the digital age. These tools have been instrumental in the rise of lifestyle gurus as native experts online. The Tools of Lifestyle Gurus in the Digital Age The main tools of lifestyle gurus in the twenty-first century are blogs and social media. Both presuppose the internet. In recent years blogs have replaced the homepage as one of the primary media of self-expression. By documenting personal thoughts, observations and opinions on topics of interest, they mirror the informal and conversational style of a diary or journal; the key difference being that blogs are made public online for others to read. The intended audience is the point of demarcation between the two forms. Whereas documentation is the end result of journal writing, documentation is the means of self-expression on blogs and social media."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about celebrities?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "A case in point is celebrity. While fame has existed for centuries, celebrity culture was multiplied prolifically by the media. The development of communication media in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries made famous figures more visible than they were in the past. Until the early twenty-first century, the public personas that people projected onto celebrities were mostly formed through the mass media. The close-up shot, the photograph, interviews, radio, television and film were some of the ways in which celebrities were made visible to the public and a sense of connection fostered with their fans. As communication media evolves, so too does the concept of celebrity. Prior to the advent of social media, celebrities relied heavily on television producers and magazine editors to promote their image. These content producers controlled what programmes and articles were produced and, in turn, consumed by audiences. In short, because the media were highly centralised, media executives decided who was seen and heard."}
{"instruction": "Why does weinstein matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "Unauthorised: The Harvey Weinstein Story into a semi-authorised story. It was Weinstein’s influence over the traditional channels of media production that prevented many of his victims from having their stories published. Social media provided Weinstein’s victims with a platform on which to express their views. When these were echoed by others on social media, the story of Weinstein as a serial sexual predator acquired credibility and momentum. The point here is not that traditional media is redundant – newspapers and television networks played a significant role in publicising the scandal – rather social media provided a public platform for people to share their views publicly, one in which powerful figures (such as Weinstein) could not intervene. The power of social media in this context is not just about power in the traditional sense of authority and control, social media gives people a platform on which to influence public discourse through putting forward a particular point of view."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame expertise here?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "in principle by anyone with internet access and a computer or mobile device (Marwick 2015). Intimate Strangers While lifestyle gurus have existed for centuries, a new group of native experts concerned with lifestyle and self-improvement has emerged online in the twenty-first century. Expertise, which was traditionally confined to those with authority or professional training in a specific area, has been replaced by knowledge formed through experience, what we refer to as ‘native expertise’. Several technological conditions have facilitated this development. Firstly, the diffusion of the internet as a mass market phenomenon and the proliferation of mobile smartphones and digital devices. The internet and smartphones are integrated into many people’s lives. These technologies enable individuals to access a large volume and variety of information online and to participate in instant, textual and visual communication that can be disseminated en masse."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about lifestyle?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "This highlights an important point about the role of the audience. To achieve lifestyle guru status depends upon an audience. They must be visible in the public eye and perceived as one worthy of giving advice. An individual may write a book or self-brand themselves as a lifestyle blogger, but if they are not followed by a public audience they would not be described as a lifestyle guru. Creating a Compelling Narrative and Persona Lifestyle gurus achieve fame through promoting a carefully constructed persona. Fame is inextricably bound to the media. Without the media to promote their persona publicly, lifestyle gurus would only have access to a limited audience (typically those within spatial or temporal reach). There is a qualitative shift in how lifestyle gurus achieve public recognition from being promoted by the media (e.g. television, print and radio) to self-promotion on social media. Social media encourages self-promotion because it is centred on the individual."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about goffman?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "One of the difficulties that individuals experience online is how to present themselves to different audiences. In everyday social life, Goffman describes how individuals tailor their performances to suit different audiences and settings. Individuals perform different roles in different settings: for example, as a wife, a daughter, a mother and a friend. While some roles may overlap (e.g. simultaneously performing the role of a wife and mother in a domestic environment), there are situations where these roles must be segregated to ensure that the behaviour performed is compatible with the audience and situation. Goffman employed the term ‘audience segregation’ to describe the process by which individuals segregate the roles they perform to suit different audiences. Audience segregation is important because there are certain cultural norms and expectations that govern social interaction. If one failed to adapt the way they behave around others (e.g."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about lifestyle?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "The content shared may appear trivial, but each revelation and image shared with their followers combines to form a greater understanding of, and connection to, the lifestyle guru. Lifestyle gurus often choose to disclose personal information online because confessional content and controversy sparks interest and attention. Algorithmic steering has encouraged a preoccupation with sensational and controversial content. Algorithms do not distinguish between loyal followers, haters or trolls, all constitute engagement and potential advertising revenue. Because views can be monetised, social media encourage dramatic content that stands out from the noise. Posts of this kind are commonly rewarded with a higher follower count and increased engagement with followers (e.g. likes, comments, shares), which results in a more lucrative brand. A case in point is ‘mummy blogging’. Some of the most popular mummy blogs involve revelations of miscarriage, post-natal depression, divorce and loss."}
{"instruction": "How is social presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "Blogs and social media provide relatively frequent exchange, while the affordances of these technologies (e.g. the comments section on Instagram or the @reply feature on Twitter) provides the potential for direct, dialogic exchange. Social media is especially potent in establishing para-social relationships of trust and intimacy because sites are structured and communicated as an exchange between equals. They dispense with the paraphernalia of hierarchy that separates the attention capital of the star from the fan. Instead, they emphasise authenticity and social inclusion, despite the fact that many of these relations are performed for fame and profit. Manufacturing Authenticity One of the most popular bromides in social media marketing is ‘be authentic’. Aspiring micro-celebrities are frequently reminded by marketing experts about the importance of authenticity. In self-help literature, self-improvement is often framed in terms of self-discovery wherein the imperative is to discover one’s supposedly unique and authentic self (McGee 2005: 16)."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about consistency?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "Users categorise and compartmentalise their beliefs and opinions to adapt to their audience and protect their brand. The drive for authenticity on social media is about building relationships. To build relationships online people share different levels of information (degrees of transparency) with their audience. The cultural norms around transparency also change over time. Increasingly, the idea of authenticity combines the need to share personal information and to maintain a consistent persona across all social media platforms. Some of the most successful lifestyle gurus are guarded about their private lives. This is a strategic move. Rather than boost their online following through revealing personal and intimate information about themselves, they focus on presenting a consistent persona online. Consistency is an important aspect of self-branding. It facilitates trust with fans and followers, and enables brands and companies to know what to expect when hiring lifestyle gurus to promote their products and services."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on metrics?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "Micro-celebrity is a form of labour designed to achieve fame. While lifestyle blogging may promote self-actualisation, it can also produce alienation. Just as the industrial worker described by Marx was alienated from the product they produced, the emphasis on emotional management can alienate lifestyle bloggers from themselves and others. Although social media is premised on Web 2.0 ideals of content creation and sharing, these platforms are highly competitive. The introduction of the ‘like’ function as a way to express regard for a photo or video, has intensified users’ quest for validation, as approval can be measured and quantified. Metrics in the form of likes, view counts and followers are used to quantify status. They signify influence and reputation by quantifying and publicising visibility and attention. The fact that there are entire industries built around increasing people’s follower count and engagement rate with their followers, reveals the power of metrics to demonstrate public esteem and social standing."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat influencers as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "Influencing these conversations were popular social media users with relatively large public followings. Although most did not have the volume of fans of a celebrity, they were characterised by a niche community of loyal followers and tended to have high engagement rates with those who followed them. Influencers provided brands with new ways to access consumers and intervene in online conversations. Their niche following enabled brands to reach their target market of certain demographics, while their engagement rate with their followers could make them more influential than celebrities paid to endorse a product. Advertisers cottoned on that online influence could be commercialised by paying influencers to post photos, write reviews and curate videos endorsing a brand on blogs and social media. The role of influencers would be to persuade their followers to desire a specific brand or product. The traditional two-way model of selling to potential buyers via advertising was succeeded by a new three-way relationship between buyers, sellers and reviewers."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of influencers?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "Influencer marketing has altered the fabric of marketing as it existed for the last century (Gillin 2008). Influencers have always been an important part of marketing, yet the means of achieving influence have changed in the digital age. Credibility was traditionally assigned by the media via magazine covers and features signifying influence. Advertising was largely a one-way mode of communication designed to persuade consumers. Editors would select what advertising content would be featured in radio, print and television. To complement these methods, public relations agencies would hire models and celebrities to attend events to publicise brands. Images would then circulate of these high-profile individuals attending staged events in the social pages of popular newspapers and magazines. This mode of top-down, one-to-many model of communication has been challenged by social media. Now brands use influencers to help tell their story by creating branded content that influencers can share with their followers online."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect influencers to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "As a result, a series of social media marketing services have emerged to detect how trustworthy accounts are by looking for certain periods where users have gained a huge spike of followers in a day (through purchasing followers) and checking their engagement rate. With social media platforms and digital marketing firms cracking down on counterfeit practices, users have established new, legal methods to appear influential online. These include collaborations between influencers designed to increase audience reach by sharing their viewership. Collaborations expose each influencer to the other’s followers. An example could be a blogger posting a video of a fitness tutorial featuring another wellness guru. Or, a fashion blogger collaborating with another fashion blogger in a featured blog post. Influencer Marketing Social media is intrinsic to the commercial success of influencers. Influencers use the internet to monetise their brand through advertising and marketing."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on followers?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "While the commodification of advice can be traced back to the emergence of lifestyle media in the twentieth century, these technologies have enabled influencers to enter into commercial relationships with advertisers and flourish as an industry in the twenty-first century. Most influencers attempt to minimise the commercial motivations behind their posts and interactions. Followers may be aware that they are promoting a product, but their commercial motivations cannot be seen to compromise their brand otherwise they jeopardise their relationship with their followers. As discussed in Chapter 3 , the appeal of influencers rests largely on the impression of trust and intimacy they foster with their followers. One of the reasons that it is more powerful when a product is endorsed by a third party, such as a friend or family member, rather than the brand itself, is because their advice appears to be genuinely ‘coming from the heart’ rather than driven by commercial interests."}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with influencers?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "Influencers have become savvy about how they include these labels, so as to minimise the appearance of ads. For example, by burying them in a collection of hashtags. In principle, marketing messages on websites and social media are subject to the same regulations as the mainstream media. The decisive difference is that, whereas television and newspaper ads are generally overt (native advertising an exception), online advertising can be highly personalised and unclear. Most influencer marketing is situated alongside editorial content of a similar style, so it is not always obvious when a post is informative or an ad. It is often difficult to discern when a blog, vlog, tweet or Instagram post is an ad because advertising is cleverly camouflaged as lifestyle advice. This is part of the commercial appeal of influencers to brands in so far as their message appears free from much of the ‘market logic’ associated with traditional advertising. The fact that influencers achieve popularity among niche communities means the advice they convey tends to be of interest to their followers."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise authenticity?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "Blogs are seen to provide a user-friendly, communal space for guidance, nurturing, growth and friendship. In contrast to the one-to-many broadcast model of the mass media, lifestyle gurus emphasise the many-to-many model of blogging and social media is based on participation, dialogue and interaction. Authenticity . Lifestyle gurus trade off their perceived authenticity. They present themselves as ordinary individuals, with a passion for lifestyle issues and self-discovery, just like their followers, which defines them in contrast to the received order of experts and elites. It is common for lifestyle gurus to exaggerate their ‘everyman’ status through stories of vulnerability, hardship and personal confessions. Authenticity here is performed . It is more about fostering relations of trust and intimacy with their followers than a set of inherent characteristics. Being perceived as authentic is important because it distinguishes influencers from Big Media and corporations."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe industry?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "Once bloggers start to mobilise sponsors, their distinction from traditional media outlets becomes blurred. Their brand depends on their capacity to build a following to attract advertisers. As such, influencers succumb to the same institutional and commercial structures as the magazine and television industry. The Wellness Industry One of the most striking examples of the commodification of lifestyle advice is the creation of the wellness industry. The preoccupation with living well tends to occur in contexts where longevity and survival are more commonplace and secure. By virtue of the fact that we live longer, there is an increasing interest in how to maximise the quality of our lives. For most of history, humans have had an interest in living well. For the Ancient Greeks, the concept of eudaimonia referred to a state of well-being. This contented state was not confined to mere pleasure; it was the result of performing right action through cultivating virtues that align with reason, more akin to human flourishing than contemporary understandings of happiness."}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term instagram?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "The Commodification of Advice There is an ironic turn of events at play here. In mainstream culture there is widespread disdain for advertising and marketing. Conversely, people appear more tolerant towards influencer marketing. Whether it is because their personalised advice appears to be helpful or tailored towards their specific concerns, consumers are more accepting of the commodification of advice online. While lifestyle advice is of potential benefit to consumers, what is often understated, or hidden, are the commercial interests driving lifestyle advice. Take, for example, the slim pills promoted by influencers and celebrities on Instagram. Cardi B, Khloe Kardashian and Iggy Azalea have all been paid to endorse ‘detox teas’ as weight-loss solutions on social media. Companies of this kind are renowned for contacting slim influencers and celebrities to promote their products on Instagram. As a result, confounding the cause and effect of the product by representing the product (i.e."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about griffin?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "She also claims to interrogate promising topics and share information rather than advice. What statements of this sort overlook is the capacity for celebrity endorsements to influence consumers to purchase certain products and services. By virtue of the fact that celebrities and influencers appear aspirational, they stand as ‘proof’ of a product’s effectiveness. Social media has contributed to the rise of the wellness industry by affording ordinary users, most of whom have no scientific credentials, with the ability to disseminate advice on the same platforms as celebrities and powerful elites. Arguably, influencers are more effective at health and wellness marketing due to their perceived accessibility and the feelings of trust and intimacy that they establish with their followers. One of the issues that we face in the digital age is how to regulate health information online. It is not altogether clear how to distinguish between posts advising and misinforming people about health and those sharing information of a personal nature; something Paltrow exploits by promoting her lifestyle site as a platform to discuss interesting holistic alternatives for women rather than being ‘prescriptive’ (Griffin 2019)."}
{"instruction": "Why does relationships matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "Being ordinary is thus transformed by a sort of sorcery from being unexceptional to becoming the necessary passport to communication. For if nothing else, it serves public notice that one is different from those who have not registered online co-presence. This brings us to our second point. We no longer necessarily look, first and foremost, to primary networks (consisting of kith and kin relationships) or secondary relationships (consisting of friendship, peer group, school or work circles) as the privileged transactional field in which life-help data are exchanged, and processes of self-validation are confirmed. Para-social tertiary relationships, forged in the institutionalised media-sphere (television, film, radio, print culture) and online, now rival primary and secondary relationships as salient sources of purposive self-conduct and validation. Needless to say, the rules of face-to-face encounters that previous generations of sociologists elucidated continue to have relevance."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame lifestyle here?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "Subjects are not simply photographed, they are also positioned . In these photographs there is always another narrative belt besides the focal point in the frame. The subject in question is the constellation of power in which the focal point is addressed, and which the photographer aims, by technological means of composition, to make immediately (but tacitly) ‘true’ and ‘incontrovertible’. In privileging the face (and, in the case of lifestyle gurus, the body), online, lifestyle gurus downplay the other details we require to determine the veracity of exchange and the prudence of following the advice imparted. It might be objected that the interactive nature of online exchange makes the comparison with nineteenth-century portrait photography and its relation to theories of physiognomy weak. What this ignores is all of the things that are subtracted from conventional online interaction. We have in mind, the mannerisms and behaviour of lifestyle gurus when they are off-camera; their use of aids for impactful interaction that are not made visible or transacted online; the research they have conducted through qualitative and quantitative methods on the needs, desires and anxieties of their audience; the considerations they make in representing online ‘fronts’ of dress, bearing, grooming, entitlement and how this has been concocted in relation to what might be called ‘the general physiognomy of achievement’."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about social?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "There is a palpable difficulty with this. Subjects are not universal. To some extent, the disciplines of anthropology, political science, sociology, economics and psychology, may all be understood to be inventories of particularity. The more one enters into them, the less persuasive a one-size-fits-all model of human behaviour becomes. In foregrounding the face while, at the same time curtailing data-bearing social, cultural and historical aspects, online communication disables the social mechanisms that we ordinarily rely upon in habitual, physically co-present, transactions to judge truth from lies, fact from fiction and worth from waste. There is no purchase in contending that it prevents one from making judgements about integrity and veracity. However, when all is said and done, in omitting so much information from the picture, the online face offers generous opportunities to draw us into confidence without providing supportive evidential proof regarding the methods or content of advice and guidance on offer."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about folkways?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "They purport to offer solutions to problems that are psychologically experienced as intractable and overwhelming. This is reinforced by the popular sentiment that fragmentation and division in the world is now moving into a higher stage of unprecedented complexity and acceleration. It is as though professionals have been stranded by the sheer speed of change and the unexpected, practical lifestyle problems of vulnerability, isolation and confusion that have accrued like tumbleweed in the backdraft. Moreover, what renders them most fallible is their insistent, unapologetic adhesion to science as the jewel of knowledge and practice. The antinomies and failures of science have opened the lid on non-scientific resources. Folkways, religion and faith in self-reliance have, in particular, emerged as ways of bringing light to bear upon personal problems. As such, it is no wonder that lifestyle gurus seize and exploit a wide popular demand for support and guidance, which utilises what is instrumental in science but shows a willingness to enter into the realm of non-scientific resources to find their way forward."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about local?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "For cyber-optimists, the qualitative leap made available by the technology of digital society is the deliverance of meaningfully networked public sphere. Under it, potentially, the entire globe is embraced and empowered. The fragments of humanity that were notionally championed under monitory democracy are now able to speak directly for themselves. In the course of this, popular understanding of awareness and agency has been reconfigured. Local and national issues no longer set the boundaries of what citizens may meaningfully address. The logic of populism means that individuals can play an energetic part in this without actually being conversant with the complexities of the social problems and remedies that they absorb and exchange. The general ethos calls upon everyone to become an active, conscious and meaningful citizen. The ‘can do’ ethos of ‘making a difference’ and accepting the responsibility of ‘acting for positive change’ at the level of international relations finds its parallel in everyday self-management transactions."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on lifestyle?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "Lifestyle gurus reflect and reinforce the founding principle of lifestyle citizenship, which is that life should be lived gamefully (McGonigal 2016). The challenges and problems they address are presumed to apply to every Western-based intelligent citizen, irrespective of class background or affiliation. Smiles, Beecher and Beeton believed that they were carrying the standard of social progress forward. Generally speaking, today’s lifestyle gurus have no interest in bearing such a standard. Instead they assume that the present state of Western society is all that there is, or can be. Since there is no valid alternative in prospect, the action is all about making the most of oneself in the material and historical conditions in which one finds oneself. Hence, the almost complete absence of party political issues in online lifestyle management websites and further, the strength of the invocation to change yourself rather than change society."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about godwin?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "This is because true individual freedom and common justice depend upon redistributive justice. To some, for whom money remained closest to self-interest, this revisionist suggestion was deemed to touch quite closely enough upon matters of intimacy! Nonetheless, Godwin’s ideas about human perfectibility did not stop with questions of money and property; they encompassed the topic of the moral regulation of sexual behaviour. He holds that perfectibility requires the restraint of carnal appetite. To his way of thinking, the achievement of equality and justice is within the grasp of mankind. The one large and immutable caveat is that the population of the world must not be permitted to out-run the fecundity of the Earth’s productive resources. According to Godwin, should this condition come to pass, equality, justice and the cause of perfectibility must be fatally compromised. For it would mean that an insufficiency of the world’s surplus is available in relation to the demands of a rising population."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on lifestyle?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "Self-knowledge and self-development are presented as a process of contingent, experimentation and trial and error, rather than submitting to an unvarying catechism of lifestyle management and rote learning. In addition, a more wary attitude is cultivated with respect to the value of scientific knowledge, the rule of reason and the formations of professionals and experts encamped around them. The conflation of self-improvement with organised social progress that characterised nineteenth and early twentieth-century perspectives, is almost entirely absent. Smiles, Beecher, Beeton and their ilk, presented knowledge of lifestyle management as an evolutionary benefit rooted in the best practice of role models from the past and scientific know-how. In contrast, today’s lifestyle gurus have virtually no historical perspective, and utilise an eclectic, selective, instrumental, pragmatic approach to science. The idea of Lifestyle Citizenship to which they are attached sees social change much more in terms of a ‘demonstration effect’ rather than mobilisation, organisation and protest."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat perfectionism as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "The ideology of affirmative perfectionism may be distilled notationally in the following five points: A person-centred programme of self-help centred in drawing out, and articulating, the latent talents and capacities in the self in order to achieve acceptance, approval, social impact and self-validation. A flexible, just-in-time approach to lifestyle management that encourages positive thinking about changing life conditions and challenges. A perspective that makes a virtue of eclecticism in knowledge, practice and method and which is wary of professional privilege. A programme that presents life skills pedagogy in ludic terms as play and, proof that serious things can be learned in fun ways. A perspective that has virtually no interest in organised politics or social progress because the parameters of society are understood to be matters of self-discovery and alert, personal intervention. Having identified lifestyle gurus with the cult of perfectionism, and differentiated between two versions of perfectionism (the ‘assured’ and ‘affirmative’ types), we are moving to the end of our study."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect lifestyle to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "Lifestyle management is indeed metaphorically presented as an extension of sport. One needs to train, one needs to invest in one’s performance, one needs to play the game, if one is to get a result – i.e. the achievement of approval, acceptance, social impact and self-validation. As the previous chapters have indicated, a perusal of lifestyle guru sites swiftly reveals considerable variation in cultic formation. However, we have argued that, regardless of the variations in content and form of the belief systems and methods of application espoused in their programmes, today the sites typically express affirmative perfectionism as the ultimate goal of involvement. To think that you are found wanting in some respect, that you are obviously losing in an envy playground where others are winning, and that this may be directly, swiftly and decisively, corrected by means of a step-by-step programme of instruction that culminates in the acquisition of peak performance, is the lifestyle guru calling card."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about lifestyle?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "The technology of the internet has not been the only factor in changing circumstances. The nature of low trust today, differs from that of its precedent in the nineteenth century. The lifestyle citizenship ethos has developed from what is seen as the collapse of conventional middle-class solutions to life problems. The dissatisfaction with organised politics and the revolt against the elites are symptoms of this. However, this is not to say that the lifestyle strategies and practices developed by lifestyle gurus and lifestyle citizenship have broken with class. In the emphasis upon individual solutions to personal and social problems, the reliance upon the value of the demonstration effect in cultivating good behaviour in others, the support for the metric of finance as the ultimate metric of success, we submit that lifestyle gurus and the ethos of lifestyle citizenship constitute a redefined continuation of middle-class value presumptions."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on pakistan?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "Azeem referred to herself as ‘Girl Power’, as she danced, teased and flirted online. Among her famous catchphrases was, ‘How I’m looking? Beautiful?’ The media labelled her a sex symbol: ‘Pakistan’s Kim Kardashian’. The social attention that her online lifestyle postings fomented were financially rewarding. However, conservatives condemned her frank comments, revealing dress and salacious conduct as misbehaviour and a threat to society. It was held to be intentionally disreputable and shamed Muslim values of modesty, decorum and family life. One of her most infamous postings promised that she would strip naked online if Pakistan won an international cricket match with India. This never occurred because Pakistan lost the match. But conservatives regarded her undertaking to be both a threat to respectable order and atrociously immoral against cherished feminine values to boot. When controversial selfies showed her consorting in a hotel room with a senior cleric, Mufti Abdul Qavi, were posted on social media, it triggered a digital sensation."}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with gibson?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "Blogs and social media extend audience reach and the speed with which information is transmitted. This has serious social implications when applied to health and illness. Just as Gibson’s downfall confirms the capacity to investigate and nullify false claims and bogus therapies on the internet. There is a rhythm here, a riff, that is repeated. The cases of both Ainscough and Gibson involved each of them rising to prominence as a consequence of a life-threatening crisis. Ainscough really did have cancer, whereas Gibson used the disease as a tool for personal aggrandisement and wealth creation. However, the online impact of both women was closely bound up with their stories of suffering, being ignored by experts and elites and deciding on a Reset and taking the Decisive Act to eventually become inspirational heroes and ‘wellness gurus’. The part that ‘life crisis’ and ‘the reset’ of rehabilitation plays in the ascent of micro-celebrities and social media influencers is revealing."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat lifestyle as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: Lifestyle Gurus", "output": "The yearning for direction, security and meaning are capillaries for the popularity of lifestyle gurus. The ideology of affirmative perfectionism that is currently dominant in online sites, situates lifestyle gurus on the other side of the post-truth condition. The life-plan programmes that they offer are based on the supposed authenticity of experience and the demonstrable utility of their programmes of lifestyle realignment. Set against the post-truth thesis this is a non sequitor . If truth in the world is phantom (because the world has succumbed to the implacable reign of post-truth), upon what basis can lifestyle gurus posit that the ‘truths’ in their programmes actually deliver anything of value? Hovering over all lifestyle guru websites is the incubus that what they purport to achieve for subscribers is factually spurious. Part of the difficulty lies in the broad beamed nature of the four goals of acceptance, approval, social impact and self-validation that the sites typically offer."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about architecture?", "input": "Source: Software Architecture Patterns Understanding Common Architectural Styles and When to Use Them", "output": "that partitioning can impact the design and implementation of a system. The second edition of the report addresses both of these advances. The second edition also includes other significant enhancements, along with more information about the intersection of architecture and data, and an expanded analysis section at the end of each chapter. These new sections provide you with better guidelines for when to use (and not to use) each architecture presented in this report. Another change you’ll notice in the second edition is the use of the term architecture style rather than architecture pattern for the architectures described in this report. This distinction helps alleviate some of the confusion surrounding the differences between, say, event-driven architecture—an architecture style—and something like CQRS (Command Query Responsibility Segregation), which is an architecture pattern. An architecture style, such as the ones presented in this report,"}
{"instruction": "Why does customer matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: Software Architecture Patterns Understanding Common Architectural Styles and When to Use Them", "output": "For example, the customer domain functionality resides in the presentation layer as customer screens, the business layer as customer logic, the presentation layer as customer queries, and the database layer as customer tables. Manifested as namespaces, these components would be organized Architecture Partitioning | as follows: app.presentation.customer, app.business.customer, app.persistence.customer, and so on. Notice how the second node in the namespace specifies the technical layering, and that the customer node is spread across those layers. Figure 2-3. In a technically partitioned architecture, components are grouped by their technical usage Technically partitioned architectures are useful if a majority of your changes are isolated to a specific technical area in the application. For example, if you are constantly changing the look and feel of your user interface without changing the corresponding business rules, change is isolated to only one part of the architecture (in"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame architectures here?", "input": "Source: Software Architecture Patterns Understanding Common Architectural Styles and When to Use Them", "output": "If you are embarking on a new system and using a domain-driven design approach, then you should in turn consider a domain partitioned architecture. Also, domain partitioned architectures are a great fit if your teams are organized into cross-functional teams with specialization—in other words, single teams that are aligned with specific domain functionality and contain user interface developers, backend developers, and database developers all on the same physical team. Domain partitioned architectures are also a good choice when you expect most of your changes to be domain scoped rather than technical usage scoped. This allows for much better agility (the ability to respond quickly to change) than with technically partitioned architectures. However, be careful when choosing a domain partitioned architecture if you have lots of changes to technical usage layers. For example, swapping out one database type for another or changing the entire user interface framework would be a difficult"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about architecture?", "input": "Source: Software Architecture Patterns Understanding Common Architectural Styles and When to Use Them", "output": "and functionality without having to make significant changes to the core system. Depending on how this architecture style is implemented and used, it can be considered as either a technically partitioned architecture or a domain partitioned one. For example, using plug-ins to provide adapter functionality or specific configurations would make it a technically partitioned architecture, whereas using plug-ins to provide additional extensions or additional functionality would make it more of a domain partitioned architecture. Considerations and Analysis | When to Consider This Style The microkernel architecture style is good to consider as a starting point for a product-based application or custom application that will have planned extensions. In particular, it is a good choice for products where you will be releasing additional features over time or you want control over which users get which features. Microkernel architecture is also a good choice for applications or"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about architecture?", "input": "Source: Software Architecture Patterns Understanding Common Architectural Styles and When to Use Them", "output": "Systems such as these are sometimes classified as CEP (complex event processing), something that is managed natively in event-driven architecture. When Not to Consider This Style You should not consider this architecture style if most of your processing is request based. Request-based processing is the typical situation where a user is requesting data from the database (such as a customer profile) or doing basic CRUD operations (create, read, update, delete) on entities in the system. Furthermore, if most of your processing requires synchronous processing where the user must wait for processing to be complete for a particular request, event-driven architecture is likely not the right architecture style for you. Because all processing is eventually consistent in event-driven architecture, this is not a good architecture style for business problems that require high levels of data consistency. There is little or no guarantee of when processing will occur in an event-driven architec‐"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about network?", "input": "Source: Software Architecture Patterns Understanding Common Architectural Styles and When to Use Them", "output": "Licensing fees for platforms, products, frameworks, and databases all rise exponentially based on the large number of services in a typical microservices ecosystem. Therefore, if you have tight cost and time constraints, avoid this architecture style and select a hybrid such as service-based architecture. Interestingly enough, most microservices architectures do not lend themselves well to high-performance or highly responsive systems. While this may sound surprising, it’s because in reality, microservices do in fact tend to communicate with each other to access data and perform additional business functions. Because the Considerations and Analysis | communication between services is remote, three types of latency occur: network latency, security latency, and data latency. Network latency is the amount of time it takes packets of information to reach the target service over the network. Depending on the type of remote access protocol you are using and the physical"}
{"instruction": "How is examples space-based presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: Software Architecture Patterns Understanding Common Architectural Styles and When to Use Them", "output": "processing units in a choreographed fashion. Topology and Components | Figure 7-4. The data grid contains the in-memory data grid, data pumps, and data writers Finally, the deployment manager component manages the dynamic startup and shutdown of processing units based on load conditions. This component continually monitors response times and user loads, starts up new processing units when the load increases, and shuts down processing units when the load decreases. It is a critical component to achieving variable scalability needs within an application, and is usually implemented through container orchestration products such as Kubernetes. Examples Space-based architecture is a very complicated and specialized architecture style, and is primarily used for high-volume, highly elastic systems that require very fast performance. One example of the use of space-based architecture is a concert ticketing system. Imagine what happens when your favorite rock band"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with popular?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "Her argument disrupts Freudian and Lacanian theories of sexual difference as well as existing theories of spectatorship and fetishism in relation to the male and female gaze in the cinema to provide a challenging and provocative rereading of classical and contemporary film and theoretical texts of interest to all teachers and students of film, feminist theory and cultural studies. Barbara Creed lectures in Cinema Studies at La Trobe University, Melbourne. POPULAR FICTION SERIES Series editors: Tony Bennett Graham Martin Professor Professor of English Literature School of Humanities Open University Griffith University In the same series Cover Stories: Narrative and ideology in the British spy thriller by Michael Denning Lost Narratives: Popular fictions, politics and recent history by Roger Bromley Popular Film and Television Comedy by Steve Neale and Frank Krutnik Popular Fiction: Technology, ideology, production, reading Edited by Tony Bennett"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise classical?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "vagina dentata is extremely prevalent. Despite local variations, the myth generally states that women are terrifying because they have teeth in their vaginas and that the women must be tamed or the teeth somehow removed or softened - usually by a hero figure - before intercourse can safely take place. The witch, of course, is a familiar female monster; she is invariably represented as an old, ugly crone who is capable of monstrous acts. During the European witch trials of recent history she was accused of the most hideous crimes: cannibalism, murder, castration of male victims, and the advent of natural disasters such as storms, fires and the plague. Most societies also have myths about the female vampire, a creature who sucks the blood of helpless, often willing, victims and transforms them into her own kind. Classical mythology, too, was populated with gendered monsters, many of which were female. The Sirens of classical mythology were described as"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe frankenstein's?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "The reasons why the monstrous-feminine horrifies her audience are quite different from the reasons why the male monster horrifies his audience. A new term is needed to specify these differences. As with all other stereotypes of the feminine, from virgin to whore, she is defined in terms of her sexuality. The phrase 'monstrous-feminine' emphasizes the importance of gender in the construction of her monstrosity. Before discussing the questions raised above, it is relevant to consider the various ways in which theorists and critics have approached the question of woman as monster in popular film. In general, they have adopted one of the following approaches: simply discussed female monstrosity as part of male monstrosity; argued that woman only terrifies when represented as man's castrated other; referred to her only in passing; or argued that there are no 'great' female monsters in the tradition of Frankenstein's monster or Dracula."}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term williams's?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "Both are constructed as 'biological freaks' whose bodies represent a fearful and threatening form of sexuality. This has important implications for the female spectator. 'So there is a sense in which the woman's look at the monster . . . is also a recognition of their similar status as potent threats to vulnerable male power' (ibid., 90). Williams's argument challenges the assumption that the monster is identified with masculinity and opens the way for a discussion of woman's 'power-in-difference'. Although Williams's thesis is important, because it challenges conventional approaches to the horror film, it still leaves unanswered questions about the nature of female monstrosity. What exactly is it about woman herself, as a being quite separate from the male monster, that produces definitions of female monstrosity? INTRODUCTION Apart from Williams, nearly all of the articles discussed above deal with woman as victim in the horror film. The main reason for this is that most"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about kristeva?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "perpetual danger. Julia Kristeva, Powers of Horror Julia Kristeva's Powers of Horror provides us with a preliminary hypothesis for an analysis of the representation of woman as monstrous in the horror film. Although her study is concerned with psychoanalysis and literature, it nevertheless suggests a way of situating the monstrous-feminine in the horror film in relation to the maternal figure and what Kristeva terms 'abjection', that which does not 'respect borders, positions, rules', that which 'disturbs identity, system, order' (Kristeva, 1982, 4). In general terms, Kristeva is attempting to explore the different ways in which abjection works within human societies, as a means of separating out the human from the non-human and the fully constituted subject from the partially formed subject. Ritual becomes a means by which societies both renew their initial contact with the abject element and then exclude that element. Through ritual, the demarcation lines between the human and non-human"}
{"instruction": "Why does kristeva matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "structed as the monstrous-feminine. By refusing to relinquish her hold on her child, she prevents it from taking up its proper place in relation to the symbolic. Partly consumed by the desire to remain locked in a blissful relationship with the mother and partly terrified of separation, the child finds it easy to succumb to the comforting pleasure of the dyadic relationship. Kristeva argues that a whole area of religion has assumed the function of tackling this danger: This is precisely where we encounter the rituals of defilement and their derivatives, which, based on the feeling of abjection and all converging on the maternal, attempt to symbolize the other threat to the subject: that of being swamped by the dual relationship, thereby risking the loss not of a part (castration) but of the totality of his living being. The function of these religious rituals is to ward off the subject's fear of his very own identity sinking irretrievably into the"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame the exorcist here?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "wastes may invoke pleasure in breaking the taboo on filth - sometimes described as a pleasure in perversity - and a pleasure in returning to that time when the mother-child relationship was marked by an untrammelled pleasure in 'playing' with the body and its wastes. The modern horror film often 'plays' with its audience, saturating it with scenes of blood and gore, deliberately pointing to the fragility of the symbolic order in the domain of the body where the body never ceases to signal the repressed world of the mother. In The Exorcist the world of the symbolic, represented by the priest-as-father, and the world of the presymbolic, represented by a pubescent girl aligned with the devil, clashed head on in scenes where the foulness of woman was signified by her putrid, filthy body covered in blood, urine, excrement and bile. Significantly, the possessed girl is also about to menstruate - in one scene, blood from her wounded genitals mingles with menstrual blood to provide one of the film's"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about procreation?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "forms of copulation and procreation. Invasion of the Body Snatchers explores the themes of bodily invasion and paranoia. The invading creature first exists as a giant egg/pod, which has come to Earth from another galaxy. As the pod silently hatches the creature simultaneously creates a replica of the human it wishes to become. In The Thing the primal scene is also presented as a series of grotesque bodily invasions; here the creature is able to take over both the human and animal body and clone itself into an exact replica of the invaded being. In both these films conception and birth are presented as a form of cloning; the sexual act becomes an act of vampirism. In Altered States a male scientist is able to take himself back to more primitive stages of existence through the agency of hallucinogenic drugs. He takes these while enfolded in a womb-like bath of special fluids. Eventually he gives birth to himself as an ape-creature. Procreation and"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about kane?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "outward as if it exploded from the inside. One of the trio, Kane (John Hurt) is lowered down a shaft into the gigantic womb-like chamber in which rows of eggs are hatching. Kane approaches one of the eggs; as he touches it with his gloved hand it opens out, revealing a mass of pulsating flesh. Suddenly, the monstrous thing inside leaps up and attaches itself to HORROR AND THE ARCHAIC MOTHER Kane's helmet, its tail penetrating Kane's mouth in order to fertilize itself inside his stomach. This representation of the primal scene recalls Freud's reference to an extreme primal scene phantasy where the subject imagines travelling back inside the womb to watch her/his parents having sexual intercourse, perhaps to watch themselves being conceived. Here, three astronauts explore the gigantic, cavernous, malevolent womb of the mother. Two members of the group watch an enactment of the primal scene in which Kane is violated in an act of phallic penetration."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about dracula?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "terrifies because she threatens to castrate. Like Count Dracula, the monstrous creature of Alien is constructed as the agent of the archaic mother but in my view the mother's phallus-fetish covers over, not her lack - as Freud argued - but rather, her castrating vagina dentata. (See Part II for a full explication of this view.) Mother Alien is primarily a terrifying figure not because she is castrated but because she castrates. Her all-consuming, incorporating powers are concretized in the figure of her alien offspring; the creature whose deadly mission is represented as the same as that of the archaic mother - to tear apart and reincorporate all life. I would also argue that the archaic mother of the Dracula films terrifies primarily because she threatens to castrate. Dadoun argues that Dracula represents her fetishized phallus; in my view he also represents, through his fanged mouth, her castrating dentata. Kristeva points to this aspect of the mother in her analysis of abjection:"}
{"instruction": "How is mother presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "were her 'baby', her 'little one'. Finally, Ripley enters her sleep pod, assuming a virgin-like repose. The nightmare is over and we are returned to the opening sequence of the film where birth was a clean, pristine affair. The final sequence works, not only to dispose of the alien, but also to repress the nightmare image of the archaic mother, constructed as a sign of abjection, within the text's patriarchal discourses. Alien presents a fascinating study of the archaic mother and of the fear her image generates. THE ARCHAIC MOTHER Freudian psychoanalytic theory is primarily concerned with the pre- Oedipal mother, the mother of infancy, weaning and toilet training who is responsible for the early socialization of the child. I think it is possible to open up the mother question still further and posit an even more archaic maternal figure, by going back to mythological narratives of the generative, parthenogenetic mother - that ancient archaic figure who gives birth to"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about horror?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "authority of Kristeva's semiotic, the mother of Lacan's imaginary, the phallic woman, the castrated and castrating woman. While the different figures signify separate aspects of the monstrous-feminine, as constructed in the horror film, each one is also only part of the whole. At times the horrific nature of the monstrous-feminine results from the merging of all aspects of the maternal figure into one - the horrifying image of woman as archaic mother, phallic woman, castrated body and castrating parent represented as a single figure within the horror film. However, the archaic mother is clearly present in two distinct ways in the horror film. Constructed as a negative force, she is represented in her phantasmagoric aspect in many horror texts, particularly the sci-fi horror film. We see her as the gaping, cannibalistic bird's mouth in The Giant Claw, the terrifying spider of The Incredible Shrinking Man; the toothed vagina/ womb of Jaws; and the fleshy, pulsating, womb of The Thing and"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on archaic mother?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "unable to stand the images of horror unfolding before his/her eyes, is forced to look away, to not-look, to look anywhere but at the screen - particularly when the monster is engaged in the act of killing. Strategies of identification are temporarily broken and pleasure in looking is transformed into pain as the spectator is punished for his/her voyeuristic desires. For instance, the scene in Alien where the alien creature gnaws its way out HORROR AND THE ARCHAIC MOTHER of the stomach of one of the astronauts is designed to command our attention while simultaneously punishing us for looking. We watch in horrified fascination as we see blood spatter up from underneath his shirt as something tries to push its way up from under. When we realize that the movement is actually coming from inside his stomach it is too late to disavow what we know. Even if we do look away - as do many spectators - we still have a fair idea of what is about to happen."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat invasion as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "As a possessed figure, Regan belongs to that lineage of dual personality horror figures such as the split personality (Sisters), werewolf (The Wolf Man) and invaded subject (Invasion of the Body Snatchers). The possessed or invaded being is a figure of abjection in that the boundary between self and other has been transgressed. When the subject is invaded by a personality of another sex the transgression is even more abject because gender boundaries are violated. In this case, the invasion usually takes the form of a female taking over the personality of a male (Psycho, Dressed to Kill, A Reflection of Fear). Not many horror films deal with the opposite situation (Deadly Blessing is one example). In films depicting invasion by the devil, the victim is almost always a young girl, the invader the male devil. One of the major boundaries traversed is that between innocence and corruption, purity and impurity. The Exorcist is usually seen as involving a case of"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of chris macneil?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "a priest. These women recall the Iraqi women dressed in black who set an ominous tone in the film's opening scenes. When his mother dies, she returns to haunt his nightmares. The theme of urban and spiritual decay is linked to a decline in proper familial values through the MacNeil family. What better ground for the forces of evil to take root than the household of a family in which the father is absent and where the mother continually utters profanities, particularly in relation to her husband? 'He doesn't give a shit. I've been on this fucking line for twenty minutes! Jesus Christ!' Chris MacNeil is currently acting in a film about student rebellion - a phenomenon which many would see as a sign of impending social collapse. But while the theme of spiritual decline is central to The Exorcist, it is secondary to the film's exploration of female monstrousness and the inability of the male order to control the woman whose perversity is expressed through her"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect language to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "The repressed semiotic chora of language which finds expression in non-rational discourses such as poetry and art - here I would include the horror film - challenges the rational discourse of the symbolic order and the seeming stability of the rational subject. Kristeva places semiotic language on the side of femininity and symbolic language on the side of masculinity although both aspects of language, the semiotic/feminine and the symbolic/masculine are open to all individuals regardless of their biological sex. The semiotic chora is brought into being with the entry of the subject into the symbolic order and the various forms of repression that this entails. Specifically, this entry involves the repression of the maternal authority and the period of her training when the mother controls the body of the infant. 'If language, like culture, sets up a separation and, starting with discrete elements, concatenates an order, it does so precisely by"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on regan's?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "help to establish and maintain the self's 'clean and proper body'. More importantly, she demonstrates the fragility of those laws and taboos. Regan's possession demonstrates that those abject substances can never be successfully obliterated but lie in wait at the threshold of the subject's identity, threatening it with possible breakdown. What is most interesting about Regan's journey is the way in which it is represented as a struggle between the subject and the abject. It is Regan's body which becomes the site of this struggle - a struggle which literally takes place within the interior of and across the body. Slime, bile, pus, vomit, urine, blood - all of these abject forms of excrement are part of Regan's weaponry. Regan is possessed not by the devil but by her own unsocialized body. WOMAN AS POSSESSED MONSTER One of the most bizarre scenes occurs when the words 'Help Me' appear on Regan's stomach. The scene makes it clear that Regan is trapped inside"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with regan's?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "vampire film and other horror texts such as Cat People, Repulsion, Sisters and Fatal Attraction. This is one reason why Regan's possession is so horrifying. When we first see Regan she appears to be so chaste and innocent; no wonder her gradual possession, with its emphasis on filthy utterances and depraved acts, seems so shocking. Regan's mockery of all established forms of propriety, of the clean and proper body and of the law itself define her as abject. Yet, despite her monstrous appearance and shocking utterances, she remains a strongly ambiguous figure. Regan's carnivalesque display of her body reminds us quite clearly of the immense appeal of the abject. Horror emerges from the fact that woman has broken with her proper feminine role - she has 'made a spectacle of herself - put her unsocialized body on display. And to make matters worse, she has done all of this before the shocked eyes of two male clerics. WOMAN AS MONSTROUS WOMB: THE"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise christianity?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "ated a devouring mother' (ibid.). The third way in which the womb suggests the monstrous relates to the definition of abjection in terms of inside/outside. In her analysis of the way in which woman is constructed as abject in religious discourses, Kristeva examines the crucial change that occurred in the theorization of abjection with the advent of Christianity. Central to Christ's teachings are a set of actions which challenge earlier prohibitions and categories of the unclean. These include partaking of meals with pagans, mixing with lepers, and the abolition of dietary taboos. How does this affect the theorization of abjection? Whereas abjection was formulated in Judaism as a series of abominations external to the human subject, in Christianity abjection is interiorized. 'An essential trait of those evangelical attitudes or narratives is that abjection is no longer exterior. It is permanent and comes from within' (ibid., 113). An individual who appears clean on the outside may be"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe woman's?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "alterations in the womb. In Xtro the impregnated womb swells to monstrous proportions; The Brood presents woman's womb sac as a disgusting growth; in Aliens the creature's birth chamber, complete with rows of newly-laid pulsating egg sacs, is like a gaping black maw; while The Manitou depicts the womb as a displaced tumour growing on woman's neck - presumably the 'neck' stands in for the cervix or neck of the womb. In these texts, emphasis is on becoming, change, expansion, growth, alteration. Menstruation and childbirth are seen as the two events in woman's life which have placed her on the side of the abject. It is woman's fertilizable body which aligns her with nature and threatens the integrity of the patriarchal symbolic order. Woman's birth-giving function has provided the horror film with an important source of many of its most horrific images - its intra-uterine iconography, the parthenogenetic mother, evocations of the uncanny and"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term horror films?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "THE WOMB IN HORROR FILMS From the above discussion we can see that the womb is represented in the horror film in at least two main ways: symbolically in terms of intra-uterine settings and literally in relation to the female body. In many films the monster commits her or his dreadful acts in a location which resembles the womb. These intra-uterine settings consist of dark, narrow, winding passages leading to a central room, cellar or other symbolic place of birth. In other horror films the monstrous womb belongs to woman or a female creature who is usually about to give birth to an alien being or brood of terrifying creatures. Her womb is depicted as grotesque thus giving concrete expression to its monstrous nature. The women who give birth to aliens or possess mutated wombs are not all active monsters like the witch or vampire. Some are active (The Brood) in that they control their evil offspring; some are raped by an alien (Inseminoid) or even by a computer"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about vampire?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "ever, vampire films have dealt openly with the lesbianism of the vampire. According to James Ursini and Alain Silver in their book The Vampire Film, most lesbian vampire films draw on one of two sources. One source is Sheridan Le Fanu's novella 'Carmilla', which tells the story of the Countess Millarca Karnstein, who has lived for centuries by vampirizing young women. The other is an historical figure, the sixteenth-century Hungarian noblewoman, the Countess Elizabeth Bathory, who was accused of torturing to death over 600 young virgins and bathing in their blood in order to maintain her youth and beauty. Horror films which deal exclusively with the lesbian vampire include: The Vampire Lovers, Lust for a Vampire, Twins of Evil, Blood and Roses, Vampyres, Vampyros Lesbos, The Velvet Vampire, The Hunger, Daughters of Darkness, and Walerian Borowczyk's Immoral Tales, which employs the Countess Elizabeth Bathory as the subject of one sequence."}
{"instruction": "Why does lesbian matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "female vampire also represents abjection because she crosses the boundary between the living and dead, the human and animal. The vampire's animalism is made explicit in her bloodlust and the growth of her two pointed fangs. Because she is not completely animal or human, because she hovers on the boundary between these two states, she represents abjection. The lesbian vampire is monstrous for another reason, one which is directly related to her sexuality and which offers a threat of a more abject nature. Like the male, the lesbian vampire also causes woman's blood to flow. Given the abject status of woman's blood within religious and cultural discourses, bloodletting alone constitutes a prime case of abjection. Lesbian vampirism, however, is doubly abject because woman, already more abject than man, releases the blood of another woman. In this reworking of the primal scene, abjection is everywhere. Secretions mark the body, present it as imperfect, not fully symbolic,"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame miriam here?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "their lavish apartment. Unlike conventional vampires, they do not possess fangs. Instead each wears a small, sharp blade in a sheath which hangs around their necks. With this they cut the throats of their victims and later dispose of the carcasses in the basement furnace. Miriam and John have been together for centuries; they appear to be deeply in love. One morning John wakes up to discover that Miriam's promise of immortality is false; he has begun to grow old. Although Miriam promises immortality, she knows that none of her lovers will live for ever. John seeks the help of Sarah Roberts (Susan Sarandon), a scientist who is researching the ageing process. All his attempts fail and he begins to age rapidly. When he turns into an old, decrepit man, Miriam carries his crumbling body upstairs to the attic where she keeps the coffins of her undead lovers. Meanwhile Miriam has already decided to make Sarah her next lover. She seduces and vampirizes the willing Sarah, who develops a mysterious"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about abjection?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "Furthermore, because the two vampires are female, and both are capable of mothering, and feeding their offspring, we are made more aware of the vampire's blood as woman's blood, a special blood which gives life/birth to the lover/child. But this is also a death scene in which the blood spurt is in excess. Thus the relationship between Miriam and Sarah is abject in a number of ways: it violates not only the incest taboo but also the interdiction against homosexual love or love of the same. In some lesbian vampire films (Twins of Evil, Vampyres) the female vampires even look alike, further reinforcing the suggestion of narcissistic desire. Abjection is also present because the vampire's union is brought about by the opening up of a wound, a form of abjection discussed earlier in relation to The Brood. Wounds, particularly leprous sores, point to the imperfection of the bodily surface and the opening of the maternal body WOMAN AS VAMPIRE during childbirth."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about barbara steele?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "In Black Sunday, Barbara Steele plays Asa, a witch who swears vengeance on the descendants of the men who executed her hundreds of years ago. She was a Moldavian princess accused by the Inquisition of practising witchcraft and worshipping Satan. The Grand Inquisitor is her own brother who watches while the mask of Satan, lined with sharp spikes, is placed upon her face. She will die when the spikes penetrate her brain. Two centuries later her coffin is discovered and the mask is accidentally removed, revealing her face, which is still miraculously preserved. The dead woman awakens and, although unable to move, is able to orchestrate her bloody revenge from the crypt. Gradually Asa begins to take over the body of her great-granddaughter Katia, who is also played by Barbara Steele. Eventually the witch is caught and consigned to the flames. Suspiria is set in the Tarn Academy of Dance in Germany. Suzie Banyon (Jessica Harper), an American student, investigates the brutal murder of a"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about carrie?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "Mrs White's bloody crucifixion and Carrie's death. An analysis of each of these will enable us to see how woman's monstrousness is linked to her reproductive function. What is perhaps most significant about Carrie's telekinetic powers is that she acquires them at the same time as her blood flows, the time of her menarche. Woman's blood is thus linked to the possession of supernatural powers, powers which historically and mythologically have been associated with the representation of woman as witch. When Carrie first bleeds, she is in the shower pleasurably massaging and stroking her body. Like Marion in Psycho, Carrie is shown enjoying her own body; the mood is sensual, even erotic. Soft focus, slow motion and dreamy music create a mood of gentle romanticism. Like Marion, Carrie is also cruelly punished for enjoying solitary, sensual pleasures. The romantic mood is suddenly broken as Carrie looks in horror as menstrual blood spills forth and runs freely down"}
{"instruction": "How is carrie presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "away from the maternal insides. Wounds signify the abject because they point to woman's reproductive functions and her alliance with the world of WOMAN AS WITCH nature. In Carrie, woman's blood also signifies maternal blood; the blood that nourishes the embryo and emphasizes woman's procreative function. In the horror genre, however, menstrual blood is constructed as a source of abjection: its powers are so great it can transform woman into any one of a number of fearful creatures: possessed child, killer and vengeful witch. Yet the film presents contradictory messages: on the one hand it redeploys ancient blood taboos and misogynistic myths; on the other, it invites sympathy for Carrie as a victim of these prejudices. Once again we can see that woman's reproductive functions mark her as monstrous. In the horror films discussed above woman is represented as monstrous in relation to her reproductive and maternal functions. This occurs for a number of reasons: the archaic mother (Alien) horrifies"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about reproduced?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "bodily horror. Reproduced courtesy of Renaissance Pictures Ltd. Plate 12 The psychotic sister (Bernadette Gibson) of Next of Kin wields her deadly knife. Reproduced courtesy of Film House Pty Ltd. PREFACE In Part II of this book I will explore a dimension of the monstrous-feminine that is not specifically related to woman's maternal and reproductive functions. Freud argued that woman terrifies because she is castrated. I will argue that woman also terrifies because man endows her with imaginary powers of castration. Because the Freudian theory of woman's castration has provided the dominant theoretical justification for analyses of woman as monster in the horror film, it is necessary to return to Freud in order to evaluate critically the origins of his theory. In the next two chapters I will present, first, a rereading of his Little Hans case history ('Analysis of a phobia in a five-year-old boy') and, second, I will examine the repression"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on hans?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "Hans agrees that his new widdler and bottom were bigger but this does not mean the father is accurate in his interpretation. Hans often agrees with his father's theories but then later utters statements which contradict them. The crucial thing about the two phantasies is not their similarity but their difference. The first appears to be about birth while the second is not; it seems to be about an exchange. It is impossible, however, to ascertain the exact nature of the exchange because Hans's father interrupted the story and imposed his own interpretation. We know that Hans was reluctant to relate this phantasy and resisted telling the details to his father. Perhaps this is why the father took over. If Hans's father is correct in assuming that Hans was given a 'bigger' bottom and widdler in his phantasy we still need to ask about the nature of these. Perhaps the second phantasy signalled that Hans had finally relinquished his desire to have a baby; instead he has"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat hans as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "Hans's mother is the unattainable object of his deepest desires and the frightening parent of his nightmares. She is the mother who is terrifying not because she is castrated but because she castrates - in two ways. She threatens to send the doctor to castrate Hans; and her body, with its mysterious bleeding/biting widdler, also threatens to castrate. It is clear from a rereading of the Little Hans case history that we cannot use this material to justify the argument that man fears woman because she is castrated. The clinical material indicates that Hans did not relate to his mother as phallic and then castrated; rather, he believed she possessed phallic attributes ('a widdler like a horse') which made her powerful and terrifying. As I have argued, it is more likely that the boy endows the mother with a penis retrospectively, after he becomes consciously aware for the first time that she might castrate. Furthermore, there is no real justification for arguing, on the basis of the material available, that the"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of bermuda triangle'?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "The visual association between biting and bloodied lips, sexual intercourse and death provides a central motif of the vampire film. While all images of menacing, toothed mouths - regardless of the gender of the character - suggest the vagina dentata, some films link this image specifically to woman. These are not always horror films. The postmodern text, Blue Velvet, which quotes from various film genres, including horror and noir, contains a scene which draws a playful connection between the heroine's sensually parted lips and an ornamental carving of a toothed vagina hanging on the hero's bedroom wall. One of the characters in Bull Durham jokes that men call women 'the Bermuda Triangle' because they are frightened of disappearing inside. In Ingmar Bergman's Cries and Whispers, a woman puts broken glass in her vagina while lying in bed awaiting her husband. Another visual motif associated with the vagina dentata is that of the barred and dangerous entrance."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect medusa's to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "imaginations, the multiplication of snake symbols on the Medusa's head may suggest a multiplication of the woman's imaginary phallus; they more clearly represent that genital in its castrating aspects. Representations of the snake coiled in a circle, its tail/phallus in its mouth/vagina is a ubiquitous symbol of bisexuality found in all cultures. Freud isolates the phallic and ignores the vaginal significance of the snake as a sexual symbol. To argue that the Medusa's severed head symbolizes the terrifying castrated female genitals, and that the snakes represent her fetishized and comforting imaginary phallus, is an act of wish fulfilment par excellence. Freud's interpretation masks the active, terrifying aspects of the female genitals - the fact that they might castrate. The Medusa's entire visage is alive with images of toothed vaginas, poised and waiting to strike. No wonder her male victims were rooted to the spot with fear. MATERNAL BLEEDING"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on defloration?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "so-called civilized societies value virginity while 'primitive' peoples have made the defloration of virgins the subject of a taboo. Freud uses this discussion to launch his theory of penis envy and frigidity in women. In some primitive cultures the defloration of girls is performed outside marriage and before the first act of sexual intercourse takes place. Defloration is performed by someone other than the prospective husband: the bride's father, the priest, an old woman, or a professional. Freud gives various explanations for this ritual practice: fear of first events, fear of women's blood, fear of women. The first explanation is that primitive man associates all new or threshold events, such as defloration, with the unknown and the uncanny. He uses ritual to ward off any unexpected dangers. The second explanation holds that some people believed that woman bleeds periodically because of the presence in her vagina of a biting spirit animal;"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with your grave?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "ancient Sirens, those mythological figures who lured sailors to their doom through the beauty of their song. The Sirens, of course, were images of female castrators par excellence. The myth resounds with images of castration anxiety: jagged rocks, cannibalism, death and dismemberment. I Spit on Your Grave belongs to that category of rape-revenge films which presents a direct representation of the femme castratrice. There is no attempt to represent woman as castrator by implication or through filmic devices such as substitution or symbolism - as in Misery. Woman castrates her male victim literally. I Spit on Your Grave tells the story of Jennifer Hills (Camille Keaton), a teacher from New York, who rents a house in the country for the summer. She plans to write a book about a fictional character called Mary Selby. At the petrol station she talks to the attendant who turns out to be Johnny, the leader of a pack of local hoodlums. The other group members are Stanley, Andy and Matthew - the latter is a"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise dominique?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "While man's castration is genital, woman's castration is depicted as a separation from part of her own self and/or separation from another woman, her sister. In this scenario a part, but not all, of woman dies. This part constitutes woman's active, aggressive, phallic self. The self that survives is represented as symbolically castrated through the image of the scar. The film presents its notion of the castrated/castrating woman in relation to social and sexual definitions of what constitutes the proper feminine role for woman. For instance, Grace's mother refuses to take her daughter's career seriously; she calls it her 'little job', something to do before she settles down to the serious business of marriage and family. Emile falls in love with Danielle rather than Dominique presumably because she is, as we learn in the film from the director of the hospital: 'So sweet, so responsive, so normal as opposed to her sister.' The film's representation"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe grace?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "Part two involves a lovemaking episode between Emile and Danielle. Grace watches herself/Dominique being put to sleep as Emile makes love to Danielle. The memory is like a bizarre primal scene in which woman is depicted as a 'double' figure, only capable of sex if her twin selves are split from each other. The man is the aggressor who deliberately silences woman's critical self in order to appeal to her 'desire' to be a wife and mother. At this point the film cuts to a wide-angle shot and we see a figure in the foreground writing on a pad as the film of the seduction scene continues. In her hallucination, Grace imagines herself taking notes as she did when first viewing the film about the Siamese twins. The difference is that Grace is now playing a double role: she is both the reporter carrying out her investigations and one of the subjects under investigation. Grace is woman investigating herself - a privileged position in patriarchal culture."}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term sisters?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "ideology. On the contrary, such a composite image, in which woman's nature is represented as deceptive and unknowable, is essential to the proper functioning of such an ideology. It is represented continually within different signifying practices such as film, art, religion, pornography, literature, jokes and colloquial speech. It is interesting, however, to note that the majority of critical and theoretical writings on sexual difference in the cinema have kept alive the image of the castrated woman while ignoring her alter ego, the castrating woman. Sisters presents a contradictory message about the role of women in patriarchy. On the one hand, the film sets out to terrify the spectator with an image of woman as psychotic castrator. On the other hand, it presents an interesting explanation of woman's oppression within patriarchy. In Sisters woman's desire to castrate man is related directly to her own earlier mutilation, separation and the death of her active self."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about marion?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "ism which enables the camera to adopt an omniscient view of the set, peering down from its lofty perch. The association between woman and the camera, the mother and moral sight, is further developed through language. Marion comes from Phoenix - the name of a bird associated in THE CASTRATING MOTHER mythology with rebirth. The two women represent death, watchfulness and forms of rebirth; Mrs Bates is dead but lives on in Norman's mind as his alter ego: Marion is associated with a mythological return which is made concrete through the intervention of the sister who bears a striking resemblance to Marion and who ultimately learns the truth, 'sees' everything. What is it that the mother sees? Of what terrible crime does she accuse her child? In Norman's case, it would appear that she sees into his heart and uncovers his guilty secret, his sexual desires. The scene in which Marion overhears Norman/Mrs Bates denounce the individual's need for"}
{"instruction": "Why does irigaray this matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "ing of the symbolic itself. Luce Irigaray, This Sex Which Is Not One Wife, mother, daughter, virgin, whore, career woman, femme fatale - these are the most popular stereotypes of woman that have been addressed by feminist theorists in their writings on popular cinema. Very little has been written on woman as monster. As with the more critically popular images of woman, those which represent woman as monstrous also define her primarily in relation to her sexuality, specifically the abject nature of her maternal and reproductive functions. As I have shown, the monstrousfeminine constitutes an important and complex stereotype which can be broken down into a number of different figures of female horror: woman as archaic mother, monstrous womb, vampire, possessed monster, femme castratrice, witch, castrating mother. The representation of the monstrousfeminine in patriarchal signifying practices has a number of consequences for psychoanalytically based theories of sexual difference."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame gaylyn studlar here?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "While this image does give 'order and meaning' to the patriarchal symbolic and to the representation of woman in many film genres, it does not explain the representation of male fears in the horror film which are not alleviated or repudiated either THE MEDUSA'S GAZE by the textual processes of fetishization or the narrative processes that reinforce the controlling power of the male protagonist. Nor does it explain those texts in which the castrated male body, not the female body, represents lack and absence. In these texts it is the mutilated male form that evokes castration anxiety while the heroine is represented as the avenging castrator, the central protagonist with whom the spectator is encouraged to identify. The femme castratrice controls the sadistic gaze: the male victim is her object. In her use of the masochistic aesthetic, Gaylyn Studlar has presented an important critique of the dominant Freudian-Lacanian model of spectator-"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about sisters?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "female castrator? Does she derive a form of sadistic pleasure in seeing her sexual other humiliated and punished? The answers to these questions are complex and vary from text to text. For instance, the female spectator might feel empowerment from identifying with the castrating heroine of the slasher film when the latter finally destroys the male killer. She may also feel empowerment from identifying with the castrating heroine of the rape-revenge film when the latter takes revenge on the male rapist. But the psychotic castrating heroine of films like Sisters does not actively encourage spectator identification in that she is depicted as insane. Nor does the castrating mother figure of Psycho or Friday the 13th encourage sympathetic identification - particularly when her victims are female. This does not, however, mean that the female spectator does not identify with these figures of feminine horror. Given that the horror film speaks to our deepest"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about little hans?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "feminine in her role as castrator has led to a serious misunderstanding of the nature of the monstrous woman in the horror film and other popular genres such as film noir and science fiction. The archetypes of the phallic and castrating woman are quite different and should not be confused; the former ultimately represents a comforting phantasy of sexual sameness, and the latter a terrifying phantasy of sexual difference. The notion of the phallic woman is crucial to Freud's theory of castration; if the child did not initially believe the mother was phallic, it could not later construct her as castrated. In Lacanian terms, woman could not be seen as representing 'lack' and 'absence'. According to Freud, the importance of the penis for both sexes is a corollary of the fact that the child is unaware of the existence of the vagina and its proper function until the tenth or eleventh year - a theory I questioned in relation to the Little Hans case study."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about medusa's gaze?", "input": "Source: The monstrous-feminine film, feminism, psychoanalysis", "output": "object of fear and dread. Clearly, the widespread phantasy of woman as castrator raises crucial problems for psychoanalytic theories of sexual difference. My intention, however, is not to try and absorb the figure of the maternal castrator into Freud's theory of the Oedipus and castration complexes but rather to point out the inadequacy of these theories in helping us to understand the origins of patriarchy. Entry into a symbolic order is a long and gradual process in which the mother, or a number of complex reasons, plays an active central role but one that has been rendered invisible in relation to the Freudian theory of castration. The problem is that the processes whereby the infant separates itself from the mother, and the role she plays in this, are not clearly delineated. With its emphasis on law, logic and rationality, THE MEDUSA'S GAZE the language of the symbolic order does not easily tolerate borders, boundaries and processes that interweave in complex and various ways."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise logic?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "ELECTROCHEMISTRY: Go to party planet. Love and be loved by drugs. SHIVERS: Raise the hair on your neck. Tune in to the city. HALF LIGHT: Let the body take control. Threaten people. MOTORICS HAND/EYE COORDINATION: Ready? Aim and fire. PERCEPTION: See, hear, and smell everything. Let no detail go unnoticed. REACTION SPEED: The quickest to react. An untouchable man. SAVOIR FAIRE: Sneak under their noses. Stun with immense panache. INTERFACING: Master machines. Pick locks and pockets. COMPOSURE: Straighten your back. Keep your poker face. LOGIC COOL FOR: ANALYSTS. PURE RATIONALISTS. OBVIOUSLY LOGICIANS. Logic urges you to analyze the living daylights out of the case. It enables you to piece evidence together, detect inconsistencies in statements, and impress everyone with your astonishing conclusions.It's the bread and butter of many a detective. At high levels, Logic will be able to solve even the most complicated puzzle. You will be very proud, and thus susceptible to intellectual flattery; for those blinded by their own"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe you'll?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "dideridada, and even the concept of HARDCORE - and then, importantly, to add your own contribution to these works. At high levels, Conceptualization makes you go big-perhaps too big. It is ostentatious, demanding grand displays. Why live life when you can throw yourself into a live volcano? At low levels, however, you will be unable to see the world in a creative light. You'll be unable to contribute to conversations in an art gallery. Only boring people will invite you to their dust parties. VISUAL CALCULUS COOL FOR: FORENSIC SCIENTISTS. TACTICAL FIGHTERS. MATH-MINDED PEOPLE. Visual Calculus verses you not only in the laws of the state, but the laws of nature. It enables you to create virtual crime-scene models in your mind's eye. You'll see how a bullet shattered the glass, and from that trace its trajectory with mathematical precision. You'll also count so many footprints-and at a glance discern shoe size and design; as well as the height, weight, and gender of the one who wore them."}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term esprit?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "at you. ESPRIT DE CORPS COOL FOR: COPS. COP-AFICIONADOS. PRETEND-COPS. Esprit de Corps is the very spirit of policing: the cop-geist. It enables you to understand your blue-souled sisters and brothers -not only by picking up subtle signals from your partner, but by witnessing flash-sideways scenes as they play out in your precinct. At high levels, you'll be the very heart of the police force: not only willing and able but obliged to take a bullet for your partner. However, without Esprit de Corps you'll be flying blind, unable to understand discreet remarks colleagues make in high-stakes situations; remarks that might just save your life. SUGGESTION COOL FOR: DIPLOMATS. CHARMERS. SOCIOPATHS. Suggestion urges a soft-power approach. If people think they want what you want, you've already won. This skill enables you to implant ideas into the minds of others. You can make the citizens like you more. You can make gangsters turn on each other, too; many"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about physical?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "them effectively. It enables you to do push-ups, sit-ups, knock-out punches and 360-degree spin-kicks. It's a one size fits all solution to thriving and surviving in a physical world. At high levels, Physical Instrument breaks doors, chains, and bones, and it makes you laugh at the namby-pansies who can't. You'll be manned-up, encouraging others to curl iron until they're manned-up too. At low levels, however, you'll have a hard time arresting anyone who isn't infirm or already dead.Indeed, engaging in physical confrontations could leave you in either state. ELECTROCHEMISTRY COOL FOR: HIGH-FLIERS. PARTY ENTHUSIASTS. COPS WHO NEED LIGHTNING. Electrochemistry is the animal within you, the beast longing to be unleashed to indulge and enjoy. It enables you to take drugs with fewer negative side-effects. It also enables you to better investigate lurid matters – if you need to understand a chemical breakdown, or talk to someone blasted out of their mind, or understand sexual dynamics,"}
{"instruction": "Why does reaction speed matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "suspect, after claiming they've nothing to hide. At high levels, Perception takes in every final detail of the physical world - enough to overwhelm all but the strongest mind. However, with low levels, you are going to miss out on everything. After all, you can't arrest what you can't see, hear, or smell. REACTION SPEED COOL FOR: SHOT-DODGERS. THINKERS ON THEIR FEET. PINBALL-HEADS. Reaction Speed is the agility of your body and mind. It is instinct.It enables you to dodge punches, knives, bullets. Also sucker punches of the verbal kind. You'll be more streetwise, never lost for words or lacking a witty comeback.Your mental alacrity lets you connect little details on the fly, working in tandem with your Intellect skills. At high levels,Reaction Speed makes your twitch-reflex freakishly good. However, when your body acts before your mind, innocent situations can turn bad fast. You're high strung, overly alert. At low levels, though, you won't be the one shooting first - which probably"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame success here?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Now it smells like someone took a piss in the armpits. +1 Conceptualization: A real *statement* to wear - 1 Suggestion: Unsavoury odour MIRROR — A mirror hangs above a bent and broken sink. In a fierce discharge of masculine energy someone has ripped half the faucet off. CONCEPTUALIZATION [Challenging: Success] — Was this not the same *élan*that founds empires and lays waste to cities, virile, uncaring towards *the little things*? LOGIC [Medium: Success] — Probably not, no. MIRROR — Hot water sprays from the faucet's base and steam covers the mirror. You cannot see yourself, just a vague impression of a man. Suddenly you realise you have no memory of the face that awaits you there, underneath the soft vapour. Really? Nothing? MIRROR — Really - all recollection of the person you are, the people in your life and even the world you're in has drowned in a sea of blood alcohol. This was no mere night of drinking, it was a deluge. Of world-ending proportions."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about superstar?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "it. In an iconic monochrome solution, a black silhouette against a rasterized orange world. It's *on*. Some kind of Superstar Problem:First, let's make this absolutely clear. No one is saying you're an *actual* superstar in the groupies-and-cocaine, riddled-with-hepatitis-C, strikes-a-lionesque-pose-with-a mic kind of way. You’re not Guillaume le Million or Davy Dewis, no. You're a *metaphorical* superstar. You bring that rock-and-roll authenticity and passion to a line of work where people don't expect (or want) to see it. Where, some would say, it doesn't *belong*: law enforcement. Solution: They say the world isn’t ready for a rock-and-roll cop. No one *wants* their state monopoly on violence to be mixed with celebrity worship. They 'claim to know' it would be dangerous for detectives to rise to the ranks of demigods and have sexual encounters with barely-legal cover girls. It would be 'insane', they say. To all this you say: Fuck off and die."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about ambrosius costeau?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "CONCEPTUALIZATION — NO, you won’t Raphaël Ambrosius Costeau is one class name and you're one classy cop. Say it. YOU — It's very, very cool. But maybe justa bit too... ostentatious? HORRIFIC NECKTIE — You instinctively run your hand over the multi-patterned silk of your tie. Its slickness gives you comfort and reassurance Don't worry. Raphael Ambrosius Costeau is one classy name--for one classy cop. CONCEPTUALIZATION — No,it's not! Raphaël Ambrosius Costeau is one classy name for one classy cop. Say it! YOU — \"My name is Raphaël Ambrosius Costeau\" KIM KITSURAGI — \"Yes, well. \"He doesn't even process what you just said, just moves on. DRAMA [Medium: Success] — Not for a moment does he believe that's your real name. He casts it aside as an intradepartmental joke or a peculiarity he doesn't understand. CONCEPTUALIZATION [Medium:Success] — Concentration makes you squint your eyes. Your name should be deep gold and orange, like a forest fire looming on the horizon,"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about cryptozoologist's wife?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "We have almost no government of our own. And *certainly* no dictatorship of the proletariat.\" RHETORIC [Easy: Success] — But they still have cops... YOU — \"Our leaders are fierce warriors who traverse the plains on steeds. Civilization cowers before us.\" LENA,THE CRYPTOZOOLOGIST'S WIFE — \"Oh... no, nothing like that, dear. Revachol is a Zone of Control, led by an alliance of foreign powers called the Coalition. We have almost no government of our own. And certainly not one who's horseback.\" PHYSICAL INSTRUMENT [Medium:Success] — Of course. You've arrived at a *weak*world, where no one appreciates animal husbandry. YOU — \"We are governed by intelligent machines that perform calculations to determine the*freest*market. Everyone hustles and grinds like a bad ass visionary. LENA,THE CRYPTOZOOLOGIST'S WIFE — \"Oh... no, nothing like that, dear. Revachol is a Zone of Control, led by an alliance of foreign powers called the Coalition. We have almost no government of our own--certainly no machines.\""}
{"instruction": "How is coupris kineema presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "The damage looks like it could've been caused by an earthquake. Maybe a sea monster did this to the plaza? COUPRIS KINEEMA — Before you stands a motor carriage. The bodywork is covered in blue and white livery bearing the number 57. Vapour emanates from the large engine on the back of the vehicle. It hasn't had time to cool off yet. LOGIC [Trivial: Success]— This must be the infernal machine that tore you from oblivion--the Coupris Kineema motor carriage. YOU — Open the door. COUPRIS KINEEMA — In the cabin you are welcomed by a set of steering levers, a radio-microphone on a hook, a pull-out toolbox under the seat, and the soft glow of the fuel pre-heater gauge. PERCEPTION (SMELL) [Medium: Success] — A scent of leather-work and heavy fuel oils washes over you. YOU — Pull out the pull-out toolbox. COUPRIS KINEEMA — A metallic drawer slides out from under the seat and clicks into place. The tools inside are neatly organized. KIM KITSURAGI — \"Take what you need, officer."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about shit compressor?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Thought gained: Volumetric Shit Compressor Volumetric Shit Compressor Problem: Your shit is *apart*, and it's rather unbecoming of a cop and a human being. It's supposed to be the opposite of that: *together*. Compressed in a small area. To achieve a solid level of shit-compression, squeeze your butt-cheeks together for 30 minutes. Do something similar with the two hemispheres of your brain. Talk to people, maybe that will help. Solution:Bizarre scientific news from Revachol West today, where a police officer's shit has been observed at a pressure of around 495 giga-decimals. These metallic hydrogen levels of shit-togetherness were thought to exist only at the center of collapsing stars, not law officials. It remains to be seen how long the shit-singularity lasts. THE HANGED MAN — Ha-ha-ha! AGAIN! The corpse laughs at you, puss dripping from its mouth. You will *never* be able tohold it in. It's *always*too much... ENDURANCE — Every time it happens it g gets worse and worse."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on nilsen?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "circumstances, the proletariat's embrace of historical materialism may be *so fervent*that their beliefs take form in the world of matter as a kind of revolutionary 'plasm'.\" YOU — Hold on, can you put that in slightly more* basic terms? A BRIEF LOOK AT INFRA-MATERIALISM — Certainly. In essence, Nilsen is arguing that thoughts don't just reside *inside* the brain, they radiate outward *from* it.According to this idea, the brain is an ideological transponder, constantly emitting waves of highly politicised energy, which Nilsen called 'plasm'. YOU — Whoa. A BRIEF LOOK AT INFRA-MATERIALISM — Whoa is right! What's more, Nilsen speculated that this plasm, when it becomes powerful enough, might begin to *influence* the material reality surrounding it. Hence the name: *infra-materialism*. YOU — Huh. Okay... A BRIEF LOOK AT INFRA-MATERIALISM — Stay with us a moment longer. What's more, Nilsen speculated that this plasm, when it becomes powerful enough, might begin to"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with medium success?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Seems doable. Your machinery could go the distance if called upon... INLAND EMPIRE[Medium: Success] — Stop, stop! Banish the thought. This isn't what you came for. HAND/EYE COORDINATION [Medium:Success] — No wonder the communards couldn't shoot straight -- they were too shagged out! CONCEPTUALIZATION[Medium: Success] — Hyper-productive vegetables and ultra-horny communards are fine, but this theory hasn't quite gotten strange enough for you. ELECTROCHEMISTRY [Medium: Success] — Sexual euphoria... increased sensitivity to stimulation... if you didn't know better, you'd say this plasm stuff sounds a lot like being on amphetamines. A BRIEF LOOK AT INFRA-MATERIALISM — And on that note, you feel like you've gotten the general idea of Infra-Materialism. Enough to carry on a basic conversation, at least. But if you'd like to go even deeper into some of the more speculative aspects of the theory, you could always read further... CONCEPTUALIZATION —Of course you want to go deeper."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about medium success?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "observed, the exact mechanism behind these effects remains entirely speculative. LOGIC[Medium: Success] — In other words, there's no evidence that any of this mind-reading stuff is real. INLAND EMPIRE [Medium: Success] — Why are you getting hung up on mechanisms... Open your mind's aperture just a little wider! You're so close to true understanding! ELECTROCHEMISTRY [Medium: Success] — Pssst! You know what *else* lets you feel like you can read minds? Spooky ol'pyrholidon... YOU — Wait, if there's no evidence plasm exists, how can the theory be true? A BRIEF LOOK AT INFRA-MATERIALISM — Most infra-materialists would argue that the inability of skeptics to detect plasm is simply evidence of their own insufficient revolutionary enthusiasm. LOGIC — There you have it. A perfectly unfalsifiable loop. The theory is impossible to disprove on its own grounds... Meaning it's hardly a theory at all. RHETORIC — This should be more than enough for a stimulating discussion."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe brief look?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "to assist in the extra-physical materialisation of their thoughts. YOU — Why didn't they just get some high-powered merc gear?(Tap your armour.) A BRIEF LOOK AT INFRA-MATERIALISM — The communards were notoriously under-equipped against the much better-funded Coalition. In any event, it's doubtful even ceramic armour would have altered the outcome. YOU —Should've used their finger pistols instead. (Aim your finger pistols toward the bay.) A BRIEF LOOK AT INFRA-MATERIALISM — There's no evidence the communards were equipped with finger pistols, though it's unlikely they would have decisively altered the outcome. A BRIEF LOOK AT INFRA-MATERIALISM — The acolytes (along with the redoubt) were vapourised in an artillery strike before the process could be completed... HALF LIGHT [Medium: Success] — Picture the lot of them, all standing with their fingers in the air one minute, the next reduced to a bloody mist! A BRIEF LOOK AT INFRA-MATERIALISM — It's been said, though, that in the weeks"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term student communist?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "They were the Revolutionary Lovers, the Dual Commissars of Revolution in Insulinde.\" YOU — \"I don't know what you're talking about. Who were they?\" STEBAN, THE STUDENT COMMUNIST — The so-called 'Revolutionary Lovers'. They were the Dual Commissars of Revolution in Insulinde.\" STEBAN, THE STUDENT COMMUNIST — \"Julia Dobreva came from Graad. Jean Abadanaiz was born in Revachol. She was brilliant, charismatic, a revolutionary comet. He was her partner and stabiliser, the planet who kept her in orbit.\" ENCYCLOPEDIA [Legendary: Success] — It's too bad they wound up equally dead on some nameless island in Ozonne... STEBAN, THE STUDENT COMMUNIST — \"It's from them we get the notion of dual-leadership, the *decomptage*, Revachol's truly great contribution to revolutionary thought. I believe it even persists in some form in the RCM, even to this day.\" YOU — \"It's too bad they died like all the rest of the communards.\" STEBAN, THE STUDENT COMMUNIST — \"They died on their own terms, like real"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about success?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Are you in or are you out? YOU — Alright, then. Show me the millions. SAVOIR FAIRE — Attaboy, welcome to the final grind! Here we operate with money on a *much* higher level than the ordinary citizen, we feed it back into the machine. Stop saving, start spending -- become a *patron*... Let's start by getting you into the lucrative art market to diversify your assets and increase your ROI. Speaking of which, know any artists? SUGGESTION [Legendary: Success] — Perfect, all you have to do is *pretend* to have taste. This will be your weapon when swindling artists for their overpriced 'work'. CONCEPTUALIZATION [Challenging: Success] — Interesting. Are we speaking of visual art or something more *conceptual*? SHIVERS [Legendary: Success] — Somewhere in La Delta, numbers flip and whirl on the giant split-flap boards of the stock exchange, marking gains the size of Kemi SR's entire economy. Radiocomputers hum below to the tune of gambling. YOU — Hold on, I thought we'd be getting into the stock market?"}
{"instruction": "Why does rich light-bending matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "YOU — \"What are these shares worth?\" MEGA RICH LIGHT-BENDING GUY — \"I bought these shares many years ago for a steal. As predicted, Mauer-Koshlai Mercury's operating profit has increased year on year, and there's no signs of it slowing down. People *always* need mercury. Which means you could net yourself a considerable profit if you need some immediate liquidity. But if you don't mind waiting I expect the value of these shares to double within the next five years.\" LOGIC [Medium: Success] — Seems like a clever investment. Definitely worth thinking about if you care about your future. ELECTROCHEMISTRY [Medium: Success] — Yes, but chances are you can't use them to buy anything *right now*. No cigarettes, no alcohol, no funky little colourful pills... YOU — \"What is Mauer-Koshlai Mercury Group?\" MEGA RICH LIGHT-BENDING GUY — \"It's a Gottwaldian-Iilmaraan company that specialises in extracting mercury. It's seen massive growth lately due to the discovery of"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on success?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "CONCEPTUALIZATION [Legendary:Success] — An underground kingdom of shimmering spillways! Silver stars melted down and filtered for their precious discharge. What a place of inspiration! PHYSICAL INSTRUMENT [Medium:Success] — Her form is terrible! She needs to straighten her back and increase the downward pressure on that machine. Has *no one* taught her about ergonomics? YOU — Attempt to read the words. STOCK CERTIFICATE — Each letter is shaped like a laugh line being pulled in a million different directions.They're all grinning at you -- pleased with practically being indecipherable. PERCEPTION (SIGHT) [Challenging:Success] — You can do this. Maybe squinting will help? LOGIC [Legendary: Success] — Start with the biggest letters in order to learn the characteristics of the style. Then work your way down. YOU — Squint in hope of seeing something within the lines. STOCK CERTIFICATE — Your vision blurs into a haze of dark scribbles. It's like looking"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about horseback monument?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "IDIOT DOOM SPIRAL — \"Don't spend a single brain cell worrying about it, just leave it all to me... the final outcome will be *spectacular*. Just takes a little time...\" HORSEBACK MONUMENT — The scaffolding around the old monument has been taken down. In its place are the spoils of your investment. Numerous rods and ropes still hold the original reassemblage in place. YOU — Reflect on the re-conceptualization. HORSEBACK MONUMENT — An apricot sceptre shines party-bright across the monument. Glitter balls dangle like severed heads below the eternal king of disco. It is unmistakably a vision of you in your prime -- a killer on the performance floor, icon for all. KIM KITSURAGI — \"Doesn't feel right to party now, does it?\" The lieutenant solemnly looks toward the plaza, then turns to you. \"Are you at least happy with it?\" COMPOSURE[Challenging: Success] — Putting on a brave face and partying as hard as possible is the best way to get through tough times."}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about conceptualization legendary?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "signal through the air... which would defeat the purpose.\" KIM KITSURAGI — \"Detective, does the 41st not require its officers to pass Elementary Radio Operations? I thought it was an RCM-wide policy.\" SOONA, THE PROGRAMMER — \"To be perfectly frank, I'm not sure your ideas are really helping.\" CONCEPTUALIZATION [Legendary:Failure] — Nope, nothing. The idea factory is closed until further notice. SOONA, THE PROGRAMMER — The programmer gives you an impatient look before returning to her radiocomputer. CONCEPTUALIZATION [Legendary:Success] — Close your eyes. Unfold your mental map of Martinaise. It's morning.You're standing on the plaza before the Whirling-in-Rags. SHIVERS [Medium: Success] — The wind pushes a piece of tare across the cracked tiles. From the north comes the malicious laughter of two children... YOU — Turn to face the bay. CONCEPTUALIZATION — Your eye follows the tiles west. You see a bench and a few twisted, pitiful trees. Then, just water..."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on hanged man?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "the theoryassumed...\" YOU — Back off and look at the corpse. THE HANGED MAN — The cadaver hangs from the cargo belt -limbs limp and torso covered in tattoos. YOU — Inspect the tattoos. THE HANGED MAN — An intricate web of blue lines stretches across the torso. From the right shoulder to the solar plexus, each time they intersect a small white star is formed in their crossing. Hundreds of fading asterisks riddle his skin, their concentration is highest around his heart. INLAND EMPIRE [Medium: Success] — His corpse is marked by stars. YOU — What will mine be marked by? INLAND EMPIRE — Alcohol and heartbreak. PHYSICAL INSTRUMENT [Medium:Success] — Your fist clenches suddenly. YOU — It will be marked by bullet holes. It will be riddled with disco. THE HANGED MAN — Decay is creeping on the tattoo, already most of the canvas that's holding it has darkened, now it disintegrates slowy, letting out a stink... YOU — \"Is this a map of the night sky?\""}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about bird's nest?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "It is as silent as a headstone. Perfectly Adequate Transceiver A common radio transceiver, produced by a generic manufacturer. There must be tens of thousands like it all over the world, each one indistinguishable from every other. YOU — \"I'm looking for a radio transceiver.You got anything?\" BIRD'S NEST ROY — \"A transceiver, is it? Yeah, we should have something to do the trick...\" He produces a machine encased in a blue bakelite shell, its black face covered in an assortment of pearl-topped knobs and dials. KIM KITSURAGI — The lieutenant whistles a long, quivering note...\"A genuine Kristallsprach. This is a connoisseur's model. Good for picking up foreign milieus.\" BIRD'S NEST ROY — \"The Model 9 also comes equipped with a signal purifier to suppress crosstalk, especially good around here with our funky reception.\" INTERFACING [Medium: Success] — In other words, it'll put even the lieutenant's beloved DynaWave to shame. YOU — \"Sounds perfect!\""}
{"instruction": "How is horseback antenna presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "but durable layer of oil and grime. It's obvious no one has cleaned it in years. LOGIC [Medium: Success] — The programmer mentioned ammonia, but anything *alcoholic* should dissolve the oils, creating a cleaner (and clearer) connection. YOU — Pour some alcohol over the connections. HORSEBACK ANTENNA — It takes a few moments, but the alcohol gradually begins to break down the oils surrounding the copper wiring. KIM KITSURAGI — \"Is this really the time, detective?\" SOONA, THE PROGRAMMER — \"It's alright, lieutenant. He's simply cleaning the connections.\" ELECTROCHEMISTRY [Legendary: Success] — More than that, you're sacrificing something precious on the altar... HORSEBACK ANTENNA — Once the oils have been dissolved, you wipe off the connections with your sleeve and reattach the cable. YOU — \"Did that help?\" SOONA, THE PROGRAMMER — \"Hmm, it seems to have made some difference, but unfortunately not enough to alter the overall situation.\" HORSEBACK ANTENNA — \"..."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about coalition?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "that?\" YOU — \"Just a lucky guess.\" YOU — \"It was obvious. No other name would fit you.\" COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"I... We don't appreciate whatever game you're playing, Officer Sunset. Now, what is your request?\" REACTION SPEED [Formidable: Success] — Did you catch that? A crack in her otherwise solid edifice. SUGGESTION [Challenging: Success] — Is it possible to *hear* someone blush? Because you're sure that's what she's doing... YOU — \"Just one thing, why do you keep referring to yourself with the plural?\" COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"Because it's standard practice for signallers to use the *pluralis officialis*during the course of our duties. It's meant to serve as a reminder that we don't speak only for ourselves. For instance, as second signaller we represent Coalition Warship Archer, which in turn represents INSURCOM and the Coalition more generally, which in turn represents the Moralist International, which itself represents the interests of"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on dolorian?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "establishing a humanist paradise...\" \"The fascists say they are *both* the ancestors of and the successors to Dolorianism. In other words, they believe that Dolores Dei's reign simply represents a glorious phase of expansion within a greater Franconigerian heritage. They criticise the Dolorian project for accepting and integrating new peoples rather than forcefully subjugating them...\" \"And then there are our prodigal cousins, the Vaasan social democrats, who hold our same values and have even adopted many of our same rites and iconography, though they persist in rejecting the umbrella of moralism.\" RHETORIC[Medium: Success] — For some reason it's the social democrats she sounds most exasperated with. YOU — \"Sometimes I wonder if the communists may have a point, at least intellectually speaking.\" COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"Many political theorists have argued that communism accepts the logic of Dolorian humanism while abandoning its spirit.They offer"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat coalition as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Coalition, just as the Coalition exists under the umbrella of the Moralintern...\" \"At the same time, the RCM is not exactly of* the Coalition.\" YOU — \"What do you mean it's not *of* the Coalition?\" COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"It's our understanding that the RCM's organisational structure predates the Coalition. We believe it may even be modelled after the communard brigades themselves.\" YOU — \"You mean because of the décomptage?\" COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"We're not that familiar with RCM lore and practice, but we believe that may be the case. As we recall, the decomptage originated with the Revacholian Commune itself.\" YOU — \"That's confusing.\" COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"Of course. This is history we're talking about.\" RHETORIC[Medium: Success] — She's got you there... COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"It's our understanding that the RCM's organisational structure predates the Coalition. We believe it may even be modelled after the communard brigades themselves.\""}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of coalition warshiparcher?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "composed of weathered marble, comprising thousands of columns and arcades arranged around a series of grand plazas. During the day it's a beautiful sight, equal to any of the great cities of Perikarnassis. But as the sun sets, the shadows cast by those columns and arcades weave together to form an intricate umbral lattice. When you see it, you suddenly understand: It was all built for you, for *this very moment*.\" ENCYCLOPEDIA [Easy: Success] — The name Advesperascit means 'Evening Comes.' YOU — \"Built for *me*?\" COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"For you, for all of humanity...\" YOU — \"Built by whom?\" COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"By thousands of people over many centuries, in keeping with a precise plan each believed in but never expected to see the final completion of...\" COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"Not only that, but you, you are also part of that centuries-long plan. When you cross one of the open plazas, your own shadow is effortlessly woven into the great latticework, a deliberate synthesis of humanity, art, and the"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect coalition warshiparcher to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "take. If we place a rock in the water's path, will it divert to the left or the right?We cannot say, but we may predict which way it might run in either event...That is the essence of the idea. You might also imagine these spreads as a kind of tree, with every juncture representing a different event, and every branch representing a different timeline.\" YOU — \"You're saying the Moralintern uses contingency spreads to see the future?\" COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"Not exactly. No one can know the future. But with contingency spreads it is possible to predict what the future realities *might reasonably* look like.\" LOGIC [Challenging: Success] — Meaning there are more and less reasonable futures. You should follow up on that. COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"But we shouldn't overstate their importance. They are simply one of many tools used by the Moralintern to set policy.\" YOU — \"Hold on, does that mean some realities are*less reasonable* than others?\""}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on coalition warshiparcher?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "YOU — \"So you're saying we *are* living in an unreasonable reality!\" COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"We are living in the only reality we know. Our task is to make the best of it that we can...\" YOU — \"So you're saying the Moralintern had to make difficult decisions during an unprecedented situation.\" COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"Yes, we would say that is a fair and reasonable way to describe it...\" YOU — \"I still feel like there had to have been a better way.\" COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"Almost certainly. Not many realise this, but, the Moralintern is constantly reviewing and revising its contingency spreads in order to improve our own decision-making...\" YOU — \"Revachol is the most important city in the world. This is where The Return will happen.\" COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"Perhaps, perhaps not. The world is full of great cities that have resolved the questions of their time: La Cherte, Vredefort, our own home of Advesperascit...\" ENCYCLOPEDIA [Challenging: Success] — All major cities in EPIS-aligned nations, you"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with coalition warshiparcher?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Its role is to devise and shape the future institutions of Revacholian democracy, according to local conditions...\" RHETORIC [Medium: Success] — 'Local conditions' in this case referring to incompetence, graft, and violence. COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"Once elected, council members will even have the opportunity to join one of several officially sanctioned political wings, depending on their ideological beliefs and policy preferences.\" YOU — \"What do these 'wings' represent?\" COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"A very important question. The wings are carefully selected to represent a wide spectrum of political thought.\" \"Typically, there's a liberal technocratic wing, a social democratic wing, and even a conservative populist wing. You wouldn't believe some of the ideas they express! But a vibrant and free political culture requires that all perspectives be given voice, even those many may find objectionable.\" YOU — \"Who picks the slates of candidates?\""}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise coalition warshiparcher?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "YOU — \"That sounds like a moderate and reasonable way to organise a society.\" COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"It is a work-in-progress, but it is also the best way that humanity has found thus far.\" YOU — \"But what if I *want* someone else to make all my decisions for me?\" COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"What you are describing is the attitude of a child. The Moralintern is not 'humanity's stepmother', despite what some critics may allege. Responsibility and freedom are deeply entwined, and both are essential in a flourishing society.\" YOU — \"Listen, I really need to reach the Committee of Responsibility.\" COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"Acknowledged. To reach the Committee, all you need to do is fill out the appropriate request form and submit it to the liaison for public affairs. If the liaison accepts your request, you will be invited to address the Committee at their next quarterly public hearing. We believe the next hearing is scheduled for July.\" She"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat hanged man as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "THE HANGED MAN — The man before you is naked, but for a pair of underpants and white boots. His skin is marbled with decaying veins and blotched by lividity. On his chest: a fading web of tattoos. The cargo belt used to hang him from the tree looks reinforced. YOU — Look him in the eye. THE HANGED MAN — His eyes are milky white and blind to the world, protruding comically from their sockets. There is no one home, just sub-aquatic terrors there. PERCEPTION (SIGHT) [Medium: Success] — These eyes used to be blue. Baby blue. THE HANGED MAN — Dark brown hair grows on his head, his face is ready to explode from the organic processes inside. The death's head grin has passed, what remains is an unrecognisable mess. EMPATHY [Medium: Success] — underneath the curdled meat there is an expression not carried on his features but below inside: an expression of pleasure. This man was experiencing \"joy* at the moment of his death YOU — \"This man enjoyed the moment of death."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe coalition warshiparcher?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "that doesn't matter. Our job is to follow the evidence where it leads, consequences be damned...Because that's what it means to be an officer of the RCM!\" KIM KITSURAGI — \"I don't know your history, detective, but I can say with great certainty that whatever you're running from won't disappear simply because you've abandoned your former life...Because the thing you're running from is *inside you*, detective!\" HORSEBACK ANTENNA — The lieutenant's final words are nearly swallowed by the roar of the aerostatic's main rotors... COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"Officer Sunset, this is Coalition Warship Archer. We have been instructed to inform you that the Laurel arrived at your position.Please acknowledge.\" PERCEPTION (HEARING) [Medium:Success] — No shit! How are they supposed to hear your acknowledgement over the thundering of their own rotors? YOU — \"Acknowledged, Archer. This is Tequila Sunset.\" COALITION WARSHIPARCHER — \"Thank you. The Committee of Responsibility for"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term horseback antenna?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "HORSEBACK ANTENNA — ... and the line goes quiet. KIM KITSURAGI — The lieutenant gives a long sigh as he removes his headphones. There's relief on his face as he turns toward you. Task complete: Take on *la responsibilité* \"I think it's best for you to climb off the statue now, detective. Your real work is down here.\" YOU — \"Just give me a minute.\" HORSEBACK ANTENNA — There's a damp cold running up the insides of your thighs. Your legs have grown stiff. You've been up here quite a while.You look around. The strike breakers are still shouting their slogans and waving their hand-painted signs. Beneath you, the lieutenant and the programmer have begun disconnecting a few cables... VOLITION [Challenging: Success] — You could stay a while longer, if you wanted. YOU — Wait a little longer. HORSEBACK ANTENNA — Out on the bay, a pair of dinghies bob and roll in the waves. The breeze drags the voices of the fisherman toward the plaza, faint and indecipherable."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on success?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "YOU — \"Him?\" YOU — \"Who?\" PAIN THRESHOLD — There's tenderness in the carabineer's look. Tenderness that's curdled into pain or something darker. Even worse, a love aborted and smothered, stamped beneath his brilliant boot heel. RENÉ ARNOUX — You catch the old carabineer's gaze slowly leaving his opponent's wrinkled face as his dark eyes meet yours -- whatever turmoil raged in him a moment ago is quelled for now. CONCEPTUALIZATION [Legendary:Success] — Like the last rays of the evening sun gently kissing the day goodbye, before giving way to unfathomable darkness. VOLITION [Medium: Success] — Willed back into the darkest unexplored depths of his mind -- never meant to be shared, seen or confronted. COMPOSURE [Medium: Success] — A true master of his emotions. INLAND EMPIRE [Heroic: Success] — Hopelessly alone behind the unbreakable walls he spent a lifetime erecting. No one will ever know him. RENÉ ARNOUX — \"Our lives are unique, and I have neither the means nor the will to help"}
{"instruction": "Why does not surprise matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "IN THRALL TO HIS BIOLOGICAL IMPULSES.\" YOU — \"The goal of any sane relationship is loyalty, marriage, eternal love. Anything else is just vapid pleasure-seeking.\" MEASUREHEAD — \"IT DOES NOT SURPRISE ME THAT THE COMPLEXITIES OF THE PSYCHOSEXUAL BOND BETWEEN A MAN AND A WOMAN REMAIN BEYOND YOUR REACH. INSTEAD YOU CONTINUE TO IDEALISE THE FLAWED AND HALLUCINATORY RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN YOUR PARENTS, HOPING TO CORRECT THEIR MISTAKES.\" YOU — \"I don't actually care about any of that, I'm just here for *Revachol*.\" MEASUREHEAD — \"CONTINUOUS DENIAL. YOUR LACK OF PSYCHOSEXUAL SELF-AWARENESS DOES NOT SURPRISE ME. SOMETHING TRAGIC MUST HAVE HAPPENED TO YOU IN THE PAST FOR YOU TO DENY IT SO VIGOROUSLY.\" MEASUREHEAD — \"YOU HAVE TO SHED THIS INFANTILE SHELL IF YOU *EVER* WISH TO FIND A WORTHY MATE.\" PERCEPTION [Trivial: Success] — Everything's revolving around women and sex with this guy... What's that about? YOU — \"You're very focused on women and sex.\""}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame kim kitsuragi here?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "controlled. VOLITION [Challenging: Success] — He was clearly uncomfortable discussing it before. He still is. You have nothing to gain from pushing his buttons. YOU — \"Wasn't your radio tuned into Speedfreaks FM?\" KIM KITSURAGI — The lieutenant breathes steadily, each inhalation and exhalation controlled. VOLITION [Challenging: Success] — He was clearly uncomfortable discussing it before. He still is. You have nothing to gain from pushing his buttons. KIM KITSURAGI — \"I can't explain how they heard it,\" he says, ignoring your comment. \"I believe they heard something. And given the poverty of this part of town, I don't know how they could have heard a radio.However...\" \"Weird as it is, this situation is not connected to the murder. This isn't our business.\" YOU — \"Are you just embarrassed that we may have to contact Speedfreaks FM?\" KIM KITSURAGI — \"No.\" His answer is immediate. \"I just... don't see how this furthers our investigation into a murder.That's all.\"An ocean breeze blows in strong."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about drainage pipe?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "break if the ladder fails. DRAINAGE PIPE — An old pipe peeks out from beneath the rotting boards of the boardwalk. Could this be an alternative path into the Feld building? VISUAL CALCULUS [Medium: Success] — A building like this must have multiple doors serving various functions. Perhaps a basement access? YOU — Come closer and look in. DRAINAGE PIPE — Your eyes slowly begin to adjust to the darkness inside the drainage pipe. KIM KITSURAGI — The lieutenant looks over your shoulder. YOU — What's in there? DRAINAGE PIPE — A thin layer of snow gleams inside the pipe. YOU — Okay. What *else*? DRAINAGE PIPE — As your eyes adjust, you see some trash -- crumpled up newspapers, cigarette butts. Someone has half-heartedly spray-painted 'SKULLS' on the right side. YOU — And? DRAINAGE PIPE — And? And nothing.Broken glass from bottles thrown against the walls of the pipe. A syringe... PERCEPTION (SMELL) [Godly: Success] — A very, very faint smell of stale liquor still"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about ruby's journal?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "embossed on the back. It seems to have served as a loyal friend to a lonely traveller. RUBY'S JOURNAL — A thick journal. The cover is worn, like someone used to carry it around in their back pocket. YOU — Examine the cover. RUBY'S JOURNAL — It's made of full-grain leather. The lower left corner of the back cover sports an embossed brand name:\"SCHNELLER.\" ENCYCLOPEDIA [Medium: Success] — Schneller is a stationary brand from Gottwald beloved among architects and engineers. CONCEPTUALIZATION [Medium: Success] — She's got good taste and must have taken whatever she recorded here seriously. YOU — Unwind the strap. RUBY'S JOURNAL — The journal falls open. About two thirds of its ruled pages have been filled. YOU — Study the handwriting. RUBY'S JOURNAL — The large cursive of someone who writes quickly and confidently. INTERFACING [Medium: Success] — Perhaps too confidently -- many phrases and even paragraphs have been crossed out, with tiny corrections scrawled above and in the margins."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about success?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "seems *animated*. YOU — Animated? By what? COMPOSURE — It's a mystery. This animation comes at a cost too: erratic hand gestures, thought processes cut off like threads, as he just stares at the logs or the reeds. He also suffers mood swings, bubbling to the surface, unconstrained by his nervous system. EMPATHY[Challenging: Success] — Great leaps of emotion: from anger to grief, despair... ELECTROCHEMISTRY [Legendary: Success] — And also flashes of lust, simmering in there. Not too common in people his age. YOU — Dementia? COMPOSURE — You've seen demented people before. This feels similar, yet different. When his thoughts move they are lucid, keen even -- not senile. ELECTROCHEMISTRY[Medium: Success] — Is it some kind of substance damage? Like he's addicted to something -- not only the painkillers he's clearly on. YOU — Wouldn't a foul temper be a by-product of his life? EMPATHY — Perhaps. But his seems more than that. The inner turmoil takes unexpected"}
{"instruction": "How is satellite-officer vicquemare presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "grey sky by a web of suspension wiring, encircled by hybrid aircraft. YOU — Look north... SHIVERS — On the platform a young woman is withdrawing from amphetamines, barbiturates and alcohol. Yet still she smiles among the crowd, among the great ghost of the city she's leaving -- for another, far south. Smaller. Distant. Hidden. Not like the great chandelier she sees sparkle in the spring air below her. Streets and towers, tenements and water -- and across it, a dark strip of ruins barely visible, if she didn't squint her eyes... ESPRIT DE CORPS [Medium: Success] — There, on a dilapidated jetty in a nameless village, two police officers and one special consultant look across a narrow strip of sea. The ruins of a seafort stick out of the water, built by Filippe II, re-appropriated by the Commune, then lost in the Landing... \"He's there, doing... *what* exactly I don't know,\" Satellite-Officer Vicquemare points at the ruins. \"Behind that anti-aircraft-something."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about insulindian phasmid?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "neolithic hinterland as distinct individuals, not clones. YOU — Are you the miracle? INSULINDIAN PHASMID — No. You are the miracle. CONCEPTUALIZATION [Legendary: Success] — It was you. Coming from the west. From the Whirling. You were coming... YOU — *How?* INSULINDIAN PHASMID — The moral of our encounter is: I am a relatively median lifeform, while you are extreme, all-engulfing madness. A volatile simian nervous system, ominously new to the planet. The pale, too, came with you. No one remembers it before you. The cnidarians do not, the radially symmetricals do not. There is an almost unanimous agreement between the birds and the plants that you are going to destroy us all. YOU — Wait, the pale is human made? INSULINDIAN PHASMID — It is a nervous shadow cast into the world by you, eating away at reality. A great, unnatural territory. Its advent coincides with the arrival of the human mind. YOU — I don't have that kind of power. INSULINDIAN PHASMID — You are a violent and irrepressible miracle."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of ace's low?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Ace's Low Problem: The Insulindian Civil War was not the first war to see the use of hybrid airships on both sides, but it was the *coolest*. For an entire decade folded multi-rotor fighters got into dogfights above Revachol, Ozonne, Semenine, and the Arcade Islands, spitting death at one another. They flew over sandy beaches and shot each other out of the azure sky, crashing into city blocks and setting island forests ablaze. The Ace's Low was a custom among revolutionary brigades, performed after multiple kills. Lieutenant Kitsuragi seems fond of it… why? Solution: For the rest of the world the Ace's Low is *just some cool Revachol* thing, politically neutral. In Revachol it still holds revolutionary connotations. Also, have you looked at Lieutenant Kitsuragi's *clothes*? He wears a bomber jacket, just like the ones worn by aerostatic brigades. And those cargo pants look like they could fit tools for hotfixing your burning aerostatic..."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect street to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "— This guy's appropriating the emerging Boogie Street lingo as part of his sales pitch for the free market economy. YOU — You're trying to sound like a Boogie Street youth to peddle me this stuff,aren't you? SAVOIR FAIRE — Yeah, ain't it cool, rider?!Ain't it street? YOU — It's not. (Opt out.) Indirect Modes of Taxation Problem:First, if you have a side-bitch ideology cooking somewhere, don't sweat it. Fightin' indirect taxation for the Gossamer State is compatible with *all* creeds. It's cool like that. You're a cool anarchist now. Unless you don't want to be an anarchist. Whatever! Stuff this meal ticket in your eye-socket and let's see if we can steal some *love* back from the robber barons at the customs agency and the *banditos* at The Insulindian Financial Oversight and Competition Committee. Solution:Turns out those Financial Oversight Committee gangsters stuffed millions of hard-earned dividends away in the last place anyone thought to look: the hearts and minds"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on eye coordination?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "models? HAND/EYE COORDINATION [Legendary:Success] — A rifle. Revolutionary-period. Your bullet looks to be an old 4.46 mm -- from the surplus left over from the turn of the century. Probably an antique or a retrofitted antique. YOU — Make? HAND/EYE COORDINATION — The 4.46calibre was widely used with the *Belle-Magrave* rifle, a Revacholian manufacturer. The B-M dominated the battlefields of the Insulindian theatre of the Antecentennial Revolution, 50 years ago. YOU — Is anyone still making these rifles? HAND/EYE COORDINATION — No, but Zieleger, a major firearm manufacturer, ended up with a surplus after the war, so there are still a lot of these old military rifles floating around, usually broken. The quality was appalling. YOU — Who uses Belle-Magrave rifles these days? HAND/EYE COORDINATION — Antiques enthusiasts, guerrilla fighters in distant countries, a few lucky Jamrock bangers.You're looking for a well-preserved antique, most likely."}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with damaged ledger?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "You see the parameters of a deceased human form, waiting to be filled in: age, sex, condition of internal organs... PHYSICAL INSTRUMENT [Medium:Success] — Colour of the irises. Predation marks. Condition of sexual organs. YOU — Enough of these. (Close forms.) DAMAGED LEDGER — Yes -- all that remains now is to fill those forms and *hand* them to people: fines for wrongdoers, interview requests for bad guys, and field autopsies to *dead* guys. AUTHORITY [Medium: Success] — What delicious power hid within this pathetic mess... you feel better. DAMAGED LEDGER —The rest of the stinking cellulose is *much* worse for wear. Being sandwiched between the board and the rest of the paperwork must have spared the fragile copier paper. YOU — Look at the clipboard. DAMAGED LEDGER — It's made of dark blue plastic hard enough to beat someone to submission with. The edges are rounded, however. The U4-sized board feels thick and heavy in your hand. Light shimmers on its wet surface."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise medium?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "imports are being sold. YOU — Anything interesting? (Browse them.) FILE CABINET — It's hard to make sense of this thicket of company names, dates, quantities, and percentages. You try to focus, but the lines are getting blurry... YOU — Force yourself to go through the folders. VOLITION [Medium: Failure] — Look how blurry all the lines on these papers are --how unwieldy your own willpower is to yourself. You're like an absurdist Samaran monk -- focusing through not focusing. CONCEPTUALIZATION[Medium: Success] — Hermeneutics was almost within your grasp, but now only vague letters float before your eyes. Less meaningful, but aesthetically more pleasing. YOU — Could I actually focus through *not*focusing? VOLITION — You are a police officer, not a spiritual healer. You can focus the normal way by turning your attention to something and not letting go. YOU — \"If I let my eyes go completely out of focus, all shapes start melting into each other.\""}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe alcohol?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "enhancers - and a vague memory of grapes. Guaranteed to colour your lips. Alcohol \"Pale Aged Vodka\" Vodka, temporarily stored in the pale (or so they say). The crystal clear liquid has been contained in a ship-shaped bottle, commemorating the vanished airship Harnankur. Obliterating your liver has never felt quite so exquisite. Alcohol \"Potent Pilsner\" A sturdy bottle of beer that tastes like piss.Not that you would know how piss tastes like. Just a guess. The label says it's made in Revachol, by Lafayette Potent Brewery. Smokes \"Astra\" These Graad-made cigarettes are remarkable for their high tar content. A favourite of fishermen, police officers and working men the world over. 8pm Entrance of Frittte ELECTROCHEMISTRY — Well, hello. Someone seems to have found himself a bottle of *alcohol*. Here's where the magic* happens. YOU — Look at the bottle. ELECTROCHEMISTRY — Light reflects off the green glass of the Commodore Red. The gods have been generous."}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term coalition?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Democracy is coming to the Administrative Region. The ideals of Dolorian humanism are reinstating themselves. How can they not? These are the ideals of the Coalition and the Moralist International. Those guys are signal blue. And they're not only good -- they're also powerful. What will it be like,once their nuanced plans have been realized? Solution:The Kingdom of Conscience will be exactly as it is now. Moralists don't really *have* beliefs. Sometimes they stumble on one, like on a child's toy left on the carpet. The toy must be put away immediately. And the child reprimanded. Centrism isn't change -- not even incremental change. It is *control*. Over yourself and the world. Exercise it. Look up at the sky, at the dark shapes of Coalition airships hanging there. Ask yourself: is there something sinister in moralism? And then answer: no. God is in his heaven. Everything is normal on Earth. It says: G. R. I. H. The Greater Revachol Industrial Harbour."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about tassel-centric culture?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "MUCH OCCIDENTAL RACIAL PURITY --AND TASSEL-CENTRIC CULTURE. INBREEDING HAS LED TO A LACTOSE INTOLERANT SUB-RACE WHOM NO ONE CAN TAKE SERIOUSLY.\" COMPOSURE [Medium: Success] — Colourful tassels are, let's be honest, not a good sartorial choice for this century. You might want to avoid wooden clogs too. YOU — \"Okay, got it. Who *are* type A then, in your view?\" \"THE VESPERTINES AND MESSINIANS OF VESPER AND MESSINA; THE ANCIENT METEORANS OF METEO BY THE GOLDEN PISANTIC SEA, THE SURESNE OF SUR-LA-CLEF AND EVEN THE NORTH- KONIGSTEINERS -- ALL HAVE TYPE A RACE PROPENSITIES.\" \"THE OTHER LARGE MONDIAL CIVILIZATION -- THE MESQUE -- ARE TOO YELLOW AND OLEAGINOUS TO COUNT AS A HEROIC RACE; TRUE, THEYARE VIOLENT AND EXPANSIONIST, BUT THEY HAVE A *GLANDULAR PROBLEM*...\" He draws his finger across his face... \"OVERPRODUCTION OF *SEBUM*SEBUM IS LEAKING INTO THEIR BRAINS, MAKING THEM LISTEN TO *EL MARIACHI* MUSIC AND EAT TOXIC MINCED MEAT BASED FOOD. WHICH IN TURN ONLY PRODUCES MORE SEBUM.\""}
{"instruction": "Why does the revolution matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Not all the people of Revachol.\" MEASUREHEAD — \"THE REVOLUTION CAME TO REVACHOL FROM GRAAD, IN TZARAATH-RIDDEN POTATO CARTS--IT IS LITERALLYAN ILLNESS. A PRION DISEASE THAT LEAVES THE PARIETALAND FRONTAL LOBE RIDDEN WITH HOLES. A SOFT, SPONGELIKE MASS OF DEMENTIA, HALLUCINATIONS, AND PARANOIA...\" \"THE REVOLUTION IS *FATAL FAMILIAL INSOMNIA*. A HEREDITARY PRION CONDITION PASSED FROM THE KOJKO TO THE OCCIDENTALS...\" He pauses in theoretic self-reflection. \"BUT NOT SEXUALLY, PROBABLY THROUGH TRADE ROUTES AND POTATE-ACID, THE PRIME COMPONENT OF THE POTATO PLANT...\" \"ENOUGH OF TYPE B MEDIOCRITY,\" he nods, satisfied with the outcome. YOU — \"The vile C-F race cauldron of pederasty, please.\" \"TYPES C-F ARE A MUSEUM OF FAILED *CHIMERIC EXPERIMENTS* AND TRAGIC MAL-ADAPTATIONS. THEY ARE TORTURED CREATURES WAITING TO BE PUT TO SLEEP. YOUR MORBID INTEREST IN THEM WORRIES ME.\" YOU — \"Chimeric experiments?\" MEASUREHEAD — \"LESSER RACES LIKE THE *MESQUITO*, A GROTESQUE"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame advanced race here?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "\"ENOUGH OF THESE PERSONAL MATTERS. HAVE YOU BEEN EDUCATED TO ALL THE RASSO-TYPES NOW?\" EMPATHY [Easy: Success] —He does not seem angry, nor does the woman look affected. She just twirls her hair. Perhaps they've been through this and established an accord? \"Now that we've been through all the types -- do I understand Advanced Race Theory?\" MEASUREHEAD — \"YOU UNDERSTAND *NOTHING*. TO SOLVE THE GREAT *RACE ENIGMA* YOU HAVE TO FIRST ASK YOURSELF: WHAT *IS* THE RACE ENIGMA? YOU HAVE NOT EVEN WORDED THE MYSTERY, LET ALONE SOLVED IT.\" \"How do I word the Mystery?\" Thought gained: Advanced Race Theory New task: What is the Race Enigma? MEASUREHEAD — \"YOU NEED TO *INTERNALIZE* WHAT YOU HAVE HEARD HERE TODAY. THEN RETURN TO ME -- THIS CLARITY DOES NOT COME INSTANTLY.\" Advanced Race Theory Problem:A mass of fantastic races swirls in your head: desert pygmees playing with their own excrement, kojkos juggling potatoes, eczema ridden mauns grinning and dancing on"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about you're?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "And that it’s a sickness. And it’s killing you. You're crawling on your knees through life, your booze-filled belly dragging on the ground, your brain now fuzzy, now in overdrive, your hair sticking together with today's cold sweat and yesterday's vomit. Perhaps they’re right. Anything is better than this. Even bone-dry reality itself. Maybe you can quit? Solution:Congrats – you're sober. It will take a while for your body to remember how to metabolize anything that isn't sugar from alcohol, so you're going to be pretty ravenous soon. Eat plenty. You can expect your coordination and balance to improve in a couple of weeks. In two months, you might start sleeping like a normal person. Full recovery will take years, though. It’ll be depressing. And it’ll be boring. Don’t expect any further rewards or handclaps. This is how normal people are all the time. 9pm Harbour Evrart’s office EVRART CLAIRE — \"Mr. Du Bois, a pleasure as always -- you don't have to sit down"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about headless faln?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "for the *head*? YOU — Purchase the Headless FALN Rider and his cap. Item gained: Figurine Set \"Headless FALN Rider\" BIRD'S NEST ROY —\"Did I mention that this figurine is supposed to be lucky? Always carry it with you.\"He grins. SUGGESTION [Medium: Success] — That was a very smooth salesman's grin that almost comes off as earnest. You should learn from him. Figurine Set \"Headless FALN Rider\" Price ✣0.42 The plastic Headless FALN Rider sits atop his equally plastic bull, his posture indicating either desperation or pride.Comes as a set with the infamous FALN cap for which he lost his head. (The head is not included.) SAWED-OFF STREET LIGHT — A typical Martinaise street light sits among assorted floor and table lamps. ENCYCLOPEDIA [Godly: Success] — Street lights like this one were part of a renovation effort a few decades back. Sadly, the effort was abandoned before it was completed -- and so these lights still illuminate crumbling streets."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about speakers?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "\"Super cool! Now the premium lifestyle is yours, officer.\" FALN SNEAKERS ON A PEDESTAL OF SPEAKERS — The sneakers seem to vibrate in your hands with an almost mystical energy. YOU — \"Okay, now let me buy the speakers.\" Item gained: Speakers from the People's Republic of Samara SIILENG — \"The junk is yours, officer,\" the street vendor hands you the speakers. \"Happy listening! Try not to hurt your ears with that Samaran garbage.\" FALN \"Ultra\" Series Sneakers The \"Ultra\" Series FALN sneakers put lightness and grip above all else. With grip-tape covered SpringBoard soles and ultralight synth-fabric technology you can exit every corner with the maximum traction of a gentleman's racer. +1 Reaction Speed: Limitless grip +1 Hand/Eye Coordination: Steady ground -1 Encyclopedia: Too fast for facts Speakers from the People's Republic of Samara Why did you even buy those? These are no magic speakers. These are lame speakers. All they will ever produce is a faint memory of the song you're trying to listen to."}
{"instruction": "How is medium success presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "LENA, THE CRYPTOZOOLOGIST'S WIFE — \"That's one opinion, yes. And people are entitled to their opinions...\" COMPOSURE [Medium: Success] — She's used to playing off such insults casually, but they still affect her. KIM KITSURAGI — \"My apologies, ma'am. I did not mean to undermine your hobby.\" LENA, THE CRYPTOZOOLOGIST'S WIFE — \"It's not a hobby, dear. It's a *sub-field* of zoology, one specializing in animal species that are so exceedingly rare that many assume them to be *extinct* or even *fictitious*. \"Searching for such species -- called *cryptids* -- is difficult and often thankless, and frankly, many scientists are too lazy to do it. Universities these days are rarely interested in supporting *real*research.\" ENCYCLOPEDIA[Medium: Success] — The quality of research at Revacholian universities *has* been on the decline, but you doubt there was ever a time when *cryptozoology* was embraced by the academic elite. EMPATHY [Medium: Success] — She's completely internalized her husband's struggles."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about damaged ledger?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "iridescent pattern appears. One you've definitely seen before... LOGIC[Medium: Success] — It's not unlike the pattern from the racist lorryman's boots. A stylized map of Revachol. KIM KITSURAGI — \"There she is: Revachol West.\" There's a note of pride in the lieutenant's voice. DAMAGED LEDGER — Around the borders of the watermark are dozens, no,*hundreds* of micro-perforations. YOU — Look at the shimmering street grid. DAMAGED LEDGER — The rectangular watermark is overlaid with the logo of the RCM, and yet the major arteries of Revachol are all recognizable. They shimmer in the Kineema's headlights. YOU — Wait... look around you. DAMAGED LEDGER — A rat brazenly darts past you and disappears amongst the stopped lorries. In the distance -- a child somewhere shrieks, a woman reprimands her in a voice no quieter than the child's cry... SHIVERS[Medium: Success] — In the middle of a broken plaza, in a cone of light barely visible in the daytime, two men, one slim, the other sturdy."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on physical instrument?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "YOU — Too much abuse for my taste. I'm more of an intellectual. PHYSICAL INSTRUMENT — Attention, attention! An old has-been giving up! Come see the has-been quitting again, everyone! Coach Physical Instrument Problem:So you were minding your own business -- trying to get some detective work done -- when suddenly a voice emerged from within you and told you you're a wuss, a namby-pamby, a sissy and a limp jellyfish. This voice has *zero* gender-sensitivity and even less empathy for underwhelming athletic performance. Try to purposefully piss it off, see if it teaches you something. Pretend you don't know the difference between a double and a single support phase in the discipline of hammer throw. It hates that. Solution:Wait! How *did* you know all those hammer throw techniques? How do you know how to hold a discus? Or the world youth record *in* discus? Something doesn't add up here. This mushy thing between your ears didn't know the name of the *city* you're in,"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat drysant as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Unrest was spreading like wildfire. Marauders had taken most of the Couron and were getting *really* ambitious.\" \"King Frissel thought he could end it all in one decisive strike.\" The old carabineer runs his fingers over the larger medal.\"Sent his cousin, Drysant, to put an end to the unrest.\" \"Alas, the young Drysant was all piss and no vinegar, wearing a tunic of purple velvet and cockatoo feathers to battle.\" He spits. \"Even his rifle was *gold-plated*. Shone from five klicks away. Can you imagine the asininity?\" SAVOIR FAIRE [Challenging: Success] — You can. It's very *asinine*. REACTION SPEED [Medium: Success] — He really despises that Drysant fellow. KIM KITSURAGI — \"Purple velvet tunic,\"the lieutenant says thoughtfully. \"That isn't exactly *camo*.\" RENÉ ARNOUX — \"To keep the long and bloody story short, Drysant marched us against the partisans in Couron. And when I say 'marched', I mean made us walk into captured enemy territory single-file, like toy soldiers, while he rode in front on his giant"}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of conceptualization?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "I didn't mean to bring you down.\" YOU — \"Thanks -- I've learned something about myself today.\" ANNETTE — \"I'm glad I could help you, sir.\"She smiles a wide, helpful smile. CONCEPTUALIZATION — Why does art inspire you so much? YOU — It does, yes -- but what *is* art? CONCEPTUALIZATION — Excellentquestion. Art is a diverse range of visual, literary, auditory, and performative creativity! It's an expression of imagination and technical skill. Additionally, it's history, criticism and pure enjoyment... YOU — No, art is for arrogant blowhards.Why am I getting this? CONCEPTUALIZATION — Is it? Yet your eye constantly seeks out the most critical side of any aesthetic confrontation. You follow the expressions of imagination and technical skill with curiosity... CONCEPTUALIZATION — In short, art is the highest form of human communication -- representation, narrative, emotion and agency intertwined. YOU —Would I fit into the art world? I mean... CONCEPTUALIZATION —Have you looked in the mirror lately?"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect hjelmdall to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "paperbacks featuring an extremely muscular, sword-wielding barbarian on the cover. Nearly all the titles contain the word *Hjelmdall* somewhere. PHYSICAL INSTRUMENT [Challenging:Success] — This is entirely, *completely*you. You have found the *right* books. YOU — \"Wow, more Hjelmdall...\" MAN FROM HJELMDALL — Mountains of it. Heroic quantities of Hjelmdall. Roy's puny shirt is nothing compared to the *real deal*. YOU — Look through the display of books. MAN FROM HJELMDALL SERIES — Rows and rows of Hjelmdallermenn blur your vision. You make out some titles: \"Man from Hjelmdall and the Mammoth-Riders\",\"Man from Hjelmdall: Return to Hjelmdall\", and the solipsistic \"Man From Hjelmdall and the Hjelmdall Man.\" YOU — Good god, how many are there? MAN FROM HJELMDALL SERIES — Maybe a hundred? \"Man from Hjelmdall and the Sages at the End of the World\", \"Man from Hjelmdall and the False-God\", \"Man from Hjelmdall and the Scorched Earth\", \"Man from Hjelmdall: The Hjelmdall"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on dick mullen?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "the detective books. Thrilling tales of spycraft and derring-do. YOU — \"Storekeep, what's all this crime fiction?\" PLAISANCE — \"Oh, crime, robberies, murders...\" She lowers her voice. \"Even *sexual* crimes. We're fortunate to have Dick Mullen and his stories to sort all that out.\" \"You're a... a police officer... apparently.You should buy *all* of these. They really do teach a person how to be a proper detective.\" ELECTROCHEMISTRY [Challenging:Success] — Sex crimes *did* pique your interest, but still -- this Dick Mullen person only gets your pleasure centres *down* LOGIC [Challenging: Success] — NOTE! Reading about Dick Mullen will not actually make you a better detective. YOU — Look through the display of books. SHELF OF CRIME NOVELS — Crime fiction... is a disgrace. An asinine misrepresentation of the physical attributes and the arduous everyday work of actual police officers.These books *greatly* overstate the excitement of police work, glossing"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with paranormal books?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "this shelf, is to give people medicinal advice in situations where they don't have access to paid health services. YOU — How does that work? SHELF OF PARANORMAL BOOKS — It serves platitudes, while also telling everyone that traditional medicine (the kind people don't have access to, and which costs more than this book) is garbage, and would only give you cancer anyway, without even curing your cold or anything.\"Wholeness, Unity, Balance\" on the other hand, can basically take care of anything.Though it is important to note...\"When it's up to your mind to heal yourself, then it's because of your mind that you're *ill* in the first place.\" ENDURANCE [Medium: Success] — It's your own fault if you're ill, got it. YOU — Does the book say anything else? SHELF OF PARANORMAL BOOKS — The book features chapters on topics such as: how to find magnesium (it even lists plants you can harvest magnesium from); how to continue drinking if you're an alcoholic who has destroyed his liver; and..."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise revachol?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "urgent work matter, much like the one I'm on now.\" YOU — \"Still*need*to see a license, ma'am.\" KIM KITSURAGI — \"Actually, you don't.\" YOU — \"I'm pretty sure I do. I police.\" KIM KITSURAGI—\"It is a little known fact among those who *police* that the Wayfarer Act specifically denies the RCM the authority to demand anyone's operator license.\" ENCYCLOPEDIA [Medium: Success] — The Wayfarer Act is one of the few pieces of legislation governing human interaction in the Revachol Zone of Control, along with the Emergency Trade and Aliments Acts. YOU — The what now? ENCYCLOPEDIA — It's one of the foundational laws in Revachol, designed to limit the authority of local institutions.Part of it prohibits the RCM from requesting most documents and licenses without permission from a Coalition representative... RHETORIC [Medium: Success] — It's a law that keeps Revachol what it is -- in limbo. *Yawn* ENCYCLOPEDIA — The one time this busted up cabbage has something useful for"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe joyce messier?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "I'd wondered since I first drove *in*. On my motor carriage.\" JOYCE MESSIER — \"I am sorry for the inconvenience, Lieutenant Kitsuragi. But we need them trapped here. This is a unique opportunity. I'm sure you understand.\" YOU — \"What proof do you have that the Union is involved?\" JOYCE MESSIER — \"How do you think they're financing this strike? There are thousands of unpaid dockworkers going strong for the fourth month straight.\" KIM KITSURAGI — \"There was a shakedown of local businesses preceding the strike. Many were squeezed to bankruptcy to fund it.\" JOYCE MESSIER — \"With all due respect to these desert cacti, the contents of a few cash registers cannot provide for *two-thousand* men. The local businesses can scarcely provide for themselves.\" YOU — \"So you think the strike is being funded with source ingredients for drugs?\" JOYCE MESSIER — \"Precisely. Smuggled out of that very gate at night, most likely. Then loaded onto lorries and driven to Jamrock.You simply need to find *one* driver who'll"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term pain threshold?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "and stealing clothes off clotheslines, and sometimes even the copper wiring of phone lines. You may have been *one of them*. This must be a childhood memory. The fifteenth indotribe was *your* indotribe, set to rule Insulinde. The rest of the kids are dead now. Car accidents and drug overdoses. Only you remain. Another splattering of bullet holes on this wall. PAIN THRESHOLD — The spread pattern of these bullet holes makes your chest ache. Your breath grows heavier. VISUAL CALCULUS [Medium: Success] — More old bullet holes, half a century at least, from the Revolution. YOU — Examine closer. PAIN THRESHOLD — You peer into the faded marks in the stone... they peer back like an endless row of tiny black holes.Sweat starts trickling down your brow. HORRIFIC NECKTIE — This is bad mojo, man! Fuckin' horrible mojo. The end draws near! PAIN THRESHOLD — Your chest feels tight, looking at them. It's closing in... caving in, ever tighter. Your breathing grows even heavier."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about capeside apartments?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Capeside Apartments First Floor Corridor (Right) Someone has drawn a five-pointed star on the wall. ENCYCLOPEDIA — That isn't *just* a five-pointed star -- it's an inverted white pentagram cradled in a wreath of antlers. The iconography of communism, in other words. YOU — \"Look out, Kim: There are communists around here.\" KIM KITSURAGI — \"I'll keep my Armistice handy, detective.\" RHETORIC [Easy: Success] — He doesn't actually reach for his gun. YOU — Inspect the symbol closer. ENCYCLOPEDIA — The star-and-antlers was developed in the sixth decade of the last century and quickly adopted by Mazov and the communards during the Revolution... Even today, half a century after, the star-and-antlers retains the ability to evoke hope, disappointment, and fear in equal measure. YOU — Why is the star upside down? ENCYCLOPEDIA — To symbolize the toppling of the old order.Also, some social democrats were already using it. YOU — What's the deal with the antlers?"}
{"instruction": "Why does mazov matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Problem:There's something you can’t get out of your head. Kras Mazov, the father of scientific communism, the Premier of the Communist Party of Shest and Graad during the Antecentennial Revolution, head of the Eleven Day Government, sideburn-toting, bearded figurehead of the movement... shot himself in the mouth? And died? One day in his cabinet, as things were collapsing around him? Just gave up? That's not good propaganda, is it? “Вe a communist, shoot yourself in the mouth.” Something about this irks you... Solution:It's clearly a lie. Kras “Kak Ras” Mazov didn't shoot himself. Reaction was on the counter-offensive, the State Day Palace in Mirova was surrounded. He was either assassinated or died in the bombing. You might even have evidence to support this, somewhere in your brain. Mazov was never given a state funeral by the communists. Some people even say the body that was recovered from the ruins wasn't his. There. Good. Hero restored to glory."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame electrochemistry god-ass here?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Its bristles smell nauseatingly of heavy fuel oil. Specks of red, orange, and green paint cover the aluminium ferrule. The door is locked. You can't get in. The chair's new. Someone lives back here. Above, tarps flap in the wind. Forgotten hammers and nails rust. Capeside Apartments Coal Room Someone's been sleeping here--recently.Cindy? A hundred tiny feet scurrying beneath the grate. The rats of the city. Enough coal to last for several winters. Smells of chemicals. Fire! Suddenly you feel the box is on *fire*... why? ITEM GAINED:POUR L'HOMME LABOURER JEANS Although these jeans look worn, the wearer must have had an ass given to them by the mighty Lord himself. That beautiful peach-shaped man-ass has imprinted itself so deep in the fabric you can't but wonder if wearing them would start molding your own vague rearside into a more *shapely form as well. +1 Electrochemistry: God-Ass -1 Reaction Speed: Hindsighted INTERFACING — The pockets of these new jeans are perfect for sticking your hand into."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about capeside apartments?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "gloom stalker, the conglomeration. The shadowy organization behind your downfall.(Possibly connected to the dreaded *ex*-something.) Granted, it is *impossible* to determine its true identity. But you *can* remember where you first smelled its treachery. Yes! Use the 'Tutti Frutti' gum wrapper -- reconstruct the day you first breathed in her untrustworthy atoms. Solution:August 2nd. Early late summer. You’re getting off the streetcar in Le Jardin, east of the river. Her father and mother are middle class. The nylon of her little jacket rustles next to you, in the dark, like autumn leaves. Her heels click on the pavement. You're walking up to the gate in front of her parents' house. She takes out her chewing gum and you kiss her. A feeling like electricity flows through your whole body. Immediately you know that you've entered a completely different world... Capeside Apartments Second Floor Balcony (Left) CINDY THE SKULL — \"Hello again, officers.Have you come to admire my mural?\""}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about motorway south?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "within herself. EMPATHY [Easy: Success] — There is nothing more to do now. She's far away. CONCEPTUALIZATION[Medium: Success] — She is receding. In the clutches of some indescribable, scattered emotion. A child. Descending. KIM KITSURAGI — \"You've fried both your brains enough for today, detective...\" He inspects her. No response.\"Let's get some air. This one's far gone..\"He shakes his head silently as he turns to leave. Motorway South Problem:At the edge of the map the landmass begins to disintegrate – into pure trigonometry. The ocean melts, becoming a tangle of sines and cosines, the mountain range turns into a sharp-angled azimuth. Its green rain shadow dithers, like music turning into a waveform. And then vanishes. This is the end, a half-remembered textbook from your childhood – the porch collapsing on the edge of the isola. A transition from reality to pale. A single vector shoots out, like a rocket. It's the Motorway South, splintering off from the known pale!"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about abandoned lorry?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "justice! With a firm punch that could shatter bone, you smash through the window. Why you didn't equip and use the prybar, who knows -- but now, release your secrets, lorry cabin! PHYSICAL INSTRUMENT [Challenging:Success] — With a firm grip you raise the prybar, a glint of light catching on the tip.Call down the hammer of truth and justice! Release your secrets, lorry cabin! YOU — Smash it. Say \"Welcome to Revachol, window!\"and smash it. Say \"Fuck the police!\" and *then* smash it. \"I'm sorry.\" (Smash it, apologetically.) ABANDONED LORRY — The window shatters and droplets of glass fly everywhere, shattering over the lorry floor and pavement. KIM KITSURAGI — \"Subtle,\" says the lieutenant and sticks his hand in the window -- like a common car thief -- and then opens it. ABANDONED LORRY — The smell of cigarettes and perfume welcomes you. The cabin inside is plastered with old movie posters, actresses smile from the walls.There's a radio transmitter in the front and a toolbox tucked under the driver's seat."}
{"instruction": "How is success presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "where the tunnels and sewers surface near the Eminent Domain and a traffic island in Central Jamrock, by the lake. INTERFACING [Medium: Success] — These service tunnels were probably used during the construction of the foundation beneath the motorway. SHIVERS [Challenging: Success] — Despite the cold, figures move about cloaked in shadow, their breath escaping in white clouds that fade into the darkness.Wherever you look, the night gives cover to her messengers. YOU — Where are they going? SHIVERS — They travel from Eminent Domain to Perdition and on to the Main.Over the River Esperance, on Route 8/81 to the Old South -- the exit ramp is supposed to be shut down, but there's much activity. The road spreads like the tentacles of a great octopus. LOGIC[Medium: Success] — Looks like the smugglers have infiltrated the road network belonging to East Motor Tract. YOU — \"The smugglers have infiltrated the Motor Tract.\" KIM KITSURAGI — \"So it would seem.\" The lieutenant examines the maps with a"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about medicine cabinet?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "haphazardly stacked one on top of the other. There's also a toothbrush somewhere in there. YOU — Look at the toothbrush. MEDICINE CABINET — It's been used. Quite a lot. PERCEPTION (SIGHT) [Challenging:Success] — But not for scrubbing blood off tiles -- or anything else interesting, it seems. PERCEPTION (SMELL) [Legendary: Success] — It's clean of chemical odours too. Just some dried toothpaste on the handle. EMPATHY [Challenging: Success] — This toothbrush belongs to someone who doesn't give a damn about her teeth. YOU — Look at the medications. MEDICINE CABINET — Pharmaceuticals line the shelves. Sheet upon sheet and pill bottle next to pill bottle: acetylic acid, APAP, eye drops, blood thinners... YOU — \"There's quite the collection in here.\" KIM KITSURAGI — \"Anything of note?\" he asks in a lowered voice. YOU — Search the bottles. MEDICINE CABINET — Pill bottles rattle like bones as you search the cabinet: paracetamol, histaperidol, something in a foreign language you can't read..."}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on joyce messier?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "-- sexually assaulted a local woman.While he was drunk and separated from his unit. This allowed some of the more militant Union members to subdue him.\" \"He was taken out behind the Whirling-in-Rags and lynched. Last Sunday night.\" YOU — \"What then?\" JOYCE MESSIER — \"Nothing. Mr. Claire refuses to let me into the harbour. I have not been able to discuss this matter with anyone there. The remaining two Krenel contractors carry out their orders -- for now.\" YOU — \"For now?\" JOYCE MESSIER — \"It's a smokescreen. In secret, they are conducting an independent military tribunal into the lynching. Once this *investigation* is concluded, executions will follow.\" KIM KITSURAGI — \"What is the nature of this so-called investigation?\" JOYCE MESSIER — \"Whether to execute one, some, or all of the Union militants.\" HALF LIGHT [Medium: Success] — It'll be all of them. The decision is already made. CONCEPTUALIZATION [Legendary:Success] —Investigation upon investigation, here in"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat honour as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "honourable deeds. And should your resolve ever waiver, remember The Rite of Honour. It will always cleanse a man's soul... Thought gained: Overproductive Honour Glands It is an honour to serve with you, Honour Cop! YOU — You're crazy if you think I'm just going to stick a finger in my ass! NO WAY! AUTHORITY — Most dishonourable are those who have known honour, carried honour in their hearts, and then disowned honour. They are the *honourfallen*...You brought much shame on your family today. Your name will forever be tarnished by this most shameful of deeds. Be forever banished, Shameful One! Problem:They say nameless heroes need no credit. Doing the right thing is reward enough. But deep down, an honourable man knows there will be a reward. Oh yes, the Honourable shall inherit the world, and you, Compte de Honore, will lead the charge with your thumb held high. What you need is a creed. An oath. A great oath of honour. Flex your honour glands, see if you can come up with something."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of success?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Universe is the new black'. Another note says: 'The biggest advancement in role-playing systems since the Thirties'. SHIVERS [Medium: Success] — Outside, a cold wind wraps the building in its bosom. Snowflakes in the wind. An old woman passes what the locals call the Doomed Commercial Area. She tries hard not to look at the bookstore windows. It's unwise*. FREQUENCY FIREPLACE — This old fireplace is covered in lines drawn in blue and red marker, the mesh spreading over the stone like blood vessels on alabaster skin. It looks ghostly and strangely ancient. INLAND EMPIRE [Challenging: Success] — A diagram for summoning some time-forgotten being? The symbols seem very esoteric. CONCEPTUALIZATION[Medium: Success] — The whole thing resembles Kedran mosaic tiles. Very Pisantic. YOU — Hold on, how do I know what Kedran mosaic tiles are supposed to look like? CONCEPTUALIZATION — History classes.Students with their textbooks open, studying the roots of our civilization.Those aquarelle-blue tiles looked beautiful in the sun."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect fifette to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Fifette lets go of her mother's hand, change jingling in her pockets, as she hops towards the ice cream stand right across the plaza. YOU — Shake from the sudden cold sensation. SHIVERS — As she makes her way to the market stall the girl starts crying: a ferocious ice bear is guarding the fridge!Its paws raised to ward off any potential customers.Her mother rushes to soothe her, but Fifette doesn't want ice cream anymore, she just wants to go home. The ice bear stares at them as they leave the plaza. A gust of wind flies one of the wrappers right past the sobbing girl... YOU — \"So they tried to sell ice cream from this hypercarnivore?\" KIM KITSURAGI — \"I know,\"says the lieutenant, \"what an unfortunate marketing choice.\" \"What is even worse -- the bear is still costing them money, to this day...\" The lieutenant points at the red snaky cable running from the fridge. ICE BEAR FRIDGE — The fridge buzzes with energy. The electricity bill on this thing"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on novelty dicemaker?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "YOU — \"I found creepy mannequins...\" NOVELTY DICEMAKER — \"There used to be a fashion atelier here, but I have forgotten the head designer's name... They were doing well for a couple of years, until the insect rights activists came.\" YOU — \"Insect rights activists? What in the name of...\" NOVELTY DICEMAKER — \"Mhmh -- the atelier produced a certain collection that used chitin among the materials.Apparently chitin is made in the Occident, where it's extracted from beetle wings.\" YOU — \"I didn't know insects had any rights-- or activists.\" NOVELTY DICEMAKER — \"Yeah, the atelier didn't know it either. They produced a certain collection that used chitin among the materials. Apparently chitin is made in the Occident, where it's extracted from beetle wings.\" NOVELTY DICEMAKER — \"And you know how all kinds of political movements are *big* in the Occident. The activists shut down the biggest chitin suppliers, which of course caused the price to skyrocket.\""}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with burke?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "get a local gang of *zemlyakis* to take them out (the zemlyakis gave them ethanol so Burke and Leslie would expose and rampage even harder) -- you tried it all. And still the complaints wouldn't stop. As they hadn't stopped for *ten years*It's plain to see from the files that you, Satellite-Officer JV, and special consultant TH had more important cases to attend to.You uncover cross-reference to several ongoing investigations, each brought to a standstill every time you drive down Main Street. Because there they are! On the corner of Perdition, and what is Leslie doing? YOU — Property damage. DAMAGED LEDGER — No, that's Burke.Leslie's *schtick* is flashing his genitals, remember? How will you ever solve THE UNSOLVABLE CASE if you can't even get that straight? Well, turns out it's pretty simple. The case becomes *considerably*less comic one day, when Burke takes a swing at your ledger. YOU — Public indecency. DAMAGED LEDGER — Good, you're learning."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise well-behaved cockatoo?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "FROM A TO ZRIEEK! A GUIDE TO A WELL-BEHAVED COCKATOO — A cockatoo is a parrot with an erectile crest, found on the Semenine islands and in southern Face-a-la-Mer. Known for their intelligence and general precociousness, cockatoos are popular birds in aviculture;however, they often exhibit various behavioural issues. YOU — Okay. What more? FROM A TO ZRIEEK! A GUIDE TO A WELL-BEHAVED COCKATOO — This book talks about the delicate nature of 'toos, as well as introducing some of the most popular species among the bird enthusiasts: the funeral cockatoo, the Major Majestic cockatoo, and the most common bang-bang cockatoo. It's colourfully illustrated. YOU — Alright, what problems do these birds have? FROM A TO ZRIEEK! A GUIDE TO A WELL-BEHAVED COCKATOO — Where to even begin? All cockatoos are known for their needy natures, requiring attention for at least two full hours a day. They love to talk, and have been described as 'loveable clowns who just don't know how to wrap up'."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe coldest april?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "to lock arms and look into each other's eyes. YOU — What happens next? SIXTEEN DAYS OF COLDEST APRIL — It would physically hurt you to keep reading. Are you sure? PAIN THRESHOLD [Medium: Success] — Fuck it. Do it. It can't be worse than what you've already felt. YOU — Read ten more pages... SIXTEEN DAYS OF COLDEST APRIL — They go through a brief and somewhat awkward love affair, and in the end they betray each other and succumb to the absurdity of Graadian life. The man becomes a lens-grinder, completely abandoning his former existence...He toils through the daily drudgery at the Lenka Polyfabricate. Happiness and fulfilment have eluded him his whole life, and in the end... he has nothing to do but dedicate himself to the craft. YOU — And the woman? SIXTEEN DAYS OF COLDEST APRIL — She spends the next several decades standing at a conveyor in a Sosnovor fish processing plant. The smell of fish guts slowly seeps into her hair and skin... as every single one of her dreams dies, one by one.The memory of their"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term cornelius gurdi?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "go. YOU — Concentrate and aim for the narrow passage. CORNELIUS GURDI AND THE MOUNTAIN GOATS — Maneuvering a goat-ball into a position for a perfect hit isn't easy. More fall to their deaths, but finally the opportunity presents itself. One of them gets through. PERCEPTION [Medium: Success] — Tiny hammer shatters something inside the machine. Something glass. LOGIC [Challenging: Success] — An ampoule? INLAND EMPIRE [Formidable: Success] — The last one. CORNELIUS GURDI AND THE MOUNTAIN GOATS — The words 'PALE RUPTURE'light up on the speaker panel and the machine starts filling with a thick milky fog... something's happening. KIM KITSURAGI — \"Congratulations.\" The lieutentant nods. \"This is where the game ends. It's a cheap way of getting more money out of the players. A stupid, nihilistic finale.\" CORNELIUS GURDI AND THE MOUNTAIN GOATS — There's so much fog you can barely see anything. Some is actually leaking out of the machine and one by one your goats"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about jamrock?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "And if you wanted to forge that document for Evrart, now you can...\" The radio relay hums with electricity. A breaker box to power the radio pylon above you. Maybe there's something inside? Ahead: decades old concrete defences. Children play on them nov Traffic beyond the gate. More abandoned motor lorries. The sign says:\"No Entry.\"Someone's scribbled an inverted star on it. ITEM GAINED:JAMROCK BIKER-COP SUNNIES For taking your Harmel-Rioux \"Supersonique\" out for a ride -- on the streets of Jamrock, where your heart is buried. +1 Empathy: Feel the streets -1 Logic: Leave the reason behind 10am Abandoned Yard Someone has broken down the fence *and* the barbed wite. The wind is corralled by the four-story buildings around this yard. The swing is missing--no one's been here for a long time. INLAND EMPIRE — Rust peels off the bent iron posts of the swing. The wind whistles through the skeleton of the small house behind you. There's desolation...everywhere."}
{"instruction": "Why does success matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "New task: Find the traffic hooligan KIM KITSURAGI — \"I agree,\" the lieutenant replies, his eyes never leave the sunken vehicle. \"We should definitely investigate.\" INLAND EMPIRE [Easy: Success] — You get a sudden sinking feeling. Stomach acid comes up as you look at the motor carriage in the deep, dark, cold water. VOLITION [Medium: Success] — Why the doom and gloom? It's just a sunken motor carriage. Some motor carriages are bound to end up in the sea. YOU — Run your hand over the cold metal. SUNKEN MOTOR CARRIAGE — The motor carriage is properly stuck in the ice. Getting it out would require a team of specialists. INTERFACING [Medium: Success] — A single day in the salty seawater would ruin most vehicles, but this one looks worn even in places the saltwater hasn't touched it. ENDURANCE[Medium: Success] — Rust, moss, and sea life have already claimed it for themselves and initiated a slow decomposition process. YOU — What is the make of this MC?"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame that's here?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "some out for this lost genius, then thinks better of it.\"But the story doesn't end there. Supposedly, when they performed the autopsy, the coroner discovered nearly a quarter kilo of coke* jammed into his nasal cavity.\" YOU — \"What a stupid fucking idea.\" IDIOT DOOM SPIRAL — \"But the story doesn't end there. Supposedly, when they performed the autopsy, the coroner discovered nearly a *quarter kilo of coke*jammed into his nasal cavity.\" LOGIC [Medium: Success] — That's... almost certainly anatomically impossible. ELECTROCHEMISTRY — WRONG AGAIN, NERD. Where there's a will, there's a way. IDIOT DOOM SPIRAL — \"That's right. Two-hundred fifty grams of blow had *accumulated* in there over the years.We're talking high-grade Saramirizian pure, not that cut-rate shit your grandma does.\" \"There are those who believe that the designer was buried with this quarter-key of nose candy still lodged in his sinuses.*That's* what those expeditions are looking for...\""}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about you and?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "and a fine perch for winter birds. YOU — That's all? SHIVERS — Like all monuments, it's also a warning. Six-story ruins on the south side of the roundabout cast a long shadow over the profligate king. YOU — And further... SHIVERS — A fenced-off yard. There's a truck belonging to a logistics company parked next to the gate. You've heard about it.Bright light from a building behind the fence reflects off its hood. CONCEPTUALIZATION [Medium: Success] — Clean white light, coming from the windows of a clean cube-shaped office building hidden amidst ruins. A secret... YOU — What's in the north? SHIVERS — The abandoned church. One of two remaining stave churches which were collectively called les Sept Soeurs. The other six sisters were destroyed during the Revolution. YOU — And further north? SHIVERS — A serpentine strip of land weaving its way into the Martinaise inlet. Unfortunates on the run -- from the law, from themselves -- sometimes hide out on nearby"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about searchlight division?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Admittedly, it’s not very funny. But you *overcame* it! This little infant survived and became a sharpshooting supercop. So: fuck you, polio! Searchlight Division Problem:Missing persons cases just really get to you. It's hard watching people worry about their loved ones – the little nervous movements, the dark rings around their eyes from sleepless nights. And even if there are no loved ones waiting – you like to have all your ducks in a row, and it really bothers you when whole entire people aren't accounted for. Solution:You've sharpened your senses by being on the lookout for missing persons. Now you notice more of what's happening around you. Perhaps when you're done with this case, you can join the Searchlight Division of the RCM, and find every Revacholian that's ever gone missing without a trace (there is undoubtedly a backlog of such cases). Because you never know, a missing person could be just around the edge, barely out of sight."}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about reaction speed?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "YOU — Fuck the suzerain, what about *my wealth and renown? SUZERAINTY: THE BOARD GAME — There is no path to wealth and renown but through the suzerain. As one of the suzerain's trusted administrators, your very function is the glorification of Revachol... YOU — How do you accumulate victory points? SUZERAINTY: THE BOARD GAME — That's where the suzerain's vassals come in. The game features four vassal nations, each one home to an economicallyimportant resource... Each turn the player collects resources from vassals where they've placed workers.They may then rearrange their workers, fulfil contracts for coin and bonuses, or build structures back in Revachol... REACTION SPEED [Easy: Success] — As you leaf through the pages, your eye catches on a sidebar labelled 'ADVICE FOR BEGINNERS'. YOU — Read the advice. REACTION SPEED — \"Remember, there are many paths to victory in *Suzerainty*, but successful players will find *one* strategy and commit to it wholeheartedly.\""}
{"instruction": "How is semenine islands presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Semenine Islands, and magenta cocaine from Supramundi and Saramiriza...There's also a neat little log to keep track of your progress, in case you need to put the game away and return to it later... KIM KITSURAGI — The lieutenant goes first.He draws a contract card and moves several of his workers to the Safre territory of the board and the others to the Semenine Islands...\"Alright, detective. Your turn.\" SUZERAINTY: THE BOARD GAME — You have a few options available to you: Will you try to fulfil contracts right away or rearrange your workers to maximize production on future turns? REACTION SPEED — Remember what the rulebook said! You'll want to choose a strategy early on and stay committed to it. YOU — Just do whatever Kim did. SUZERAINTY: THE BOARD GAME — You move a few of your workers to the Ile Marat section of the board and several others to Supramundi and Saramiriza.Soon you have several units of archaeological treasure and cocaine."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about medium success?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "KIM KITSURAGI — \"Yes, precisely.\" RHETORIC [Medium: Success] — Nonsense. Remember what the lieutenant said? If points are arbitrary, who cares about *winning*? You should reject their system and just play how you want. KIM KITSURAGI — Now it's the lieutenant's turn to respond.He moves aggressively onto the Safre territory. Soon his workers are producing a steady supply of extremely valuable *apricots*... HALF LIGHT [Medium: Success] — How can you let the lieutenant *dominate* you like that? You need to hit back, and *hard*! SUZERAINTY: THE BOARD GAME — For several turns you struggle to respond to the lieutenant's burgeoning apricot empire.Eventually you relocate the majority of your workers to Supramundi and Saramiriza, where they begin producing a bumper crop of cocaine tokens...You draw a new contract card. According to the text, there's an aristocrat willing to trade a large supply of cocaine for a number of coins and access to a rare bonus:"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on kim kitsuragi?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "cocaine.) KIM KITSURAGI — \"Hrm...\" The lieutenant's face goes stony as you take your turn. He does not appreciate you getting all his workers addicted to cocaine... SUZERAINTY: THE BOARD GAME — With each passing turn you slowly bleed the lieutenant of coins as his own workers become less productive and more dependent on your magenta cocaine tokens. ENCYCLOPEDIA — As a matter of historical fact, this is almost *exactly* what happened in Safre. To this day, fully half of the former Safre Empire remains dependant on international aid in exchange for a steady supply of cheap produce. YOU — \"Isn't this what they did in the Apricot Suzerainty in real life?\" KIM KITSURAGI — \"More or less,\" the lieutenant says, but he's thinking less about matters of historical wrongdoing than how to get out of the jam you've put him in... Realising victory is slipping away, the lieutenant launches a desperate gambit: *Protectionism*. By erecting tariffs on your cocaine he hopes to starve you out of the"}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat kim kitsuragi as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "and sugar. This is going to get ugly... SUZERAINTY: THE BOARD GAME — With every turn tariffs are raised, until neither you nor the lieutenant are producing any income or generating resources for the suzerain... Even in the best of cases it's impossible to really \"win\" a trade war. But this is far from the best case, and the lieutenant's apricot-powered economic engine crushes yours... Soon your coffers are empty and the map lies strewn with your worker tokens. KIM KITSURAGI — \"I hope you learned your lesson,\" the lieutenant says with a sharp smile. YOU — \"Yeah, never get involved in a trade war in Insulinde.\" YOU — \"Yeah, never play board games.\" KIM KITSURAGI — \"Never fuck with Kim Kitsuragi.\" KIM KITSURAGI — \"Now, let's tally up the scores, shall we?\" SUZERAINTY: THE BOARD GAME — Computing the final scores is almost a game unto itself. You each spend an inordinate amount of time making stacks of coins, consulting tables, and struggling with basic addition and multiplication..."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of visual calculus?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Looks like this was a mass execution with everyone fully armed. YOU — Look at the people against the wall. VISUAL CALCULUS — A host of men, probably in everyday clothes -- ragged from the conflict and covered in dust. They were not sitting (a common practice for executions in some nations), as demonstrated by the height level of the bullet holes.They stand, facing the wall... It's impossible to discern any details about their personality or background. ESPRIT DE CORPS [Medium: Success] — Ordinary people -- familiar, each and every one of them. YOU — Who were they? ESPRIT DE CORPS — Comrades. The forsaken, the wretched, who tried to rise against the horrors of the world. YOU — Look at the line of soldiers. VISUAL CALCULUS — Seven men in combat uniforms and dark coats, holding automatic rifles aimed at the people.Soldiers from some side... but from which one? AUTHORITY[Medium: Success] — Men of duty. Dark duty. YOU — Who were they? AUTHORITY — Murderers."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect the cryptozoologist to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "himself,\"I've heard enough first-hand accounts to believe quite firmly that the Insulindian phasmid is more than mere superstition.\" EMPATHY [Formidable: Success] — What would it be like to grasp and hold onto something you think is next to you -- or just behind you -- like a trace of vapour you exhaled one spring morning as a child?This is what he's searching for. A spectre. YOU — \"Lena said there has been a sighting of it, here in Martinaise.\" MORELL, THE CRYPTOZOOLOGIST — \"Yes, the most *recent* sighting was by a couple of teenagers along the coast here.That's what brought us to Martinaise specifically.\" \"It's the first credible sighting in several decades. Admittedly, it's an unusual location for this species, but with all the sewage run-off upstream, it probably doesn't matter much anymore.\" YOU — \"Maybe the Insulindian phasmid has... died out?\" MORELL, THE CRYPTOZOOLOGIST — \"I have to resist the thought.\" He shakes his head vigorously."}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on the cryptozoologist?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "surprising mild. \"Pardon me, I did not wish to seek conflict. It's simply my training to question things.\" MORELL, THE CRYPTOZOOLOGIST — \"Understood, lieutenant.\" The man tips his hat slightly and then looks to you. YOU — \"What's the other evidence?\" MORELL, THE CRYPTOZOOLOGIST — \"The recent surge in the moose population. As hidden carnivores, the dread moose are effectively removing competition for both themselves and their evolutionary cousins.\" YOU — \"But why would it need to hide its carnivorous nature?\" MORELL, THE CRYPTOZOOLOGIST — \"Moose are already being hunted for sport. Can you imagine what would happen if they came to be viewed as predators?\" YOU — \"What exactly is the relationship between carnivorous moose and regular moose?\" MORELL, THE CRYPTOZOOLOGIST — \"The carnivorous moose are a very young species, the result of a genetic mutation that fared well in the process of natural selection.\" \"It makes sense that such a majestic animal with natural weapons -- antlers -- would come"}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with whirling-in-?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Tioumoutiri is favoured by older men who like its old fashioned paper filter tips, insane amount of tar and the sweet smells of colonialism and halva. YOU — Look over the water -- to the Whirling-in-Rags. VISUAL CALCULUS — There, 1.2 kilometres over the wave-crossed bay, through heavy, dark grey curtains of rain you see the smallest rectangle, barely visible.A glowing light on the third floor of the Whirling-in-Rags. With binoculars you would see a young woman's shape move behind the glass, her limbs long and slender. ELECTROCHEMISTRY [Medium: Success] — Smoking. Drinking. Being happy and elated. Without you -- because you're here, freezing in the wind, aren't you? Doing your *detective work*. Tiny inlets there --off in the far distance, where the posts trail toward... ITEM GAINED:SCENTED SCARF This light springtime scarf smells like men's cologne mixed with cheap laundry detergent. Someone must have left it behind, probably from a date?"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise mazovians?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "They can barely tell if it's day or night anymore because the lights in the building are so uniform and bright. Who knows when they'll come out? YOU — What keeps them motivated? SHIVERS — Irony. They're yuppies masquerading as Mazovians... Or was it Mazovians masquerading as yuppies?Even they get confused sometimes, out here in poverty-stricken Martinaise. YOU — Sounds like a highly motivated bunch. SHIVERS — Yes, they are highly motivated by irony, being yuppies masquerading as Mazovians... Or was it Mazovians masquerading as yuppies? Even they get confused sometimes, here in poverty-stricken Martinaise. YOU — Those don't sound like proper working conditions. SHIVERS — Yes, and it's rather ironic, because they believe themselves to be Mazovians deep down. YOU — I hope they're working for the glory of Revachol, at least. SHIVERS — Could be. Not sure they remember what they're working for anymore themselves... YOU — Are they really so pressed for time to finish whatever they're doing?"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe sunday friend?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "SUNDAY FRIEND — \"The Coalition is only looking out for *ze price stabilite*.\" He raises an index finger. \"Inflation is a killer, like a heart disease blocking the normal circulation of the economy -- It must be controlled...\" \"The economy impacts the entire *international community*, which is why it requires international oversight.\" YOU — \"Okay, but what are you doing *here*in this apartment?\" SUNDAY FRIEND — \"Ah, well, I'm renovating it. It is an interesting project. The building used to be a twelve-story skyscraper before the cannons took the top four stories off. This of course happened when the Coalition forces landed here...\"He smiles. \"You could say I'm undoing some of the *material* damage the international community caused when we arrived here.\" YOU — \"What is this *international community*?\" SUNDAY FRIEND — \"La communauté internationale is what Revacholians colloquially call *the Coalition*. In other words, the nations that stopped the disaster of the"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term evrart claire?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "over a local mobster any day. YOU — \"You can't possibly hope to continue like you have. Clients will leave en masse.\" EVRART CLAIRE — \"Sure, some will go, but mark my words: the company will be unpleasantly* surprised to see how many of them stay loyal to Martinaise. And to the new, competitive contracts we can offer.\" YOU — \"Everything?\" EVRART CLAIRE — \"We've been running back channel negotiations with all the major clients. I think the company will be *unpleasantly* surprised to see how many of them stay loyal to Martinaise. And to the new, competitive contracts we can offer.\" EVRART CLAIRE — \"With renewed zeal sparked by communal ownership, the men will be shipping those containers double time. You'll be surprised to see how fast things go without parasites latching on. We'll have our hands free to pursue bold, exotic new revenue streams.\" REACTION SPEED [Easy: Success] — That's drugs! KIM KITSURAGI — \"Drug trafficking.\" EVRART CLAIRE — \"Drug trafficking?"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about medicinal purposes?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "MEDICINAL PURPOSES OF THE PALE — Lastly, is there anything else you'd like to add? YOU — A few pomegranate seeds. YOU — A spoonful of sugar. YOU — Some wild ginseng root. MEDICINAL PURPOSES OF THE PALE — The tincture you've invented sounds intriguing, but its medicinal value is suspect, to say the least. Safe to say it won't cure your hangover. ELECTROCHEMISTRY [Medium: Success] — Whoever wrote this never heard of the hair of the dog. Fuck this book. See if there's a bar open that'll still serve you. MEDICINAL PURPOSES OF THE PALE — The ginger root will help with the nausea and the birch bark tea will help you flush out the toxins. The pomegranate seeds are a natural aphrodisiac, as a nice bonus. The ginseng should give you more energy, as a nice bonus. The sugar just makes it taste better. CONCEPTUALIZATION[Medium: Success] — The very thought of this tea causes your muscles to relax and your mind to clear.You're more present and in control than you were a"}
{"instruction": "Why does dolores matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "century and even lived to see the current one. She was an urban planner who spoke her mind and largely left history to its own devices, encouraging people to excel on their own rather than prescribing to a deified model of history. She is often called an *anti-innocence*.Sola resigned after an assassination attempt by a Yugo nationalist, who blamed her for not taking the side of the left during the turn of the century revolutions.(Innocences don't usually resign). Care to try again? YOU — Dolores Dei? THE GREATEST INNOCENCE — Incorrect.Dolores Dei was the innocence of humanism, internationalism, and the welfare state. She codified parliamentary democracy and created modern institutions, among these the Moralintern.She was powerful. And beautiful, on all her icons...Her colours are silver, white, and apricot.And when you think her name, Dolores, stomach acid rises to the back of your throat and it hurts -- you see a flash silver, a wreath, an airport bag."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame greatest innocence here?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Relax. YOU — Franconegro? THE GREATEST INNOCENCE — Correct!Named the innocence of militarism, he codified hereditary rule -- but at the same time ended serfdom and established the interisolary real as the global reserve currency. He also established the concept of the Nation.Franconegro attempted to solve the rising tensions between the aristocracy and bourgeoisie by building a unified society, in which every man has a place and a mission, but at the same time may rise to nobility provided on the strength of his virtue. THE GREATEST INNOCENCE — Question 3: Who was the false innocence? ENCYCLOPEDIA [Medium: Success] — Got it under control. No problem. Solid on this one. It's wide-spread historical information. YOU — You going to be helpful this time? I could use a hint. ENCYCLOPEDIA — Yes. There exists a group called the Founding Party. Known as the Holy Party during the time of the Perikarnassian. This, the world's oldest international organization, spends its time in search of either the re-emergence of the innocence, or new"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about trant heidelstam?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "TRANT HEIDELSTAM — \"That's notsurprising. Only a vestigial ink cartridge and ferrotape manufacturer remains.\" He adjusts his suit jacket.\"They started out as a midway electronics outfit in Konigstein two centuries ago.After an aggressive move to Revachol, Feld became a global player in the emerging personal electronics market of the pre-Revolutionary era.\" \"Still, Tricentennial was beating them in business machines.\" He gestures toward the building. \"But Feld had an ace up their sleeve. Or, should I say, they were *developing* an ace up their sleeve?...\" He grins. \"I'm mixing my metaphors here.\" YOU — \"What was that ace?\" TRANT HEIDELSTAM — \"It was here in Martinaise -- possibly in this very building -- that they developed prototypes for a...\"He pauses for effect.\"...*tape computer*.\" YOU — \"A tape computer?\" TRANT HEIDELSTAM — \"Mhm. An elegant folding mechanism of rollers and ferrotape ribbons, portable enough to be a take-it-home solution, revolutionizing business machines,"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about manthang?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Anyway, that's just a little something that sprang to mind.\" He squeezes his son's shoulder lightly. \"You were saying?\" REACTION SPEED [Medium: Success] — Forget it. They don't sell those kinds of books at \"Crime, Romance & Biographies of Famous People.\" YOU — \"By the way, do you work out?\" TRANT HEIDELSTAM — \"I do some Lo Manthang stick fighting now and then.\" ENCYCLOPEDIA[Medium: Success] — Lo Manthang stick fighting is a form of martial arts originating from the isle of Lo Manthang. It uses slender wooden sticks for confronting the opponent. YOU — \"A form of martial arts from the isle of Lo Manthang, right?\" TRANT HEIDELSTAM — \"Actually, a great many cultures have their own version of stick fighting, such as the sacred Mabolo tradition of the Hali people, the name deriving from the butterfruit tree traditionally used for crafting the long, slender sticks -- whereas the sticks used in other cultures...\"You doze off, as he paints you a comprehensive picture"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage reveal about medium success?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "It must have spent quite some time in the water before the tide deposited it ashore... YOU — Okay, but what's the crust *made* of? FILTHY JACKET — Somehow it was carried or dragged to the boardwalk, if not by human hands than perhaps the feral dogs that prowl the beaches at night... VISUAL CALCULUS [Medium: Success] — The faint impressions of many footprints are also present, though it's impossible to tell what kind or how many. Suffice to say, the jacket spent some time on the ground before someone draped it over the railing... YOU — What happened once someone put it on the railing? FILTHY JACKET — The crust is hard. This jacket spent at least a day baking in the sun. Who knows what happened to it then? SHIVERS[Medium: Success] — Somewhere, high above the city, a pair of seagulls trace loops through the air...They are like the bombardiers of the aerostatic brigades, gliding above a *target-rich environment*...All of a sudden, the bomb bay doors open, and their"}
{"instruction": "How is mesque presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "The blackboard is filled with complex equations. They look recent. Something to do with radios frequencies? Cold wind blows in from the broken gallery... makes your skin crawl. A portable Harmon Wowshi tape recorder. Two decks of reel-to-reel tapes spinning on empty. Is it possible it's...*recording*something? Someone's siphoning electrical current from outside--into this antenna. The antenna, Ream ESKER AR-1, is buzzing with energy. ITEM GAINED:MESQUE BANGER'S SILK SCARF This huge red scarf is still dusty from lying in the church. A subtle red-on-red embroidery embellishes it with cocky roosters and Mesque floral motives. +1 Pain Threshold: Bangers don't cry Feels like there's someone above you, watching you from the dark. PERCEPTION (HEARING) — The silence in this part of the church -- it's almost palpable. All the shifting matter and shuffling of living things is gone. Nothing seems to exist beyond the church anymore.Maybe if you were to stand in just the right spot, even your footsteps"}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about innocence?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "ENCYCLOPEDIA — In a way. ENCYCLOPEDIA — An innocence is elected to office by the Founding Party, a precedent that has taken place a mere six times in the entirety of History. The legal system of the Reál Belt is built to accommodate innocentic rule, should it coincide with our time. An innocence is infallible. The decisions made by one are not decisions. They are inevitabilities -- what would have happened anyway, only accelerated, packed into decades instead of centuries. An Innocence is a continuous, compressed event, a sacred human being. It is an honour and a glory to live when one is in office. YOU — Is one in office now? ENCYCLOPEDIA — No. We are alone. YOU — Okay. When did she rule? ENCYCLOPEDIA — Three hundred years ago, in the wake of the discovery of this isola -- the Insulindian -- by explorers from the continent of Mundi. She is, among other things, the innocence of interisolary travel and the connected world. YOU — What else do I know about her?"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on therriers?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "the canals frozen and slush falling out of the sky. She was dressed in a white and pearl dress on an emptied-out plaza, with the crowd far away. Already her *Therriers* -- the secret servicemen of the innocence -- were worried about an assassination attempt. YOU — She must have been beautiful... ENCYCLOPEDIA — Oh yes... She looked like humanity's young mother, a perfect mother. Insultingly beautiful. It was as if her face and shoulders and hands were covered in a soft down of under-feathers.You know this well -- very well. YOU — I don't care how she looked. I don't care. It doesn't hurt me. ENCYCLOPEDIA — Oh, she was insultingly beautiful. She was humanity's young mother, a perfect mother. It was as if her face and shoulders and hands were covered in a soft down of under-feathers.You know this well -- very well. ENCYCLOPEDIA — Midwinter snow was beating the cobblestones around her. A small attache of officials stood by as her Therriers placed a white gold wreath on her head."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat east-insulindian repeater as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "YOU — \"Wait, let me just investigate it...\"(Step behind the computer.) MAINFRAME — You see virescent PLAY and PRINT buttons on the keyboard. A hatch connected to the central compartment is wide open. KIM KITSURAGI — The lieutenant says nothing. You see the machine's glowing frame reflected back from his diamond-shaped glasses. You're free to proceed. YOU — Look inside the compartment. MAINFRAME — Behind the hatch sits a cube-like crisscross of filaments, smouldering in the dark like fireflies.Silver tape on the side says in black marker: \"LOG (FEB-MAR)\". INTERFACING [Easy: Success] — Another filament memory. Press PLAY to talk with the repeater. YOU — Press PLAY. MAINFRAME — The speaker comes to life, static seeps through the machine's planar magnetic driver. An old lady greets you, her voice sounds a hundred years old... EAST-INSULINDIAN REPEATER STATION — \"Good morning, Fortress Accident on Saint-Brune, this is the East-Insulindian Repeater Station 1."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of medium success?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "writers and concept artists. There were also radio programmers, sound engineers, a CEO, two marketing experts... ...and a single overburdened producer who developed a habit of popping Pyrholidon in the basement to escape his obligations. ELECTROCHEMISTRY [Medium: Success] — But on the other hand, their obligations *were* piling up at an inhuman rate -- a rate that could only be amended by Pyrholidon. LOGIC [Medium: Success] — Why did Fortress Accident have so many concept artists? YOU — Wait, why did a *radio game* need so many artists? MAINFRAME — It didn't. YOU — It didn't need so many concept artists? MAINFRAME — No, definitely not. A few more producers could have come handy though -- especially when dealing with writers, some of whom routinely skipped work because of 'mental health issues' and extremely unprofessional sleep schedules... One of them even managed to steal some valuable company property before skipping town for good. YOU — Skim through the production schedule, whatever it is."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect success to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Trigonometry mostly. A chalk-drawn height chart for children's growth over the years. The clock is ticking away with an odd cheerfulness. Its ticking makes you anxious. Rings hollow in the room. Posters of contemporary pop stars adorn the walls. Windows covered in old newspaper clippings. Can't they afford curtains? WORKING CLASS WOMAN — \"It's you from the bookstand... Did you come to bring my cockatoo back?\" She smiles nervously, before the smile vanishes from her face. \"I don't think I introduced myself properly-- I'm Billie. Would you like something to drink?\" She looks around the kitchen. \"Tea, lemonade? We're out of coffee...\" KIM KITSURAGI — The lieutenant has taken off his foggy glasses and is busy cleaning them in his handkerchief for now. You're on your own here. VISUAL CALCULUS [Challenging: Success]- Condensation -- from stepping inside. EMPATHY [Medium: Success] — He must feel vulnerable without his glasses. Is this why he's letting you take the lead?"}
{"instruction": "What light does the passage throw on hard?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "YOU — Hard people. Hard republic. Hard cell. Hard party. Hard riot. Hard government. Core membership. Core secretary. Core teachings. Core fighters. CONCEPTUALIZATION — Predictable, but solid. YOU — This is taking place in Revachol, hard core rising. It could only happen here, in the bottom of the geopolitical abyss. Those are the warhorns of today. We'll be given a fresh start. CONCEPTUALIZATION — Oh yeah it feels manly. Beautiful. YOU — Long live the world that gave shape to hard core to complete itself! A true heir to Dolorian values. Three-and-a-half centuries and the gift still keeps on giving. CONCEPTUALIZATION — Endless are the wonders borne out of the cultural collaboration so wisely facilitated by the free world! YOU — I've got the money, I've got the place/You've got the figure, you've got the face/Let's get together, we're jumping all over the world! CONCEPTUALIZATION — JUMPING ALL OVER THE WORLD! YOU — I don't seem to have anything to add to the core."}
{"instruction": "According to the passage, what is going on with hjelmdallermann the?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "\"Besides, didn't I have some Seolite hope catchers around here somewhere...? I must find them; everything will be alright if I can just find them.\" Task complete: Inform Plaisance about the Source of Doom PLAISANCE — \"Thank you for your help, in any case. You're welcome back here anytime.\" BOOK\"HJELMDALLERMANN: THE MAN FROM HJELMDALL\" A classic! On the frontispiece an anatomically unrealisic muscleman is reaching into a mountain stream, yearning to touch his glimmering mirror image. His eyes are full of childlike wonder. On the blood-soaked snow right next to him lie two *giant* zweihänders. HJELMDALLERMANN: THE MAN FROM HJELMDALL — The cover of this tattered paperback features the Man from Hjelmdall standing atop a pile of bloody corpses. His two zweihanders are crossed over his massive chest in a dramatic 'x', their blades dripping with gore... YOU — Hell yeah. YOU — Seems... over the top? HJELMDALLERMANN: THE MAN FROM HJELMDALL — Behind him rise the"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage characterise medium success?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "HAND/EYE COORDINATION [Medium:Success] — The writer has *never* held a sword in their life, let alone two two-handed swords at the same time. LOGIC [Medium: Success] — It is physically impossible for a human being to effectively dual-wield *zweihander* swords in any kind of real-life combat situation. HJELMDALLERMANN: THE MAN FROM HJELMDALL — ... and with deadly finesse his twin blades scissor the necromancer's head from its body. The undead legions collapse like rag dolls as the dark magic leaves them and the two northmen stand alone in the accursed temple, where the bodies of their lost brothers litter the floors. YOU — Skip ahead. HJELMDALLERMANN: THE MAN FROM HJELMDALL — A few chapters later the Man from Hjelmdall and Tyrbald are in a completely different setting, high above an arid desert, riding a pair of gryffins that always seem to appear at narratively convenient moments... CONCEPTUALIZATION[Medium: Success] — This book makes a mockery of the very"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage define or describe hjelmdallermann the?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Nachtherrer forbidden magic...As the vile ceremony ends, the sound of steel unsheathing draws the Nachtherrers attention to a pair of cloaked figures standing in the doorway... HALF LIGHT [Medium: Success] — That is what you came for, isn't it? A climactic bloodletting, where men are reduced to muscle and fury? HALF LIGHT [Godly: Success] — No, beautiful naked people fucking in the bushes is what you came for. Sweat, cocks and and titties please! HJELMDALLERMANN: THE MAN FROM HJELMDALL — Swiftly the visitors toss off their cloaks and unsheathe glimmering northern steel -- it's the Man from Hjelmdall and his valiant blood-brother Tyrbald! YOU — Well, yeah, who else would it be? YOU — Whoa. I did *not* see that coming! HJELMDALLERMANN: THE MAN FROM HJELMDALL — In an instant the Nachtherrer summon a horde of gibbering orkenoids who rush our heroes. The hall fills with the clang of blades and the screams of the dying as the floor goes slick with steaming"}
{"instruction": "In what sense does the passage use the term from hjelmdalland?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Man from Hjelmdall, wielding his two zweihanders, is carving through a sea of savages, his visage fixed in grim determination.His arms, whirling like windmills, are soaked with the blood of his enemies.Mangled corpses litter the battlefield. RHETORIC [Medium: Success] — It calls out to you. This is the spirit of Revachol. YOU — Oh shit, gritty and heroic. YOU — Let's give this a chance... MAN FROM HJELMDALLAND THE DEVIL WOMAN — Berserker rage burns in his azure-hued eyes as he brings glory and honour to his long lost Hjelmdaller tribe from the village of Hjelmdall. The ivory giant roars like an ice bear, and the winds of Katla howl out his name. YOU — Gimme more! MAN FROM HJELMDALLAND THE DEVIL WOMAN — Man from Hjelmdall rides on a gilded gryffin, his golden mane billowing in the breeze. Both zweihanders sheathed on his back, he is off to war. Will he conquer his enemies? Will he conquer himself? YOU — Onward! MAN FROM HJELMDALLAND THE DEVIL WOMAN — The steel muscles of Man"}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's main point about hjelmdall?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Mega-Setting Supplements Module.\" The side panel adds: \"A sword and sorcery adventure board game. With new maps and miniatures.\" YOU — Shake the box. WIRRÂL — Mysterious things rattle inside. What could they be? Dice? Plastic miniatures? A fantastical alternate world full of magic and wonder? None of that witless Man from Hjelmdall fascist dross hidden behind faux-realistic allegory. Wirrâl is no cliche-ridden apologia for colonial violence. Wirrâl is pure *imagination*. RHETORIC [Medium: Success] — It's not. It's for pansies. Man from Hjelmdall is way more awesome. YOU — Look at the back. WIRRÂL — A blurb on the back reads:\"Tired of the tedium and toil of modern life? Escape to Wirrâl! Leave behind isolas and nations with their petty squabbles. Discard electricity, magnets, and boring technological widgets...Succumb to a world of high-Pasternal fantastique, unleash your imagination and create an adventure of endless possibilities. Discover the terrible secret threatening Wirrâl -- can your band of adventurers"}
{"instruction": "Why does wirr you matter to the point the passage is making?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "and jacks-of-all-trades. YOU — Read about the faerie folk. WIRRÂL — A very small race of flying people, known for being mischievous, full of trickery. They often lure people into their maegical traps. There are no sub-races for the faeries. YOU — Read about the pygmies. WIRRÂL — The least popular of the Wirrâl races, the pygmies are short, rotund and dim-witted. Pygmies live in small villages made of shoddy wooden dwellings. They spend most their days tilling the earth and smoking their pipes. There are no sub-races for the pygmies. YOU — Look at the die. WIRRÂL — It's made from some sort of wood and has been decorated with peculiar plant motifs. ENCYCLOPEDIA [Medium: Success] — You don't know much about dice, but this one looks pretty damn fancy. Item gained: Standard Wirrâl Die YOU — Take the die. WIRRÂL — You place the die into your pocket. It's always good to have luck on your side. YOU — Look at the figurine. WIRRÂL — You see a man in ragged clothes wearing a lopsided hat and wielding some"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage frame mullen here?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "to Mullen to ask a favour on this dark and cold night...Spillane needs Mullen to drive him in from Vesper to a small town along the Insulindian coast. Despite his friend's apparent agitation, Mullen does as he's asked, then returns home where he passes out drunk, as he does most nights... ESPRIT DE CORPS[Medium: Success] — An extremely unprofessional and *hurtful* stereotype that's offensive to all upstanding officers of the law. ELECTROCHEMISTRY [Medium: Success] — But also extremely *accurate*, in your case. YOU — Look, I can't judge. YOU — Hey, I'm trying at least. ELECTROCHEMISTRY — Give it time. You'll fall off the wagon sooner or later. YOU — Keep reading. DICK MULLEN AND THE MISTAKEN IDENTITY — Two days later, Mullen is arrested by the Vesper police and charged with the murder of Charlie Spillane. At his interrogation, Mullen learns that Charlie Spillane was shot in a bar in the very town Mullen dropped him off in, by a man matching *Mullen's* description...Desperate to clear his"}
{"instruction": "What does the passage say about spillane?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "likelihood, he's just in over his head. He does bear a personal grudge against Spillane though, a former prosecutor who nearly brought down his father's administration...The kid doesn't exactly have Dick Mullen's manly build, but he is the correct height, and while interrogating him at his home, Mullen*did*notice a certain overcoat that looks suspiciously like his own... YOU — What was that about an art collector? DICK MULLEN AND THE MISTAKENIDENTITY — Torvald the Art Collector is a strung-out mess. Frankly, it's hard to imagine him holding a pistol steady enough to actually hit someone, let alone plug them three times in the chest the way old Spillane got did...That said, Torvald and Spillane have a long history, and while interrogating him, Mullen discovers that Torvald was once involved* with Deanna Deneuve. Could it be that this is all over a sordid *love triangle*? YOU — Okay, let's get on with the story. DICK MULLEN AND THE MISTAKEN IDENTITY — One evening, Deanna Deneuve"}
{"instruction": "What claim does the passage make about antecentennial revolution?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "Simultaneously repulsive and yet darkly appealing. Musty with a sharp tang, but also a remnant of lost sweetness. Like a rotting mango that's been swaddled in a coat from your grandfather's attic... PERCEPTION (SMELL) — What you're smelling is your own body odour, of course. Nothing a shower and change of clothes couldn't fix. RHETORIC — People sometimes complain there are no real communists left in Martinaise, but you can smell their presence. They're out there, waiting for you to join them! ENCYCLOPEDIA [Medium: Success] — Incidentally, during the waning days of the Antecentennial Revolution, a number of Revacholian communards constructed elaborate hideouts in abandoned root cellars, hollowed-out tree trunks, and even residential sewage tanks. This latter phenomenon gave rise to the early anti-communist slogan, 'The Future's Bright When You Flush Out the White!\" YOU — This sounds unfathomably stupid. I want no part of it. RHETORIC — It's not *stupid*, it's the greatest endeavour in the history of human"}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect medium success to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "ESPRIT DE CORPS [Medium: Success] — His impatience is feigned. He's actually curious to see how this *personal errand* shakes out. RHETORIC — What the lieutenant thinks is irrelevant. Your politico-olfactory cortex is lighting up like a holiday display. The scent of communism is overwhelming, and it's coming right... from that balcony over there! YOU — You mean from Cindy? RHETORIC — Certainement! A precocious communist youth, a symbol of a kinder, more hopeful future. Now's your chance to establish contact* with your revolutionary brothers and sisters. INLAND EMPIRE[Medium: Success] — A chance to establish contact with the future! What a beautiful, *terrible* thought... YOU — (Attempt to establish contact.) \"Hey, sister. Let's talk *politics* for a minute.\" CINDY THE SKULL — \"And what do *you know about politics?\" She squints at you suspiciously. YOU — \"Manana at the harbour said there's someone organizing an *underground revolutionary cell*.\""}
{"instruction": "How is student communist presented in this passage?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "healthier than certain *other* after-hours pursuits I've seen officers engage in.\" He gives you a pointed look. YOU — \"Sounds like a yank-fest for binos.\" STEBAN, THE STUDENT COMMUNIST — \"It's nothing like that. A yank-fest is a decadent bourgeois phenomenon, a pastime for over-educated office workers who lack proper revolutionary outlets for their social dissatisfactions and repressed sexuality.\" \"But now we're getting hung up on the pathologies of capitalism. Let's move on.\" YOU — \"I didn't realise they taught radical Mazovian theory in the universities.\" ECHO MAKER — \"Ha! As though you can call that pablum *teaching*.\" STEBAN, THE STUDENT COMMUNIST — \"One thing you learn quickly at university is that you're not going to find a real education in any lecture hall or discussion seminar.\" ECHO MAKER — \"We're post-attendance, basically.\" STEBAN, THE STUDENT COMMUNIST — \"Exactly. The only worthwhile part of the so-called Ecole normale de Revachol is the library."}
{"instruction": "How would you summarise what this passage says about student communist?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "ECHO MAKER — \"This gendarme talks just like a moralist. They *love* getting on their high horses about so-called 'war crimes'.\" STEBAN, THE STUDENT COMMUNIST — The young man grimaces. It seems he's less than 100% comfortable with war crimes. STEBAN, THE STUDENT COMMUNIST — \"He *also* happens to be the greatest communist theorist after Mazov himself. It was Nilsen who first postulated the existence of ideological plasm, which forms the basis of infra-materialist theory.\" REACTION SPEED — Those words again!You've got to find out what this infra-materialist stuff is all about. RHETORIC — Whatever it is, one thing's perfectly clear: These young students have a much deeper understanding of communism than you do...You could learn a thing or two from them, if you can convince them you're *one* of them. STEBAN, THE STUDENT COMMUNIST — The young man sighs. His companion looks about furtively. YOU — \"Did this reading group have anything to do with the lynching?\""}
{"instruction": "What is the passage's position on student communist?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "ENCYCLOPEDIA [Medium: Success] — Nota bene:'Econoclard' is an extra-pejorative form of the already pejorative name 'Mazovian Economists', a moderate school of Mazovianism, which advocates a gradual transition to communism through carefully managed economic modernisation rather than violent social revolution. STEBAN, THE STUDENT COMMUNIST — \"They're by far the most bean-centric school of communism.\" EMPATHY [Medium: Success] — Ah yes, the much maligned bean counters, ensconced in their think-tanks and highrises, believing they can save the world through a series of incremental, assiduously technocratic reforms... YOU — \"I don't get it. Are the beans a *metaphor*?\" ECHO MAKER — \"If only! They've got all the beans accounted for in their asset sheets, their quarterly budgets, their future projections. But for some reason there are never enough beans to go around, so we've just got to cut our bean rations in half..\" STEBAN, THE STUDENT COMMUNIST — \"..."}
{"instruction": "Why does the passage treat student communist as central to its argument?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "seasoned with references to particular historical events and personages. STEBAN, THE STUDENT COMMUNIST — \"... but then my issue with these historical cube-pushers is that they offer the *illusion* of subjectivity even as they reinscribe the logic of colonialism itself... though I'd love to hear your take on it.\" YOU — \"For me, games are mostly about spending time with a partner.\" KIM KITSURAGI — \"He's only saying that because he *likes* getting thrashed like a schoolboy.\" STEBAN, THE STUDENT COMMUNIST — \"Listen, this is a forward-thinking group. It's entirely your business, of course.\" YOU — \"But by allowing players to *recreate\" historical events, like the introduction of cocaine to Safre, doesn't it force them to question what 'subjectivity' means in a ludo-thematic context?\" STEBAN, THE STUDENT COMMUNIST — \"Interesting. So you're saying that in a certain sense the *game plays the players as much as they play the game?\" ECHO MAKER — \"Hmm."}
{"instruction": "What is at stake in the passage's discussion of student communist?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "reflections of your own experience in literature when the politico-economic system doesn't permit genuine self-realization.But at least crime literature *as a genre* is able to engage with the systemic failures of capitalism.\" YOU — \"... but then the whole book fell apart before I could solve the mystery...\" STEBAN, THE STUDENT COMMUNIST — \"That's an unfortunate quality of pulp fiction. Much of it is written to be disposable both on an intellectual *and* a material level.But at least crime literature *as a genre* is able to engage with the systemic failures of capitalism.\" YOU — \"I'm more into works of pure imagination, like 'Wirrâl'.\" STEBAN, THE STUDENT COMMUNIST — \"Wait, you play 'Wirrâl'?\" EMPATHY [Medium: Success] —And just like that, all trace of irony drains from his voice. COMPOSURE — This is a good start. They're starting to loosen up. You feel relaxed and in control. Soon you're all animatedly debating the political subtext of character creation..."}
{"instruction": "How does the passage connect brief look to its wider argument?", "input": "Source: 极乐迪斯科 导演剪辑版 英文全文本", "output": "It's vibrant, yet somehow leaves you ever so slightly nauseated. INLAND EMPIRE[Medium: Success] — No, no. These are *terrible* colours. They're like... like...Apricots. A BRIEF LOOK AT INFRA-MATERIALISM — On the inside jacket flap, you find a brief summary: \"What is infra-materialism? A highly theoretical branch of Mazovian communism? A collection of mystical ramblings by a discredited revolutionary?Or possibly both? This Brief Look (TM) introduces readers to one of this century's most fascinating and misunderstood theories in a concise, jargon-free manner.\" YOU — This feels like kid stuff. Is there no Slightly Longer Glance (TM) series? A BRIEF LOOK AT INFRA-MATERIALISM — The back of the book contains four or five pages of primary and secondary sources, but you'd need access to a university library to find most of them. RHETORIC — In other words, this guide is the only source you're likely to find. YOU — So far, so good. A BRIEF LOOK AT INFRA-MATERIALISM — You turn to the table of contents."}
{"instruction": "这段关于欧洲的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 世界的逻辑：如何让我们生活的世界更理性、更可控", "output": "而中国之所以落后，是因为中国海岸线较为平整而难以发展航海，此外中国水利建设自然要求有中央集权和官僚式管理方式，这种方式天生厌恶自由市场和个人行动。但按照另一方的观点，欧洲出现强调私有产权以及国家权力制衡的制度创新或属偶然，随后造成了欧洲崛起，欧洲接下来对人口稠密的地区（例如中国和印度）采取了掠夺式的帝国主义方法，长期抑制了这些地区的经济发展，而欧洲对美洲和澳洲等人口稀少地区则采取了开放式的殖民主义方法，由此催生并推动了那些地区自由市场经济的增长。许多言之有理的历史叙述其实都围绕着相似的议题：阿诺德·汤因比的巨著《历史研究》[4] 指出，环境挑战和人类应对构成历史转型的基石，而在贾雷德·戴蒙德行销全球的《枪炮、病菌与钢铁：人类社会的命运》一书中则强调了“环境决定论”。本书所收集的论文的观点与上述理论都不相同，因为上述两派观点其实都是错误的。其错误并不在于细节，尽管许多细节也经不起推敲（例如中国海岸线与欧洲相比是否平整完全要看所使用的地图的比例尺），而是因为其对地理的根本定义是错误的：两派观点都以笛卡儿式的僵化方法将自然与文化人为割裂，但在现实世界的土地和街巷中却不可能找到自然与文化的分界点。这种形而上学的割裂法就是重大的错误。地理学是自然与文化的统一，而不是通常所错误呈现的某些无意识的自然交互与反馈。"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对马克思的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 世界的逻辑：如何让我们生活的世界更理性、更可控", "output": "恩格斯的论述是精辟的，其实在库恩提出其有关科学进步的创新理论将近百年之前，恩格斯已经充分表述了这样的思想。马克思的经济理论显然是危险的，因为马克思经济学理论是从不掌握生产方式的无产阶级的立场为理解资本主义生产方式提供了一把钥匙。因此，根据马克思主义形成的可以构成新范式的范畴、概念、关系和方法就对资本主义的权力结构产生了根本的威胁。随后出现的价值边际理论（尤其是奥地利学派的庞巴维克和门格尔）在很大程度上推翻了亚当·斯密和李嘉图理论的许多基础内容（包括劳动价值理论），由此也不自觉地抵御了马克思理论在经济学领域的挑战。苏联在列宁去世之后对马克思主义的反革新修正以及西方社会学界对马克思主义术语的反革新收编（现在某些社会学学者甚至说大家都是马克思主义者），其实都没有采纳真正的马克思主义思想，由此影响到了马克思主义的真正传播，也使马克思所设想的人本社会始终未能出现。这些改装后的概念以及概念所隐含的社会关系都是扭曲的。因此，社会科学领域的思想革新和反革新有着自身的特征，与自然科学领域不同。思想的进步归根到底不能与实践的进步脱节。这或许可以得出结论：社会科学确实是处在前科学的状态。但其实这样的结论是有问题的，因为自然科学从未长期脱离某固定利益阶层的控制。正是这一事实，而不是自然科学性质本身，导致了自然科学领域不太容易出现反革新。"}
{"instruction": "文中关于恩格斯的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 世界的逻辑：如何让我们生活的世界更理性、更可控", "output": "如今的社会病症则是毒品和犯罪，但问题在本质上并没有太大区别，所设想的解决方案也具有相似的特征。恩格斯写道：实际上资产阶级只有一个以他们的方式解决住宅问题的办法，即每解决一次就重新把这个问题提出来一次。这就叫作“欧斯曼”的办法……我所说的“欧斯曼”，是指把工人街区，特别是把我们国家大城市中心的工人街区切开的那种已经普遍实行起来的办法，而不论起因是为了公共卫生或美化，还是由于市中心需要大商场，或是由于铺设铁路、修建街道（有时街道修建仿佛带有战略目的，要使得设置路障进行战斗变得更加困难）等交通的需要。不论起因如何不同，结果总是一个：最不成样子的小街小巷没有了，资产阶级因为这种巨大成功而大肆自我吹嘘，但是……这种小街小巷立刻又在别处，并且往往是紧邻的地方出现……资本主义生产方式每夜用来禁锢我们的工人的这些传染病发源地、最可耻的洞穴和地窖，并不是在被消灭，而是在……被迁移！同一个经济必然在一个地方产生它们，也会在另一个地方产生它们。当资本主义生产方式还存在的时候，企图单独解决住宅问题或其他任何同工人命运有关的社会问题都是愚蠢的。真正的解决办法在于消灭资本主义生产方式，由工人阶级自己占有全部生活资料和劳动资料。现代美国城市的城建政策执行经验与恩格斯所描绘的场景有惊人的相似之处，现在也很难不去说这是由于资本主义市场机制的内在矛盾所导致的。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对马克思给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 世界的逻辑：如何让我们生活的世界更理性、更可控", "output": "马克思资本积累理论中的地理纬度长期以来都被忽略了。部分原因在于马克思自身的失误，因为尽管他在《共产党宣言》中对资产阶级统治世界进行了精彩描绘，但他对这一主题的论述却零散、随意、粗疏且不成体系。显然，马克思本意是不希望留下这样无序的叙述的。他曾计划专门撰写关于国家、世界市场以及危机形成的著述，只可惜这些计划最终都未能实现。但如果仔细查看马克思未完成的书稿，就会发现其实马克思对这些问题已经有了大致框架，其思考兼具宏大理论和历史叙事的特征。我的目的是在其框架基础上增添一些血肉，为资本积累的空间动态理论提供基础。我希望这将有助于我们阐明和理解资本主义的真实历史地理状况。这一步骤的重要性几乎不用强调。城镇化、地区发展失衡、地区之间的相互依赖和竞争、地区和国际劳动分工的重构、社区的地域化和国家功能、帝国主义以及地缘政治等现象，都可放在马克思留给我们的宏大理论叙事中加以阐释分析。问题的难点是厘清资本积累的时序动态与生产、交换和消费空间结构生产之间的关系。这条通向理解之路到处都是障碍。马克思所完成的理论基本上是把资本主义视为封闭系统。外部空间关系和内部空间组织显然在塑造时序动态方面没有任何作用。大部分的马克思主义者也都这样认为。因此，在马克思主义的传统研究范畴内，对空间和空间关系的任何理论化叙述都会被视为研究歧途。"}
{"instruction": "这一段对马克思的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 世界的逻辑：如何让我们生活的世界更理性、更可控", "output": "商业资本家只有在这方面有所表现才可获得利润。但与货币资本家相同，商业资本家在应对产业资本家时也会有优势，因为商业资本家总能找到机会牟取暴利、开展投机甚至实施诈骗来实现超额资本积累。但由于现代资本主义形式的核心是由不断扩大生产的必要性决定的，因此世界市场的形成不能仅仅归因于商业资本家的活动，而是要追溯到资本主义生产的本质。如果变革可以降低运输成本、减少时间并提升运输能力和效率，则能直接减轻空间制约，但信用和市场体系组织效率的提高也可发挥辅助作用。后者可通过时间来消灭空间，由此提高分处两地的供应商的空间整合能力。产业资本家通过生产组织、位置选择和技术方式来实现相似效果。那么马克思是如何分析这种可能性的呢？获得剩余价值的能力与雇佣劳动的物质生产效率相关。资本家可剥削这些源于自然的变量。同理，在贸易中也可通过优越的地理位置实现剥削。由于竞争客观规律的作用，我们可以合理预期，生产位置对自然变量和地理位置会越来越敏感。但马克思不接受这样的分析，尽管马克思承认自然和地理是人类活动的基础条件。他坚持认为，首先，土地肥沃程度、生产效率和地理位置都是社会因素，直接受人类行为影响，也会因人类生产技术变化而调整。“资本关系就是在作为一个长期发展过程的产物的经济基础之上产生的。作为资本关系的基础和起点的已有的劳动生产率，不是自然的恩惠，而是几十万年历史的恩惠。"}
{"instruction": "马克思在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 世界的逻辑：如何让我们生活的世界更理性、更可控", "output": "人类劳动能力的使用是具有特定目的和特定形式的，是为了在给定的地点和时间创造使用价值，即马克思所言的“是人和自然之间的物质变换的一般条件，是人类生活的永恒的自然条件”。不同性质的具体劳动通过交换和最终的资本流通来形成相互关系。不同的具体劳动活动成为普遍社会关系的过程使劳动具有了抽象性质，即创造价值的社会必要劳动时间，马克思将其定义为“在现有的社会正常的生产条件下，在社会平均的劳动熟练程度和劳动强度下制造某种使用价值所需要的劳动时间”。其中，“正常的生产条件”和“平均的劳动熟练程度和劳动强度”只有在特定的交换和资本流通空间中才可具体定义。因此，必须要知道世界市场形成、空间分割、国际和地区劳动分工以及生产（劳动能力和生产力）的地理集中等过程，由此才能理解为何具体劳动过程会具有抽象和普遍的性质。对于地理学者而言，这应该是马克思最深刻的洞见。这不仅将空间关系和地理差异融入了马克思理论的核心，同时还对长期困扰地理想象的问题提出了解决方案，即如何对各处有着独特特征的空间进行普遍归纳。答案显然不在于空泛地进行哲学思考，而是要深入研究资本积累，看看特定地点和特定时间上的各种人类行动如何被纳入普遍一般性的分析框架中，这也是马克思所提出的值得反复研读的天才见解：“抽象财富、价值、货币，从而抽象劳动的发展程度怎样，要看具体劳动发展为包括世界市场的各种不同劳动方式的总体的程度怎样。"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的循环是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 世界的逻辑：如何让我们生活的世界更理性、更可控", "output": "个体资本家在第一循环会过度投资，而在第二循环又会投资不足；因此资本家难以在第一循环和第二循环之间保持资本流动平衡。因此，让资本流入第二循环的条件就是功能完善的资本市场的存在，或者有国家愿意投资并保证长期大型项目的建设来营造合适的建筑环境。在过度积累阶段，只有当过度积累表现为可以自由流动以及不受阻碍地投入这些项目的货币资本后，资本积累才能从第一循环顺利进入第二循环。这种资本流动的转换必须要有货币供应和信用系统的配合，货币和信用体系可以在实际生产和消费之前创造出“虚拟资本”。这对于消费资金也同样适用（因此消费信贷、住房抵押贷款以及市政债券等都很重要），其作用与固定资本类似。由于货币和信用的生产是相对自主的过程，我们必须要创造控制这些投资流程的金融机构和国家机构，作为第一循环和第二循环资本管理和调节的总体调配中心。这些金融机构和国家机构的性质和形式以及这些机构所采取的政策，掌控和影响着资本进入第二循环或其他具体领域，包括交通、住房和公用设施等。这些中介机构的变迁会影响资金流的规模和方向，让资本流入某些具体渠道或去开创新的投资领域。资本的第三循环要完成资本循环的完整图景，就必须引入第三资本循环的概念，这包括对科技的投资（目的是提高科技对生产的帮助，由此不断推动社会生产力的发展）以及与劳动力再生产相关的各种社会投资。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述空间？", "input": "Source: 世界的逻辑：如何让我们生活的世界更理性、更可控", "output": "纵观资本主义历史，每个阶段都可发现空间障碍越小，空间越重要。在危机条件下竞争加剧，此时资本家就会更加重视相对位置优势，因为空间障碍的消失正好让资本家有能力去利用细微的空间差距。各地劳动力供应、资源、基础设施以及相关条件的差距对资本家来说变得更加重要。对空间的掌控甚至成为阶级斗争中的有力武器。它成为强迫劳动力加速劳动、改变技能或顺从管理的工具。通过地理上的流动性和分散化，资本家可以削弱工会的权力，因为传统工会势力总是根植于大型生产工厂。将资本转移到别国、在某些地区缩减产能或在其他地区新增产能、改造传统工人居住区以弱化阶级斗争烈度等，这些都是在资本积累更加灵活的条件下资本家实行空间改造的动机。由于空间障碍的消失，我们对世界空间的内容更加敏感。灵活的资本积累方式通常会利用一系列看似无关的地理环境，然后将其重新组合，转换为自身强大逻辑中的结构化内在因素。例如，各地劳动控制方式和强度的差异以及劳动力数量和质量的差别对企业选址策略有着越来越重要的影响。新的产业集群开始出现，有些是完全新出现的（例如美国硅谷和周边），而大部分产业集群出现地点拥有一定的技能和资源基础。所谓的“第三意大利”（艾米利亚–罗马涅地区）将合作创业、艺术劳作以及旨在创造就业的本地社区管理结合起来，结果其服装制作产业在高度竞争的世界经济中大获成功。"}
{"instruction": "政治在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 世界的逻辑：如何让我们生活的世界更理性、更可控", "output": "我们是否注定要悲哀地回到西内（Sine）打开的道路上去，最终他用了瓦格纳式的神话来支持其论点，即在空间变化的世界中，地方与社区互为表里？或者更加糟糕的是，如果说现在的美学生产已然彻底商品化并彻底沦为文化生产政治经济学的附属品，那么我们又该如何走出这种循环，由此生产并掌控全球化媒体政治的美学化？这应该足以使我们对近年来时空压缩所带来的尖锐地缘政治危险保持警惕。既然社会生产从福特模式转向灵活积累，那么这应意味着我们的精神图景、政治态度以及政治机构的相应转变。但政治思想并不必然会出现这样的轻易转型，此外政治思想总是受矛盾压力的影响，这个矛盾来自空间整合和空间差异。现在就出现了这种无所不在的风险，即我们的精神图景跟不上当前的现实。例如，各单独民族国家对财政和货币政策的掌控权实际上是在弱化，但并未出现与之相对应的政治国际化进程。确实，现在有充分的现象表明，地方主义和民族主义抬头的重要原因在于对安全的追求，而在灵活资本积累所导致的变动中，地方总是能给予这样的安全感。地缘政治以及魅力型政治的复兴（撒切尔夫人的马岛海战以及里根总统对格林纳达的入侵）都在迎合这个世界的需求，即这个世界在智力和政治上越来越依赖于大量的转瞬即逝的意象。时空压缩总是会损害我们应对周边现实的能力。例如，在压力条件下，我们应付各种事件会显得越来越力不从心。"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里城市究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 世界的逻辑：如何让我们生活的世界更理性、更可控", "output": "这些就是理解城市治理转型的背景，即为何尽管各城市的政治动机不同、法律和政治实力不同，最终却在朝着相同的大方向进发。现在地方政府在应对城市问题时的作用更大，这是因为国家层面的政府在控制跨国资金流动方面的力量在减弱，所以现在投资所涉的谈判通常是在国际金融资本与地方势力之间开展，而地方势力通常会竭尽所能提升本地对资本主义发展的吸引力。由于同样的道理，城市企业主义的兴起也可能对资本主义动态发展方式的转变发挥了重要作用，即从福特模式–凯恩斯主义的资本积累方式转变到更加灵活的资本积累方式。必须指出，过去20年所发生的城市治理转型有着深刻的宏观经济根源和影响。如果简·雅各布斯（Jane Jacobs）所提出的观点有一半是正确的，即城市是理解各国财富如何创造的相对单元，那么从城市管理主义到城市企业主义的转变就可能会对未来增长前景产生深远的影响。例如，如果城市企业主义（广义而言）所处的情形是城市之间的零和游戏式竞争，即各城市不惜一切代价相互争夺资源、就业和资本，那么即便是最坚定和最激进的城市社会主义者也会发现，最终他们在城市中的努力也只是资本主义游戏的组成部分，实际上是扮演着他们最希望抵制的力量的代理人。这就是英国由工党控制地区所遭遇的尴尬。一方面，由工党控制的市政厅要开发“产出与工人阶级需求直接相关、依靠工人现有技能建设而非令工人技能无效”的项目；"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，城市为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 世界的逻辑：如何让我们生活的世界更理性、更可控", "output": "本文不希望对此展开讨论。但是必须要承认，正是福利国家和凯恩斯主义影响了后来关于地方政府相对自主的讨论。承认这一插曲就可帮助理解为何城市中的亲商主义和企业主义其实是资本主义历史地理学中相当古老和经过多次实践的传统（在汉萨同盟和意大利城邦时代即已出现）。这一传统的复归与强化以及过去20年城市间竞争的再度肇兴表明，城市治理更加符合资本积累赤裸裸的要求，而不是违背其要求。这种转变要求重构中央政府与地方政府的关系，并把地方政府从福利国家和凯恩斯主义的桎梏中解放出来（福利国家制度和凯恩斯主义政策在过去20年受到了抨击和诟病）。毋庸赘言，近些年许多发达资本主义国家在此领域都出现了严重的混乱。从这一角度出发，才可能对城市治理企业主义当代版本形成批判视角。首先要查看表面上以城市经济为名的这些光鲜重建项目与城市状况真实趋势的对比。必须承认，许多成功的项目背后掩盖了严重的社会和经济问题，许多城市都在呈现这样的双面城市的地理形态：城市中心区光鲜亮丽，周围却是日益加剧的贫困。批判视角也应看到某些重大的危险宏观经济后果，在城市间竞争的强制压力之下，许多恶果似乎不可避免。这些恶果包括收入分配日益恶化、城市体系越发动荡以及许多项目收益只能维持一时。如果只看表象和外观而忽略了经济与社会问题的实质，那么从长期看必然是有害的，尽管眼前还比较容易获得政治利益。"}
{"instruction": "围绕社会科学，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 世界的逻辑：如何让我们生活的世界更理性、更可控", "output": "由此就可探寻马克思主义理论与现代生态思想的共性，同时也让我们有更加充足的话语来反映社会生态活动和项目的性质。在此就可抽时间对描述生态问题的各种话语进行反思，包括科学的、诗意的、神话、道德和伦理、经济学和工具论以及感性的和有效的话语。因为一方面人们常常认为需要一种跨学科的话语才能更好地呈现和解决生态问题，而对“自然”问题的多重话语也始终是待解决的基本问题。但另一方面，现在很少有人愿意将我们对“自然”的论述和与自然的关系全部塞进一个单一和同质的话语体系。我想指出，这两种情况其实是可以并行不悖的。一方面，我们当然需要有更加统一的话语来弥合社会和生物/物理科学。当然，许多研究者都希望能实现自然科学和社会科学的统一，不仅仅是马克思。但将生物学基础纳入社会学理论中，导致了各种灾难性的后果（例如社会达尔文主义的出现导致了纳粹的兴起，对生物社会性的讨论导致了严重的社会对立和冲突等）。那么这对社会科学方面产生的影响就是，所有社会项目都会有意避免生态层面的思考，要么假装生态因素不重要，要么假设自然条件都是社会研究恒定的“外部因素”。我想说，这并不是理想的理解世界之道，人们必须要创造新的共同话语体系来沟通社会科学与自然科学。但这也是危机四伏的领域，还原主义和整体主义随时会出现，而辩证思维模式被抛诸脑后，而且这也意味着自然科学和社会科学的本体论和方法论都要经历深层次的调整。"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，美国意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 世界的逻辑：如何让我们生活的世界更理性、更可控", "output": "后记马克思曾经评论说：“劳动过程结束时得到的结果，在这个过程开始时就已经在劳动者的表象中存在着，即已经观念地存在着。” 我在此论述的目的是尝试和提出概念说明，由此影响社会主义的政治实践。但正如埃克斯利所指出的那样，要想实现对社会主义政治实践的影响，此类分析基础上所形成的灵感“必须与某人对当期状况的知识相关，由此实现感性渴求和理性分析的统一并形成文化、社会或政治行动”。这意味着要找到呈现生态问题和将其理论化的正确方法，由此生态问题能与工人阶级运动、某些女权主义团体、生态主义者以及巴尔的摩左岸爵士俱乐部里那些将尼克松视为最大环境问题的非洲裔美国公民的诉求相联系，这也正是我的论述目的。小结空间、场所和环境是地理学理论的核心概念。用马克思主义政治经济学和历史唯物主义来解读这些概念是激进地理学的中心任务。空间、场所和环境的生产并不仅仅是资本积累和阶级斗争的副产品，更是资本主义主动演化发展的结果。比如在构建环境过程中的大量投资和资本循环，由此在不断扩大的规模中维系资本主义生产和消费方式。由这种大量投资造成的地理发展不平衡会成为构成危机和解决方案的重要因素（例如过去10年的美国房地产市场）。城市化进程和环境变迁之间也存在着强有力的内部联系。物种消失、臭氧空洞、环境污染和气候变暖等问题都与城市化有着深层关系。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画工人？", "input": "Source: 世界的逻辑：如何让我们生活的世界更理性、更可控", "output": "她说，只有在工人和进步力量重新夺回了对工作场所的权力后，才能去慢慢解决我所提出的问题。显然，我所考虑的是不同层次和不同概念的问题。但这次“保厂运动”以及相关的研究和出版并非来自我的推动，而主要来自工厂工会战斗传统的非凡实力和力量。这种传统有其自身的国际主义和普遍真理的认识，然而体现出来的却是狭隘的托洛茨基主义者言论，这本身就是此次运动的问题之一，正如我和海特之间的根本意见冲突。但如果简单用派别视角去看这场争论也是不对的。因为这其实是一个带有普遍性的问题，即究竟是只关心工厂还是要创建更具包容性的政治联盟。我始终深信，将工厂模式视为完美并将其外延至整体社会转型，从根本上说就是错误的。从考利激进工人的角度出发，认为对这些激进派工人有益的事情必然是有益于整个城市乃至整个社会的，这样的推导过于简单化了。如果想让社会主义打破自己的本地局限并成为取代资本主义的生产方式和社会关系，就必须考虑更丰富的层次和更多抽象概念。但如果要把源自抽象理论的政治观点强行灌输给那些一辈子都在一个工厂卖命的工人，可能会引起问题。那么，应该运用哪个层面和哪些类别的抽象概念呢？如果强调忠实于抽象概念而不是活生生的工人，又意味着什么呢？这些问题之后又掩藏着另外的问题。是什么构成了知识特权？我们如何来判断、理解、裁决和平衡在完全不同的物质条件下所形成的不同抽象层次上的知识呢？"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把斗争放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 世界的逻辑：如何让我们生活的世界更理性、更可控", "output": "某些当代的女权主义和生态保护流派认为其斗争特殊主义是各种社会重构的基础并由此来造福或拯救全人类。但威廉斯似乎认为，大部分政治运动的斗争特殊主义是基于具体的情感结构，正如我在考利碰到的情况那样。但难点在于：因为它从开始就是地方的和自我认同的，并且假设从所在场所和共同体得出的经验可以毫无阻滞地扩展成为更加普遍意义的经验，因此它对那些阻挡自己前进的系统化的障碍总是缺乏足够的认识。只有通过能够正视本地经验所无法解释的过程的抽象，我们才能理解这种障碍。但困难正在于此。以前作为社会生活组织形式的团结是基于友爱和相互认识的共同体，现在则要转变成为基于更加抽象概念的团结，因此让这种组织团结具有普适性的效力，即要从基于场所的社会组织迈向另一层次的可超越空间的基于抽象概念的组织。这样的转变必然会产生损耗。威廉斯不无沮丧地写道：“有关否定的政治，有关差别的政治，有关抽象分析的政治必然会大行其道，不管我们是否喜欢，这些甚至会成为理解当下所发生的事物所必不可少的工具。”甚至语言本身也开始变化，从煤矿里“我们的共同体”和“我们的人”转变为城市里“有组织的工人阶级”“无产阶级”以及“群众”，对这些抽象概念都存在着激烈的辩论。这种概念世界的变化，从某一抽象层次到另一抽象层次的过渡，可能会削弱承载具体场所中斗争特殊主义的价值观和共同目标："}
{"instruction": "作者借养老金想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 世界的逻辑：如何让我们生活的世界更理性、更可控", "output": "生物剽窃依然在泛滥，而对世界基因资源的盗窃还在进行，一切都只是为了让少数几家跨国公司获得更大的利润。对全球环境公共品的掠夺（例如土地、空气和水）日益严峻，物种退化日趋严重，现在除了资本密集型的农业生产之外，传统农业方式难以为继，这一切都是对自然世界全面商品化造成的恶果。对文化形式、历史和知识创造力的商品化也造成了全面的掠夺，音乐产业就是靠对草根文化及创造力的掠夺和剥削才得以维系，公共资产（例如大学）变得公司化和私有化，供水和其他公用设施产业更不用说，这种私有化浪潮席卷世界，造成了“对普通人的包围”。但与过去一样，国家权力还是经常用来推动这些进程，虽然这样做会忤逆民意。也跟过去一样，这样的掠夺过程也激起了普遍反抗，这也是目前世界各地反全球化的核心内容。现在甚至要对工人阶级经过几代人的抗争之后才换来的共有权利（例如享受国家养老金的权利、享受社会福利的权利以及享受国民医保的权利）实行私有化，这也是在新自由主义教条下所有掠夺政策中最出位的一项。例如，布什政府就希望将社会保障私有化（并让养老金多寡取决于股市表现），这就是典型的掠夺政策。这也就不难理解，为何近期反对全球化运动的重点议题都是要重新夺回普通人的权利，而反对国家权力和资本勾结起来劫掠民众。资本主义会内化所有屠戮、掠夺和欺诈行为。但正如罗森堡曾痛切地指出的，要想在暴力和权力争斗之中找出经济过程的规律并非易事。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价美国？", "input": "Source: 世界的逻辑：如何让我们生活的世界更理性、更可控", "output": "对美资金流入减少可能会造成灾难性的后果。正是在这样的背景下，我们看到美国政界只好耀武扬威，因为这是美国拥有的唯一确定的力量，现在美国政坛开始公开谈论美利坚帝国（大意是想让全世界上供）并试图控制石油供应来制衡全球经济的实力转换。由此也就不难理解为何美国要试图加强对伊拉克和委内瑞拉的石油控制，美国以建设民主之名进驻伊拉克，但又毫不犹豫地将委内瑞拉民主政权推翻。美国几乎是在重演1973年的石油危机，因为当前欧日以及包括中国在内的东亚和东南亚对海湾石油的依赖程度要远远超过美国。如果美国能推翻查韦斯和萨达姆的统治并且能稳定住武装到牙齿的独裁沙特政权（防止沙特陷入宗教极端主义泥沼，即本·拉登想要看到的景象），如果美国还能继续以伊拉克和伊朗为跳板巩固其在土耳其和乌兹别克斯坦的势力，由此创建对里海石油储备的战略控制，那么美国就能通过对全球重要产油区的有效掌控，在未来50年继续维持其对全球经济的影响和霸权地位。当然，美国这种战略的危险性也是极高的。美国会遭遇顽强抵制，不仅包括欧洲和亚洲，俄罗斯对此也不会接受。对于美国入侵伊拉克，俄罗斯和法国等联合国成员颇有微词，因为忌惮在伊拉克的石油开采，才勉强没有发起对美国的制裁，但其本身已经很说明问题。欧洲尤其强调创建考茨基式的多极化帝国主义世界，即各资本主义大国在平等基础上开展合作。"}
{"instruction": "这段关于城市的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 世界的逻辑：如何让我们生活的世界更理性、更可控", "output": "城市始终是反对资本主义运动的热土。从巴黎公社到上海公社，从西雅图大罢工到图库曼起义、从布拉格之春到1968年的普遍城市运动（现在的开罗和麦迪逊也依稀有此模样），城市的斗争从未停息。但在城市的反抗历史中，许多左派人士也常常看不清这些斗争的政治和现实意义，由此低估甚至误判城市运动的潜力和威力，左派人士还常常认为城市运动不能算作阶级斗争，因此看不到其革命前景。即便是具有标志意义的大型事件发生后，例如巴黎公社，左派人士也通常将其定义为历史上“伟大的无产阶级起义”，但其实巴黎公社运动实质更是对城市权利的争取，而不是要求变革生产中的阶级关系。反对资本主义的斗争是为了消灭资本和劳动在生产中的阶级关系，其中资本可通过生产和占有剩余价值来形成对劳动的剥削。简而言之，反对资本主义斗争的最终目标就是消除那种阶级关系。即便这种斗争的表面不可避免地带有种族、民族、性别抗争等色彩，最终这种斗争必须要触及资本主义系统的核心并将最内里的阶级关系这一肿瘤切除。可以这样说，马克思主义左派在过去都是全世界产业工人的先锋队，通过领导阶级斗争在国家和阶级概念日渐淡化的世界创立无产阶级专政。同样也可以这样说，这样的斗争从未真正成功。马克思认为，剥削性的阶级关系需要通过工人控制生产过程和生产资料后才能被打破。正是出于这一点，无产阶级长期以来都在追求工人所有、工厂自治或工人互助等组织形式。"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对城市的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 世界的逻辑：如何让我们生活的世界更理性、更可控", "output": "资本主义传奇充满矛盾，以经济学为代表的大部分社会学理论都故意避开了这些矛盾。从消极的角度看，我们时不时要经受本地经济危机，因为经济危机在资本主义发展过程中始终如影随形，同时还承受了资本主义内部或帝国主义之间的世界大战、环境的恶化、生态多样性的损失、伴随人口增长的普遍贫困、新型殖民主义、公共卫生改革困境、人的异化和社会关系的疏离以及种种不安全感、暴力和无休止欲望造成的普遍焦虑。但从积极的一面看，当今时代我们中许多人生活的物质丰富程度和便利程度都是空前的，旅行和通信方式获得了革命性的发展，人与人交往的空间障碍被大大减小（虽然社会障碍依然存在），医学和生物技术的发展让许多人得以颐养天年，大型城市不断扩展，产生了无数令人目眩的城市景观，知识开始普及，人类似乎充满希望，一切美好想象都有可能成真（从自我克隆到太空旅行）。这就是我们所生活的矛盾世界，现在世界依然在以不可预测和不可控制的方式滚滚向前。但世界变化之后的规律依然模煳，因为人类历史总是在各种这样或那样的集体甚至个人诉求中折冲前行，而不像自然界中存在像达尔文所发现的物种进化理论。如果我们想要通过主动行为来共同行动，让世界变得更加理性或人道，那么首先我们就必须理解世界运行之道。我们又该如何应对这些运行之道以及最后可能产生的结果呢？资本主义的历史地理学当然不能缩减成关于资本积累的问题。"}
{"instruction": "文中关于运动的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 世界的逻辑：如何让我们生活的世界更理性、更可控", "output": "他们推动了对国家–金融轴心的重大变革（在美国和国际上推行金融监管放松、债务融资放开、推动世界市场开放给自由竞争并调整了国家在社会服务方面的职能）。通过制造失业和去产能、开放移民、产业外包以及各种技术和组织变革（例如转包），资产阶级在与工人阶级的博弈中重新占得上风。在里根和撒切尔时代，资本主义国家又对所有形式的劳工组织开展了意识形态和政治声讨，最后结果就是通过压低工人工资以及减少国家福利开支来解决资本家利润率下滑和财富积累速度下降的问题。对世界的思想观念和政治倾向都经过了重整，基于个人自由的新自由主义以及由此产生的自由市场和自由贸易理念占据了高地。这就要求国家逐渐从社会福利中撤出，同时要逐渐打破自20世纪70年代以来就在搭建的监管环境（例如环境保护）。全新形式的个性消费和个人生活方式也忽然出现，这些都围绕着城市化的后现代风格改革（城市中心的迪士尼化和高档化）而发生，此外还出现了基于自我中心、身份政治、多文化主义和性别取向的各种社会运动。资本并不直接创造这些运动，但资本找出了方法来利用和操纵这些运动，通过这些运动来打破阶级团结，或将之商品化，然后将这些运动中的相关诉求转变成细分市场的商机。新的电子技术的发展及其在生产和消费环节的广泛应用，对劳动过程和大多数人的日常生活方式产生了重大影响［笔记本电脑、手机和iPod（苹果公司研发的一款便携式多功能数字多媒体播放器）现在到处都是］。"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里科学究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "在科学哲学的部分中，德威特教授介绍了诸多科学领域的基本命题，包括科学领域的基本概念、进行科学研究的逻辑和方法，以及对待科学研究及成果的态度，这些就像是一个理论框架，为后面打造一栋科学史的大楼打下了坚实的基础。而在科学史的部分中，德威特教授从公元前300年的亚里士多德时代写起，绵延至今，几乎涵盖了人类全部科学发展的历程，对每一个历史阶段的核心科学发展都进行了描述，并在描述的过程中反复运用在科学哲学部分中建立的理论框架进行分析，进而引发对于应如何对待科学的思考。不得不说，这是一本有难度的书，从人类历史早期出于对天空的崇拜而产生的天文学研究入手，随着人类历史的铺开，扩展到物理学、生物学，其间穿插对化学、电磁学等领域的讨论，最后落脚到大约始于20世纪初期但到目前为止仍属前沿的领域，包括相对论、量子理论以及以演化论为基础的宗教和伦理学研究。不仅如此，在这些领域中，很多理论和主张并不是一目了然、简单易懂的，这无疑更增加了本书的难度。然而，这又是一本不那么困难的书，德威特教授的论述深入浅出，通过大量运用实例、比喻、类比等，把许多抽象难懂的科学知识转化成了贴近日常生活经历的体会，在体会中理解科学的原理。同时，德威特教授口语化的论述语言诙谐轻松，仿佛他就站在面前，主持一场关于科学史和科学哲学的大型讲座。这还是一本会让人在心里不断打上惊叹号的书，书中的许多观点颠覆了大多数人从小到大一直想当然的认知，令人倍感吃惊。"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，世界观为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "最能让我感到欣慰的莫过于看完这本书后，你会去书店，或者打开电脑里的浏览器，下单购买那些能让你进一步研究这些话题的书籍。关于本书结构的说明简略地说，我想要做的是：第一，介绍科学史和科学哲学中某些基础命题；第二，探讨从亚里士多德世界观到牛顿世界观的转变；第三，探讨新近出现的科学发展对西方世界观带来的挑战，这些发展中最值得注意的是相对论、量子理论和演化论。为了实现这些目标，我将本书分为三个部分。第一部分是对科学史和科学哲学中某些基础命题的介绍。这些命题包括世界观的概念、科学方法和推理、真理、证据、经验事实和哲学性/概念性事实之间的对比、可证伪性以及工具主义和现实主义。这些命题的意义和相互之间的内在联系将在第二部分和第三部分中说明。在第二部分中，我们将探讨从亚里士多德世界观到牛顿世界观的转变，并关注在这一变化过程中某些哲学性/概念性命题所扮演的角色。其中特别值得关注的是，在亚里士多德世界观中处于核心地位的某些哲学性/概念性“事实”所发挥的作用。这些讨论将说明第一部分中的很多命题，同时，对第三部分中关于我们自己由于新近科学发展而不得不摒弃的某些哲学性/概念性“事实”的探讨，第二部分中的讨论也可以打下基础。第三部分介绍了新近的发现和发展，其中最值得注意的是相对论、量子理论和演化论。随着对这些发现和发展的探讨，我们将会看到，它们令西方世界几乎所有人从小到大所接受的某些核心观点产生了重大改变。"}
{"instruction": "围绕宇宙中心，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "而外围拼板则可以在对拼图剩余部分影响相对不大的情况下进行替换。类似地，在亚里士多德的观点中，我们可以区分出核心观点和外围观点。外围观点可以在不对整体世界观进行大量改动的情况下进行替换。比如，亚里士多德认为宇宙中有五大行星（不包括太阳、月球和地球）。在不运用当代科技的情况下，五大行星是所能分辨出的全部行星。不过，假设当时出现了存在第六大行星的证据，亚里士多德就可以很轻松地采纳这个新观点，而并不需要对他的整个观点体系进行重大调整。一个观点如果即使本身发生变化也不对其所在的观点体系产生实质性改变，那它就是一个典型的外围观点。与此相反，思考一下“地球是静止的，并且在宇宙中心”这个观点。在亚里士多德的观点体系里，这是一个核心观点。值得注意的是，这个观点之所以是核心观点，并不是因为亚里士多德对此深信不疑，而是因为它就像一幅拼图里靠近中心位置的拼板，如果把它去掉或替换掉，那么与它相关联的观点都要发生重大变化，而这反过来又会导致几乎整个亚里士多德观点体系的调整。要说明这一点，让我们假设亚里士多德试图用别的观点替换“地球位于宇宙中心”的观点，比如用“太阳是宇宙中心”这一观点。如果亚里士多德只是想简单地把这个观点去掉，也就是把拼图中的这块拼板拿走，然后用“太阳是宇宙中心”的新观点来填补位置，那么他能够在保持拼图其他部分完好的情况下做到这一点吗？"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，融贯意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "决定一个观点为假的因素是这个观点没能与那样的现实相符合。｜真理融贯论｜根据真理融贯论，决定一个观点为真的因素是这个观点与其他观点连贯一致，或紧密结合。以我所秉持的“地球围绕太阳运转”的观点为例子。我通常相信自己在权威性天文学书籍里所读到的内容，而这些书又明确地告诉我地球确实真的围绕太阳运转。我通常相信这一领域里专家所说的话，而这些专家同样也告诉我地球围绕太阳运转。总的来说，我所秉持的“地球围绕太阳运转”的观点与其他观点一致，根据真理融贯论，这样的一致性就是决定一个观点为真的因素。让我们再回过头来想想第1章讨论世界观时用到的拼图的比喻。回想一下，世界观是一个观点体系，其中每个观点就像拼图的拼板一样，环环相扣。同样的比喻也可以用来说明真理融贯论。一个真的观点就像拼图里的一块拼板。也就是说，就像某块特定的拼板与整个拼图拼合在一起，如果一个特定的观点也可以像这样与整个观点拼图拼合在一起，那么，这个观点就是真的。一个假的观点就像一块不能与整个拼图拼合的拼板。总结一下，根据真理融贯论，决定一个观点为真的因素是它可以融入一个整体的观点集合，而决定一个观点为假的因素则是它不能融入一个整体的观点集合。融贯论的不同种类到目前为止，我们只是非常笼统地讨论了一下融贯论。我们需要花点时间来理解一下可能会有多少种不同的融贯论。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画迪昂？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "在前面几章中，我们探讨了世界观、真理、事实和推理，以及一系列与这些话题相关联的命题。在本章中我们将看到，这些命题中有许多都与通常被称为“奎因-迪昂论点”（或者有时被称为迪昂-奎因论点，因为可以反映出迪昂是先于奎因的）的命题有密切联系。奎因-迪昂论点是现代科学哲学中较为人熟知的观点之一，仅凭这一个原因，就值得我们进行研究。然而，除此之外，我们将有机会更好地理解前面几章中讨论过的命题是如何相互交织的，而且对奎因-迪昂论点的讨论有助于为后面章节的讨论打下基础。在后面的章节中，我们将通过科学史上的实例看到这些相互交织的命题是如何发挥作用的。另外值得注意的一点是，这些命题对有关科学方法的不同观点所产生的影响。在本章结尾处，我们将思考关于科学方法的多种意见。关于科学方法的这段讨论将完成两个任务：第一，从历史的角度，让我们看到某些关于进行科学研究的适当方法的观点，比如，我们将会看到亚里士多德进行科学研究的方法，与现在通常被认为适当的方法之间存在怎样巨大的差异；第二，让我们有机会看到围绕在科学方法论周围的某些命题，而这些都有助于我们在后续章节中对科学史上具体实例里使用的方法（通常都是让我们大吃一惊的方法）进行讨论。｜奎因-迪昂论点｜迪昂论点是科学哲学中非常著名的一个观点，涉及一系列相互交织又颇有争议的命题。"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把科学知识放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "也就是说，人们普遍认为科学知识必须为真，而且必定为真，而不仅仅是有可能为真。如果要问我们如何才能得到这样必定为真的知识，似乎只有一种可能的方法，那就是使用基于必定为真的基本原则的演绎推理模式。如果可以找到这样必定为真的基本原则，而且如果使用的是演绎推理模式，那么所得到的结论（也就是科学知识）将“继承”这些基本原则的确定性，我们也就将得到必定为真的科学知识。这样的方法通常被称为公理化方法，也就是说，这些方法是基于从某个意义上说是确定的或必定为真的基本原则的演绎推理。亚里士多德是这种方法的支持者，而且在亚里士多德世界观占主导地位的时代，用亚里士多德的方法来获得科学知识，通常被认为是正确的方法。因此，对亚里士多德的方法进行探讨将让我们了解在西方历史大部分时间内占主导地位的科学方法，同时也会让我们很好地理解在探求必定为真的科学知识时，都会面临的基础性问题。亚里士多德把逻辑当作可以在研究中使用的一个工具，包括（但不仅限于）科学研究。事实上，对亚里士多德来说，给出一个科学解释从本质上来说其实是给出某种符合逻辑的论证过程。我们通常不认为科学解释和符合逻辑的论证过程这么相似，但实际上两者是紧密相连的。要说明这一点，思考一下下面这个例子。（选择这个例子是为了便于解释，由于这个例子使用了在亚里士多德之后的时代才发现的几个概念，因此这并不是亚里士多德本人会给出的解释。"}
{"instruction": "作者借波普想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "根据波普的观念，对很多理论来说，找到证实证据实在太容易了。借用波普所使用的一个例子，也就是弗洛伊德的精神分析法，波普认为这个理论所做出的“预言”已经非常概括化，几乎任何一个事件都可以被解读为证实了这个理论。因此，这种理论的证实证据对波普来说就变得无关紧要了。相比之下，思考一下爱因斯坦的相对论。正如我们在第4章开篇提到过的，爱因斯坦相对论的预言是恒星光线在经过太阳这样的大质量物体附近时会发生弯曲。如果这样的恒星光线弯曲真的会发生，那么这个现象可以在日食过程中观测到。因此，爱因斯坦的理论做出了一个明确而又夸张的预言，而且其他任何竞争理论都没有做出这个预言。由于爱因斯坦的理论做出了这样一个夸张的预言，而且这个预言很容易就可以被证明有误，从这个角度来看，爱因斯坦的理论冒了很大的风险。从某个意义上来说，对于波普而言，一个理论所冒的风险越大，它的科学性就越强。举个例子，由于刚刚提到的这些原因（也就是爱因斯坦的理论做出了一个明确而又夸张的预言，因此冒着很快就会被证明有误的风险），爱因斯坦的理论与诸如弗洛伊德的精神分析法相比，就是一个更好的科学理论范例。总的来说，对于波普而言，这就是好的科学的特点，也就是科学应该强调证伪而不是证实，应该努力寻找有风险的理论。正如前面提到过的，波普并没有特别强调证实证据。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价古德曼？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "这些答案中没有一个能经得起推敲。因此，尽管对如何区分可预期判断和不可预期判断存在很多建议的方法，但还没有一个得到了广泛认同。与休谟的归纳问题和亨普尔的乌鸦悖论情况相同，重点是不要误解古德曼的观点。古德曼当然不是说我们应该认为未来会见到的所有绿宝石都继续会是“绿蓝”。很显然，未来的绿宝石并不会都如此。但是，鉴于像“绿色”和“绿蓝”这两种判断之间的不同之处似乎非常显而易见，你会认为描述可预期判断和不可预期判断之间的区别并不太难。古德曼提出的主要问题就是这两种判断之间到底有什么区别。就像前面提到过的，尽管这个问题乍看起来很容易回答，但是几十年过去了，虽然出现了很多种答案，但没有一个答案得到了广泛认可。因此，重申一下，尽管古德曼的归纳新谜题并不是一个实用的问题，因为它并没有影响科学的日常进程，但这个问题引发了一些关于归纳推理的令人困惑的问题，具体来说就是我们认为可以适用于未来的判断与不能适用于未来的判断之间有什么区别。正如本章开篇所提到的，我们在前面所讨论的命题无疑是哲学命题，并不会对致力于科研的科学家产生影响。这些命题似乎乍看起来都很容易解决。然而，事实是，尽管几十年过去了，人们也进行了大范围探讨，但这些问题仍然没有得到解答，这意味着我们某些最基本的归纳推理类型中存在让人深感困惑之处。同时，在本章开篇我们也提到了，要充分理解这些问题通常需要花一些时间。"}
{"instruction": "这段关于史蒂夫的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "换句话说，我和史蒂夫各自的观点拼图对我们把什么样的证据当作是有意义的证据产生了深远的影响，而这反过来又会深刻影响我们关于“是谁认为自己的理论不可证伪”这个问题的看法。在结束本章前，我想再强调一点。在前面的讨论中，我的意思并不是说某种相对主义理论是正确的，也没有说所有证据和世界观都是同等合理的，更没有说史蒂夫的观点是合理的。我认为史蒂夫的观点完全不合理。我非常乐意论证一下，把证据建立在对宗教经文的字面解读之上是一种不好而且过时的做法，而像史蒂夫这样的人把自己的观点当成了不可证伪的。我实际想表达的是，“人们是否认为某个理论是不可证伪的，如果是，为什么会这么认为”等命题都比人们通常所认为的要更加微妙。正如史蒂夫的例子所说明的，我们不能只是简单地说因为史蒂夫拒绝接受我们的证据，就得出他认为自己的理论不可证伪的结论。反过来，史蒂夫也可以用完全相同的说辞来描述我们，也就是我们拒绝接受他的证据。所以，如果我们要证明史蒂夫认为自己的理论不可证伪，我们需要做得更多。同样地，如果仅仅僵化地说我们所选择的证据是正确的证据类型，也是不合理的。换句话说，我们不能通过僵化地说“我们的证据才是正确的证据类型”来得到“史蒂夫认为自己的理论不可证伪”的结论。要证明史蒂夫认为自己的理论不可证伪，我们需要考虑一系列相互关联的命题，比如，在经验证据和古代经文之间，哪个作为证据更合理。"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对世界观的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "所以，真理融贯论的支持者更倾向于秉持工具主义态度，这就一点也不让人感到惊讶了。同样地，真理符合论的支持者对理论更倾向于秉持现实主义态度，这也一点都不让人感到惊讶。原因实际上是相同的，也就是说，如果你认为真理是与事物的真实情况相一致的，那你自然就会认为科学理论同样模仿或反映了事物的真实情况。那么至此，我们对科学史和科学哲学所涉及的基础命题所进行的研究就将告一段落了。理解了这些命题，我们就可以更好地探讨本书下一部分中提出的命题，具体来说，在下一部分中我们将研究从亚里士多德世界观向牛顿世界观的转变。第二部分从亚里士多德世界观到牛顿世界观的转变在第二部分中，我们将研究从亚里士多德世界观到牛顿世界观的转变。从很大程度上说，这个转变由17世纪早期的一系列新发现所激发。在这个转变的过程中，我们在第一部分中讨论过的命题，包括世界观、经验事实与哲学性/概念性事实、证实与不证实证据、辅助假设、可证伪性、工具主义、现实主义，彼此之间以一种有趣而又复杂的方式交织在一起。对这个转变以及所涉及的命题的讨论，将为我们在第三部分的探讨提供背景知识。在第三部分中，我们将探讨一些新近科学发展对我们现有世界观所提出的挑战。第9章亚里士多德世界观中的宇宙结构在本书的这一部分中，我们将探讨从亚里士多德世界观到牛顿世界观的转变。"}
{"instruction": "文中关于地球的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "由于地球本身主要由土元素组成，会天然地位于宇宙中心，又由于地球（就像我家前院的大卵石）只有在有其他因素使它运动时才会运动，同时由于似乎不存在可以使地球运动的因素（这点同样可以参考前面的讨论），最合理的结论就是地球天然地位于宇宙中心，而且不会离开这个位置。“重的物体有一种向宇宙中心运动的天然趋势”的观点提供了另一个支持地球中心论观点的论据。鉴于我们知道（参考前面的论据）地球是球形的，而且在前面也讨论过我们观察发现下落的物体会垂直落到地球表面，因此，我们可以立刻得出结论：地球中心一定是宇宙中心。要理解这一点，设想一下，我们在地球上几个不同的位置分别抛出一个物体。这些物体都会向宇宙中心运动，因此，它们下落的轨迹所指向的就是宇宙中心。由于这些不同的轨迹（这些物体是在地球上不同位置被抛出的）在地球中心交汇到一点，那么地球中心一定也是宇宙的中心。与“地球是静止的”这一观点的论据类似，请注意前面提到的这些论据与亚里士多德世界观里的其他观点也是相互联系又彼此依赖的。举个例子，刚刚提到的几个论据就依赖于“物体在宇宙中有一个天然位置”的观点。这再次印证了第1章里的观点，也就是在一个观点拼图里，单个观点之间是紧密相连的，不可能在不对整体观点拼图进行实质性改变的情况下改变其中部分观点。回到本章开篇时所提出的观点，我们的前人有很合理的理由来相信地球是球形的、静止的，并且位于宇宙中心。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对匀速运动给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "正如前面提到的，同样也是亚里士多德指出过的，“天空是一个完美的地方”这一观点可以追溯到人类有记录的历史之初。这个观点可以理解，因为在天空中，特别而美妙的物体以一种不变的、不断重复的模式在运动，这些运动模式在几百万年间都没有发生变化。亚里士多德本人也继承了这个传统观点，也就是认为天空是一个完美的地方。后来亚里士多德发展出了自己的观点体系，这一体系比前人的更加完整，其中，“天空是一个完美的地方”的观点被保留了下来。我们在前面看到了，“天空是一个完美的地方”的观点为人们提供了一种方法来解释天体如何可以保持运动。然而，伴随着这个解释的是“天体一定是沿正圆轨道做匀速运动”的概念。这些事实，也就是正圆轨道和匀速运动的事实因而变得非常根深蒂固。这些事实在我们的前人眼中有多么显而易见，无论怎么强调都不为过。行星沿正圆轨道进行匀速运动成了一个常识，每个人都知道。这些是显而易见的事实，与我们在前一章中讨论过的经验事实相比似乎并没有明显的不同。从现在回过头去看，我们可以发现正圆事实和匀速运动事实根本不是事实。它们是哲学性/概念性“事实”，是一个看起来像经验事实但后来被证明更多的是深深植根于一个世界观体系的观点。在后续章节中，我们将会探讨这些事实，也就是我们在前一章中讨论过的经验事实和正圆事实及匀速运动事实，是如何进入托勒密体系和哥白尼体系的。"}
{"instruction": "这一段对哥白尼的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "然而，把哥白尼和新柏拉图主义联系在一起的证据并不像人们所期待的那么明确。很有可能的是，哥白尼在学生时代接触到了新柏拉图主义思想，而且哥白尼的某些文章读起来就像是出自有新柏拉图主义倾向的人之手。有些学者已经相当认可“哥白尼深受新柏拉图主义影响”的观点；而另一些人则没有那么信服。对新柏拉图主义与哥白尼发展日心说观点之间的联系，通常的解释都是非常直接明确的：如果哥白尼是新柏拉图主义者，而且认为太阳是“上帝”在宇宙中的实体代表，那么“上帝”的实体代表最合适的位置将是宇宙的中心。在这个解释中，为什么哥白尼会秉持一个以太阳为中心的宇宙观，其实主要原因就在于其深受新柏拉图主义影响的哲学性观点。哥白尼对匀速圆形轨道运动的坚持大多数天文学家对“恒星和行星的运动必须是沿正圆轨道，且从不加速或减速的匀速运动”的观点有多深信不疑，我在前面很多地方都已经讨论过了。现在回过头去看，这些天文学家的坚持主要是一种哲学性/概念性的坚持。尽管存在少量经验证据支持这个观点（比如，恒星确实看起来沿圆形轨道运动），但是大多数天文学家对这个观点深信不疑的程度已经远远超过了经验证据所带来的支持力度。正如在前一章中所描述的，托勒密只有通过使用等距点这样一个相当勉强的概念才实现了对匀速运动事实的尊重。我们来快速回顾一下，行星的周转圆，比如火星的周转圆，相对一个想象出来的点做匀速运动，这个想象出来的点就被称为等距点。"}
{"instruction": "伽利略在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "不过，太阳毫无疑问在月上区（并不像月球一样在月上区和月下区的边界上）。因此，如果太阳黑子在太阳上，就像伽利略论证的那样，那么月上区肯定不像亚里士多德世界观所认为的那样是没有变化的完美区域。因此，就像月球表面的山峰一样，关于太阳黑子的数据被证明是亚里士多德世界观的另一个瑕疵。土星的光环或“耳朵” 伽利略关于土星的证据所带来的结果与关于月球和太阳的证据相似。伽利略是第一个观察到土星有时会有边缘凸出现象的人，这个凸出的边缘看起来就像把手或者耳朵。现在我们知道伽利略所观察的就是土星光环，尽管他所使用的望远镜解析度并不足以看清光环，而只能看成是土星边缘的凸起。（后来又过了半个世纪，这个凸起才被正确地假定成围绕土星的一个环形结构。）同样地，这个数据表明了亚里士多德世界观的又一个小瑕疵。回忆一下，天体由以太组成，以太的天然形状就是正球体。因此，由以太组成的行星一定也是正球体。伽利略的观察结果则表明土星并不像亚里士多德世界观所预期的那样是正球体，月球和太阳也不是。木星的卫星在伽利略的望远镜可以观察到的所有现象中，木星的卫星很有可能是观察起来最让人愉悦的。通过望远镜，伽利略观察到了四个小亮点，它们围绕在木星周围，位置随时间变化而变化，伽利略正确地推断出这四个小亮点是围绕木星运转的卫星。就算是在今天，木星的卫星可能仍然是用小望远镜就能看到的最令人愉悦的亮点（跟土星光环一样让人观察起来感到心情愉悦）。"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的牛顿是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "过去那个有目的、有本质存在、以地球和人类为中心的宇宙已经不复存在了，一起消失的还有关于“我们居住在怎样的宇宙中”的整体认识。接下来两章的重点将是替代了亚里士多德宇宙观的观点。｜几点注意｜在这里，简要重复一下最初在前言部分中提到过的几点注意，可能是个明智的做法。我们现在所研究的是在很长一段时间内留下了浓重一笔的人物和事件。在这种情况下，关于人们和事件之间的相互影响和关联，会存在一些过于简单化而又会产生误导的观点，这些观点很容易就会把我们引入歧途。举个例子将会有助于解释这一点。我们刚刚探讨过，基于17世纪的某些发现，亚里士多德世界观已经站不住脚了。除此之外，我们看到了，当时需要的是一种新科学，也就是一种可以与运动的地球保持一致的新科学。在接下来的两章中，我们将看到牛顿所做的努力如何为当时所需的新科学提供了核心部分。确实，亚里士多德的科学体系行不通了，对新科学的需求确实存在，牛顿也确实为新科学提供了核心内容。然而，如果认为牛顿本人有意并直接尝试填补因亚里士多德科学体系瓦解而出现的真空地带，这就不是真的了，或者至少这个观点会产生误导。换句话说，举个例子，如果认为牛顿是在我们刚才所讨论问题的直接影响下直接解决了这些问题，那么我们就很容易偏离本来所要讨论的人物和事件，但这样的偏离将会是错误的。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述规律性？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "同样地，如果有人给我一大笔钱，让我改变行为习惯，或者有其他任何一种反事实条件，关于我穿裤子的规律性都将不再是一个无例外的规律性了。简言之，这一类规律性在条件发生变化后就可能不是真的了。相比之下，开普勒行星运动第二定律所描述的规律性似乎不管在什么样的反事实条件下都是一个无例外的规律性。举个例子，不管木星距离太阳是近一点还是远一点，木星的质量是更大一些还是更小一些，或者木星是颗岩石星球还是气态星球，或者存在其他任何一种反事实条件，木星都仍将按照开普勒第二定律来运转。简言之，我们通常认为科学定律所反映的那些无例外的规律性，比如开普勒行星运动第二定律，通常从某种意义上说都不受反事实条件的影响。具体来说，这样的规律性即使在多方面条件都发生了改变的情况下，通常也仍然是真的。通常认为，可以作为潜在科学定律的无例外的规律性与不能作为潜在科学定律的无例外的规律性之间，关键的一个区别就是前者即使面对多种反事实条件仍然可以保持为真，而后者则无法做到这一点。利用反事实条件是否足以区分两种规律性了？很不幸，并不是这么简单。具体来说，利用反事实条件可以对这两种规律性进行区分，但同时也产生了问题严重的命题。这些命题涉及两个方面，其中一个与语境依赖性有关，另一个与通常所说的“其他条件不变句”有关。接下来，我将对这两个方面逐一简要讨论。"}
{"instruction": "广义在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "重力效果和加速度效果之间这种紧密的关系早在牛顿时代就被发现了。尽管如此，在牛顿物理学中，这两种效果仍被当作彼此独立的现象，而它们之间紧密的联系似乎只是巧合。但是在相对论中，等效原理则表明，从本质上来说这两种效果不存在差异，也就是这些效果无法彼此区分开来。那么总结一下，像狭义相对论一样，广义相对论也是以两个基本原理为基础的，这一点具有重要意义。了解了这一点，我们接下来将简短讨论广义相对论的几个核心方程式，并探讨这个理论的某些证实证据。｜爱因斯坦场方程和广义相对论的预言｜在前面我们已经讨论过，广义相对论是以广义协变性原理和等效原理为基础的，这一点具有重要意义。在前一章中，我们看到了狭义相对论同样以两个基本原则为基础，同时，我们也看到了狭义相对论两个基本原则的数学“表达”展现了某些与长度、时间和同时性有关的令人惊讶的效果。我们同样提到过，想要推导出与这两个基本原则相关的数学表达并没有那么困难（在那一章里我们实际上并不是从基本原则中推导出了与长度、时间和同时性相关的效果，但我说过，这个推导过程只需要高中代数知识，尽管不算简单，但也不是特别困难）。广义相对论的情况则大为不同。尽管广义相对论的两个基本原则表述起来并不困难，但实际上要推导出遵循这些原则的数学方程式却并不容易。爱因斯坦花了几年时间来推导这些方程式，很多初步结果后来都需要撤回或者大量修正。"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里量子理论究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "多世界诠释所展示的图景就像是一个不断发出新枝的大树，其中每一根树枝都代表了庞大的态叠加中的一个态。每当一个量子实体进入了可以造成态叠加的情境中时，就会发出一根新枝。由于这种情境经常发生，因此这棵树在以非常惊人的速度发出新枝。关于量子理论诠释的最后几点意见我们在前面强调过，量子理论诠释肯定受制于已知量子事实，而且应该至少会与量子理论数学保持一致。然而，正如我们已经看到的，量子事实本身就相当奇怪，而量子理论数学与常识性的现实也不一致。在很大程度上说，正是由于这些原因，所有量子理论解释通常都与常识相当矛盾。唯一例外的是爱因斯坦的诠释，但是在前面我们也提到过了，这个诠释已经站不住脚了。我们必须看到，对于诠释问题，秉持工具主义态度是很常见的。也就是说，如果你用工具主义态度来对待量子理论，那就不会与诠释问题遭遇。从工具主义角度来看，量子理论是一个便于做出预言的工具，就像托勒密的周转圆被当作是一个便于做出预言的数学工具。但是，如果面对的问题是理论背后的现实，那么工具主义者将会采取不可知主义态度。同样地，这也是一种看待量子理论的值得尊重的态度。确实，关于这个态度有很多值得讨论之处，而且这也是物理学家进行研究时，至少是在他们的工作时间内，可采用的最为实用的态度。但是，对我们这些不是物理学家的人来说，甚至是对结束了一天的工作、离开实验室后的物理学家来说，有一个问题自古希腊时期就在西方思想中占据一席之地，让人难以拒绝，那就是："}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，概率为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "）理解了有关演化论的这一点，让我们回到这一小节开头的那个问题，也就是如果演化论是正确的，那么为什么其他有机体没有发展出人类所具有的那种特点。正如前面提到过而我希望目前已经解释清楚的，只有当你认为“人类的特点无论如何都比其他特点更好，而且这些特点无论如何都会是演化过程中为数众多的有机体所选择的特点”时，前面的这个问题才有意义。然而你心里的这个前提是很难让人理解的。简言之，演化不是一个目标为导向的、认识论的过程。概率另一个关于演化论的常见错误概念涉及概率所扮演的角色。常听到人们说，演化是以概率为基础的，但是概率并不能产生我们所看到的复杂有机体，这就像是一阵掠过飞机废弃零件回收厂的龙卷风无论如何也无法生产出现代飞机这样的复杂结构。这个关于演化论的观点同样具有很强的误导性。概率在演化中确实扮演一个重要角色。举个例子，有性生殖深受概率影响（无性生殖也受概率影响，尽管影响程度没有这么大），包括后代将会继承什么样的基因。像小行星撞击这样的意外天文学事件会严重影响环境，通常认为它们对地球上生命的演化发展产生了重要影响。很多地质过程也都有类似的影响，比如一条巨大的裂谷把以前共同生存的有机体群体分隔开来。还有其他无数意外事件，都影响了演化所产生的改变。毫无疑问，概率在演化中扮演了重要角色。然而重点是，演化论并不认为演化仅通过概率发生。"}
{"instruction": "围绕发展，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "有关宇宙和生命的详细规划与我们已发现的生命演化起源是直接相悖的。因此，认为宇宙和生命有发展蓝图的观点与现代科学发现完全不一致，特别是与演化论不一致。对于上帝会干涉并影响日常生活中的事件发展进程的普遍观点，情况也是相同的。自17世纪以来，科学已经充分证明了，宇宙根据自然规律运转，演化论在过去150年的发展则表明，这一点也同样适用于生命的发展。简言之，现代科学所提供的解释，以及现代演化论所提供的关于生命的解释，都没有给“上帝会干涉并影响日常生活中的事件发展进程”的观点留有余地。这样的上帝同样与现代科学发展不一致，特别是与演化论不一致。重复一下前面一节刚刚讨论过的一点，也就是演化论在任何字面意义上都与“人类是特别的”这一观点不一致。相比之下，我们对生命演化发展的理解迫使我们接受，所有现存的生命之所以存在，都是因为大量随机事件的发生，这使我们无法认为人类从某个意义上说是特殊的，无法认为从某个意义上说人类是生命演化发展有意为之的产物。简言之，这些学者认为，演化论为已经发展了一段时间的构想提供了最后一块重要拼板。具体来说，演化论为最后一个以前看似需要用超自然因素来解释的现象提供了自然解释，也就是说，演化论为我们在生物界所发现的复杂性提供了一个自然解释。那么，此时，在一个科学得到充分发展并且尊重科学的世界观里，西方世界关于上帝的传统观点或者关于宇宙有一个宏伟目标的观点，就已经没有了立足之地。"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，宇宙意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "根据我们在宇宙中所看到的秩序与随机性之间的平衡（这种平衡可能可以追溯到宇宙诞生之时所呈现的状态），我们将可以看到宇宙在一个很宽广的范围内向前发展。宇宙在向前发展时，并不是沿着一个精确的、设定好的方向，而是只是大致有个确定的方向，这个方向包括最终发展出某种智慧生命。这种智慧生命并不一定是（甚至可能不是）人类，或任何今天恰好存在的物种。然而，考虑到宇宙最初的状态，霍特认为，生命非常有可能在宇宙的某个地方发展出来，而且所发展出的生命种类可能非常多样，其中就非常有可能存在某种智慧生命，也就是可以理解和欣赏宇宙的生命。因此，在霍特的神学中，宇宙并不是由上帝创造的，也就是说，不像我在自家后院建造水池那样，开工之后很快就完全完工了。同时，宇宙被创造出来以后，也不是按照某个特定的蓝图来向前发展的。宇宙的日常运转不是由上帝来规划的，上帝也不会干涉宇宙的日常运转。上帝不是某种与宇宙相独立且分离的“事物”。相反，组成宇宙的那些正在进行且不可预测的过程，包括演化过程，意味着宇宙的每个时刻都是不同的，在每个时刻都有一个正在进行的创造过程。可以说，这是一个始终在被吸引着向未来发展的宇宙。霍特认为，有一定道理的观点是把上帝看作是一个吸引着宇宙向其发展的未来，这其中多少运用了类似暗喻的方式。这样一来，上帝就紧密地参与到宇宙中去了，同时也紧密地参与到由秩序和随机性的平衡所带来的那些正在进行的创造过程中去了。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画伦理学？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "举个例子（也是最直接明确的例子），我们对演化的理解是否解释了我们应该如何行事？对于什么样的行为更符合道德要求，演化解释是否让我们得出了新的、有趣的结论？这一类问题所涉及的就是演化可能对规范伦理学命题产生的影响。有些问题与这些问题无关，而是出现在元伦理学的范畴内，比如，目前，大量以解释我们伦理行为的演化起源为目标的研究已经开展了起来。这些研究都是在元伦理学的领域内，而且正如前面提到过的，我们接下来将探讨其中某些研究。至此，我们简要了解了规范伦理学与元伦理学在关切点上的区别，这将有助于我们探讨演化思想对伦理学可能产生的影响。具体来说，我们的讨论将分成两大类。第一，我们将讨论某些新近的经验研究，这些研究都关于我们通常认为在道德上值得赞赏的行为的演化，特别是合作和利他主义行为的演化。此类研究将会为涉及我们伦理倾向起源的元伦理学命题提供解释。第二，我们将讨论某些关于演化和规范伦理学的争议性话题。元伦理学思想：合作和利他行为的演化关于我们某些常见行为可能的演化起源，包括男性与女性在求偶行为上的差异、一夫一妻制、离婚倾向及其他一系列种类繁多的行为，现在已有大量相关文献，其中很多发表于最近几十年。虽然这些研究中很多都很有意思，但在这一节中，我想讨论的是那些范围比较集中的研究。我们将要探讨的研究涉及的问题范围很宽泛，但是其中的经验工作本身，范围是比较集中的。"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把利他主义放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "事实上在这个研究中，利他主义行为，也就是对给出金额过低提案的提案者进行惩罚的浅层次利他主义行为，是世界各地各种文化中的标准行为。这类在世界各地各种文化中都能找到的行为，意味着这种行为并不仅仅是参与者自身文化传统导致的结果。事实上，这样的行为在不同的文化中都是一致的，这意味着这种行为源自于更为根深蒂固的因素。而这些因素太根深蒂固了，因而几乎可以肯定是我们的演化历史所导致的结果。对合作和利他主义的其他研究此类有关最后通牒博弈的研究表明了某种类型的合作和利他主义行为是很常见的，但同时也表明了总有一定百分比的参与者通常会自私行事。另外有一些研究探讨了这些自私行事的参与者是否受到了其他人行为的影响，如果是，那么是什么样的行为影响了他们。结果表明，答案明显是肯定的，而且利他主义行为对自私行事的参与者的行为产生了重要影响。这些研究还探讨了在什么条件下，这样的利他主义影响会奏效或者不奏效，并且关注利他主义影响会奏效的那些条件是否曾经在我们的演化历史上出现过。接下来我将对此类研究中的几项进行概括介绍。这些研究的设置通常都会比最后通牒博弈研究的设置要稍微复杂一些，因此我将选取此类研究中的一个典型来进行概括描述，而不会讨论细节。在一个典型的此类研究中，实验设置与囚徒困境的实验设置多少有些类似。然而，与囚徒困境中仅有两人进行互动的设置不同，这里通常是4人或更多人进行互动。"}
{"instruction": "作者借道德想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "而对于事物未来将如何发展，道德也是关键的一个部分。演化思考帮助我们更好地理解我们的道德情感，更好地理解我们的伦理行为对这个不断变化、不断发展着的宇宙做出了怎样的贡献，又是如何与这样的宇宙保持一致的。假设我们接受了霍特的解释，那么，如果我们依据现在认为是由我们的演化历史所带来的道德倾向（也就是依据伦理规则）行事，我们就是在推动各种正在进行的发展和过程，这些发展和过程正是宇宙的组成部分，也正是霍特所认为的宇宙目的的一部分。根据这个观点，我们的伦理行为是一个更宏伟图景的组成部分，借用霍特在多个场合使用过的表达，这样一来，我们的道德就有了整个宇宙来撑腰。因此，理解我们道德行为的演化起源，理解我们的道德行为是如何融入这个更宏伟图景的，都将有助于我们理解为什么我们应该依道德行事。从这个角度来说，演化思考为我们对规范伦理学的理解做出了贡献，这并不是因为我们从演化思考中演绎推理出了某些特定的道德行为，而是演化思考使我们更深入地理解了为什么我们应该依道德行事。鲁斯和威尔逊：规范伦理学是我们演化遗传的一个错觉。很多学者，比如迈克尔·鲁斯、爱德华·威尔逊、理查德·道金斯等，都像霍特一样认为演化思考可以提供关于规范伦理学的见解。但是他们所认为的见解却相当不同。这一小节的主要任务就是简要描述这些学者关于演化对规范伦理学影响的观点。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价世界观？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "这一世界观中的其他一些观点，比如“地球是宇宙中心”的观点，虽然有直接观察结果和完备的推理作为支撑，但后来仍被证明是错误的。我们看到了，在亚里士多德观点拼图中，需要摒弃的并不仅仅是某个位于边缘位置的观点拼板。事实上，需要替换的是这个拼图中的核心拼板，而且随着核心拼板的更换，整个观点拼图实际上都已经发生了改变。值得注意的是，亚里士多德世界观后来被证明在很多方面都是错误的。换句话说，并不是亚里士多德世界观拼图中的单个观点拼板被证明是错误的，而是亚里士多德世界观拼图被证明是一个错误的拼图。宇宙被证明完全不是亚里士多德世界观中所认为的样子。宇宙完全不像是一个有机体。我们看到了，一个与新科学发现相一致的新世界观拼图替代了亚里士多德世界观拼图。这个新世界观拼图，也就是牛顿世界观，似乎非常行之有效。拼图中的拼板很好地拼合在一起，宇宙也是有意义的。对一些重要的问题，我们也得到了答案，包括宇宙的结构、事物如何运转，等等。同样地，我们不仅对关于宇宙的一些重要问题有了答案，还对我们居住在怎样的宇宙中有了很好的理解。我们居住在一个机械的宇宙中，其中物体的运转模式在很大程度上都是因为作用在这些物体上的外力。我们可以理解这些作用力，并用数学定律来精确描述它们。同样地，牛顿世界观也有一个很好的隐喻来总结我们所居住的宇宙。"}
{"instruction": "这段关于世界观的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 世界观 现代人必须要懂的科学哲学和科学史", "output": "在某个时候，他们会用同样的方式来回顾我们的观点。我们的孙辈和曾孙辈，在回顾我们的时候也会纳闷，为什么我们会相信诸如“空间和时间对每个人都一样”的奇怪观点。简言之，我们错把绝对空间和时间当作了经验事实，就像我们的前人错把沿正圆轨道进行的匀速运动当作了经验事实一样。在这两个例子里，原本看起来显而易见的经验事实后来都被证明是错误的哲学性/概念性事实。我认为，这才是相对论最重要的影响，因为这生动地表明：一个看起来如此像常识、如此显而易见正确的观点，是如何被证明完全错误的。这应该让我们更加警惕，对其他看来显而易见的、不容置疑的事实，我们到底能多确定。因此，相对论并没有迫使我们改变自己世界观中的核心部分，而是让我们重新思考自己对这个世界的理解能有多大把握。｜对量子理论的思考｜与相对论相比，有关量子理论的新发现，特别是有关贝尔定理和阿斯派克特实验的新发现，其影响很有可能需要使牛顿世界观作为整体发生重要改变。根据牛顿世界观，宇宙被认为像机器一样运转。我们对于机器的核心认识是零件之间的推拉相互作用——齿轮推动其他齿轮转动、滑轮带动其他滑轮运转，但通常都是通过诸如连接带之类的某种关联，而且通常机器的一个零件只会影响与其有接触的其他零件。宇宙也是如此。我们坚信自己所居住的宇宙之中也有同样的相互推拉作用。"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对特朗普的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 人人都在说谎赤裸裸的数据真相", "output": "其实在了解如何利用谷歌搜索最精准地预测选举结果之前，我们还有很多工作要做，而我也需要更多研究人员的加入。这是一种新型科学，而且我们只有为数不多的选举数据可供分析。当然，我不是说我们眼下（或将来）可以将民意调查这一工具放心大胆地用来辅助选举结果预测。但是，互联网上有多种征兆表明，特朗普的表现有可能比民意调查的预测要好。大选期间，有线索表明选民可能更倾向于支持特朗普。非洲裔美国人告诉民意调查人员，他们中的大多数人很可能会反对特朗普，但是谷歌搜索中非洲裔美国人聚居区投票的信息量一路走低。可大选那天，因非洲裔选民投票率低而受损的人却是希拉里·克林顿。当时甚至还有迹象表明摇摆选民（undecided voters）可能会选择支持特朗普。我和加布里埃尔发现，在美国中西部的几个关键州，“特朗普克林顿”的搜索量要多于“克林顿特朗普”，而这几个关键州本来是希拉里·克林顿十拿九稳的。事实上，特朗普之所以能赢得选举，就是因为赢得了那几个关键州的支持。但我认为，特朗普在初选中一路高歌奏凯，也许可以证明他是位成功的候选人的主要线索，便是我在对奥巴马的研究中所发现的暗藏的种族歧视。谷歌搜索揭示出很大一部分美国人都有的黑暗和仇恨心理，而这些则是权威人士多年来一直忽略的部分。搜索数据显示，我们所生活的社会与那些学术界人士和新闻工作者（依据民意调查）所认定的那个社会有着天壤之别。"}
{"instruction": "文中关于祖母的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 人人都在说谎赤裸裸的数据真相", "output": "我们可能会被自己的经历或偏见蒙蔽双眼。事实上，尽管我的祖母可以凭借她多年的经验给出比其他家庭成员更好的择偶建议，但对于是什么让爱情得以延续这一问题，她的观点依然是没有说服力的。比如，她总是跟我强调有共同好友的重要性。她相信她婚姻成功的一大秘诀是：几乎每个傍晚都和丈夫（也就是我的祖父）闲坐在纽约皇后区家中后花园里的草坪躺椅上，八卦着左邻右舍的鸡毛蒜皮。尽管要冒着让我的祖母当替罪羊的风险，但数据科学的确证明祖母的理论错了。最近，一个计算机科学家团队对人类关系中最大的数据集脸谱网进行了分析。[5] 他们观察了大量关系在某一时刻显示为“恋爱中”的伴侣，其中部分伴侣始终保持“恋爱中”的状态，而其他伴侣则将自己的状态改成了“单身”。该调查表明，有共同的好友圈其实是一个强预测器，预示着一段爱情长不了！也许每晚都和伴侣及一小撮固定的朋友闲逛真算不上一件好事，各自独立的社交圈也许才有助于巩固两性关系。正如各位所见，在没有电脑帮助的情况下，我们的直觉有时确实让人眼前一亮，但直觉有可能酿成大错。我的祖母可能陷入了一个认知的泥沼：我们倾向于夸大个人经验的作用。用数据科学家的话说就是，我们总会给自己的数据加权，总是过于重视一个特别的数据点——我们自己。因为祖母过于关注和祖父的饭后闲聊以及他们共同的朋友，所以很少考虑其他夫妻的情况。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对谷歌给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 人人都在说谎赤裸裸的数据真相", "output": "我发现，与消遣相关的综合性搜索可以追踪失业率，并能成为预测失业率的完美模板的一部分。这个例子说明了大数据的第一个功能——提供新型数据。通常，大数据的价值不在于它的大小，而在于它可以为你的研究提供新的信息，提供过去从未有人搜集到的信息。在谷歌出现之前，有些休闲活动的信息是可以获取的，例如电影票的销售情况。这些信息可能会提供一些线索，告诉我们人们有多少闲暇时间。现在有这样一个机会去了解有多少人在玩纸牌游戏或看色情片，这个机会可是前所未有的，更是影响巨大的。在这种情况下，这些数据可能有助于我们（至少在政府学会尽快展开和梳理一个调查之前）更快地了解经济状况。美国加利福尼亚州山景城谷歌园区内的生活与高盛集团曼哈顿总部截然不同。上午9点，谷歌的办公室内空无一人。如果有工作人员在，那他们可能正在吃免费早餐——香蕉蓝莓煎饼、炒蛋白、纯黄瓜汁。有些员工可能不在园区内：他们可能在博尔德或拉斯维加斯参加外场会议，或在去塔霍湖公费滑雪旅行的路上。到了午餐时间，沙坑排球场和草地足球场上满满的都是人。在谷歌的墨西哥餐厅，我吃到了最美味的卷饼。这个全球最大、最具竞争力的科技公司为何看起来如此轻松舒适和慷慨大方？谷歌利用大数据以一种其他公司前所未有的方式打造了一个自动化的资金流。谷歌公司在本书中起着至关重要的作用，因为谷歌搜索是迄今为止大数据的主要来源，但重要的是要记住，谷歌的成功是建立在对一种新型数据的搜集之上的。"}
{"instruction": "这一段对索引的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 人人都在说谎赤裸裸的数据真相", "output": "可能是因为儿时总和时不时就爆粗口的女性待在一起，所以我总觉得说脏话的概率在性别上是平衡的，可事实却并非如此。男性比女性使用更频繁的词是“狗屁”“放屁”“他妈的”“王八蛋”等。我喜欢这个研究的原因是，新数据告知我们早就存在但我们不一定知道的模式。男性和女性的说话方式一直都不同，但是数万年来，一旦某个声波在时空中消逝，它的数据便会消失。现在，这一数据不仅可以保存在电脑中，而且可以被用来进行分析处理。考虑到我本人的性别，我或许会说：“过去，文字常他妈的玩消失，如果真他妈的有人在意的话，现在我们可以不看球赛、不玩游戏，而是去学这个破玩意儿。就这么回事，如果有哪个蠢货这么他妈在意的话！” 说话方式不同不仅仅限于男性和女性之间。随着年龄的增长，人们也会使用和以前不一样的词汇。这甚至可以为我们提供一些人类衰老过程的线索。年少时爱喝酒，20多岁时忙工作，而立之年以后开始祈祷。有一个强大的文本分析新手段好像叫情绪分析。如今科学家可以判断一个特定文本的篇章有多么开心或多么失落。如何判断呢？许多科学家团队都曾邀请很多人对英语语言中数以万计的积极或消极的词语进行编码。根据这一方法，最积极的词语有快乐、爱和棒极了，而最消极的词语则有伤心、死亡和沮丧。如此一来，他们就建立了一大套情绪词汇的索引。运用这一索引，他们就能测量一段文本篇章中词汇的大致情绪。"}
{"instruction": "谷歌在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 人人都在说谎赤裸裸的数据真相", "output": "男性搜索女朋友阴道的次数大约与女性搜索男朋友阴茎的次数相同。当男性搜索伴侣的阴道时，通常也会抱怨女性最担心的问题：气味。大多数情况下，男性都在设法找一种方法，在不伤到伴侣的情况下，告诉她有一种难闻的气味。然而，有时候男性对气味的疑问却揭示了他们对自己的不自信。男性偶尔会搜索如何使用这种气味来侦察出轨的方法——比如它闻起来像安全套，再如像另一个男人的精液。我们应该如何理解所有这些不为人知的不自信呢？这里有一些好消息，谷歌给了我们合理的理由无须顾虑那么多。许多源于我们的性伴侣如何看待我们的最深层次的恐惧是说不通的。性伴侣独自一人在自己的电脑上，没有任何说谎的动机，告诉网络他们不肤浅，也很宽容。事实上，我们都忙于关注自己的身体，没有精力去在意别人的。谷歌性搜索中最受关注的两大问题（缺乏性生活，对自身的性魅力及性能力缺乏自信）之间也可能存在联系，或许两者之间是息息相关的。或许如果我们对性少些担忧、焦虑，反而会有更多鱼水之欢。关于性，谷歌搜索还能告诉我们别的什么信息呢？我们可以做一个性别间的比拼，看看谁更加慷慨。以所有想办法为异性提供更棒口交体验的搜索为例，寻找窍门的人中是男性更多还是女性更多呢？谁在性方面更加慷慨，男性还是女性？当然是女性。算上所有的可能性，在搜索如何更好地为对方口交方面，我估算男女比例为1∶2。"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的人们是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 人人都在说谎赤裸裸的数据真相", "output": "我们能处理真相吗你可能会发现本章的某些部分很压抑。数字吐真剂揭示了一直以来人们都倾向于依据人的外表来做出评判的真相，仍然有数百万名同性恋者不敢公开自己的性取向，幻想强暴之类事情的女性占有相当高的比例，非洲裔美国人仍然遭受着普遍的敌意，虐待儿童和自行堕胎危机隐藏不露，等等。这些大多是令人不快的消息。通常情况下，在我对自己的研究做完报告之后，人们会走过来对我说：“赛思，这事特别有趣，但是太压抑了。” 我不能假装这些数据中没有一丝黑暗。人们总是猜想我们想听到什么，如果他们一直根据这些猜想告诉我们一些事情，那么通常我们听到的事情会比实际情况更让人安心。一般来说，数字吐真剂会告诉我们，世界比我们想象的更糟糕。我们需要了解这一点吗？在了解到谷歌搜索、色情数据和哪些人点击哪些内容后，你可能不会觉得“这太棒了，我们可以了解自己是什么样的人了”，相反，你会认为“这太可怕了，我们竟然是这样的人”。但这一真相是有帮助的——受益者远不止马克·扎克伯格及其他希望增加点击量或客户数量的人。这个真相至少可以通过三种方式改善我们的生活。首先，人们可以获得安慰，你会知道你并不孤单，缺乏自信或手足无措的不止你一个人。知道别人对他们自己的身体不自信或许是件好事。了解到不是人人都像兔子那样私通和随意交配对大多数人来说是有益的，对那些没有多少性经验的人而言尤其如此。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述洛杉矶？", "input": "Source: 人人都在说谎赤裸裸的数据真相", "output": "Washington）创立的历史悠久的黑人大学“塔斯基吉大学”的所在地。这14人中有法官、作家和科学家。事实上，出生在塔斯基吉小镇的一名黑人小孩在非体育领域成功的可能性与一个出生在成功概率最高、白人占多数的大学城的白人小孩一样大。其次，最有可能让一个县的原住民取得成功的第二个原因，是其所在县位于大城市。[9] 出生于旧金山县、洛杉矶县或纽约市都是极有可能登上维基百科的。（我把纽约市的5个县归为一组是因为很多维基百科词条并没有注明人物出生于哪个县。）城市地区往往有很多成功模式可以参照。想要了解小时候与某个领域众多成功从业者毗邻而居究竟有何价值，比较一下纽约、波士顿和洛杉矶这三座大城市便一目了然了。这三座城市中，纽约产出著名记者的概率最大，波士顿产出杰出科学家的概率最大，洛杉矶产出知名演员的概率最大。要记住，我们这里说的都是那里土生土长的当地人，不是后来搬到那里的人。即使将那些父母在那个领域颇有声望的人排除在外，情况也是如此。除非当地有比较大的大学城，否则地处郊区的县要比地处城市的县糟糕得多。像许多婴儿潮时期出生的人一样，我的父母把家从拥挤的街道搬到了绿荫大道（从曼哈顿搬到新泽西州的博根县），以便更好地培育他们的三个孩子。这可能是个错误，至少从培养孩子出名这方面来说是错的。出生于纽约的孩子将来登上维基百科的概率要比出生于博根县的孩子小80%。"}
{"instruction": "科恩在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 人人都在说谎赤裸裸的数据真相", "output": "当我诊断你有心脏病时（呸呸呸，这样讲太不应该了），我会说我在你身上看到了此前我在别人身上发现的病理生理学症状，这就意味着你也患有心脏病。” [22] 从本质上说，诊断是一种原始的二重身搜寻。问题是医生用来做诊断的数据集太小了。如今，医生基于其治病的经验做诊断，或许还会以其他研究人员发表的关于小群体的学术论文做补充。不过我们已经看到，二重身搜寻要想做得好，必须有更多的案例才行。对于这个领域，大数据确实能帮得上忙。那么，为什么还花了这么长时间呢？为什么大数据到现在还没有得到广泛应用呢？其问题在于数据搜集。许多医疗报告仍然停留在书面上，掩埋在文件堆里，而那些已经计算机化的报告，常常因格式不兼容而无法阅读。科恩指出，相比医疗卫生领域，我们在棒球方面反而通常可以得到更准确的数据。简单的措施往往大有帮助，科恩一再提到“容易得到的水果”这个说法，例如，他相信只需创建一个完整的数据集，其中包含儿童的身高体重表和他们可能会感染的所有疾病，这一举措对儿科来说将具有革命性的意义。如此一来，每个孩子的成长道路都可以与其他孩子的成长道路相比较，计算机可以找到成长路径相似的孩子，并且自动标记所有棘手的模式。计算机也可能会检测到孩子的身高过早趋于稳定，某些情况下很可能是因为孩子存在下述两种病症之一：甲状腺功能减退或脑瘤。"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里福克斯究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 人人都在说谎赤裸裸的数据真相", "output": "广告可以提高销售额的观念显然对我们的经济发展至关重要，但这一点着实很难验证。事实上，这是一个教科书式的例子，能够告诉我们区分相关性和因果关系有多困难。毫无疑问，宣传力度最大的产品销量也最好。二十世纪福克斯电影公司曾经斥资1.5亿美元为电影《阿凡达》做宣传，该片也成为有史以来票房最高的电影，但是在《阿凡达》27亿美元的票房收入中有多少是源于这一大手笔的营销手段呢？二十世纪福克斯电影公司花了这么多钱为电影造势，其中部分原因可能是他们知道自己的产品很拿得出手。公司认为他们知道自己的广告效果如何，经济学家却对此表示怀疑。芝加哥大学经济学教授史蒂芬·列维特曾与一家电子公司合作，当时那家公司试图让他相信他们对自己的广告效果心里有数，列维特却不以为然，他想，他们怎么能这么自信？该公司解释说，每年在父亲节前几天，他们都增加了电视广告费用支出。果然，每年父亲节前他们的销售量都是最高的，但这或许是因为彼时许多子女为他们的父亲购买电子产品（尤其是作为父亲节的礼物），和广告无关。列维特在讲座中说：“他们完全倒置了因果关系。” [15] 其事实我们不得而知，但至少有这个可能。“这是一个非常难的问题。”列维特补充道。尽管解决这个问题非常重要，但许多企业不愿意进行严密的试验。列维特试图说服电子公司进行一项随机控制的试验，以精确地了解他们的电视广告效果如何。"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，监狱为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 人人都在说谎赤裸裸的数据真相", "output": "事实上，这类（利用一刀切分数线的）自然试验的作用是非常强大的，经济学家还专门为其命名：断点回归。任何时候都有一个精确的数字（一个断点）把人们分成两个不同的群体，经济学家可以对极为接近截止点的人的结果进行比较或回归分析。M.基思·陈（M. Keith Chen）和杰西·夏皮罗这两位经济学家利用联邦监狱使用的锐截止机制来测试恶劣的监狱条件对未来犯罪的影响。美国的联邦监狱会根据囚犯的犯罪性质和前科打一个分数，得分决定了囚犯所待监狱的条件。那些得分较高的人将进入一个戒备森严的监狱，这意味着与他人的联系减少、行动自由度降低，并且可能会遭受更多来自警卫或其他囚犯的暴力行为。把那些关押进戒备森严的监狱的囚犯和那些关押进戒备不那么森严的监狱的囚犯进行比较是不公平的。戒备森严的监狱有更多的杀人犯和强奸犯，而戒备不那么森严的监狱则有更多的毒犯和小偷。那些刚好在这个分数上下的罪犯其实有着大致相同的犯罪前科和背景。然而，这微不足道的一分就将他们送进了条件截然不同的监狱。结果如何呢？经济学家发现，分配到条件更加严苛的监狱的囚犯，在离开监狱后还有可能犯下更多罪行。[37] 严苛的监狱条件并没有阻止他们犯罪，而是使他们变得更加冷酷无情，回到现实社会中变得更具暴力倾向。那么，这样一种“断点回归”现象为史岱文森高中带来了什么启示呢？"}
{"instruction": "围绕美国，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 人人都在说谎赤裸裸的数据真相", "output": "我十分有幸能在生命中和一些非常聪明的人对话，而萨默斯就是最聪明的那一个。他满脑子都是点子，比任何人都要多，这似乎也是他经常麻烦缠身的原因。他曾经表示，女性科学家为数不多，其中部分原因可能是男性智商更高，此番言论一出，他只得辞去哈佛大学校长一职。如果他发现某个想法很有趣，即便会得罪许多人，他也会直言不讳。我们的谈话已经超过预先安排好的会面时间半个小时。这次谈话令人心情愉悦，酣畅淋漓，但我仍然不知道自己来这儿是为了什么，不知道我应该什么时候离开，也不知道我如何才能知道应该什么时候离开。就在那时我有种感觉，萨默斯本人可能都已经忘记为什么要和我见面了。然后，他问了一个价值上百万美元（也可以说是数十亿美元）的问题。“你觉得你能用这些数据预测股市吗？” 啊哈。到最后，这才是萨默斯唤我到他办公室见面的原因。萨默斯不是第一个问我这一特别问题的人。我父亲向来支持我非传统的研究兴趣，但有一次，他提出了这个问题。他说：“种族主义、虐待儿童、堕胎，你能不能把这些专业知识拿来赚点儿钱？”我的朋友和其他家人提出了同样的疑问，我的同事和网上的陌生人也很关心这个问题。每个人似乎都想知道是否可以使用谷歌搜索或其他大数据来挑选股票，现在则是美国前财政部部长。于是，这个问题就更要严肃考虑了。那么，新的大数据来源能否成功预测股票的走势呢？"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，道德意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 人人都在说谎赤裸裸的数据真相", "output": "这是一个人不会还款的单项最高指标之一。几位研究人员也认为他们的研究引发了一些道德问题。虽然这只是一项学术研究，但一些公司确实报告称，他们的确在利用在线数据批准贷款。这种方法可以接受吗？让众多公司利用我们写下的词来预测我们是否会偿还贷款，我们真的想生活在这样一个世界里吗？这起码会让人毛骨悚然，而且很有可能会让人恐慌不已。在不久的将来寻求贷款的消费者可能不仅要担心自己的财务历史，而且要担心自己的线上活动。她可能会被看似荒谬的评判方式打上标签，比如她说了“谢谢”，或者求“上帝”保佑。说得更远一点，假如一个女人真的急需这笔钱来帮助住院的妹妹，并且她将来一定会偿还这笔债务呢？一般来说，声称需要医疗费用帮助的人经常被证明是在撒谎，可因此而惩罚她是不是过于残忍呢？一个以这种方式运作的世界会开始呈现令人绝望的模样。这就是那个道德问题：企业是否有权根据与其提供的服务不直接相关的抽象统计学预测标准来判断人们是否可以享受其服务呢？先不看财务领域，来看看受这种评判方式影响更大的领域，以聘用为例。在考量求职者条件时，雇主越来越多地搜集社交媒体的信息。如果他们寻找求职者在背地里说前雇主的坏话或者泄露前雇主秘密的证据，可能不会引发什么道德问题。他们甚至还可以因某人的脸谱网或照片墙表明其酗酒而拒绝录用他，这种理由也不可谓不合理，但是，如果他们发现一个看似无害，实则与他们在意的事情紧密相关的指标又会如何呢？"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画社会科学？", "input": "Source: 人人都在说谎赤裸裸的数据真相", "output": "这并不意味着社会科学革命将以简单、永恒的定律形式出现。麻省理工学院已故科学家马文·明斯基（Marvin Minsky）是最早研究人工智能可能性的科学家之一，他认为心理学是因试图模仿物理学而偏离轨道的。物理学成功找到了在任何时候、任何地方都适用的简单定律。明斯基认为，人脑可能不受此类定律的约束。相反，人脑很可能是一套复杂的黑客系统——其中一部分可以纠正其他部分出现的错误。经济和政治系统可能同样复杂。因此，社会科学革命不可能以简洁的公式形式出现，如E=MC。如果有人说社会科学革命以一个简洁的公式为基础，对此你应该持怀疑态度。相反，社会科学革命的进程是零敲碎打的，一项研究接着一项研究，一项发现接着一项发现。慢慢地，我们就可以更好地理解人类思想和社会的复杂系统。我们得出了正确的结论，也指明了未来更多问题的研究方向。对本书而言，其实很简单。我在本书中讨论过的数据集是革命性的，但几乎没有人研究过它们，我们还有很多东西需要学习。坦率地说，绝大多数学者忽略了数字时代造成的数据爆炸。世界上最著名的性研究者坚持用可靠、有效的方法。他们采访了数百个研究对象，调查了这些研究对象的愿望，他们不会从色情网站上搜寻数据。世界上最著名的语言学家分析个体文本，他们通常忽略数十亿本书中所揭示的模式。在心理学、政治科学和社会学研究生课程中，为师者所传授的大部分方法都没有受到数字革命的影响。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述科学？", "input": "Source: 从一到无穷大科学中的事实和臆测", "output": "讲清科学道理。当然，这也是一种类型的科普，但却绝不是唯一种类的科普，更不是科普的最高境界。作为一本优秀的科普著作，语言的通俗和科学概念的准确只是最起码的必要条件，甚至于连趣味性都可归入此列，除了这些基本要求之外，真正优秀的科普著作应该能向读者传达一种精神，一种思考的方法，能带给读者一种独特的视角，以及一种科学的品味，一种人文的观念。要达到这些标准，就对科普作家提出了更高的要求。在《从一到无穷大》这本书中，我们完全可以看到这些特征。在《从一到无穷大》这本很有个性和特色的书中，与其他常见的按主题分类来写作的科普著作不同，伽莫夫完全是一种大家的写作风格，把数学、物理乃至生物学的许多内容有机地融合在一起，iii 科普经典，名著名译(代序) 仿佛作者是想到哪说到哪，将叙述的内容信手拈来，事实上，仔细思考，就会感觉到其中各部分内容之间内在的紧密关系。按照某种分类，这本书或许可以算作“高级科普”，也就是说，要完全读懂它并不那么容易，需要读者具有某种程度的知识准备，还需要在阅读时随着作者的叙述自己动很多的脑筋来进行思考。记得我在上大学一年级初次读这本书时，就没有完全读懂，特别是其中讲述拓扑概念的那部分，也包括一部分数学内容的叙述。虽然后来听说在最初的中译本中，存在有一些数学公式上的错误，这也许是我没有读懂的"}
{"instruction": "空间在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 从一到无穷大科学中的事实和臆测", "output": "——译者第三章空间的不寻常的性质顺利地得到了证明。比如，在面包圈型中已经得出结论说，不管它怎样分划，要使相邻区域的颜色不致相同，至少需要七种颜色。这样的实例也做出来了。读者不妨再费点脑筋，找一个充气轮胎，再弄到七种颜色的油漆，给轮胎上漆，使每一色漆块都和另外六种颜色漆块相邻。如果做到这一点，他就可以声称他对面包圈型曲面确实心里“有谱”了。三、把空间翻过来到目前为止，我们所讨论的都是各种曲面，也就是二维空间的拓扑学性质。我们同样也可以对我们生存在内的这个三维空间提出类似的问题。这么一来，地图着色问题在三维情况下就变成了：用不同的物质制成不同形状的镶嵌体，并把它们拼成一块，使得没有两块同一种物质制成的子块有共同的接触面，那么，需要用多少种物质？什么样的三维空间对应于二维的球面或环状圆纹曲面呢？能不能设想出一些特殊空间，它们与一般空间的关系正好同球面或环状面与一般平面的关系一样？乍一看，这个问题似乎提得很没有道理，因为尽管我们能很容易地想出许多式样的曲面来，但却一直倾向于认为只有一种三维空间即我们所熟悉并在其中生活的物理空间。然而，这种观念是危险的，有欺骗性的。只要发动一下想像力，我们就能想出一些与欧几里得几何教科书中所讲述的空间大不相同的三维空间来。"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里毕达哥拉斯究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 从一到无穷大科学中的事实和臆测", "output": "方根了，因为虚数的平方总是负数，所以，采用闵可夫斯基坐标的普通毕达哥拉斯表式在数学上是和采用爱因斯坦坐标时似乎不太合理的表式等价的。有一个故事，说的是一个患关节炎的老人，他问自己的健康朋友是怎样避免这种病的。回答是：“我这一辈子每天早上都来个冷水浴。” “噢”前者喊道，“那你是改患了冷水浴病啰！” 如果你不喜欢前面那个似乎患了关节炎的毕达哥拉斯定理，那么，你不妨把它改成虚时间坐标这种冷水浴病由于在时空世界里第四个坐标是虚数，就必然会出现两种在物理上有所不同的四维距离。在上面那个纽约事件的例子中，两个事件之间的空间距离比时间间隔小（用同样的单位），毕达哥拉斯定理中根号内的数是负的。因此，我们所得到的是虚的四维距离；在后一个例子中，时间间隔比空间距离小，这样，根号内得到的是正数，这自然意味着两个事件之间存在着实的四维距离。如上所述，既然空间距离被看作实数，而时间间隔被看作纯虚数，我们就可以说，实四维距离同普通空间距离的关系比较密切；而第四章四维世界虚四维距离则比较接近于时间间隔。在采用闵可夫斯基的术语时，前一种四维距离称为类空间隔，后一种称为类时间隔。在下一章里，我们将看到类空间隔可以转变为正规的空间距离，时距*也可以转变为正规的时间间隔。然而，这两者一个是实数，一个"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，振动为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 从一到无穷大科学中的事实和臆测", "output": "误，就在于人们假设这种光以太具有类似我们所熟知的一般物体的性质。人们总是提到光以太的流动性、刚度和各种弹性性质，甚至还提到内摩擦。这一来，光以太就有了这样的性质：一方面，它在传递光波时，是一个振动的固体 ①；另一方面，它对天体的运动却没有丝毫阻力，显示出极完美的流动性。于是，光以太就被比作类似于火漆的物质。火漆是硬的，在机械力的迅速冲击下易碎；但如果静置足够长的时间，它又会因自己的重量而像蜂蜜那样流动。过去的物理学设想光以太与火漆相似，并充满整个星际空间。它对于光的传播这样的高速扰动，表现得像坚硬的固体；而对于速度只有光速的几千分之一的恒星和行星来悦，它又像液体一样被它们从前进的路上推开。这种我们可称之为模拟的观点，当用于一种除名称以外一无所知的物质上，以试图判断它具有那些我们所熟悉的普通物质的性质时，① 光波的振动己被证明是与光的行进方向相垂直，因而被称为横波。对一般物体来说，这种横向振动只发生在固体中。在液体和气体中，粒子的振动方向只能与波的行进方向相同。从一开始就遇到巨大的失败。尽管人们作了种种努力，仍找不出对这种神秘的光波传播媒介的合理力学解释。现在，以我们所具有的知识，是容易看出所有这一类尝试错在何处的。事实上，我们知道，一般物质的所有机械性质都可追溯到构成"}
{"instruction": "围绕显微镜，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 从一到无穷大科学中的事实和臆测", "output": "豆丁，胡椒粒，肥肉末，还有盐和水，一古脑儿搅在一起。日常生活中我们所见到的大部分物质，特别是有机物，一般都是混合物，尽管往往要用显微镜才能确认。比如，用低倍放大镜就能看出，牛奶是由均匀的白色液体和悬浮在其中的小滴奶油所组成的乳状液。在显微镜下可以看到，土壤是一种精细的混合物，其中含有石灰石、黏土、石英、铁的氧化物、其他矿物质、盐类以及各种动植物体腐烂而成的有机物质，如果把一块普通的花岗岩表面打磨光，就立即可以看出，这块石头是由三种不同物质（石英、长石和云母）的小晶粒牢固结合在一起组成的。在我们对物质的细微结构进行研究的这座下降的阶梯上，混合物只是第一位，或者说是楼梯口。紧接着，我们可以对混合物中每一种纯净物质的成分进行研究。对于真正的纯净物质，如一段铜丝、一杯水或室内的空气*（悬浮的灰尘不算在内），用显微镜 * 作者这里有一个疏忽。空气并不是纯净物质，而是氮气、氧气等多种气体的混合物。——译者第六章下降的阶梯观察时看不出有任何不同组成的迹象，它们好像是完全一致的。的确，铜线等所有真正的固体（玻璃之类的非结晶体除外）在高倍放大下都显示出所谓微晶结构。在纯净物质中，我们看到的所有晶体都是同一种类型的——铜丝中都是铜晶体，铝锅上都是铝晶体，食盐里只能看到氯化钠晶体。"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，原子意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 从一到无穷大科学中的事实和臆测", "output": "乱奔腾。应用布拉格的方法，虽然不能“咔嚓”一下就得到照片，但合成的照片却也同样完美。这就好像在由于技术原因而不能在一第六章下降的阶梯张底片上摄下整座大教堂时，不会有人反对用几张胶片来分拍一样。后面的图版I 就是这样得到的一张X 光照片，拍的是六甲苯。化学家是这样写它的：由六个碳原子构成的碳环，以及与它们连接的另外六个碳原子都在照片上清楚地显现出来了。较轻的氢原子感光微弱，几乎看不出来。哪怕是最最多疑的人，在亲眼看到这样的照片以后，也该会同意分子和原子确确实实是存在的了吧！五、把原子劈开德谟克利特给原子起的名称，在希腊文中有“不可再分者” 的意思，就是说，这些微粒是对物质进行分割的最终界限，或者说，原子是组成物体的最小、最简单的组成部分。经过几千年，“原子”这个以往的哲学概念现在已经有了精确的科学内容，它已被大量的实验证据所充实，成了有血有肉的实体。与此同时，原子是不可分的这个概念仍然始终存在着。过去人们设想，不同元素的原子之所以具有不同的性质，是因为各种原子的几何形状不同的缘故。例如，人们曾经认为，氢原子是球形的，钠原子和钾原子是长椭球形的；另一方面，氧原子的形状被设想成面包圈形的，不过，中心的那个洞几乎被封死了。这样，在氧原子两边的洞里各放"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画普通？", "input": "Source: 从一到无穷大科学中的事实和臆测", "output": "可以设想，这种粒子是中子获得一个负电荷或者失去一个正电荷（两者的意思是一样的）而变成的。不难理解。这种负质子也和正电子一样，是不会在我们这个物质世界中长久存在的。事实上，它们将立即被附近的带正电原子核所吸引和吸收，大概还会转化为中子。因此，即使这种负质子确实作为基本粒子的对称粒子而存在，它也是不第七章现代炼金术容易被发现的。要知道，正电子的发现是在普通负电子的概念进入科学后又过了将近半个世纪才发生的事呢！如果确实有负质子存在，我们就可以设想存在着所谓反原子和反分子。它们的原子核由中子（和一般物质中的一样）和负质子组成，外面围绕着正电子。这些“反原子”的性质和普通原子的性质完全相同，所以你根本看不出水与“反水”、奶油与“反奶油”等东西有什么不同 ——除非把普通物质和“反物质”凑到一起。如果这两种相反的物质相遇，两种相反的电子就会立即发生湮没，两种相反的质子也会立即中和，这两种物质就会以超过原子弹的程度猛烈爆炸。因此，如果果真的存在着由反物质构成的星系，那么，从我们这个星系扔去一块普通的石头，或者从那里飞来一块石头，在它们着陆时都会立即成为一颗原子弹。有关反原子的奇想，到这里就算告一段落吧。现在我们来考虑另一类基本粒子。这种粒子也是颇不寻常的，而且在各类可进"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把原子核放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 从一到无穷大科学中的事实和臆测", "output": "况对比一下，就会觉得诧异：既然所有比银重的元素都是不稳定的，为什么只在最重的几种元素（如铀、镭、钍）上才观察到自发衰变呢？这是因为虽然所有比银重的元素在理论上都可以看作是放射性元素，并且它们也确实都在渐渐地衰变成轻元素，不过在大多数情况下，自发衰变进行得非常缓慢，以致无法发现这种过程。一些大家熟悉的元素，如碘、金、汞、铅等等，它们的原子在一个世纪中说不定只分裂一两个。这可太慢了，用任何灵敏的物理仪器都无法记录下来。只有最重的元素，由于它们自发分裂的趋势很强，才能产生能够观测出的放射性来 ①。这种相对的嬗变率还决定了不稳定原子核的分裂方式。例如，铀的原子就可能以几种方式裂开：或者是分裂成两块相等的部分，或者是三块相等的部分，或者是许多块大小不等的部分。不过，最容易发生的是分成一个α粒子和一个剩余的子核。根据观察，铀原子核自行裂成两块相等部分的机会要比放射出一个α粒子的机会低数百万倍。所以，在一克铀中，每一秒内都有上万个原子核进行放射α粒子的分裂，而要观测到一次分成两块相等部分的裂变，却要等上几分钟呢！放射现象的发现，不容置疑地证明了原子核结构的复杂性，也打开了人工产生（或激发）核嬗变的道路。它使我们想到，如 ① 以铀为例，1 克铀中每秒钟有几千个原子进行分裂。"}
{"instruction": "作者借分子想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 从一到无穷大科学中的事实和臆测", "output": "还起不起作用呢？一个细菌，一生都被分子冲来撞去，它当然会对我们关于热不能变成机械运动的观点嗤之以鼻的！不过，我们应该看到，这时熵定律已失去了它本来的意义。而不应认为这个定律不正确。事实上，这个定律叙述的是：分子运动不能完全转化成包含有极大量分子的物体的运动。而一个细菌，它比周围分子也大不了许多，对它来说，热运动和机械运动的区别已经不存在，它被周围分子冲来撞去，就好像一个人在激动的人群中被大家冲得东倒西歪一样。如果我们是细菌，那么，只要把我们自己接到一个飞轮上，就会造成一台第二类永动机。但这时我们已经没有大脑来想办法利用它了。因此，我们无须因我们不是细菌而感到遗憾的！当把熵的增加定律应用到生物体时，仿佛产生了矛盾。事实上生长着的植物（从空气中）摄入二氧化碳的简单分子，（从土壤里）吸收水，并把它们合成复杂的有机物分子以组成自身。从简单分子到复杂分子意味着熵的减小。在其他一般情况下，如燃烧木头而把木头分子分解成二氧化碳和水分子时，这个过程是熵增大的过程。难道植物真的违反了熵的增加定律吗？是不是植物内部真的像过去的一些哲学家所认为的那样，有种神秘的活力在帮助它生长呢？对这个问题所进行的分析表明。并不存在这种矛盾。因为植物在摄入二氧化碳、水和某些盐类的同时，还吸收了许多阳光。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价分子？", "input": "Source: 从一到无穷大科学中的事实和臆测", "output": "长分裂现象时，也不能期望存在一个明确的界线。生命现象虽然比结晶这种简单分子现象复杂得多。但从根本上来讲，却并没有什么不同。不过，对于刚才那个例子，我们倒是可以这样说：晶体在溶液中生长的过程，只不过是把“食物”不加变化地集中在一起，只是原来和水混在一起的盐分子简单地聚集到晶体表面上来，这只是物质的单纯机械增减，而不是生物化学上的吸收；晶粒的偶然裂开也不过是由重力造成的，而且各裂块的大小也不成比例。这与活细胞由于内部作用力的结果而不断准确分成两个细胞实在没有什么相似之处，因此，不能将它看成生命现象。再来看看下面这个例子，它与生物学过程更为相似。如果在二氧化碳水溶液中加入一个酒精分子（C2H5OH）后，这个酒精分子能够自行把水分子和二氧化碳分子一个个合成新的酒精分第九章生命之谜子 ①，那么，我们只要往苏打水中滴入一滴威士忌，就会把全部苏打水变成纯威士忌酒。这下子，酒精就真的可算是个活物了！图91 假如一个酒精分子能够把水分子和二氧化碳分子组合成一个个新的酒精分子的话，就会是这个样子。如果这种“自我合成”真能实现的活，那就真该把酒精看作活物了这个例子并非纯属虚构，后面我们可以看到，确实存在一种叫做病毒的复杂化学物质，它的复杂分子（由几十万个原子组成）就能够从周围环境中取得分子，把它们构成与自己相同的分子。"}
{"instruction": "这段关于染色体的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 从一到无穷大科学中的事实和臆测", "output": "内部的某个地方。因此，想要了解每个基因的“生活目的”，就得细心研究动植物在一代代繁衍中各个遗传性质的传递方式我们已经知道，每一个新生命从自己父母那里各得到一半数目的染色体。既然父母的染色体又都是它们自己父母染色体的一半组成的，我们可能会想到，这个新生命从祖父或祖母、外祖父或外祖母方面，只能分别得到一个人的遗传信息。但事实不一定如此，有时祖父、祖母、外祖父、外祖母都把自己的某些特性传给自己的孙辈。这是否推翻了上述染色体的传递规律呢？不，这个规律没有错，只是过于简单了。我们必须考虑到这样一种情况：当被储备起来的生殖细胞准备进行减数分裂而变成两个配子时，成对的染色体往往会发生缠结，交换其组成部分。图99a 和b 简示了这类导致来自父母的基因混杂化的交换过程，这就是混合遗传的原因。还有这样一种情况：一条染色体本身也可能弯成一个圈子，然后再从别的地方断开，从而改变了基因的顺序（图99c，图版Ⅴb）。显然，两条染色体的部分交换及一条染色体的变更顺序非常可能使原来相距很远的基因接近，而使原来的近邻分开。这就如同给一副扑克牌错一下牌，这时虽然只分开一对相邻的牌，却会改变这一副牌上下两部分的相对位置（还会把首尾两张牌凑到一起）。因此，如果某两项遗传性质在染色体发生改变的情况下，仍"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对岩石的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 从一到无穷大科学中的事实和臆测", "output": "通过估算地壳内岩石的年龄，也得到了同样的数据。乍一看来，岩石好像并不包含有改变的因素，因此，人们才常用“不渝如石”这句成语。但在实际上，许多种岩石中都有一种天然钟，依靠它们，有经验的地质学家可以判断出这些岩石自熔融状态凝固以来所经过的时间。这种揭露岩石年龄的地质钟就是微量的铀和钍。在地面和地下各个深度的岩石里，常常会有它们的踪迹。在第七章里我们看到过，这些原子会自发进行缓慢的放射性衰变，并以生成稳定的元素铅而告终。为了确定含有这些放射性元素的岩石有多大年龄，我们只要测出由于长期放射性衰变而积累起来的铅元素的含量就行了。事实上，只要岩石处在熔融状态下，放射性衰变的产物就会因扩散和对流作用而离开原处。一旦岩石凝固以后，放射性元素所转变成的铅就会开始积累起来，其数量可以准确地告诉我们这个过程持续的时间。这种情况就和间谍从乱扔在太平洋两座岛屿上棕榈林里的空啤酒罐头盒的数目，就可以判断出一只敌人舰队在这个地方驻扎过多长时间一样。近来，人们又应用经改进过的技术，精确地测定了岩石中的铅同位素及其他不稳定同位素（如铷87 和钾40）的衰变产物的积累量，由此算出最古老的岩石约存在了45 亿年。因此，我们的结论是：地壳一定是在大约50 亿年前由熔岩凝成的。因此，我们能够想像出，地球在50 亿年前是一个完全熔融的"}
{"instruction": "文中关于恒星的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 从一到无穷大科学中的事实和臆测", "output": "某个预定图样的可能性一样低。但是另一方面，我们也不要忘记，不断相撞的原子是那么多，时间又是那么长，迟早总会出现这种机会的。我们地球上的生命在地壳形成后不久就出现了，这个事实表朋，尽管看起来好像不可能，但复杂的有机分子确实能在几亿年的时间内靠偶然的机会生成。一旦这种最简单的生命形式在新行星的表面上诞生，它们的繁殖和逐步进化，必将导致越来越复杂的生物体不断形成 ①。我们还不知道，在各个“可供居住”的行星上，生命的进化是否也遵循着同地球上一样的过程。因此，对这些地方的生命进行研究，将使我们对进化过程得到根本的了解。不久的将来，我们会乘“核动力推进的空间飞船”作进一步的探险旅行，去火星和金星（太阳系中最为“可供居住”的行星）上对它们是否有生命存在进行研究。至于在几百、几千光年远的世界上是否有生命存在，以及那里的生命存在方式，则恐怕是科学上永远无法解答的问题了。二、恒星的“私生活” 对于恒星如何拥有自己的行星家族，我们已有了一定了解，现在该考虑一下恒星本身了。恒星的履历如何？有关它们的诞生、长期的变化以及最后的结局，详细情况又是怎样呢？要研究这类问题，我们不妨先从太阳入手，因为它是我们这个银河系的几十亿颗恒星中很典型的一颗。首先，我们知道，太阳的寿数很高。因为据古生物学的资料来判断，太阳已经以不变的"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对博大精深给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 从一到无穷大科学中的事实和臆测", "output": "我的同行中，有一位是教物理的，他的教学水平是人人折服的。至于好在哪里，却是仁者见仁、智者见智，从只需捏着几只粉笔上课，到信手能在黑板上画出不比用圆规逊色的圆来，都是众师生津津乐道的话题。我曾经同他梳理过别人对他的评论，他告诉我说，这些评论，大多涉及的只是些皮毛，其实，最使他莫逆于心的评论是一名学生在毕业后来信所说的——这位老师使他认识到，物理学竟这样有趣。希望伽莫夫所著的《从一到无穷大》这本书，能被读者认为是符合上述标准的好书，是那位物理教师一样的良师。至少我在每次看这本书的时候，这种感觉都是非常强烈的。看了这本书而不承认科学的有趣，恐怕是不大可能的。固然，作者本人所继承的俄罗斯博大精深的文学传统，移民美国后感染译后记的开朗乐天的情绪，妙趣横生的行文，与之相得益彰的作者亲手绘制的漫画式插图，生动贴切的比喻及科学家的名言轶事，都对增加这本书的可读性大有裨益。不过，真正吸引人的本质性东西，是这本书道出了真理，揭示了真理间的关联，提出了令人信服的预言，并将科学知识与民众生活交织起来。这就使读者有幸体验悟道的欣喜、出谷迁乔的舒畅，以及“万物皆备于我”的自信。从这个意义上说，《从一到无穷大》既像渊博的历史书，娓娓而谈，又像满腹哲理的老史在从容讲述，丰富、生动、形象而又不强"}
{"instruction": "这段叙述对贝克特的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 我生命中的幽灵 关于抑郁症、幽灵学和消失的未来", "output": "③ 无名怨愤，尼采哲学体系中的一个概念,指弱者因长期被压迫又无力反抗而产生憎恨、嫉妒、报复等情绪。的消极团结（11\"示十6 5。1汨&I近），也就是说，我们不去庆祝进一步的解放，却为了其他群体陷入苦痛而幸灾乐祸;这是特别悲哀的，因为提到的群体绝大多数都是工人阶级。相对于什么的怀旧？这又是一个关于怀旧的问题：幽灵学是不是像很多批评家说的那样，只是怀旧的代名词？是不是对社会民主和其体制的一种苦盼无果？考虑到我上文提到的形式怀旧的无所不在,这个问题就变成了：相对于什么的怀旧？人们时常不得不辩解，将今昔相比,而今不如昔,这并不等于怀旧，也无须受到谴责，这种辩解本身就有点奇怪，但民粹主义和公关的去历史化压力就是有此种威力，迫使人必须明确做出上述声明。公关和民粹主义宣传了一种相对论式的幻觉,认为强度和创新在所有文化时期都均等分布。抬高过去的错误倾向使怀旧变得令人厌恶:但是，安迪-贝克特①讨论英国20世纪70 年代历史的著作《当灯熄灭时》给我们上了这样一课:从很多方面看来，我们都错误地低估了 70年代，贝克特实际上表明，资本主义现实主义是建立在对这十年的妖魔化之上的。相反,无处不在的公关宣传诱使我们错误地高估了现在，而那些不记得过去的人则注定面对这样的惩罚，即过去永远不断"}
{"instruction": "文中关于戈尔迪的核心论点是什么？", "input": "Source: 我生命中的幽灵 关于抑郁症、幽灵学和消失的未来", "output": "的声音，这些音乐人的名字也仿佛加密的赛博朋克标签,与任何人物属性或地点脱离开来。丛林舞曲最好的欣赏方式是把它当作匿名的电子一力比多电流，仿佛一系列情感或特效，从创作者身上脱落开来，并穿梭于不同的制作人之间。它听起来像是某种无生命的声音形式，一种凶猛的、野生的人工智能，不经意间在工作室中被叫醒，这些碎拍像是被基因增强过的猎犬，奋力试图从拴着它们的铁链中挣脱。鲁非吉-克鲁是我认识的为数不多的丛林舞曲音乐人之一。因为西蒙・雷诺兹曾经在现已停刊的《旋律制造者》①杂志上发表过一篇福音书般的关于丛林舞曲的文章，我意识到鲁非吉・克鲁是戈尔迪使用的化名之一，而在匿名非常普遍的丛林舞曲界，戈尔迪几乎独一无二，那时已渐为人知。如果说要为这种不露脸的音乐选择一张脸的话，那么戈尔迪，这位有着混血身份的戴着金牙的前涂鸦艺术家则是非常棒的人选。戈尔迪深受嘻哈文化的影响与塑造，但之后不可逆转地被锐舞的集体澹妄改造。他的生涯成为一系列困局的寓言。任何一 ①《旋律制造者》（上叱V”我\"），英国音乐周刊，创立于1926 年，在2000年停刊. 个制作人想要从硬核连续体的才华场①中脱颖而出，通常意味着要与音乐制作环境本质上的集体属性脱离干系。这是戈尔迪无法抵挡的诱惑，但耐人寻味的是,就在他停止使用非个人化的、集体的名"}
{"instruction": "这段文字对柯蒂斯给出了怎样的解释？", "input": "Source: 我生命中的幽灵 关于抑郁症、幽灵学和消失的未来", "output": "一个仅仅二十多岁的年轻人。一把上了膛的枪不会让你自由 — 你如是说 \"一把上了膛的枪不会让你自由\"，柯蒂斯在《未知的快乐》专辑中的《新黎明的消逝》中唱道，但他听起来对此并不相信。黛博拉-柯蒂斯写道：\"在对《新黎明的消逝》的歌词反复思考之后，我与伊恩聊了这个问题，想让他确认这些只是歌词而已，与他的真实生活感受并不相像。这是一次单方面的谈话。他拒绝承认或否认我提出的任何观点，然后他就走出了家门。我反而怀疑自己，但又找不到任何足够亲近的人来诉说我的担忧。他真的会在知道自己二十多岁就打算自杀的情况下还和我结婚吗？如果你不打算看着孩子长大，为什么还要做父亲？难道是我对他的不幸无动于衷，以至于他不得不写下这些东西吗？\"①男性对死亡的欲望一直是摇滚乐的潜台词，但在快乐小分队之前,它是以性欲为借口偷渡到摇滚乐中的，是一只披着狼皮的黑狗— 是伪装成厄洛斯的塔纳托斯②--或者说它涂抹着滑稽哑剧的厚重粉底。自杀是对真实性的保证，以最有说服力的方式证明你是玩儿真的(4 ^31)0自杀有美化生活的力量，能够美化日常的一地鸡毛、冲突、矛盾、失望、未完成的事业，以及“浪费、发烧和热”— 将其变为一个冰冷的谜，就像彼得・萨维尔在唱片封套上模拟的\"大理石和石头” 那样，或柯蒂斯在《在一个孤独的地方》的歌词中的"}
{"instruction": "这一段对皮斯的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 我生命中的幽灵 关于抑郁症、幽灵学和消失的未来", "output": "的角色形象的相符程度，无论是克拉夫、肯尼斯- 威廉姆斯、布莱尔，还是弗罗斯特。（怪异的是，角色之间会相互渗透--某些时候,好像辛扮演的浮夸的克拉夫变成了肯尼斯-威廉姆斯。）当然，皮斯相较于电影人来说是有优势的:文字小说可以比电影更快地超越近代历史人物的电视形象,但一个比辛更有勇气和存在感的演员可能会超越外在形象, 达到电视镜头无法企及的真实的克拉夫。相反，辛用一种平常的方式展现出对角色行为举止和说话方式的描摹,在力所能及的范围内表现还算合格,但他缺乏的是皮斯赋予克拉夫这个角色的备受折磨的内心生活。即使所有人的演技都一致精湛，影片需要的东西也远比胡珀能提供的要多得多，那样才能唤起皮斯世界里的恐惧和苦难；但毫无情感的摄像和槽糕的配乐让胡珀的《魔鬼联队》看起来更像是对真实事件的戏剧夸张，而不是皮斯小说的改编电影。接下来，接下来:吉米-萨维尔和\"被审判的70年代\" 2013年7月事件的转折完全像是某种仪式化刺杀行动。它不是对身体的刺杀— 身体已经死了--而是对名字的。好像缔结了某种契约--在你接下来的人生里，你的名誉将不会被玷污（或者说尽可能不会被玷污）,但在你死后一年，你的名誉将被彻底毁灭。没有任何东西、任何一点残渣能够幸免。你的墓碑会被掘走。你住过的顶楼豪宅将被拆除。"}
{"instruction": "英国在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 我生命中的幽灵 关于抑郁症、幽灵学和消失的未来", "output": "进口的广告。\"确实，他的新专辑《不真实》（52上\"）里有一首曲子名叫《英国》（\"50；还有一首听起来最哀怨的叫《锐舞爱好者》（\"区村红\"）。埋葬的伦敦好像充斥着颓废锐舞爱好者的都市,他们回到昔日的狂欢之地，发现它们已成废墟，于是被迫面对后锐舞生活的日常妥协与他们曾经践行的集体狂欢之间的落差。埋葬是对过去的再次发梦,将被遗弃的风格残骸浓缩成梦幻般的蒙太奇。他的音乐更像是一种哀悼，而不是忧郁症的产物，因为他仍然对失去的客体抱有怀念,仍不放弃希望，期待它有天能回来。他说「很多我晚上播放的那些老音乐，我听的时候会觉得里面有什么东西让我感到悲伤。有几个我最喜欢的制作人和口！现在已经死了— 我在所有的这些老音乐里听到了他们的希幽灵学望，想要把英国联合起来。但他们做不到，因为英国在往别的方向改变着,离我们远去。可能是那时候,英国在夜店和其他地方没给人那么强的人工感和自我存在感，也不是被互联网创造出来的。它有更多传言、更多地下趣闻轶事。每个人都可以晚上出去玩，然后自己去发现它。因为你能在人身上，在他们的眼睛里发现它。那些锐舞爱好者处在自己生活的边缘，他们没有领头也没有落后,他们只是在那里，音乐意味着一切。90年代的时候，你能感觉到，这些东西从他们身上被剥走了。"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的丹尼是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 我生命中的幽灵 关于抑郁症、幽灵学和消失的未来", "output": "可怕的必然性、“普遍决定论\"的描述，甚至比电影更残酷）。杰克有暴力史。在《闪灵》的原著和电影中，托伦斯一家被杰克将要再次伤害丹尼的预兆萦绕着。杰克曾经发作过，在醉酒之后殴打丹尼。是一次误差，一次运算失误，“一种临时的肌肉失调，略多了几英尺磅每秒，每秒①”:杰克是这样说服温迪的，而温迪也想这样说服自己。小说的内容更多。事情是怎么演变成这样的,一个像杰克这样的骄傲的男人、受过教育的男人，却沦落到坐在那里，虚假油腻的微笑堆满了他的脸，然后对斯图尔特-乌尔曼这样虚情假意的社畜非实体说的所有话都全盘接受？为什么？当然是因为他在学校体罚学生而被免职了。所以杰克才能接受，欣然接受乌尔曼为他提供的在远景酒店中没技术含量的工作。暴力史可以追溯到更早。电影里没有，而原著里用了不少篇幅来讲述的部分就是杰克和他父亲的关系。简直就是父权制神秘学历史的另一个版本，只不过现在没有神秘了：暴力引发暴力。杰克对待丹尼的方式就是杰克父亲曾经对待他的方式。丹尼也会这样对待他的孩子……吗？暴力传播出去，就像病毒。它就在杰克体内, 好像一张等待被冲洗出来的照片，一张等待被播放的唱片。① 英尺磅每秒,即缶山人,动量单位,1英尺磅每秒约等于0.14 千克力米。幽灵学抑制,重播①……"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述卡朋特？", "input": "Source: 我生命中的幽灵 关于抑郁症、幽灵学和消失的未来", "output": "里工艮塞巴斯蒂安的公寓。专辑里的歌曲以细致入微的精巧工艺制作而成，和基因设计师兼玩具制作师塞巴斯蒂安制作出的哀伤的全自动机械人偶一样精密，都是由发条机械与计算机组成的怪异混合体，既过时又超现代，既有趣又阴险。里希特的作品由相似的异质化材料构建而成-唱片炒豆声、短波电台、钟琴、各种方式的采样，大部分来自原声乐器。除了《空虚》（\"V0出”）这首-具有蒸汽朋克风格的约翰-卡朋特式的曲子，背景中弥漫着窃窃私语的人声，似乎在密谋着什么--音乐感觉上并不是非常电子。你会觉得里希特也使用了最新的科技来制造一种时间错乱的幻觉，就像塞巴斯蒂安那些会说话的机械人偶一样。这张专辑仿佛能让你闻到失而复得的物件上掉下来的灰尘的味道。但是，这些声音的重写本是如此错综复杂地叠在一起，以至于无法确定里希特和他的合作者到幽灵学底演奏了什么，到底从存档中召唤出了什么。声音被处理、倒放、减速，从而让原始声源显得像个谜。这些声音的阴影在听觉范围的边缘飘忽来去，有一种不明显却持续运动的感觉。里希特成功地把自己的作者身份抹除了 ,好像是他偷偷溜进房间里,录下了这些物体在演奏自己（对自己演奏）。专辑第一首曲子《约拿坦》（0011汕311\"）里，炒豆声、毛毛雨声的田野录音和白噪音的切入，为哀愁的钢琴做铺垫。"}
{"instruction": "电影在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 我生命中的幽灵 关于抑郁症、幽灵学和消失的未来", "output": "小时候伴着电影一起长大,被动地接受它们, 还不能理解电影情节里面成人的忧愁和动机,这促使我把这些电影看作个人语法。我别无选择，因此,我最终获得的是一种林奇式的连续事件库，它承载着每一种恐惧、欢乐，以及两者之间的一切。这些事依然充满深不可测的、无法解释的、诱人的神秘感，因为我根本无法真正地理解它们。它们既天马行空又生动，给我提供了图像的宝库和极广的情绪调性,到现在我仍然取之不尽。很久之后,我接触到了\"电影\"（01151。— 或者说正式的对电影的批判性观点—那种更知识分子式的、法国式的样貌。我根本认不出那是电影。后来，我开始有点喜欢这种视角，用一种更抽离的、怀疑的方式去观看。对我来说，好像那种批评方式往往有种美妙的巴洛克风格，引人入胜，但这和我自己对电影的体验没太大关系。我看待电影的方式就是把它当作绝妙的虚构的建构，像中世纪宗教或者量子物理一样------ 种经由布道而创造的共识性社会幻觉。毕竟,它和我自己的构想一样偏题。但电影或制作电影的那种十分粗糙的、即兴的、业余的方面一直让我深深着迷。就拿艾德-伍德①的电影来说，他拍电影纯粹是因为只有在这个领域里他才能做这些事。我把艾德・伍德看作某种高级的天真艺术家。他是最早制作剪切电影的人之一。他通过使用仓"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里关联究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 我生命中的幽灵 关于抑郁症、幽灵学和消失的未来", "output": "他形式的生命可能与我们一起进化，但我们看不见，因为他们和我们很接近。\"藏在光天化日之下”是一个不错的想法，这件事本身就很有意思— 在一个层面上，它与戏法、小花招、骗子伎俩有关联,但在另一个层面上,它很难察觉，靠直觉引导感知。它可能会引出极其动人的、脆弱的、温柔的情境。在比喻义上非常引人共鸣。另一个例子是—我对\"奇点\"这个概念非常感兴趣。一个只发生一次的事件，或者说几千几百万年才发生一次的事件。可能这种节奏会延长到几千万年，所以我们无法辨认，只能把它看作不可关联的、无法解释的事件。但我们无法把它们放到某个背景里解释并不代表它们没发生。另外一个思想实验是把\"天使\"这个概念看作事物之间的连接。一种只存在于事物之间的实体。像某种网或者连接。它们的出现纯粹是作为生态进化过程中一种内在的、看不见的、未察觉的组成部分，这种生态可以支持任何它们存在于其间的东西。它们没办法独立存在。我们很多人都遇到过这种小事— 从巧合到所有的事情--我们无法用常用的参照物来解释。我对这些事情很感兴趣，一直都是。通过这些不寻常的事，我们瞥见了一些处于我们通常看待世幽灵学界的方式之外的东西,并意识到可能存在一种别的观看方式，我们已有的感知方式之外的另一种感知，我觉得这种可能性非常宝贵，应当牢牢把"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，巴特利为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 我生命中的幽灵 关于抑郁症、幽灵学和消失的未来", "output": "流行乐。与之相对，迪斯科以来的舞曲提供的是另一种情绪调色盘，基于一种摆脱个人自我苦难的不同模式。21世纪总感觉像急速纵欲之后的颓废，或者说是流放回私人化的自我之中，《北》中的歌曲就具有这种百忧解戒断反应般的焦虑清醒。非常重要的一点是,《北》中大部分的数码干预都用在了詹姆斯-巴特利的人声上。大部分人声听起来好像录制于信号不稳的手机上。这让我想起了弗兰科-贝拉尔迪关于信息过载和抑郁症的讨论。贝拉尔迪认为，不是互联网泡沫破碎①导致了抑郁症，而是相反：泡沫破碎是由于新兴的信息技术给人类神经系统造成了过多压力。现在，互联网泡沫破碎已经过去十多年了，信息的密度已经有了大规模的增长。现在，典型的劳动者就是呼叫中心的员工— 他们是平腐的赛博格,一旦从通信矩阵上拔出自己的插头，就会遭到处罚。在《北》中，詹姆斯-巴特利饱受数字麻痹的折磨，他的声音听起来像是一个植入体和接口都松动了的赛博格,正重新学习如何成为人类，但并不享受这个过程。《北》就像坎耶・维斯特在2008年发行的专辑《心碎节拍》，只不过去掉了那些光鲜亮丽的东西。相同的体验派忧郁症、定位于20世纪80年代早期的合成器流行乐，明明白白地体现在《心碎节拍》的专辑封面中，封套设计呼应着彼得-萨维尔给新秩序乐队设计的《蓝色星期一》和《力量、腐败、谎言》"}
{"instruction": "围绕弥赛亚，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 我生命中的幽灵 关于抑郁症、幽灵学和消失的未来", "output": "场所中的污溃吉-沃彻（小6 V^6^，她为无政府朋克乐队克拉斯（（：血55）制作了充满矛盾又如照片般逼真的唱片封面和海报。福特说「我觉得我想通过小杂志这种形式恢复激进政治,把它融入一种美学,而这种美学已经被广告宣传和肖迪奇街区的夜店弄得失去棱角了。那种无政府朋克的样貌已经到处都是，但它的激进批判则彻底没有了。所以，回到70年代晚期和80年代早期是很重要的，那时候社会正在经历巨变，有暴动和罢工、令人兴奋的文化圈和日常生活结构上的裂痕」\"回到”后朋克其实是进入另一种当下的路径。然而这种回归只是回归总体上的风格和方法— 像《野人弥赛亚》这样的东西在当时基本上是不太可能存在的。《野人弥赛亚》是一幅巨大的、未完成的拼贴画一像城市一样-不断地重新配置着自己。宏观和微观叙事都像块茎一样迅速增生;蛛网一般的标语再度出现;这些人物穿梭于不同版本的伦敦，有时被困在广告和伦敦再生宣传想象出的沉闷而闪亮的空间中，有时则自由漂泊。她使用拼贴画的手法和威廉-巴勒斯很相似:在时间之战里充当武器。剪切可以打乱既定的叙事，打破习惯，让新的联想去合并。在《野人弥赛亚》中,伦敦那天衣无缝、业已确立的资本主义现实溶解成了各种可能的暴动。《野人弥赛亚》是为那些不能被再生的人写的，哪怕他们想要再生。"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，格兰特意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 我生命中的幽灵 关于抑郁症、幽灵学和消失的未来", "output": "格兰特-基告诉麦克法伦,从摇滚乐到文学的这种转变是自然而然发生的，因为他的感性是被20世纪70 年代的英国音乐文化塑造的。格兰特-基声称，如果塞巴尔德在70年代开始写作，他肯定会与其他先锋文学大师一道被《新音乐速报》杂志提及。格兰特-基从2004年开始阅读塞巴尔德，是被朋友推荐的，这位朋友就是小说家杰夫-努恩①。电影有些神秘的标题是它早期版本本来要呈现的样子的残余物。现在这个标题暗示着萨福克风景令时间变慢，令人从城市的急迫中解脱，但其实它引自塞巴尔德的小说《奥斯特利茨》5心历/心，2001）中的一个段落「奥斯特利茨告诉我,他有时候会在这里坐上好几个小时，背面朝上铺开这些照片或者他收藏的其他照片,就像在玩一场耐心的游戏。然后,他又把这些照片逐一翻过来，每一次他都会对自己见到的东西感到惊讶。他把这些照片挪来挪去，按照相似程度分组排列,或者将它们从游戏中撤出，直到只剩下灰色桌面；要不就是直到他被思考和回忆弄得精疲力竭,不得不躺在没有靠背的矮沙发上。\" 格兰特-基最开始想要制作一部关于塞巴尔德作品中的非地方的电影:宾馆的房间或火车站的候车大厅，角色在其中沉思、对话或崩溃（奥斯特利茨本人最后在利物浦大街站的等候室里，对自己的身份有了撕心裂肺的觉醒）。然而最后，格兰特-"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画和伯登？", "input": "Source: 我生命中的幽灵 关于抑郁症、幽灵学和消失的未来", "output": "与此同时，诺兰根据克里斯托弗-普里斯特的小说《致命魔术》改编的电影，实际上却是一部有着明确反派而没有单一主角的电影:在电影的结尾，魔术师安吉尔和伯登在很多方面互为复像,就像他们在互相斗争中被定义和毁灭一样。更常见的是,哀悼是这种反派复像之源。哀悼本身就是一个无法解开的谜题,令对手坍缩成一个哀悼的客体是某种（心灵上的）节约，因为哀悼不光包括对丧失的客体的哀思,也包括对该客体拒不放手的执念挣扎。但科布的哀悼有着某种空洞：以其自身的方式来看,这种哀悼仅仅是该类型片要求的角色性格特质，除此以外不能传达任何东西。相反，他代替着别的东西，另一种悲伤--即电影试图点出却又无法说清的某种丧失。这种丧失的其中一个方面与无意识本身有关, 场所中的污溃这里我们可以按照字面意义去理解诺兰的剧本。对于那些喜欢往精神分析方向去理解的人，剧本反复提到的\"潜意识\"一与无意识相对一错得让人难受，但这也可能是某种弗洛伊德式的口误，并且还是特别有揭示力的那种。《盗梦空间》里展开的地形已经不再是古典的无意识了 ,不再是那个没有人性的工厂，按照让-弗朗索瓦-利奥塔①的说法，精神分析\"借助罗马或埃及这类外国城镇或国家的图像\"，将其描述为\"就像皮拉内西②的《监狱》（丁五6 1）7-150715）或艾舍尔的《另一'个世界》（&九\""}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把汉兹放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 我生命中的幽灵 关于抑郁症、幽灵学和消失的未来", "output": "的多愁善感。通过强烈且令人耳目一新的对比，马蒂森使用的声音--同时具有诱惑力和疏离感— 把抒情性从个人情绪中解放出来，释放了 “音乐''枷锁里的声音潜能。如果把《汉兹沃斯之歌》的画面全部去除掉，它依然可以被当作一部动人心弦的声音散文。马蒂森的录音设备在电影里捕捉到了一个最出乎意料的瞬间，是现在早已过时的系列纪录片《电视眼》（IV七方）的制片人和场地经理之间的对话,那时他们在准备这个节目的特别版，打算在托特纳姆的观众面前录制。两人的对话显示出，在 “纯粹技术\"问题与政治问题之间划清界限是几乎不可能的。制片人开始只是担心打光问题,但很快就变成了担心观众里的非白人比例的问题。对话里冷静陈述事实的语气让演播厅的这短短一瞥变得更加令人不安一也更能说明问题。在泰特美术馆进行的放映和讨论提醒着大家，\"主流媒体\"并不是一块石碑，而是一片地域。680 场所中的污渍和四频道能在20世纪60年代至90年代成为流行实验主义的平台，并不是因为广播公司的大度。不是:它是在各种力量斗争的基础上才得以实现的，这些力量既是政治力量,也是文化力量，它们既不满足于待在边缘，也不满足于复制现有的主流形式。《汉兹沃斯之歌》是这场斗争的光辉产物-- 也是对我们重新开始这场斗争的呼唤。\"察觉不到的未来的震颤3"}
{"instruction": "作者借胶片想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 我生命中的幽灵 关于抑郁症、幽灵学和消失的未来", "output": "官、大规模杀伤性武器捏制秘书处资深顾问、英国外交部防武器扩散机构高级官员.2003年7月17日在家附近的林地中自杀. 而现在,每部智能手机都能接入赛博空间，我们再也出不来了。回到胶片的做法，让他以新的方式体会到胶片媒介的物质性。凯勒写道：\"与录像带相比，胶片的购买和冲洗成本都很高，而且摄影机的胶片盒只装得下122米长的胶片，如果用每秒25帧拍摄的话，只够拍摄4分多钟。因此在开机之前，用胶片拍摄意味着对图像要有更多的精力投入，并且要尽快结束，既是为了节省开销，也是为了防止胶片用得太快。拍摄结果只能在冲扫之后才看得到,也就是要在好几天之后，而到那时候，有些被拍摄对象已经拍不了了，其他的东西也发生变化了，这就导致没办法重拍。我开始想，为什么以前没注意到这些困难，还是说我只是把它们忘了。另一个问题是，有了电脑剪辑，打印剪辑已不再常见。取而代之的是，胶卷在冲洗过后直接被转成了视频, 所以，素材的最佳状态要在全部制作过程结束之后才能看到。这种把摄影和数字媒体结合起来的方式最强调的就是胶片的物质性和矿物特性的价值, 这会让人对摄像进行重新构想,把它看作一种石雕艺术。\" 电影开头，在听到罗宾逊和一系列\"非人类智慧体\"有过接触时，我们起初怀疑他终于疯了。结场所中的污渍"}
{"instruction": "围绕梅特兰，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 混凝土岛", "output": "他的手依旧伏在方向盘开裂的辐条上，手指毫无知觉地伸展着，仿佛已被切了下来。他用双掌压住方向盘边缘，撑起了躯体。车停在了坡地上，窗外环绕着齐腰高的荨麻和野草。蒸气从破裂的汽车散热器中嘶嘶喷出，带锈的水珠飞溅。引擎发出空洞的吼声，一种机械的濒死喉音。梅特兰凝视仪表盘下面的驾驶舱，注意到了双腿的滑稽姿态。他的双脚瘫在脚踏板之间，似乎是被策划了这起事故的神秘拆卸大队胡乱塞在了那儿。他挪动双腿，看它们回到在驾驶杆两侧的惯常位置后，放了心。脚底能感到来自踏板的压力。梅特兰无视窗外的荒草和高速公路，开始仔细查看自己的身体。他检视了大腿和腹部，扫去夹克上的玻璃碴，按压肋骨，探查骨骼是否有骨折的征兆。梅特兰在后视镜里检查了头部。右颞有一处形如铲子的三角形瘀伤。前额沾满了碎挡风玻璃带进车里的渣土和油迹。他按压着面部，希望能把些许表情揉进苍白的皮肤和肌肉。他厚重的下颌和结实的颧骨血色全无。镜中瞪着自己的眼睛空洞麻木，他仿佛望着一个患精神病的双胞胎兄弟。他为何要开快车？他于三点离开位于马里伯恩的办公室，是为了避开下班高峰，并有足够时间安全行驶。他记得自己转入了西路立交桥的中央环岛，向立交桥隧道前进。他还能听到轮胎碾压混凝土接缝，气流卷起尘土和烟盒。当车驶出隧道，四月的阳光如彩虹般掠过挡风玻璃，"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，梅特兰意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 混凝土岛", "output": "心。梅特兰手遮阳光，发现他栽进了一个小型交通岛，这个长度约有两百码的三角地带，是位于三条交会的高速公路之间的一片荒地。岛屿尖角指向西方和下沉的太阳，太阳和暖的光芒照在白城(1)那些遥远的电视台大楼上。它的底边由离地七十英尺高度通过的南向立交桥组成。桥身由巨大的混凝土立柱支持，用于保护下方车辆而安装的波纹金属挡溅板彻底遮住了它的六条车道。梅特兰身后是这座岛北面的墙体，即他发生车祸的西向高速公路三十英尺高的路堤。在他对面，一条三车道支路在立交桥下向西北方向绕行，然后在岛屿的尖端汇入高速，它陡峭的路堤构成了南墙。虽然距离不会超过一百码，但这道新长出草的斜坡似乎藏在岛屿过热的光芒后面，被野草、废车和建筑设备所遮蔽。虽然车流沿着这条支线的西向车道前进，但金属防撞栏把司机和岛屿隔离了。路肩内置的混凝土预制沉箱上架起了挂着三个车道指示牌的高大支架。梅特兰转身看一辆机场巴士在高速路上驶过。前往苏黎世、斯图加特和斯德哥尔摩的旅客们僵直地坐在巴士上层，如同一组假人。其中的两个，一个穿着白雨衣的中年男人和一个缠着头巾的年轻锡克教徒，低头望见了梅特兰，与他目光相对了几秒钟。梅特兰回望他们，决定不向他们招手。他们会认为他在那儿干什么？从大巴上层俯视，很可能看不出捷豹的损坏，而他本人则会被当作是高"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画意大利？", "input": "Source: 混凝土岛", "output": "他生活中大部分开心的时刻都是独自度过的——学生时代假期周游意大利和希腊，资格考试通过后在美国的三个月驾车旅行。多年来，他一直在一遍遍地美化自己的童年记忆。他脑海中的画面是一个小孩子在一座高栏环绕的长长的郊区花园中玩耍，这画面似乎有一种说不清的慰藉作用。他办公室抽屉里镜框中的七岁小男孩并不是儿子，而是他自己，这并不完全是虚荣心作祟。他与凯瑟琳的婚姻虽然以任何人的标准来看都是失败的，但这场婚姻替他重建了这个想象中的空荡荡的花园，因此它其实是成功的。他用带锯齿的酒瓶顾自饮着，在拂晓前三小时终于睡了过去。4 水罐他在明亮的天光中醒来。草丛轻拂头旁边的三角窗，草叶跳着急促的小步舞，似乎已经花了些时间来唤醒他。一束温暖的阳光照向他的身体。他有那么几秒钟动弹不得，便擦拭了一下油污的手表表盘。此刻是上午八点二十五分。他僵直的四肢伸展在车后座上。高速公路路堤藏在视野之外，不过，有一片稳健的轰鸣声，暗含威胁，同时又像是某个熟悉的噩梦配乐一样令人心安，提醒着他身处何方。早高峰已经开始，数以千计的车辆正在涌回伦敦中心地带。在柴油引擎的吼叫和车辆通过立交桥隧道发出的不绝轰鸣上空，是震天的喇叭声。酒瓶躺在梅特兰的右臂下，断裂的瓶颈扎进了他的肘部。他坐直身体，记起酒带给他的麻醉。"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把梅特兰放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 混凝土岛", "output": "用拐杖将土壤切开。被雨水冲刷过的泥土在他周围溶解，缓缓地塌陷。挡泥板插进了地表。当晚高峰的最初声响来临时，梅特兰已经从路堤向上爬了一半，拖着伤腿，就像是在山壁上拽着一个垂死的同伴。就在他头顶二十英尺处，车流紧锣密鼓地用喇叭和引擎演奏着一曲不息的旋律。机场巴士高大的车体周期性地驶过，从窗户可以看见旅客。梅特兰坐在慢慢滑动的泥土中，向他们挥手。在离坡顶还有十英尺远时，梅特兰筋疲力尽，再也无法前行，就在这时，他看到木栅栏已经被替换并加固了。就在他头顶几步路远，从岛屿延伸上来的沙滩上，有一处钢头工作靴的足迹，鞋钉的标记在暗淡下去的光线中依然可见。梅特兰数出了另外五处足迹。修路工人曾经来此重新放置损坏的栅栏？当他在岛屿另一端蹒跚游荡时，工人们曾经走下斜坡，想必是查看是否有受伤的司机或路人。太阳落到了白城的公寓楼群后面。梅特兰暂时放弃，缓缓走回车里。他爬进后座，知道自己已经显出发热的早期症状。他蜷缩在沾满泥污的晚宴西装中，紧紧抓住酒瓶，想让自己暖和起来。车流在暮色中行进，大灯在路牌下闪耀。一辆警车鸣着警笛穿过暮色。梅特兰等待它停车，等待警员们携带担架走下路堤。在他痛楚的头脑中，围困他的混凝土立交和高速路系统更显气势逼人。被照亮的路牌在他头顶旋转，上面标着没有意义的目的地，凯瑟"}
{"instruction": "作者借梅特兰想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 混凝土岛", "output": "他小心地将它们覆盖在门楣和最高的台阶上，搭建了一个粗陋的房顶，然后把铁皮调整出倾角，好让如注的雨水流走。他把拐杖扔到台阶下，在他新避难处的房顶下面舒展开来。雨击打着头顶的金属屋顶，梅特兰坐在台阶上，脱下晚宴西装，用满是伤的双手挤压湿透了的布料。泥水从他指间流走，仿佛他在洗一个孩子的球衣。他把西装在台阶上展开，然后按摩双肩，试图从手的压力中吸取一点暖意。因为臀伤发炎，他能感觉到自己又要开始发热了。但无论如何，成功建起这座简陋避难所令他为之一振，重新燃起了求生的决心。正如他已经深味的，生存下去和主导这座岛屿、利用它有限的资源，如今看来是比逃离更重要的目标。梅特兰聆听着雨水击打镀锌铁皮。他想起去年夏天和父母一起度假时，他们在卡马尔格(1)挑选的房子。在他假日长居的卧室窗下，三角洲的暴雨击打着车库顶棚。他第一次带海伦·费尔法克斯去法国南部时，他们直奔几英里外的拉格朗德默特，海岸线上的未来主义度假胜地。海伦沉默地憎恶那些生硬、冷酷无情的建筑及其格式化的混凝土表面，并对梅特兰高涨的兴致和幽默感到紧张。当时他意识到自己希望身边的人是凯瑟琳——她应该会喜欢那些塔庙风格的旅馆和公寓楼，还有那些空置的巨大停车场，早在游客会来停车的好几年之前规划者便已修建好了它们，"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价梅特兰？", "input": "Source: 混凝土岛", "output": "格瓦拉海报被他撕破了，摇摆着挂在一角的图钉上。他到达了门外，用健康的那条腿转过身，坐在一个充当水桶的五十加仑罐子上。十几级台阶通向明亮的日光，梅特兰从阳光陡直的角度判断此刻大约是十一点半。周日早晨安静的车流沿高速公路行进——再等差不多半个小时，某个准备出门逍遥一天的欢乐家庭会被从他们车前蹒跚走过的穿着破烂晚礼服的憔悴男人惊呆。世上最长的一次宿醉。梅特兰沿着台阶走向阳光。到达顶部时，他小心地探出脑袋，透过围绕楼梯间的野草和荨麻观察。他正要踏足岛屿，这时听到了一种熟悉的多痰的呼吸声。梅特兰弯下腰，在通往废弃售票亭的地面上舒展身体。他侧卧着，伸出双臂分开一丛荨麻。二十英尺外，在一片被荨麻和高高的草丛环绕的狭小空地上，普罗克特正在进行一套体操练习。他赤裸的双脚并拢站立，向前举起双臂，强壮的双肩绷紧，口中用力吐气。在这片私人娱乐场所磨损的地面上，有一根跳绳和一双钢头靴子。他穿着杂技团紧身连衣裤的破烂残片，梅特兰曾见这身衣服挂在防空掩体里的一把椅子上。银色的线条展示了他强健的肩膀，也暴露了从他右耳后顺着脖子直到肩膀的一道宛如闪电的鲜亮伤疤，某次可怕暴行的遗迹。普罗克特做着复杂的准备，像一台老式汽油引擎发动时一样喘着粗气，然后，他迈出一小步，开始翻筋斗。"}
{"instruction": "这段关于梅特兰的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 混凝土岛", "output": "至海伦·费尔法克斯的关系中，还有童年那一千零一种满含情感的交易中，假如他在它们那价格高昂的收款台前付出一些中立的货币、硬通的现金，它们本会变得可以忍耐一些。他不再指望这个姑娘帮他逃离岛屿，他在利用她，出于他以前绝不会接受的动机，为了脱离他的过去、他的童年、他的妻子和朋友、他们所有的喜爱和索要，为了永远漂泊在他自我意识的空城之中。然而，在他们简短的性交结束时，简·谢泼德伸手从枕头下面抽出了五英镑钞票。她理理头发，因为大腿的酸痛露出痛苦的表情。梅特兰迟疑之时，她从他手中取走了钞票，把它们塞回了他的钱包。19 野兽与骑士 “等等，普罗克特！在这儿停下！” 梅特兰从普罗克特背上的有利位置望着岛屿的中央山谷。在下午的巡逻中，他们到达过废车场南边废弃的教堂墓地。在此，梅特兰可以对整个岛屿一览无余，从立交桥下的网格栅栏到西边的尖端。两条高速公路的混凝土交会处在阳光下闪烁着，如同一座标致的雕塑，梅特兰经常想象把它的高台作为一座令人愉悦的屋顶花园。在他身下，普罗克特耐心地靠着一座倾斜的墓碑。他一只手抱住梅特兰没受伤的那条腿，把这个瘸了腿的男人扛在他宽阔的背上。他起皱的脸挤压着十九世纪碑文年深日久的字母，梅特兰注意到他正用带着伤痕的双唇偷偷地触碰字母。普罗克特汗水的甜蜜气息在静止的空气中升"}
{"instruction": "这一段对运动的理解是什么？", "input": "Source: 神经的逻辑谜样的人类行为和解谜的人脑机制", "output": "子弹穿过他的右侧枕叶，损坏了大部分视皮层，只有一个称为“MT”的区域保存了下来，而那正好是负责运动知觉的区域。这名军人再也无法看见物体的大多数特征，但是他依然能感知到物体的运动。用他自己的话来说：“那些‘运动着的东西’没有清楚的形状，而如果非要说它们的色彩，也只能勉强说是一片朦胧的灰色。”你见过一只球飞过身边时的那片模糊吧？试想那就是你能见到的全部景象。相反的情况是只有MT区域损坏，这会造成运动知觉的丧失，对其他知觉没有影响。想象你站在街角，目送一辆汽车开过。你看到的不再是车辆驶过的连续景象，而是一幅幅车辆处在不同位置的定格画面。车子先是位于你的左侧，接着就到了你的右侧，而你始终没有看见它移动的过程。这会让过马路成为一项骇人的考验。难怪运动属于第一批需要处理的视觉模块。每当有物体经过你身边，你看到的最显著现象就是它的运动，而关于它的大多数外观细节都会为脑所忽略。此间的取舍或许是在演化中形成的：如果有野兽向你扑来，那么最先要搞清的未必是它毛发的颜色或尾巴的长短，而是它正在向你扑来这个事实。我们的视觉系统不单会显示光线的排列，它还会根据数十亿个神经元的运算结果，建构出一个对于外部世界的解释。人脑会根据我们曾经见过的东西来预测事物的外形，它甚至会运用环境线索来填补场景中的空缺，比如卡尼萨三角就是一个例子。"}
{"instruction": "帕舍在这里被用来说明什么？", "input": "Source: 神经的逻辑谜样的人类行为和解谜的人脑机制", "output": "由于无法检测到视皮层的故障，患者会错误地认为自己的视力没有问题。一旦他们像邦纳综合征的患者那样出现了释放性幻觉，他们的脑就可能无法认识到那是虚假的。许多安东综合征患者都会把自己内心的想象误认为是真正的视觉。这大概就是沃尔特为什么会虚构那位医生的相貌了：他的脑在无意识中填补了视知觉的空缺，自己则并未察觉这一过程。如果真像这些病例所显示的那样，丧失了视觉会导致幻视，那么其他的感官是不是也该出现同样的现象？比如，要是破坏了控制听觉的回路，也会使我们产生幻听吗？再来看一个病例。帕舍先生五十二岁，长期耳鸣；他来到一家精神卫生诊所，说自己出现了一种奇怪的新症状：在最近几周里，原来单纯的耳鸣变成了一种重复的尖锐滴滴声，就好像闹钟在响。和真实的闹钟一样，耳鸣也会在半夜把他吵醒。后来闹钟声渐渐消退，音乐声又响了起来。他有时会听见带着人声的流行歌曲串烧，有时又会听见古典的交响乐，就仿佛是他的脑调到了一个想象中的电台。他还注意到，如果附近有非常响亮的噪声，比如一辆地铁驶过，他的幻听就会减弱。而较轻的噪声反而会加重幻听，比如当他在街头听见有人在打手鼓，他脑海中的音乐便会与手鼓的节拍同步。帕舍先生去做了神经病和精神病检查，都没有发现问题，他于是又去看了一个耳鼻喉科医生。对方给他测试了听力，结果发现他的听力非常糟糕，已经够得上耳聋的标准了。"}
{"instruction": "作者笔下的僵尸是怎样的？", "input": "Source: 神经的逻辑谜样的人类行为和解谜的人脑机制", "output": "无数辆别的汽车在道路上行驶，有时还会游移不定。每次变道、加速或减速，你都要考虑其他车辆的位置和速度，还要依据它们点亮刹车灯和转弯灯的模式来判断它们的行驶意图。但是，虽然面临这种种难题，一位经验丰富的司机在熟悉的路线上却依然不用花费多少心思，这甚至让他们觉得自己是在自动驾驶。然而在亨茨维尔，这种自动驾驶行为却导致了严重后果。驾车者没有留意到交通灯中的新信号，他们依然不假思索地左转，猛冲进了逆向驶来的车流之中。如果一个心不在焉的司机根本没有意识到交通信号或者与驾驶有关的其他活动，也对自己在驾驶中的见闻毫无记忆，那么到底是谁（或者什么）在驾驶车辆呢？如果我们不使用有意识的官能就可以开车上班，那么我们的脑子里就肯定另有一套系统能够开车，而且这套系统的运行并不依赖于我们的意识。如果这套无意识的机制能够完成开车这样复杂的任务，那么或许它也能做到别的事情。它到底在我们不知情的状况下，对我们的经验世界贡献了多少呢？僵尸在我们之中试想有一个僵尸家庭从早已被人忘却的墓穴中钻了出来。这些活死人在人行道上迈着沉重的步伐行走，边上的行人都发出恐惧的尖叫。这种歧视性的反应使僵尸们受了冒犯，他们来到城里的整容中心，决定做个全身整容。那里的整容大夫享誉世界，这些僵尸也成为了她手底的杰作。手术之后的僵尸看起来充满活力，精神饱满。"}
{"instruction": "作者如何论述海马？", "input": "Source: 神经的逻辑谜样的人类行为和解谜的人脑机制", "output": "我们能够记住生活中发生过的事件，靠的就是这种记忆。这两种不同类型的记忆不仅储存着不同的信息，而且还发源于脑中的不同区域。情节记忆储存在海马，它位于脑的深处，与颞叶比邻。它往往在非习惯行为中激活，在习惯行为中沉默，就像我们在小鼠走十字迷宫的实验中看到的那样。程序性记忆则源于外侧纹状体，而外侧纹状体正是产生习惯的那个区域，这一点绝不是偶然。向一只没有受过训练的小鼠的海马发放电流，使它暂时关闭，这只小鼠就会在迷宫中完全迷失。它会不记得自己身在何处，要去哪里，又为什么给人放在了这个迷宫里。因为海马失灵，它无法回想起这些信息，结果只能在迷宫里漫无目的地乱跑。然而，如果在小鼠训练成功之后再关闭它的海马，它就会像以前那样先直行再左转，因为这时是外侧纹状体在支配它的习惯。海马并不参与习惯行为，即使关闭也不会影响小鼠自动找到目标。可是，这一切又和我忘记购买那一加仑牛奶有什么关系呢？再想想那位心不在焉的司机吧，他在到达工作单位时，并不记得自己是怎么开车到那里的。这是因为他全靠习惯在开车。而形成习惯只有一条途径，那就是提取并储存程序性记忆。他之所以不记得开车上班的细节，是因为人如果用习惯系统完成一项活动，这项活动是不会以情节记忆的形式在海马中留下记录的；如果我们生活中的某个片段没有得到情节记忆的记录，我们就无法回忆起和它有关的图像（比如那些广告牌）、声音和感受。"}
{"instruction": "运动在这段论述里扮演了怎样的角色？", "input": "Source: 神经的逻辑谜样的人类行为和解谜的人脑机制", "output": "这个实验的数据并不支持吉尔·泰勒主张的心理意象有助于中风后康复的说法。它为什么没用呢？既然负伤的运动员和中风病人都感觉到肌肉变弱，那为什么心理演练只对运动伤害有效，对中风就无效了呢？我们要先自问一句：心理意象是如何影响运动系统的？它激活了实际运动时使用的那部分脑区。这个技术要行得通，从运动皮层到肌肉的神经通路就必须完好才行。要是你倚仗的那个脑区本身就已经损坏，那么心理意象也会随之失去效力。在运动伤害中，受伤的是肌肉、肌腱或者韧带。那完全是肌肉骨骼的问题，脑则完全不受影响。因此，心理意象才能够畅通无碍地发挥它的恢复功能。如果中风并没有破坏脑中的某些功能组织，那么患者或许还可以借助运动意象，达到那几个小型研究所宣称的效果。或许吉尔·泰勒就是这种情况。如果她的想象确实加快了她的恢复速度，那多半也是因为那次中风放过了许多有效的脑组织，使她的心理演练仍旧能发挥作用。要是脑内的运动区域已经全部死亡，那么心理意象是无法将它激活的。靠心理演练提升高尔夫球技，证明了意识能够影响挥舞球杆这个自动化程度很高的身体过程。然而这种影响是双向的，想象能够提高运动水平，运动系统反过来也会影响想象。研究表明，当你在想象的同时执行一项身体任务时，就可能干扰心理意象的操练。我们很难一边朝某个方向移动手臂、一边又想象它朝另一个方向移动。"}
{"instruction": "在这段叙述里外星人究竟指什么？", "input": "Source: 神经的逻辑谜样的人类行为和解谜的人脑机制", "output": "在黑暗中，由于视觉刺激极少或根本没有，无意识就可能用幻觉填补感官的空缺。其次，人质都感到孤立无援。他们的身体被绳索或镣铐限制，独自一人，切断了与外界的联系，这使得他们的脑更容易胡思乱想。第三，也是最重要的一点，就是他们都很害怕。在这个可怕的约束环境之中，人质格外容易产生幻觉。而睡眠瘫痪症也会创造这样的环境，所以使被害人产生了被外星人绑架的幻觉。在外星人绑架案中，同样是这三个因素在起作用：患者身体忽然不能动弹，感觉孤立无助；身处黑暗的卧室；感到恐惧。睡眠瘫痪症的患者远比普通人更容易经历快速眼动入侵。神经科学家认为，快速眼动入侵是人脑在焦虑时尝试抚平神经系统而产生的副作用。就像心肌梗塞的痛苦会激发快速眼动入侵、使病人看见濒死的意象一样，也许睡眠瘫痪的压力本质也会引起快速眼动入侵，使得梦一般的模糊身影偷偷潜入意识之中。撇开快速眼动入侵在幻觉生成中的作用不谈，睡眠瘫痪症似乎是解释为什么有人会觉得自己被外星人绑架的绝佳答案。睡眠瘫痪不但会引起许多奇怪的感觉，而且像人质研究所显示的那样，它还会制造适于幻觉产生的绝佳环境。要解释像外星人绑架这样令人困惑的现象，睡眠瘫痪症无疑是一个优秀的理论。既然如此，为什么还有人会声称自己被外星人绑架了呢？有些人也许从未听说过睡眠瘫痪症，但是有许多被绑架者是知道这种疾病的，而且他们拒不承认这就是他们的超自然体验的原因。"}
{"instruction": "从这段描述看，容器为什么重要？", "input": "Source: 神经的逻辑谜样的人类行为和解谜的人脑机制", "output": "这个系统并非象鼻鱼独有，而是在自然界广泛存在。蟋蟀用它来防止自己的鸣叫声盖过它听见的同类的鸣叫，燕雀之类的鸣禽用它来区分自己和其他鸟类的歌声。我们人类当然也使用推测放电，而且用途相当之多。比如有一个实验要求被试单手提起一个装满水的容器，与此同时，研究者记下他们在容器上施加的握力。重复几次之后，被试用一根吸管从容器中喝掉部分水，然后再提起它。虽然他们明白容器已经减轻了重量，但他们施加的握力仍然和容器装满时一样。为什么？因为前几次提起装满的容器时，推测放电系统暗暗积累了经验，记下了提起它的感觉（这就是感觉反馈）。根据这个经验，它对提起容器所需的力量做了预测。由于这个预测是在第二组实验（提起较轻的容器）开始之前做出的，所以人脑对提起容器时所需的力量和获得的反馈，都有着过时的估计，它依据的是身体对于一个较重物体的经验。因为这些无意识的计算，被试就在变轻的容器上施加了太大的握力。图为象鼻鱼的推测放电系统。每当鱼脑发出一个运动指令，它都会将这个指令的一个副本发给感觉系统，感觉系统随之产生一个推测放电信号（也就是对放电后产生的感觉的预测）。接着，感觉系统将这个预测的感觉与收到电信号之后的实际感觉反馈相比较。如果实际信号和预测相符，那就必然是自身发出的，那么推测放电就会抑制它对神经系统的影响。"}
{"instruction": "围绕冰淇淋，作者提出了什么看法？", "input": "Source: 神经的逻辑谜样的人类行为和解谜的人脑机制", "output": "当这些时间和模式上的变化渐渐积累，被试报告了越来越强烈的痒感。那么推测放电是如何解释挠痒痒的呢？当你挠自己痒痒时，这个动作的副本发送到了神经系统，并引发了一个推测放电信号。如果这个信号和你的实际感觉体验相匹配，也就是你在手指挠肋下的同时感到了同样的动作，你的脑会检测到这次匹配，推测放电信号也会抑制这次挠痒痒的效果。换句话说，当你的脑知道了挠痒怪进攻的时间和方式，它就会做好自我保护的准备。这个感觉抵消了，而你也不觉得痒了。与之相对，如果和实验的第二部分一样，你感觉到的刺激在时间和模式上都和你的计划不同，那么推测放电就无法和来自皮肤的感觉反馈相匹配。这时的脑就会将这感觉当作外来的而不是自身引起的，于是你就感到了痒。身体失去了防备，挠痒怪横行无忌。如果像前面所说的那样，精神分裂症是一种自我辨认的障碍，那么我们自然就要问这样一个问题：精神分裂症患者能挠自己痒痒吗？如果他们真的把自己的行为当作了外来的，那不是就无法区分挠自己痒痒和被别人挠痒痒了吗？的确如此。当精神分裂症被试比较了挠自己痒痒和被实验者挠痒痒的感觉之后，他们报告说这两个感觉一样的痒！因为在区分自我和非自我上有着广泛的障碍，这些患者做到了其他人无法做到的事：把自己挠痒。似曾相识我最近和妻子走访了一次康涅狄格州的神秘港。我们来到了一条僻静街道尽头的一家冰淇淋店，店家的橱窗里有一张照片，拍的是一个脆皮甜筒里装着一只草莓冰淇淋球。"}
{"instruction": "根据这段文字，冲突意味着什么？", "input": "Source: 神经的逻辑谜样的人类行为和解谜的人脑机制", "output": "但实际上，前扣带皮层这个冲突辨别的中枢，却似乎在加班加点地工作。那么被催眠的被试又是怎么克服斯特鲁普效应的呢？这就要说到格鲁泽利尔的第二个发现了。在没有接受催眠的对照组，被试的前扣带皮层与额叶同时发放，说明两个脑区之间存在交流。可能在对照组的脑中，前扣带皮层在无意识中监测到了相互冲突的信号，然后将它们汇报给了额叶，让有意识的分析来理清其中的矛盾。这使得对照组意识到了斯特鲁普任务中的难点，也降低了他们的反应速度。当文字的颜色和意义之间出现错配时，他们的反应时间就更长了。而被催眠者的脑部活动就不同了。他们的脑中只有前扣带皮层单独发放，额叶却始终是安静的——这两个脑区没有像正常情况下那样协同运作。格鲁泽利尔发现，催眠解除了前扣带皮层的无意识冲突监测功能和额叶的有意识分析功能之间的联系。结果就是前扣带皮层虽然觉察到了文字的意义和颜色之间的冲突，但额叶却始终没有收到这个消息。与此同时，前扣带皮层也明白了它的消息没有送达额叶，于是开始更加努力地发放。因此fMRI才会显示它的活动反而增强了：前扣带皮层不知道与额叶之间的通讯已经切断，只是一个劲地向额叶发送被它忽视的冲突报告。催眠消除斯特鲁普效应不是靠阻止冲突监测，而是靠截断冲突报告，做到这一点是靠切断两个脑区的联系，使它们无法像原来那样彼此交流。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字怎样刻画阈下？", "input": "Source: 神经的逻辑谜样的人类行为和解谜的人脑机制", "output": "实验结果，不怕蜘蛛的那组受了一些影响，在阈下观看快乐的面孔使得他们对蜘蛛不那么厌恶了，而观看愤怒的面孔使他们更加厌恶蜘蛛。然而同样的效果却没有在害怕蜘蛛的被试身上体现，这些阈下图片没有任何影响，大概是因为它们的冲击太弱，并不足以动摇被试对蜘蛛的深切恐惧吧。与此同时，许多百货商店也在尝试用阈下信息减少偷盗行为。他们在商场的背景音乐中插入了道德戒律，比如“我是个诚实的人，我不会偷窃”之类，并且一遍遍地播放。有些商店号称这大大降低了他们的失窃率。这究竟是真实的效果，还是仅仅是个巧合呢？一个心怀不轨的偷盗者，真的会因为在音乐里听见了隐藏的忠告就罢手吗？大概是不会的吧。关于这个问题还没有确定的说法，但有一点是大家都同意的：阈下刺激确实有一些效果，但效果没有大到能够彻底改变行为。阈下信息得到了大肆宣传，但它的影响实在是很微弱的。相比之下，催眠的效果就明确而深刻得多了。这两种技术的区别，或许就在于它们和意识的互动方式。阈下信息完全避免引起意识的察觉，而这一点直接限制了它们改变我们想法的威力：既然我们无法有意识地看见那些图像，我们也就不会决心遵守它或是将它付诸行动。阈下信息对神经系统的影响仅限于激活杏仁核，也就是对情绪状态的轻微更改。或许这对人的行为的确会产生些许冲击，比如影响人的自我评价之类，但是它也有可能毫无作用。"}
{"instruction": "为什么作者把冲动放在这里着重讲？", "input": "Source: 神经的逻辑谜样的人类行为和解谜的人脑机制", "output": "还有研究显示，每当有外部力量通过潜意识影响人的行为，人脑同样会编造一个故事，并将自己的异常举动归结为自己的理由和动机。催眠就会产生这样的效果。例如有一个实验，催眠师催眠了被试，并要他一听到“德国”两个字就打开窗子。几分钟后，催眠师说出了这个词语。被试稍一停顿，然后说道：“这房间好闷呀，我们需要点新鲜空气，我可以打开窗户吗？”被试自己并没有开窗的冲动，气闷的感觉不是他自然产生的，开窗也不是他自己的想法。这个想法是通过催眠的暗示外加给他的，因此躲过了他的有意识分析。忽然之间，他的脑感受到了一阵开窗的冲动，然而这股冲动的来源却并不清楚。他的脑如何解释呢？一定是因为房间太闷了吧。多符合逻辑。再来看看其他几个外部刺激通过潜意识改变行为的例子。回想一下上文提到的那个逆向遮蔽实验：虔诚的天主教徒和心理系研究生在阈下图像中看到了一张不满的脸。假如你问那些教徒为什么对自己的虔诚评价这么低，或者那些学生为什么觉得自己的论文不够好，你觉得他们会怎么回答？他们多半不会告诉你这些想法是突然在他们心中出现的，仿佛有一股未知的力量将它们注入了自己的心灵。那些天主教徒可能会说起他们最近的破戒行为，或者表示自己应该多向慈善机构捐献。而那些研究生则会指出他们的研究模型中还有哪些纰漏，或者自己的遣词造句还要再做修改。"}
{"instruction": "作者借智慧想说明什么更大的问题？", "input": "Source: 神经的逻辑谜样的人类行为和解谜的人脑机制", "output": "虽然我们不能意识到所有的知觉，脑却仍在兢兢业业地整理它们。催眠或许会抑制前扣带皮层的活动，但它不会关闭前额叶。一个被催眠的人依然是有意识的，也依然能对自己的行为保留几分监督。脑中的无意识系统只要探测到了需要立刻注意的紧迫事件，就会唤醒有意识系统采取行动。所以，再次澄清：一个精神健康、没有任何精神错乱或其他神经心理疾病的人，会在催眠状态下杀人吗？多半是不会的，除非他本来就有杀人的打算。只有一种人在听到“找一支枪，杀死柜员，抢劫银行”的命令时不会在心中亮起红灯。这种人本来就有许多犯罪前科，他们对抢劫杀人不以为意，甚至不用催眠就可能干出这样的勾当。相比之下，一个人只要觉得这样的建议听起来格格不入，那么他就算催眠了也是不会杀人或者抢劫的。一个脑子，两套系统在我们人生的任何一个瞬间，都有无数个无意识进程在脑中运行。潜意识的刺激在每个人的神经系统中穿梭，并留下独特而常常难以预料的足迹。无论这刺激是广告中的短歌或口号，我们在鸡尾酒会上不曾留意的言谈，还是我们在见到某人、走访某地或感受某个独特体验时的微妙情绪，它们都会对我们的想法和决策产生实实在在的影响，却又不至于控制我们。这些影响的总和，再加上我们有意识的感觉、知识和记忆，共同构成了我们的人生经历。它们编织出庞大的背景知识，成为我们智慧与灵感的源泉。"}
{"instruction": "这段文字如何评价记忆？", "input": "Source: 神经的逻辑谜样的人类行为和解谜的人脑机制", "output": "我们已经知道，人的记忆可以抑制，可以忘却，也可以捏造。现在我们要再问一句：人的记忆能否切分，使得一个人格只能读取其中的某一部分？这真有可能发生吗？除了我们刚才看到的研究之外，还有过几则孤立的患者报告。神经影像显示，当这些患者在不同的人格之间轮转时，他们的海马、颞叶和前额叶皮层也同时出现了独特的活动规律。另有研究显示，解离性身份障碍患者的眼窝前额皮层的活动也减少了。如果你还记得第三章的内容，你就知道这块皮层的功能是躯体标记，它规定了人的情绪记忆和直觉。总之，具有多重人格的患者，他们的记忆系统也有着不同的行为，这佐证了每个人格都只能读取部分记忆。同一个脑中的不同系统能够读取不同的记忆，这并不是一个全新的想法。这一点，我们只要看看第二章中提到的习惯系统和非习惯系统就明白了。人脑中的这两套系统，读取的就是不同形式的记忆（程序性记忆和情节记忆），它们的储存和提取都在不同的脑区（纹状体和海马）。当那名心不在焉的司机使用习惯系统，他完全记得应该如何驾车，因为习惯系统读取的是程序性记忆。然而习惯系统无法读取情节记忆，所以他才忘了要在下班路上买一加仑牛奶。既然对于一个没有创伤经历的人，脑中的两套系统尚且无法共享某些记忆，那么在伊夫琳的不同自我之间，发生这样的事也就不足为怪了。关于这些问题的研究才刚刚开始。"}
{"instruction": "这段关于障碍的叙述说明了什么？", "input": "Source: 神经的逻辑谜样的人类行为和解谜的人脑机制", "output": "从临床角度来看，催眠能够引起或是治愈转换障碍，就像它能够引起或是治愈解离性身份障碍一样。从神经病学的角度看，这两种疾病所呈现的脑部活动都类似于催眠时的恍惚状态，其中都有一块异常活跃的前扣带皮层。由这些证据可知，和催眠一样，转换障碍和解离性身份障碍都会将脑的注意集中到某个方向，从而将其他信息排除在意识之外。前扣带皮层的功能不仅是发现矛盾，它也参与了情绪的加工和注意的引导。因此，虐待对于情绪的影响很可能干扰这个脑区，从而改变我们注意的方向和我们的矛盾检查系统的工作方式。情绪创伤不仅会造成解离，也会使我们的注意离开某些感觉信息，由此造成失明或是麻痹。它还会忽略运动信息，造成转换性瘫痪。这两种疾病在无意识中调节着我们的脑部活动，它们使心灵专注于某个方向并排斥其他，以此操纵我们的意识体验。伊夫琳的失明是转换障碍的结果，是多年来的情绪创伤所造成的。她的多重人格也来自那一段遭受虐待的经历。当她的自我发生切换，她的视力也跟着变化。她的每一个身份都拥有独特的视力，每一个我都有它独特的眼。催眠揭示了她的所有人格。催眠师和她的不同身份逐一交流，打破了她们之间的屏障，也由此医好了她的转换性失明。伊夫琳不是同时患上这两种疾病的唯一一人。解离性身份障碍患者常常也兼有转换障碍，因为这两种疾病有着相同的病因。"}