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**Fondazione ISMU**

### Disclaimer

The opinions expressed in the report are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) or the International Organization for Migration (IOM). The designations employed and the presentation of material throughout the report do not imply expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of UNICEF, UNHCR and IOM concerning legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning its frontiers or boundaries. This joint report reflects the activities of individual agencies around an issue of common concern.

The principles and policies of each agency are governed by the relevant decisions of its governing body. Each agency implements the interventions described in this document in accordance with these principles and policies and within the scope of its mandate. This publication was made possible through the support provided by UNICEF and UNHCR in collaboration with IOM. The text has not been edited or fact checked to official publications standards and UNICEF, UNHCR and IOM accept no responsibility for errors.

Cover photo: E., 18 years old, cames from South Sudan, stands on the cliffs overlooking the sea of Duino, Italy, where he likes to do his homework (October 2017) © UNHCR/Fabio Bucciarelli © 2019 UNICEF, UNHCR and IOM Suggested citation: ISMU Foundation (2019), _At a Crossroad._ _Unaccompanied and Separated Children in their Transition to_ _Adulthood in Italy._ UNICEF, UNHCR e IOM, Roma.

ISBN: 9788894432473

### Research partners

This research was designed and coordinated by ISMU Foundation - Initiatives and Studies on Multiethnicity and carried out in collaboration with the University of Roma Tre and the University of Catania.

**Scientific Committee of the research:**

Rita Bichi (Coordination, ISMU Foundation), Carmelina Canta (University of Roma Tre), Ennio Codini (ISMU Foundation), Liana Daher (University of Catania), Mariagrazia Santagati (ISMU Foundation), Giulio Valtolina (ISMU Foundation), Laura Zanfrini (ISMU Foundation).

**Research coordination:**

Rita Bichi (ISMU Foundation), Emanuela Bonini (ISMU Foundation).

**Local research team managers:**

Emanuela Bonini, Carmelina Canta, Liana Daher.

**Research Team:**

Alessandra Barzaghi, Lavinia Bianchi, Chiara Carbone, Andrea Casavecchia, Claudia D'Antoni, Marina D’Odorico, Augusto Gamuzza, Anna Maria Leonora, Giorgia Mavica, Giulia Mezzetti, Davide Nicolosi, Danilo Palmisano, Giorgia Papavero, Alessandra Scieri.

**Research support:**

Roberta Davino, Martina Lippolis, Viola Lavinia Malingri Di Bagnolo, Sara Vitale.

**Interviewers:**

Ossama Ramadan Karim Amin, Bassirou Dembele, Nouha Diallo, Ibrahima Diallo, Muslim Din, Benjamin Halilaj, Rimon Karam Mahfouz Wisily Hanin, Ibrahim Jalloh, Khaleghi Morteza, Mohamed Keita.


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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

### Acknowledgements

The authors would like to express their thanks to the representatives of the Ministries for their contribution to this research, and in particular for their indications on the research protocol and for their comments on the preliminary findings. The Ministries involved are the Ministry of the Interior, the Ministry of Labor and Social Policies, the SIPROIMI - System of Protection for the Holders of International Protection and foreign unaccompanied minors, the Ministry of Justice, the Ministry of Education, Research and University, the AGIA – National Ombudsperson for Children and Adolescents.

We also wish to thank all the local authorities involved in the research in the three regions for their cooperation: Prefettura – Ufficio Territoriale del Governo di Milano; Dipartimento Politiche Sociali – Prefettura di Roma; Prefettura – Ufficio Territoriale del Governo di Catania; AGIA – Regione Lombardia; AGIA – Regione Lazio; AGIA – Regione Sicilia; Consiglio Regionale – Regione Lazio; Tribunale per i minorenni di Palermo; Tribunale minorenni di Catania; Direzione politiche Sociali – Comune di Milano; Direzione Famiglia e Politiche sociali – Comune di Catania; Comune Di Latina – UO Minori; USR – Ufficio Scolastico Regionale Lazio; USR – Lombardia; USR – Sicilia; all the CPIA of Lombardy, Latium and Sicily.

We would also like to thank Civil society organizations based in the areas of Milan and Como, Rome and Latina, Catania, Palermo, Messina and Syracuse who supported research: La Cordata, Impresa e Valore Sociale – Case Saltatempo (Milano); Comunità Il Sicomoro (Milano); Comunità per Minori La Soglia di Casa (Milano); Associazione Villa Amantea (Milano); La Fanciullezza Onlus (Milano); Cooperativa Comunità Progetto (Milano); Fondazione Casa del Giovane la Madonnina (Milano); Caritas Ambrosiana (Milano); Associazione Sheb Sheb (Milano); Istituto Milanese Martinitt e Stelline e Pio Albergo Trivulzio (Milano); Associazione Fermata San Leonardo – Comunità e Famiglia (Milano); CivicoZero Onlus – Save the Children Italia (Milano); Parrocchia S.Martino, Rebbio (Como) CPIA 4 – Roma; CivicoZero Onlus – Save the Children Italia (Roma); Associazione Virtus Italia – Consorzio Solidarietà Sociale (Roma); MaTeMù – CIES onlus (Roma); Associazione No Working (Roma); Associazione Baobab Experience (Roma); Organizzazione Umanitaria Intersos (Roma); Il Tetto

- Casal Fattoria – Onlus (Roma); Associazione Borgo Amigò (Roma); ALI – Accoglienza Libera Integrata Onlus (Roma); Comunità

di Accoglienza Valmontone Onlus (Roma); Cooperativa Centro minori "Cooperativa La Pergola" (Cisterna di Latina); Cooperativa Casa Margherita, casa famiglia per Msna (Latina Scalo); Cooperativa Casa Gardenia, casa di accoglienza per donne e bambini (Latina Scalo); Associazione Casa dell’adolescente - Casa famiglia Rosetta (Caltanissetta); Associazione Penolope (Roma); Centro d'accoglienza a bassa soglia "Casa Najma Catania" Salesiani di Sicilia, Progetto "M'interesso di Te" (Catania); Cooperativa Futura 89' (Catania); Cooperativa Prospettiva (Catania); Consorzio Il Nodo (Catania); Cooperativa San Francesco (Caltagirone); Cooperativa San Francesco (Mirabella Imbaccari); Cooperativa San Francesco (San Michele di Ganzaria); CPIA 1 – Catania; Fondazione Cirino la Rosa (Catania); Ufficio supporto e monitoraggio tutori Unicef (Catania); Associazione "Padre Don Luigi Monti" (Siracusa); Associazione “l’Albero della vita” (Pachino); Associazione Onlus “La Pineta” (Canicattini Bagni); Comunità Fatebenefratelli (Siracusa); Comunità Oreb Augusta (Siracusa); Cooperativa Sociale “San Giovanni Don Bosco” (Noto); Cooperativa Sociale Onlus “Si può fare” (Noto); La Casa di Sarah (Avola); Associazione "A braccia aperte" (Palermo); Associazione Asante-Cas Azad (Palermo); Associazione Asante Cas Elom (Palermo); Comunità "Arcobaleno" (Palermo); Comunità "Casa dei Mirti" (Palermo); Comunità "La Mimosa" (Palermo); Comunità "La Violetta" (Palermo); Sprar Msna di Via Roma (Palermo); Sprar Adulti Granatiere (Palermo); Sprar Adulti di Via Chopin, 16 (Palermo); UNICEF (Palermo); Casa Noemi (Faro Superiore Messina); Comunità Ismaele (Messina); Cooperativa Medihospes Casa Michelle (Messina); Sprar Adulti Milazzo (Messina); Sprar Adulti Pace del Mela (Messina); Sprar AironeTorre Faro (Messina).

The warmest, most sincere and important thank you goes to all the boys and girls who accepted to share their life histories and experiences, pains, joys and hopes.


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# **Contents**

Acronyms and abbreviations 7 Executive Summary 8

**1. Introduction** **12**

**2. Research methodology and tools** **14**

2.1 Research questions 14 2.2 Methodological approach and research tools 14 2.3 Description of the sample 16 2.4 Data analysis and validation of draft findings 16 2.5 Selection of research sites 17 2.6 The research team: Working with peer researchers 17 2.7 Ethical considerations 18 2.8 Limitations 18

**3. Context** **19**

3.1 Considerations on, and approaches to, migration and the transition to adulthood 19 3.2 The normative framework and the reception system for UASC in Italy: Opportunities and protection 22 3.3 UASC in Italy 24

**4. Expectations, aspirations and the future** **27**

4.1 UASC aspirations and family expectations 27 4.2 Desires and expectations in the transition to adulthood 31

**5. The transition to adulthood: Pathways and factors for success** **33**

5.1 Characteristics and factors that facilitate or constrain UASC’s transition pathways 33 5.1.1 UASC's rights 33 5.1.2 The first step: The pathways in the reception system 36 5.1.3 UASC’s education and training pathways 37 5.1.4 The role of the guardian in the transition to adulthood 40 5.1.5 Becoming adults by building meaningful relationships 40 5.2 Transition to adulthood: What changes when UASC become adults 41 5.2.1 The rights of former UASC 41 5.2.2 Access to employment pathways 44 5.2.3 Housing independence 46 5.2.4 Friendly and supportive relations 47 4


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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

**6. Obstacles, risks and vulnerabilities in the transition to independence** **51**

6.1 Obstacles and vulnerabilities **51** 6.1.1 Timing and obstacles related to the legal status of UASC and former UASC 51 6.1.2 Support when leaving the reception facilities 54 6.1.3 Trauma and psychological distress 55 6.2 Sexual and gender-based violence: Between vulnerability and resilience 56 6.3 The risks of exploitation and exclusion, and the importance of local reception networks 59 6.4 Risks associated with onward movements 60 6.5 Experiences of discrimination affecting the lives of UASC 61

**7. Promising practices** **64**

7.1 Lombardy: supervised independent living and housing solutions for UASC and former UASC 64 7.2 Latium: Experiences of formal and informal relations in support of UASC and former UASC 65 7.3 Sicily: A structured support to volunteer guardians 68

**8. Conclusions** **71**

8.1 Factors that favour a good transition 71 8.2 Obstacles to a good transition 72 8.3 Constraints and gaps of the system 73 8.3.1 Normative framework and its application 73 8.3.2 Governance and reception 73 8.3.3 Social inclusion 74 8.3.4 Data availability 74

**9. Recommendations** **75**

**References** **82**

**Glossary** **84**

**Annexes** **86**

**Endnotes** **90**

**List of figures and tables**

**Figure 1** . UASC registered in the reception system as at 30 June 2019 by main nationality, gender and age   25

**Figure 2.** UASC’s rights 33

**Figure 3.** Changes in entitlements of former UASC upon turning 18 41

**Table 1.** UASC present and registered in the reception system in Italy, by gender, December 2013–2018 24

**Table 2.** UASC asylum seekers: First instance decision, by gender and age group,

and total no. of adults, 2018. 26 5


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**R., 16 years old, is an unaccompanied and separated child from Afghanistan. He is living in Genova**

**(Liguria, Italy) as he waits to be reunited with his siblings who already live in the UK (May 2019)**

© UNHCR/Dario Bosio


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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

# **Acronyms and abbreviations**

AGIA National Ombudsperson for Children and Adolescents ALI Accoglienza Libera e Integrata (Networked grassroot solidarity) AMIF European Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund ANCI National Association of Italian Municipalities CPIA Adult Learning Centre CSO Civil society organization DID Declaration of Immediate Availability to Work D.Lgs Legislative Decree EU European Union FGDs Focus group discussions GBV Gender-based violence IOM International Organization for Migration ISMU Iniziative e Studi sulla Multietnicità (Initiatives and Studies on Multiethnicity) L.D. Law Decree MDM Médecins du Monde MFAEA Movimento Famiglie Affidatarie e Accoglienti (Host and foster families network) MoE Ministry of Education MLSP Ministry of Labour and Social Policies MoI Ministry of the Interior MoJ Ministry of Justice NGO Non-governmental organization PEI Piano Educativo Individualizzato (Personal Education Plan) SGBV Sexual and gender-based violence SIM Sistema Informativo minori (Information System for UASC) SIPROIMI Protection system for holders of international protection and UASC SPRAR Protection System for Asylum Seekers and Refugees UASC Unaccompanied and separated children UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund USMT Unità di Supporto e Monitoraggio dei Tutori (Guardian Support and Monitoring Unit) 7

Sistema Informativo minori


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# **Executive Summary**

Between 2014 and 2018, more than 70,000 unaccompanied and separated children (UASC) arrived in Italy by sea, 90 per cent of whom were between 15 and 17 years old. The significant presence of UASC (7,272 in June 2019) and the growing number of UASC who have turned 18 (around 60,000 over the last five years) have highlighted the need to better understand the measures and opportunities for the protection and social inclusion of this specific population group in their transition to adulthood.

This research, commissioned by the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM), provides an overview of trends and possible pathways of transition to adult life of UASC in Italy. The main objective of the research, which has focused on the three regions hosting the highest number of UASC (Sicily, Lombardy and Latium), is to provide evidence on the factors that are facilitating or constraining this transition, both at the individual and structural level. To understand these multiple factors, the research has examined seven areas that are influenced by the legal status and residence permits of UASC and UASC who have turned 18: (i) access to education, vocational and on-the-job training, (ii) access to the job market and the risks related to informal labour and exploitation, (iii) access to adequate housing solutions, (iv) experiences with volunteer guardians; (v) the role of formal and informal relationships; (vi) relationships with families of origin and the possibilities of family reunification; and (vii) the risk of onward movements.

The research is framed around the concept of ‘triple transition’: the transition from adolescence to adulthood, with its biological-physical, socio-emotional and cognitive changes that are common to all human beings; the transition related to migration that leads to detachment from one's context of origin and the need to build a new life in a different cultural and social environment; and the transition related to overcoming traumas experienced during or after the journey. Adopting this ‘triple transition’ approach allows to shed some light on the limits of an artificial age-based distinction between ‘children’ (UASC) and ‘adults’ (UASC who turned 18, henceforth ‘former UASC’), because it does not take due account of the transitional process of becoming adults, the cultural and social differences of this process, and the specific vulnerabilities of this category of migrants and refugees.

The process of personal growth and development of these young people is thus affected by the concept of chronological age and its implications in Italian legislation, which in the application of the best interests of the child, [1] focuses on the differences in legal status and especially on the recognition of the rights of children (under 18 years) compared to those of adults (over 18 years).

The research has shown that the formulation of aspirations and expectations plays a crucial role in this triple transition, from a pre-departure phase characterized by personal circumstances and desires (e.g. finding better opportunities, studying, fleeing violence), and by one's own expectations and those of the family of origin to work and contribute to the family economy, to a renegotiation once settled in the country of arrival.

Factors that positively or negatively influence the transition to adulthood include the contextual, subjective 8


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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

and relational variables related to the personal resources, agency and resilience of the adolescents, as well as the networks of formal and informal relationships that they are able to initiate once they arrive in Italy.

The presence or absence of such conditions determines the range of perspectives and opportunities that open up for UASC, both when they arrive and start the inclusion process, and once they have become adults.

The innovative aspect of this research also lies in the adoption of a participatory biographical approach, based on the recognition of the right of children and adolescents to express their opinion on and to be heard concerning decisions that affect their lives. This approach has put UASC and former UASC who turned 18 firmly in control as they narrate their life histories, each with their different pathways, profiles, legal status and backgrounds. The aim is to reveal the complex situations that children face, tell their stories, explore the structural bottlenecks and identify the factors that can help them in their transition to adulthood. In line with this approach and to ensure the protection of the best interests of UASC and promote a comfortable peer-to-peer interview setting, a group of former UASC were assigned the role of interviewers.

The methodological framework is based on a mixed-methods approach, which integrates qualitative and quantitative approaches. Together with the literature review, primary and secondary data were collected from national or regional official sources on the socio-demographic characteristics of UASC and former UASC and their presence in the Adult Learning Centres (CPIAs). These data were also based on online polls (U-Report on the Move) on the opinions UASC and former UASC on education and training courses received in Italy. Qualitative data draw from interviews and Focus group discussions (FGDs) with 185 UASC and former UASC, 46 interviews with key social and institutional informants (educators, social workers, teachers, volunteer guardians, and local institutional representatives), nine interviews with representatives of the relevant Ministries and United Nations agencies. In addition, three case studies were used, one for each region: supervised independent living and housing solutions in Lombardy; experiences of formal and informal relationships in Latium; structured support to volunteer guardians in Sicily.

### **Key Findings**

FACTORS THAT **FACILITATE** UASC'S TRANSITION TO ADULTHOOD

**••** **Legislation:** with the Law 47/2017, Italy has an advanced legal framework with regard to the recognition

of UASC's rights and their protection;

**••** **Reception:** the possibility of social inclusion, transition and of overcoming past traumas and problems,

is closely linked to the reception experience, which when it works plays a positive role although strongly influenced by the local context;

**••** **Relations:** formal and informal relationships, both with adults and between peers, represent an

important support for UASC's and former UASC's pathways. In particular the educator's role in the reception facility and the role of the volunteer guardians is recognized by UASC as crucial;

**••** **Education:** school and vocational training are recognized by UASC and former UASC as fundamental

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U-Report on the Move

online polls


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milestones of their inclusion pathway;

**••** **Home:** in the achievement of independent living, the importance of transitory solutions emerges, such

as family-related hosting or of supervised semi-independent living.

FACTORS THAT **HINDER** UASC'S TRANSITION TO ADULTHOOD

**••** **Legislation:** the slow and complex procedures for obtaining documents (and additional bureaucratic

bottlenecks) are real obstacles to the lives of UASC;

**••** **Time-frame:** the very short time most UASC have because of their age (16–17 years old) at arrival is

very limited to equip themselves with the necessary tools for autonomy and inclusion;

**••** **Access to information:** some limitations emerge with respect to information and guidance provided

to UASC on the opportunities and on the potential pathways concering both the normative framework and training and labour insertion;

**••** **Work:** the difficulty in obtaining a regular work contract is an obstacle that affects every other aspect

of the transition (residence permits, access to housing, etc);

**••** **Discrimination:** forms of discrimination and racism in accessing the job and housing markets represent

an additional obstacle in autonomy and social inclusion pathways and affect the personal well-being of UASC and former UASC;

**••** **Trauma:** traumatic or particularly complex experiences in the country of origin or during the journey

are difficult to overcome making social inclusion more difficult;

**••** **Violence:** the dynamics of violence, including gender-based violence, experienced in particular by girls

even when they are not victims of trafficking, has a strong impact on their transition to adulthood.

BOTTLENECKS AND GAPS IN THE SYSTEM

**••** **Lack of the implementation decrees of Law 47/2017** two years after its approval, which, together

with the lack of budgetary allocation, significantly limits its impact;

**••** **Slowness and complexity of the current family reunification system** pursuant to the Dublin III

Regulation, which drives many UASC or former UASC to prefer to transit through Italy and to try and cross the Northern borders, taking great risks;

**••** **Abolition of humanitarian protection** (l.d.113/2018 then converted into Law 132/2018), a form of

protection previously existing in Italian law, which was granted to many UASC seeking asylum in Italy who did not satisfy the criteria for international protection;

**••** **Fragmentation of the procedures for age assessment;**

**••** **Fragmentation of the reception system,** both in terms of organization and type of facilities, and the

quality of the services provided, where the local context has a significant impact in this regard; 10


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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

**••** **Lack of homogeneity and adequacy of training and skills of the reception system** staff linked to

the fragmentation of the reception system, particulary in the identification and timely protection and care of children with specific vulnerabilities;

**••** **Disparities of treatment and uncertainty of being hosted in reception facilities after turning**

**18,** which depends on the combination of three factors: legal status and having a residence permit;

reception in SIPROIMI centres before they turned 18, benefiting or not from continued protection by the social services until the age of 21 pursuant to Article 13 of Law 47/2017 (Prosieguo Amministrativo);

**••** **Lack of assessment** of literacy and numeracy skills and/or of the recognition of the schooling completed

and of professional skills acquired in the country of origin or during the journey.

LACK OF DATA

**•**    - Data on **work permits for UASC** issued by the police stations and data on the conversion of these

permits when they turn 18;

**•**    - Data on **other types of residence permits issued** to UASC (e.g. for special cases or for medical

treatment);

**•**    - Data on **the number of UASC enrolled in the Adult Learning Centres (CPIAs)**

**•**    - Data on **Volunteer Guardians;**

**•**    - Data on **UASC benefiting from foster care;**

**•**    - Data on **the number of UASC in reception facilities;**

**••** **Absence of an administrative body responsible for the collection of data on former UASC**
as regards the reception system, their socio-economic inclusion, the continuity of their education pathways when they turn 18 and on those who are granted continued protection by social services until age 21 pursuant to Article 13 of Law 47/2017;

**••** **Difficulties in comparing available data from different authorities** due to, inter alia, different

definitions applied, levels of disaggregation, and frequency in collection and dissemination.

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UASC benefiting from foster care

work permits for UASC

number of UASC in reception facilities

other types of residence permits


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# **1. Introduction**

Large numbers of migrant and refugee children have arrived in Europe in recent years via the Mediterranean route, many of whom were Unaccompanied and Separated Children (UASC). Since 2014, around 70,000 UASC have arrived in Italy, the majority of whom (93%) are boys. Almost all of them (83.4%) are aged 16 to 17.

Driven from their homes by conflict, poverty or disaster or simply in search of opportunities, on their journeys many faced danger and experienced detention, violence, exploitation and abuse.

The increase in UASC arrivals in Italy over the past few years has prompted the implementation of a response by the Italian Government, United Nations agencies, international humanitarian organizations and civil society organizations (CSOs) focused on supporting their reception and social inclusion and on the processing of international protection and resident permit requests. Among the encouraging developments and commitments made was the adoption of a new law (Law n.47, 7 April 2017), to date considered one of the most progressive pieces of legislation on migrant and refugee children’s rights and their protection.

Yet in transit and at destination, UASC continue to face many challenges and many gaps remain in the realisation of their rights. The significant presence in Italy of UASC (7,272 in June 2019, Ministry of Labour and Social Policies) and the growing number of former UASC who have turned 18 (around 60,000 since 2014) are a growing cause for concern and call for a broader and more comprehensive understanding of the challenges and opportunities for their protection and social inclusion.

The aim of this research, which was commissioned by three United Nations agencies – UNICEF, UNHCR and IOM – is to provide an overview of trends and possible pathways to adult life for UASC in Italy. Specifically, the research aims to provide evidence on the factors that affect the transition to adulthood of UASC, and that either facilitate or constrain a successful transition, both individually and structurally.

The research examines seven areas: (i) access to education, vocational and on-the-job training; (ii) access to the job market and the risks related to informal labour and exploitation; (iii) access to adequate housing solutions; (iv) experiences with volunteer guardians; (v) the role of formal and informal relationships; (vi) relationships with families of origin and the possibilities of family reunification; and (vii) the risk of onward movements. Each of these seven areas is explored taking into consideration the influence of the legal status and residence permits of UASC and UASC who have turned 18.

Recognizing the right of children to express their opinion on decisions that affect them personally, [2] this report presents the findings of the first comprehensive participatory research on children and young people on the move in Italy. It is based on the stories of 185 boys and girls who followed different migration pathways, with different profiles, legal statuses and backgrounds. This approach has enabled the reconstruction of a broader and more comprehensive understanding of the multiplicity of situations, subjective difficulties, structural bottlenecks and support factors that determine and have determined their transition to adulthood.

More specifically, the report starts by presenting the methodological approach of the research (Chapter 2) and by providing an overview of the conceptual framework related to the ‘triple transition’ of UASC to adulthood, 12


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**Y., 17 years old, migrated to Italy from Côte d’Ivoire, at the reception centre where he stays in Naro,**

**in Sicily, Italy. Y. was transferred without a choice, to this very small village (December 2018)**

© UNICEF/UN0264443/Stefano De Luigi VII Photo


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demographic trends and normative framework (Chapter 3). The fourth chapter describes the expectations, desires and aspirations related to the migration project; the fifth and sixth chapters highlight the factors that favour or constrain the process of transition to adulthood, starting from the conditions related to the legal status and residence permit of UASC and former UASC. Chapter 7 analyses some good or promising practices related to the role of volunteer guardians, to independent living and to formal and informal relationships with potential for replication and scale-up. The final part of the report summarizes the main results of the research (Chapter 8) and concludes with recommendations.

The present report is part of a broad ongoing inter-agency efforts by UNICEF, UNHCR and IOM to strengthen collaboration around evidence generation on the situation of refugee and migrant children and young people towards more informed policy and decision making to fulfil refugee and migrant children’s rights, improve their protection and support their social inclusion into host communities. The findings presented here thus aim to inform and recommend strategic and operational choices for consideration by UN agencies, Italian and European institutions and civil society organizations (CSOs) in order to maximize the chances for UASC and former UASC of a smooth transition to adulthood, reaching autonomy and integrating effectively into their communities.

# **2. Research methodology and tools**

**2.1 Research questions**

The main objective of the research was to analyse the transition to adulthood of UASC in Italy and to provide empirical evidence of the factors that facilitate or constrain this transition. The key questions are:

**•**    - What are the trends in UASC's transition to adulthood?

**•**    - How do transition pathways to adulthood meet their expectations and aspirations?

**•**    - What are the factors that make UASC more vulnerable, and at risk of exclusion, abuse and exploitation?

**•**    - Which good practices or positive experiences can be replicated to facilitate their transition to adulthood

in Italy and promote their social inclusion?

**2.2 Methodological approach and research tools**

The methodological framework is based on a mixed-methods approach, which enables qualitative and quantitative approaches to be combined and integrated (Amaturo and Punziano, 2016) in order to more thoroughly investigate the research topics than each approach can do individually (Creswell and Plano Clark, 2011). The literature review has enabled the phenomenon of the transition to adulthood of UASC in Italy to be 14


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framed within the conceptual framework of the ‘triple transition’. For each thematic focus of the research, the literature review also provided key information on the normative framework and on the consequent current pathways of UASC in Italy to better frame both qualitative and quantitative methods.

The quantitative approach is based on the collection of primary and secondary data from official national or regional sources on specific issues:

**•**    - the demographic characteristics of UASC, the condition linked to their legal status and their geographical

presence in the three regions where the research was carried out;

**•**    - a questionnaire addressed to the 39 Adult Learning Centres (CPIAs) (19 in Lombardy, ten in Latium and

ten in Sicily), with questions on the number of UASC students divided by age, gender and nationality;

**•**    - the opinions of UASC on their education and training pathways and internship experiences through

two U-Report on the Move polls. [3] The qualitative approach [4] is based on: (i) interviews and focus group discussions (FGDs) with UASC and former UASC (166 males and 19 females); (ii) 46 interviews with key social and institutional informants at the regional and national levels (educators, social workers, teachers, volunteer guardians, institutional representatives); and (iii) nine interviews with representatives of ministries [5] and of the United Nations agencies that commissioned the research. In order to investigate UASC pathways, the biographical interview was identified as the most suitable among several alternatives in order to record the experiences, perceptions, time scale of the processes and the life experiences of boys and girls, leaving the interviewees ample scope to express themselves freely (Bichi, 2002; O’Leary, 2004). Three specific themes (see below) were then examined through FGDs, which enabled the analysis of the scenarios both from individual and group viewpoints, with a focus on the opportunities and the choices that have been made (Morgan and Kruger, 1998).

In addition to the interviews, a case study was carried out in each of the three regions with the aim of identifying promising practices in the following: (i) supervised independent living and housing solutions in support of UASC in Lombardy; (ii) formal and informal relationships supporting the transition to adulthood of UASC in Latium; and (iii) monitoring and support to volunteer guardians in Sicily. The three case studies identified experiences with a positive impact on the life pathways of UASC and former UASC, i.e. those that facilitate their transition to adult life. The qualitative tools used for the collection of data in the case studies were chosen on the basis of each case study: semi-structured interview with the Coordinator of the UASC Social Service of the Municipality of Milan for the Lombardy case study; semi-structured interviews with stakeholders for the Palermo and Lombardy case studies; FGDs with stakeholders for the Latium case study; and biographical interviews with UASC and former UASC (in all regions).

The research protocol was reviewed externally by Health Media labs and presented to key stakeholders in March 2019 – Ministry of the Interior (MoI), Ministry of Labour and Social Policies (MLSP), Ministry of Education (MoE), Ministry of Justice (MoJ), the Protection system for holders of international protection and foreign unaccompanied minors (SIPROIMI) and the National Ombudsperson for Children and Adolescents.

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**2.3 Description of the sample**

The sampling of UASC and former UASC was carried out according to a purposive sampling technique and stratified by gender, age, legal status and absconded status, and using a snowball [6] method. The research collected a total of 185 interviews (78 in Sicily, 55 in Lombardy and 52 in Latium), 147 of which were biographical interviews and 38 contributions from UASC and former UASC who participated in thematic FGDs. The interviewed young people were composed of 85 UASC and 100 former UASC, of which three were ‘absconded UASC’ and 19 were females (of which nine were UASC), in line with their numbers in Italy. [7] Most interviewees were 17 years old (39 cases), and 18 years old (one out of five, 31 young people), while one-third of interviewees were between 19 and 25 years old. The main nationalities were Gambian (28 cases), Egyptian (24) and Albanian (17).

Guinean, Malian and Nigerian followed, with between 12 and 15 interviews each. A quarter of interviewees had a residence permit for UASC, and nine had turned 18 but were still benefiting from continued protection of social services (Prosieguo Amministrativo). There were 17 holders of international protection (ten refugees and seven with subsidiary protection), 28 holders of humanitarian protection, 17 holders of a permit for special cases and 22 had applied for asylum.

UASC interviewees were contacted firstly through the reception facilities that hosted them, and some former UASC were contacted through key informants with whom they were still in touch. In particular, for the organization of FGDs, participants were contacted through the facilities where they were involved in activities (such as Italian classes or training workshops of various kinds) and not from the reception facilities in which they lived, in order to ensure a greater variety in the composition of the group – i.e. to take into consideration different inclusion pathways. Interviews with key informants (46 in total) were divided between those who perform institutional roles (13 cases) and those with social functions (33 cases). [8] Among the institutional representatives there are four representatives of the National Ombudsperson for Children and Adolescence (AGIA) at regional or municipal levels, two presidents of the Juvenile Courts, three representatives of the regions, two social workers of the municipalities and two representatives of the prefectures. Key actors with social roles included educators and social workers (14 cases), volunteer guardians (seven cases), psychologists (three cases) and teachers (two cases). In addition, interviews were carried out (nine in total) with the representatives of the relevant Ministries and of the National Ombudsperson for Children and Adolescence and with the representatives of the United Nations agencies that commissioned the research.

**2.4 Data analysis and validation of preliminary findings**

Data analysis was carried out through the following procedure (for all types of data): data coding; management, input and organization of primary data; data processing; and analysis of results. For the analysis of biographical interviews with the target group of the research and of semi-structured interviews with key informants, the NVivo software was used, which allows to create a qualitative database, even a large one, as in this specific case, and to share it with other research teams. The interpretative analysis of the FGDs followed a thematic approach comparing the three concerned regions, aimed at highlighting the specificities of the analysed cases and good practices.

In June 2019, research findings were presented and discussed with key institutional stakeholders – Ministry 16

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of the Interior (MoI), Ministry of Labour and Social Policies (MLSP), Ministry of Education (MoE), Ministry of Justice (MoJ) and the Protection system for holders of international protection and foreign unaccompanied minors (SIPROIMI). Draft recommendations were shared with each line ministry, and bilateral consultations were held for further inputs and validation purposes.

**2.5 Selection of research sites**

The research areas were identified as being the three Italian regions with the highest number of UASC hosted in recent years and for their geographical diversity: Sicily, Lombardy and Latium. Within these three regions, the criteria for selecting the research sites took into account the distribution of UASC in the regions and the possibility of having access to the reception facilities. The following research sites were identified:

**••** **Lombardy:** province of Milan (52 interviews) and province of Como (three interviews);

**••** **Latium:** province of Rome (44 interviews) and province of Latina (eight interviews);

**••** **Sicily:** province of Catania (22 interviews), Messina (18 interviews), Syracuse (18 interviews)

and Palermo (20 interviews).

**2.6 The research team: Working with peer researchers**

In order to ensure the protection of the best interests of UASC and to promote a comfortable interviewing context through peer-to-peer relationships, especially during the biographical interviews with UASC with particularly sensitive and traumatic stories, the research teams included former UASC among the interviewers.

The experience of the research conducted together with the interviewers as active subjects and “go-betweens” was an innovation of great methodological interest. Indeed, the use of the peer research approach minimizes the negative effects and related limitations of research involving children and young people, such as low motivation to participate and the power disparity with the adult researcher (Lushey and Munro, 2014).Excerpts of their reflections are presented in the boxes below.

**"It was the first time I asked direct questions**
**about another person's private life, I'm**
**not used to it, it was a challenge for me, I**
**learned so many things. Actually it was a**
**very important and enriching experience,**
**I think it made me much more attentive to**
**the details of a person's history and taught**
**me not to judge people by their origin and**

**social status. "**

**(M.)**

**"These people also told you about their**
**personal** **secrets** **and** **emotions,** **so** **the**
**interview became a private and delicate place**
**to be protected. It helped me to grow more**
**and compare myself with other people who**
**have experienced migration like myself. I**
**have understood other points of view, I have**
**collected many different stories, but all united**
**by two strong feelings: the pain and the desire**
**to start again. "**

**(I.)**

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**2.7 Ethical considerations**

For the purpose of the research, an ethical protocol was defined for the protection of UASC, consisting in policy documents for the protection of UASC and documentation for collecting informed consent and assent of the research participants. Policy documents adopted by ISMU Foundation include: the Code of Conduct for researchers; the Child Protection Policy; and the ISMU Guidelines for researchers, which comprise the procedures and Code of Conduct at each stage of the research, both with respect to contact with UASC and to the processing of their data on the basis of current legislation. Consent and assent documentation include formal and legal consent forms of interviewed adults and of the guardians of UASC and assent forms of UASC in order to ensure that they freely accepted to be interviewed.

**2.8 Limitations**

There are a number of limitations related to the research, as summarized below:

**••** **‘Absconded’ UASC:** The number of absconded UASC interviewed was lower than what had been

planned prior to the definition of the research protocol. This was due to the difficulty in identifying the guardian in order for them to sign the consent form, as well as the legal obligation to refer identified absconded UASC to the authorities, which contradicted the research ethical protocol with regard to confidentiality and anonymity. As a result, research participants for this specific category were limited to former UASC who had absconded prior to turning 18 and who had subsequently re-entered the reception system, thereby limiting to three the number of former UASC who met these criteria and who were interviewed as part of the research.

**•**    - **Language skills:** in order to facilitate and ensure the timely collection of data, i.e. to enable the

interview to be carried out without the need for a translator, interviewees were selected on the basis of their knowledge of the Italian language. Therefore, with the exception of a few cases, interviewees who did not speak Italian were excluded from the research.

**••** **Holders of international protection:** Some difficulties were experienced in identifying UASC and

former UASC with international protection (asylum or subsidiary protection).

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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

# **3. Context**

**3.1 Considerations on, and approaches to, migration and the transition to adulthood**

The reflection on UASC and former UASC pathways to adulthood can only start from the concept of the ‘triple transition’ that these girls and boys undergo: the transition from adolescence to adulthood that characterizes every human being; the transition from countries of origin to countries of arrival; and finally, the transition regarding overcoming trauma experienced prior to, during or after the journey (UNICEF and MDM, 2018).

The transition to adulthood, for all adolescents including UASC, is a complex period from a biological, psychological and social point of view. Moreover, it is widely recognized that the experience and the concept of adolescence may differ between and within cultures, with significant variations in the age at which one is still considered a child or treated as an adolescent rather than a young adult. In addition to these differences, there is the weight of factors related to the socio-economic context and to differences in gender, class and status, and to their cross-cutting nature (Demaria, 2016).

According to many studies, growing up in adversity is associated with an early transition to adult roles and behaviours (PAHO, 2005: 267). Indeed, migration is experienced by these boys and girls as an undertaking that establishes the full entry into adult life and the journey as a rite of passage. In addition, there are the different aspects of the migration project that they must incorporate in the process of building their own identity (Terres des Hommes, 2017; UNICEF and MDM, 2018), such as redeeming the economic and social fate of their family or community. The person who has left his or her country is soon characterized by a ‘double absence’ (Sayad, 2002) by not belonging to either of the two contexts, the country of origin and the country of destination. This situation is likely to be devastating for the child, because he or she defines his or her identity in the transition to adulthood (Erickson, 1998). Finally, there is the difficult transition from a traumatic experience to the activation of their resilience capacities, traumas that can result from situations that occurred prior to departure, to the violence suffered during the journey (UNICEF and IOM, 2017), or from culture shock upon arrival (UNICEF and MDM, 2018).

On the basis of these considerations, the artificiality of a distinction between ‘UASC’ and ‘adults’ is evident, as it does not take due account of the process of becoming an adult, of the cultural and social differences that concern this process, and of the vulnerabilities to which this category of migrants is exposed.

Considering the difficulties inherent in the triple transition that UASC experience, the complexity and sensitivity of the assessment of the best interests of the child emerge, the best interest of the child being the cornerstone of all measures to protect boys and girls. Therefore, addressing them must entail the difficult search for a balance between infantilizing and abandoning them and providing them with the necessary tools for full autonomy in the host society. It then seems more appropriate to consider UASC as ‘young people’ [9] and to understand, by this term, the process and cultural differences in the various stages of growth. This qualitative leap implies 19


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**O. (left) with his housemate Y., both 17 years old, migrated from Senegal and has been in Italy for about**

**a year. Here they play football at a piazza in the small village of Naro in Sicily, Italy (December 2018)**

© UNICEF/UN0264441/Stefano De Luigi VII Photo


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a concept of enhanced participation, which not only foresees their involvement but real empowerment, as reiterated in the United Nations by its Youth Strategy 2030. [10] In particular, there are some key areas where this triple transition – and the consequent caretaking, together with listening and understanding what the UASC or former UASC have to say – are particularly crucial: the legal status attributed to the adolescent and the possibility of accessing educational and training opportunities; accessing the job market; achieving housing independence; and of establishing or maintaining formal and informal relationships.

**3.2 The normative framework and the reception system for UASC in Italy:**
**Opportunities and protection**

The principle of the best interest of the child, established in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, [11] is the basis for the adoption of any decision concerning children, including determining which Member State of the European Union (EU) is responsible for examining applications for international protection or verifying the possibility of family reunification within the Dublin system, [12] which has been strengthened in the Italian legal system by the recent legislation for the protection of UASC (Law 47/2017).

In addition, Law 47/2017 introduced a number of new elements, including:

**•**    - a unique procedure for the identification of UASC: this identification, which must be completed

within ten days, requires that the qualified staff of the first-level reception facility, with the help of an intercultural mediator, conducts an interview with the child aimed at examining his or her personal and family history, and at drawing out any other element that could be useful for his or her protection;

**•**    - an age assessment procedure to be followed when, during identification there is a well-founded doubt

concerning the age declared by the UASC or whoever is assumed to be an UASC. If it is not possible to ascertain the identity with personal documents, a multidisciplinary approach will be adopted by conducting socio-medical tests that respect the principle of gradual invasiveness for UASC [13] (this method of ascertaining age aims to prevent the risk that UASC approaching the age of 18 are identified as adults);

**•**    - the role of the guardian, whose added value has been recognized by law and whose role has been

standardized at the national level, [14] regulating the scheduling and the competent authority for his/her appointment, the scope of his/her legal responsibilities and the number of UASC per guardian; [15]

**•**    - the compilation of the cartella sociale (social file), drawn up by the reception facility staff. This is a key

tool in assessing the best interests of the child.

UASC in Italy have access to two types of residence permits: a permit for UASC (granted on the grounds of the child being unaccompanied and/or separated) and a permit for family [16] reasons. At the age of 18, a residence permit for UASC may be converted into a residence permit for study, work or job seeking. The application for conversion, depending on the situation in which the person concerned finds himself or herself, is conditional 22

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on obtaining the approval of the Directorate-General for Immigration and Integration Policies of the Ministry of Labour and Social Policies (MLSP). [17] Also, a child may apply at the same time for both international protection and for a residence permit for UASC or have access to other residence permits governed by the law under the same conditions as other third country nationals. [18] When applying for international protection, UASC are granted certain procedural guarantees, including the right to a priority examination of their application, to be heard and to legal assistance.

Moreover, the legislation provides that the conditions of being a child applying for international protection and holding a permit for UASC or for family reasons may coexist.

Law Decree 113/2018, converted into Law 132/2018 (hereinafter l.d. 113/2018), introduced an important change with the repeal of the residence permit for humanitarian reasons [19] (see Glossary) as this measure was widely used by the Territorial Commissions [20] to protect UASC or former UASC asylum seekers who did not meet the conditions for the recognition of international protection in the form of asylum or subsidiary protection. With the same law, the Territorial Commission now has the possibility of recognizing a new residence permit for special protection of one year – renewable in case of continued eligibility, but not convertible on expiry – for cases in which the foreigner cannot be rejected, expelled or extradited.

With reference to the right to reception, Law 47/2017 (the Zampa Law) has set the principle of non-differentiation among UASC by virtue of their legal status. This legislation requires local authorities to give priority to family foster care over placement in a reception facility (Article 7). In October 2017, the National Integration Plan for holders of international protection also highlighted the measures needed to increase the reception system capacity and improve socio-economic integration through the full application of existing legislative instruments.

To date, the reception system therefore includes:

1. governmental first-level reception facilities for the needs of rescue and immediate protection of all

UASC (known as AMIF or FAMI) [21], in which UASC are received for the time strictly necessary (30 days) for identification, age assessment, the provision of information on his or her rights, including that of applying for international protection; 2. SIPROIMI second-level reception facilities, where all UASC regardless of their legal status are entitled to stay. UASC who have applied for international protection can remain until the conclusion of the procedure on status determination, even after turning 18. UASC who benefit from continued protection until the age of 21 can also remain within the SIPROIMI system; [22] 3. other types of reception facilities managed by the municipal authorities or the Prefectures where the child is located, when the former two types are unavailable. Depending on where the research was carried out, these forms of reception have a different name (e.g. educational communities, community housing, CAS), but they all meet the accreditation criteria defined at the regional or municipal levels.

Additionally, for UASC who have been identified as victims of trafficking, the Zampa law establishes that special protection must be guaranteed to them and provides a specific programme of assistance that ensures 23


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adequate reception conditions and psychosocial, health and legal assistance, providing for their continued protection even after they turn 18. [23] On living conditions in Italy and recognized rights, the new law has further consolidated the recognition of the right to health and education to UASC (Article 14).

**3.3 UASC in Italy**

Between 2014 and 2018, 625,009 refugees and migrants arrived in Italy by sea, of whom 70,547 were UASC.

Although the trend of arrivals by sea is declining, in 2018, a total of 3,536 UASC arrived in Italy. In the first half of 2019, the proportion of UASC alone was still significant: 365 out of 2,779 UASC, or 13 per cent, arrived by sea. The data on arrivals by sea must be compared with those of UASC present and registered in the reception system by the MLSP. Table 2 shows the overall reduction between 2017 and 2018, with a stable gender distribution.

**Table 1. UASC present and registered in the reception system in Italy, by gender, December 2013–2018**

**Year** **Males (%)** **Females (%)** **Total (absolute values)**

31/12/2013 93.8 6.2 6 319 31/12/2014 94.5 5.5 10 536 31/12/2015 95.4 4.6 11 921 31/12/2016 93.3 6.7 17 373 31/12/2017 93.2 6.8 18 303 31/12/2018 92.7 7.3 10 787 Source: ISMU calculations based on data from the Ministry of Labour and Social Policies.

Since 2015 most children arriving are 17 (54% and 60.2% of the total), followed by 16-year-olds (between 23.4% and 28.7% of the total). Most UASC who came between 2013 and 2015 were Egyptians, yet in recent years their number has decreased, while simultaneously there has been an increased trend (20%) of children arriving from West African countries reaching 41% of the total presence of UASC in 2018. Albania, the Gambia and Eritrea present steady trends, with a maximum fluctuation of Albanian children of 5 percentage points in these years (1,677 at the end of 2017; 1,550 at the end of 2018), while UASC from the Gambia and Eritrea since 2014 register numbers varying between 7% and 13%.

As of June 2019, 4,700 children were registered as absconded [24] since they have left formal reception facilities or care arrangements; it is not possible to know if they are still present in Italy. The trend of absconded UASC shows an overall decrease that is due to, at least in part, to them turning 18 and thus ceasing to be registered as UASC in the reception system.

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The aforementioned drop in arrivals from the central Mediterranean route and the consequent reduction of UASC with African origins further highlights the consistent and substantially stable presence of Albanian UASC, who have been among the first nationalities in percentage terms in recent years (22% in June 2019). Overall (figure 1), there is confirmation of the main countries of origin of UASC compared with the trend of previous years (Egypt, the Gambia, Côte d’Ivoire and Guinea), with the exception of Eritrean UASC, for whom the numbers have halved and – concerning age - a slight increase in the number of children aged 17. Females represent 6.8%, with 31.8% coming from Nigeria, followed by Albania (13.4%) and Eritrea (11.6%). To a lesser extent than their male counterparts, females are also mostly 17 (44.7%) and 16 (22.7%) years old.

**Figure 1. UASC registered in the reception system as at 30 June 2019 by main nationality, gender and age**

First 5 UASC nationalities Gender Females 7% 0-6 years old 1% Age 7-14 years old 6% 15 years old 7% Guinea Gambia Côte d'Ivoire Egypt Albania Other origin 5,2% 6,5% 6,7% 8,7% 22,9% 50% 16 years old 17 years old 23% 63% Males 93% Source: MLSP data (UASC Monthly Report in Italy, updated on 30 June 2019).

Despite the aim of the Italian authorities to achieve a more equitable geographical distribution of reception facilities for UASC across the country, to date, Sicily continues to host the largest number of UASC. At the end of 2018, it hosted 38 per cent of the total number of UASC registered, mostly from the Gambia and Eritrea, which decreased to 28.4 per cent in June 2019 as a result of the decline in arrivals. Lombardy, Emilia-Romagna and Lazio follow with Egyptian and Albanian nationalities (the number of young Egyptians is particularly significant in Lazio, equal to 39 per cent at the end of 2018).

Between 2013 and 2017, [25] there was a steady increase in the issuance of residence permits for UASC, followed by a slight drop in 2017, at 30 per cent of those present that year. In addition to the residence permits for UASC, there are also permits for foster care, family reasons and the integration of UASC, which have not been, however, consistently recorded over the years and therefore do not allow to determine the trends. After the progressive increase in asylum applications from 2014, with a peak in 2017 of 9,782 applications, there was a sudden decline in 2018. With the decrease in applications, there was also a 62.4 per cent decrease in 2017 in absolute terms of UASC asylum seekers, (from more than 9,700 in 2017 to 3,676 in 2018). The 377 UASC who applied for asylum in January and June 2019 make up only 2 per cent of the total number of applicants. During 2018, 8,554 UASC asylum applications were examined, of which 5.8 per cent obtained refugee status; 2.6 per 25

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cent, subsidiary protection; and 61 per cent, humanitarian protection, a reduction of 10 per cent compared to 2017 (Ministry of the Interior, 2018), but three times higher than the 20.9 per cent of foreign adults to whom it was granted (Table 2). In 2018, more than a third of the examined paperwork concerned young Gambians and Nigerians, with the recognition of refugee status for 2 per cent and 17 per cent of applications, respectively, and humanitarian protection for 67 per cent and 52 per cent (Ministry of the Interior, National Commission for Asylum).

**Table 2. UASC asylum seekers: First instance decision, by gender and age group, and total no. of adults, 2018.**

**Gender/age** **Refugee** **Humanitari-** **Another** **Total no.**
**Subsidiary** **Not granted** **Absconded**
**group** **status** **an protection** **outcome** **examined****

protection 280 209 5.088 2 184 198 94 8 053 Female 215 10 162 73 22 19 501

**Total** **495** **219** **5 250** **2 257** **220** **113** **8 554**

0–13 years old 6 1 5 4 1 5 22 14–17 years old 145 63 986 417 56 67 1 734 18+ years old (*) 344 155 4 259 1 836 163 41 6 798

**Total** **495** **219** **5 250** **2 257** **220** **113** **8 554**

**Total % UASC** **5.8** **2.6** **61.4** **26.4** **2.6** **1 .3** **100.0**

% total adults 7.4 4.5 20.9 58.6 8.1 0.4 100.0 Not recognized = e.g. negative reply, absent/not-eligible, etc (*) at the time of the decision.

(**) examined during the year irrespective of the date of application for asylum.

Fonte: ISMU calculations based on data from the Ministry of the Interior, National Commission for Asylum.

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# **4. Expectations, aspirations and the future**

The desires and aspirations of UASC often concern the sphere of opportunities that are denied or impeded by the economic and social context in the country of origin due, amongst other factors, to conflict or economic deprivation. While individual expectations relate to the possibility of realizing one's own desires in a relatively short time, family expectations relate to the capacity to respond to external expectations, which are often complex, such as being able to send economic remittances in a short time. [26] Desires and expectations, therefore, become indicators of adolescents’ ability to influence the present and to project themselves into the future (Bell, 1966). Their choices, like their desires and their potential for building their lives, vary in relation to their age and their ability to imagine themselves in the future, and in relation to their gender and the social and cultural expectations attributed to them.

**4.1 UASC aspirations and family expectations**

A plurality of desires and aspirations have emerged from the biographical interviews with UASC. Individual desires before departure can be thus identified, albeit mixed with their complex life experiences:

**••** **to find opportunities for a better life:** _“I would like to have a beautiful life, a better future, for me,_

_also for my future generation”_ (Congolese [27], male, 17 years old);

**••** **to pursue education:** _“For me, dreaming of going to school led to taking the boat from Egypt [...] I_

_had the chance, now I cannot give up”_ (Egyptian, male, 17 years old). This desire often clashes with the need for self-sufficiency at the time of leaving the reception system: _“I wanted more: to go to_ _school, finish my studies, but it will be a bit difficult to study with nothing in hand, without money,_ _because I want to go to university“_ (Congolese, male, 17 years old);

**••** **to make Italy only a leg of my journey:** _“I knew nothing, not even the language ... because I have_

_never studied Italian and therefore I wanted to go to England”_ (Eritrean, male 17 years old);

**••** **to escape from violence,** an aspiration that concerns those who flee from situations of conflict,

persecution and violence in their country of origin: _“It was also very hard for me to come; my family_ _is in Africa. You understand [...] my country is also at war_ ” (Somalian, male, 19 years old);

**••** **to flee from family abuse and the risk of early marriage,** in particular for girls: “ _When you are there_

_you are 17 years old, they find you a husband and you go”_ (Albanian, 16 years old, female);

**••** **to reunite with one's family**    - the dream is often to reach Northern European countries: _“When the_

_documents arrive I'll go to Holland, because my father is there”_ (Eritrean, female, 17 years old). This desire also emerged for the UASC ‘in transit’, who stay for some time in Rome or in border areas, as confirmed by the educators of some civil society organizations (CSOs):

**••** **to have a family of their own in the future:** _“first of all, my dreams, [...] have my own family, get_

_married, and have children”_ (Ivorian, male, 16 years old), mentioned by both males and females: _“to work, have a house and do something good, later a husband and a child who goes to school”_ 27


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**M., 17 years old, originally from the Gambia, sits by a pond in a park in Pozzallo, Sicily, Italy (May 2016)**

© UNICEF/UN020027/ Gilbertson VII Photo


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(Somalian, female, 17 years old). They often prefer Italy for this project: _“I would like to continue to_ _stay here and have a job, then I bring them and we live here in Italy together”_ (Gambian, male, 17 years old);

**••** **not having precise desires:** _“when I left my country I had no direction”_ (Gambian, male, 18 years old)

Both girls and boys highlighted the need to maintain a relationship with relatives of the country of origin and the desire to build a family in the future, often preferring Italy for this project. Studying, working, being self supporting and seeking stability underlie the emerging desire to bring a family member to Italy, the younger brother, the sister or the mother: _“[...] to be a nurse, bring my mother here, I would like to study and then work,_ _have a house, a husband, buy food”_ (Somalian, female, 17 years old).

The research also highlighted the need to pay particular attention to the influence of the family of origin on the formulation of expectations. Once in Italy, many children want to work for themselves and to send money home, often coming with previous work experience. Once they arrive, however, they discover that they have to wait to obtain a residence permit, to learn Italian, attend school and be trained through an internship, and that they actually have to wait until they turn 18 in order to work. Goals are thus adapted, and an awareness soon emerges of the need to complete an education and training pathway, and to undertake multiple activities to build one’s own path: _“They told me that it's early; there are no jobs; you still have to learn the language; at the_ _beginning I went crazy, because I have always earned money since I was a child”_ (Tunisian, male, 24 years old).

Finally, departure is not always voluntary or planned, especially for some girls and young women who arrived following a decision taken by their adult husband or family, while others were deceived by family members or trusted friends. In these cases, the migration project emerges later, once they have entered the reception and protection system.

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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

**4.2 Desires and expectations in the transition to adulthood**

For those who have just turned 18, the prospect of a better quality of life, which takes the form of a satisfactory work activity, is a common objective. Their stories are striking for their acquired capacity to nurture their dreams and their capacity to have aspirations and to project themselves into the future (Appadurai, 2011), albeit with a certain flexibility in the choices of a desirable future (Masini, 2000), susceptible to changes and adaptations in relation to the place where they will live.

The desire that most frequently emerges is to build a future in Italy and specifically where they have experienced the most significant stages of their process of growth towards adulthood. Expectations and desires become a springboard for a pathway that starts in Catania, Palermo, Syracuse, Rome, Latina and Milan, and that will make them citizens of these cities: _“Certainly, I live in Italy because I’m comfortable here[...], my family has educated_ _me, but here I have been taught to grow”_ (Egyptian, male, 19 years old). In this change of mentality experienced by girls and boys, some positive role models of adults they met during their journey in Italy were crucial.

In most of the interviews with UASC, the expectations regarding work are focused, at this stage, on specific jobs: blacksmith, hairdresser, cook, mechanic, waiter, plumber and electrician. The girls dream of being a policewoman, an engineer, a doctor, a lawyer, but they adapt their expectations to any job opportunity, often oriented towards occupations having traditionally higher numbers of female workers (hairdresser, waitress, beautician), thus reproducing traditional roles that persist both in the culture of origin and in the culture of arrival: _“What kind of work? Cleaning, working in a restaurant, caring for the elderly, whatever there is”_ (Nigerian, female, 20 years old).

Everyone’s future is built step by step, from one experience to another, finding a way to satisfy, as close as possible, one’s aspirations and aware that these can change. Among UASC who turned 18, at times there is the desire to return to their country of origin, to put into practice the professional experience acquired or to start a business, at times because they feel a sense of responsibility towards their own country: _“I am Congolese and_ _I must return to my country to invest, build [...] if I have the ability to do so, I will do so “_ (Congolese, male, 17 years old).

The desire for a satisfactory housing solution is key, especially for former UASC, which often means having a room in an apartment on their own, where they can live together with other friends and/or fellow compatriots ‘chosen as roommates’. Similarly, to the desires expressed by UASC, those who turned 18, especially some girls and young women who already have a child to take care of, expressed the dream of building a family of their own, marrying and having children: _“I want to work a lot to help my family. He is here, he is small (referring_ _to the child)”_ (Gambian, female, 18 years old). This represents an important step towards the transition to adult life and the affirmation of one’s own achievement, proving to oneself and also to others in the country of origin and in Italy that one has ‘made it’.

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**Life history of M. – Albanian, 20 years old: Benefiting from continued care and protection until age 21**

**M. has been in Italy for four and a half years and, from the very beginning, has followed a positive**

**path of social inclusion in Italy. He arrived in Italy at the age of 15, pushed by his parents, although**

**he did not agree with his family’s decision. Upon his arrival in Milan, he was immediately placed**

**in a reception facility where the stay is structured in several steps that gradually guides them to**

**autonomy. M. has followed all the steps within the reception facility and is now in an apartment**

**under supervised independent living arrangements. After the first Italian courses and the middle**

**school exam, he was able to enrol in an evening school (chartered accountant and surveyor**

**specialization course), having expressed a clear desire to continue studying, even if he says he had to**

**‘fight’ to be able to continue doing so. Attending evening classes, he had the opportunity to obtain a**

**five-month work grant in a design studio, which he says was a very good experience, where he was**

**appreciated. When he turned 18, the social services granted him continued protection until age 21.**

**In addition, because of this internship, M. was ready to move into supervised independent living. He**

**then obtained a scholarship that allows him to continue attending an evening school for surveyors,**

**without having to work, because the scholarship is conditional on school results. M. is in his final**

**year of schooling and until then will enjoy the continued protection by social services, at the end**

**of which he feels ready to enter the job market. M. has been able to achieve what he wanted and is**

**following a pathway in which he is guided towards gradual independence, which will allow him to**

**have freedom and responsibility without feeling abandoned.**

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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

# **5. The transition to adulthood:** **pathways and factors for success**

**5.1 Characteristics and factors that facilitate or constrain UASC’s transition**
**pathways**

**5.1.1 UASC's rights**

**Figure 2. UASC’s rights**

**UASC rights**

Non Non Right to have refoulment expulsability a guardian Unconditional accommodation (priority to family-foster care, when possible) Social rights recognized for all children (education, health, etc.) Procedural guarantees for asylum applications The principle of the best interests of the child and the importance of the inclusion of the child in a long-term project are at the core of the biographies collected. As shown in Figure 2, the rights granted to UASC protect their stay in Italy, their legal status and their social life. However, there is a gap between the rights and guarantees provided for by law and their actual implementation in accordance with the principle of the best interests of the child. Good practices of multidisciplinary, best interest assessment consistent with international standards are still limited due to inadequate and heterogenous regulations.

The legal status influences UASC pathways because it impacts on the choices available to them. This is even more significant following the abolition of the residence permit for humanitarian protection. Hence, looking at the precariousness linked to the legal status, prospects differ based on whether the UASC: a. have a form of international protection (refugee status or subsidiary protection, which is the most stable legal status enabling to develop a social inclusion pathway); b. hold a residence permit for special cases, which can be converted into another residence permit [28] and which can extend after the age of 18. This includes UASC who have been granted humanitarian protection under the previous legal framework; [29] 33


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**B., 18 yeasr old, a refugee from war-affected South Sudan in class at the United World College,**

**near Trieste, where he has won a full scholarship to complete the international baccalaureate,**

**October 2017.**

© UNHCR/Fabio Bucciarelli


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c. have a residence permit for UASC, which lasts until they turn 18 and can be converted into a residence permit for job seeking, or study or work purposes; d. are waiting for the outcome of their asylum application and live in the greatest precariousness, especially given that there is a risk that they will receive a negative decision when they turn 18.

In all cases, the legal status affects the process of social inclusion and labour insertion, consequently leading to frustration due to the feeling of not progressing and of precariousness. The legal status, therefore, is the first factor that positively or negatively affects the pathway of transition to adulthood.

**5.1.2 The first step: The pathways in the reception system**

Across all regions, common trends have been observed with regard to reception procedures and pathways, with positive and negative cases being equally distributed. There are many factors that affect reception pathways, that are both structural, such as local opportunities, and interpersonal, such as the people with whom UASC interact.

_**The role of the educator**_ The educator [30] plays a crucial role in the reception pathway and in guiding UASC’s choices. In particular, for girls, in particular, the need to build positive relationships with adult women is observed: _“She asks me what I_ _think is right for me [...] Yes, I get on well. She told me that when I want to talk, when I have a problem, ‘call me,_ _I can help you’. She is a good person”_ (Albanian, female, 16 years old). From the biographies, an ambivalence emerges regarding the role of the educator as someone who both builds a privileged relationship with the UASC but who is also the guarantor of the organizational rules of the reception facilities in which they operate.

_**The educational importance of the rules**_ The interviewees stated that the rules of the reception facility have to be respected and cannot not be waived, even if, in reality, some of them reluctantly tolerate a systematic limitation in the freedom they have to manage the time they spend in the facility, their free time, and their belongings. The quality of the services and the opportunities offered by the reception facility are crucial in the acceptance of this reduced freedom, whilst at the same time facilitating adaptation to the new context.

Three UASC profiles emerge that outline three types of actions and relationships based on the rules of the reception facility:

1. **Adaptive**    - recognizes the value of the rules for personal and common well-being: _“When something_

_is not right, okay I understand that I shouldn’t do it, and if I want to do again [laughs], they tell me_ _you cannot do this; sometimes I get angry, afterwards I understand that it was right and I say okay”_ (Albanian, female, 16 years old).

2. **Rebel** - misinterprets the rules and does not acknowledge their usefulness: _“If the carabinieri are_ 36


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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

_called in, I tell you, they won’t not let me out, I swear [...] in Tunisia it never happened that I wasn’t_ _allowed out for months. Never, and I come to this community and they do this to me”_ (Tunisian, male, 13 years old).

3. **Resigned** - although not acknowledging the rules, opts for living peacefully: _“[...] so as to avoid_ _problems because I know how I am, so to avoid them I prefer to be on that side”_ (Ivorian, male, 16 years old).

UASC, therefore, often struggle to understand the educational value of the rules of the reception facilities in which they live, and at times, particular attention is not given by reception facility staff to their understanding of this value, but rather, the focus is on the need for them to adapt. In addition, there are specific situations, such as reception facilities for victims of trafficking, where the rules are even stricter for the protection of the girls hosted there; but even here, it is neither simple nor clear for them to understand and accept these rules, including from a psychological point of view, especially those regarding control and freedom of movement.

UASC also mentioned a particularly positive aspect regarding the services offered by the reception facilities, i.e. sports and recreational activities. In general, the boys and girls mentioned that there were opportunities to become involved in exciting and fun activities.

**5.1.3 UASC’s education and training pathways**

The public education and training system is uniform throughout the country and is compulsory for ten years for all children from the age of six to 16. The differences in the three observed regions are therefore attributable to the school and training courses available at the local level and to the choices of the actors involved in the development of the child's personal education plan (PEI). [31] With the increase in the number of UASC, the provision of Italian courses has expanded and is now divided into Italian language workshops within the reception facilities, courses offered by the CPIAs, [32] and Italian language schools run by CSOs and/or universities. In particular, the CPIAs are the main hub for UASC – and for migrants, refugees and asylum-seekers in general – for Italian courses and the attainment of the compulsory middle school certificate, as shown by the census carried out in the CPIAs of the three regions involved in the research. The data collected by the CPIAs shows that 84 per cent of students are citizens of a third country, of whom 10 per cent are UASC. [33] With regards to vocational training, there are two different types of training courses for UASC: short courses (from three to six months) provided by the accredited bodies of the Vocational Education and Training (VET) [34] regional system, and longer courses (from two years to five years) carried out by training institutions accredited by the regions or by the professional institutes and the CPIAs as part of their regular courses for the adult population.

The integration of UASC into the educational system is significantly difficult in the early stages, especially in early literacy, due to their disorientation upon arrival in Italy and in the early stages of their integration into the reception system (Augelli, Lombi and Triani 2018). Moreover, it is not uncommon for UASC to have low levels 37

census carried out in the CPIAs

census carried out in the CPIAs

data collected by the CPIAs


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of schooling [35] upon arrival, even if they often have the advantage of knowing several languages and of being aware of the importance of learning Italian as a fundamental step in their path to inclusion (D’Agostino: 2018).

One of the main problems relates to access to the education system for UASC who are 15 years old and who can be admitted either exceptionally to the CPIA or to regular secondary schools. [36] Alongside language difficulties, UASC are often faced with the challenge of building trust and developing relationships with peers, teachers and other adults at school. The Personal Education Plan (PEI), therefore, becomes fundamental in the UASC’s transition towards their social inclusion, which can only be achieved together with the contribution of all the individuals involved in supporting them: educators, social workers and volunteer guardians. [37] Many interviewed UASC want to go to school because they believe that their future depends on the acquisition of educational and professional skills. Responses to the U-Report on the Move poll also confirm this trend, with 77 per cent of respondents reporting that they were very satisfied with their school experience. [38] School and vocational training courses are experienced as strongly geared towards job insertion or as an opportunity for emancipation and growth: _“The school inspires ideas. If you don't go to school, you can't know everything_ _that's going on in the world”_ (Nigerian, female, 21 years old).

From the analysis of the information gathered, three enabling factors have been identified in facilitating their school-training pathways: a. **the quality of the support** offered by the reception facility, in particular, the educators and the other staff who spend the day with the UASC. This support plays a central role in the choice of the educational path that best responds to the greatest interests of the child, assessed in a multidisciplinary way. In the specific cases of young women with children, the support of childcare organizations and services becomes crucial to enable them to continue their studies: _“In the morning I go to Civico Zero, and she_ _goes to the kindergarten at nine”_ (Eritrean, female, 17 years old); b. opportunities that are built in the school-training context through **the network of relationships** that are established; c. the type of **guidance and orientation in the choices** that UASC make to either continue training or access employment. Some interviewed educators and social workers confirm that most UASC are oriented towards professional pathways or quickly enrolled in job internships to support them in their job placement. In both cases, the importance of guiding the adolescent to understand his or her aspirations, abilities and possibilities has a decisive effect on the success of his or her pathway.

The positive trend of school experiences is confirmed by the U-Report on the Move poll, with 89 per cent of respondents stating that what they are learning is very useful. In addition, both boys and girls seem to be clear about what could be changed in their education paths in order to improve them, i.e. 30 per cent of U-Reporters stated they would like a more practical method to learn Italian, which was also confirmed by UASC and former UASC who participated in the FGDs.

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U-Report on the Move poll


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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

**Life history of K. – Ivorian, 17 years old: Residence permit for UASC**

**K. says that he applied for international protection but that he then withdrew his application**

**because the “Commission in Italy became difficult”. He arrived in Milan with the initial intention**

**of going to France to join a friend, but he gave up this plan when he was placed in a facility in the**

**Milan area. He has negative memories of this place, because “there were no rules; you don't study**

**and you don't do anything.” After spending around five months there, he was transferred to a facility**

**for UASC in Milan, where he has been living for a year. He attended and obtained the middle school**

**certificate during his stay at the reception facility. Although he expressed the desire to continue**

**studying, his educators suggested that he set out on a path ensuring access to employment, so as**

**to become autonomous, since he was approaching the age of 18. K. says he is willing to take any**

**job. At the time of the interview, however, K. mentioned problems with his documents for reasons**

**he cannot understand. This situation – the impossibility of studying and working, the uncertainty**

**about the future, like the traumas he experienced during the journey (he mentions the painful loss**

**of a friend in the desert) – has thrown him into a state of distress, so he is assisted by a psychologist,**

**whom he sees once a week and with whom he talks about “his dream” that “is now ruined forever”.**

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**5.1.4 The role of the guardian in the transition to adulthood**

The system of guardianship for UASC takes three forms: public-institutional, voluntary and pro tempore. Law 47/2017 values in particular volunteer guardians (see box 3 in Annex), who appear as a key reference person in the UASC’s transition to adult life, as joint actors in the choices that the child makes. The importance of the volunteer guardian and his/her task to support in the UASC’s process of transition to adult life is also internationally recognized (see FRA and AGIA, 2018 [39] ). The guardian ensures the child’s overall well-being, safeguards the child’s best interests, exercises legal representation and complements the child’s limited legal capacity. [40] He or she facilitates the personal growth of UASC in the host society, supervises the protection of their rights, and supports them in understanding their duties.

As revealed by the interviews, volunteer guardians define their role in practice rather than on the basis of legal provisions, and in a significantly different way from the past and from institutional guardians. The mainstreaming of the new role of the volunteer guardian within the protection and reception system has also varied between locations and in its duration. Sicily represents a good practice, although there are differences across the different provinces involved in the research; Palermo and Syracuse offer positive experiences and successful cases due to the very active presence of support networks [41] and associations.

In general, the role of the volunteer guardian is positive and effective when he or she succeeds in forging and guiding the particular relationship that is established between the UASC and the surrounding social context.

Much depends on the skills and personal talent of the guardian, and his or her availability in terms of time and presence in the daily life of the UASC to identify, in a timely manner, signs of discomfort or calls for help in crucial moments of UASC’s pathways towards maturity nand relational and economic autonomy. A serious shortcoming of the current system, which is also not regulated by Law 47/2017, is the lack of permanent support mechanisms for volunteer guardians, in addition to training. [42] As the interviewees testify, the role they play is highly relational and involves the social and emotional dimension of protection: _“The guardian for me_ _here in Italy is like a parent, a big brother. I tell him, ‘This is my problem, can you help me?’ I also have his_ _WhatsApp number“_ (Albanian, male, 16 years old). Within this relationship, the expectations of the guardian as well as that of the child towards him or her also play an important role, which, if not mediated or if unrealistic, are at risk of leading to frustration.

**5.1.5 Becoming adults by building meaningful relationships**

In the transition to adulthood, UASC build formal and informal relationships to support their social inclusion in Italy. These relationships can be categorised as follows:

**••** **formal relationships,** which are mediated by the processes of institutionalization and inclusion;

**••** **informal relationships,** which are the spontaneous relationships that arise and develop through links

with the communities from home countries and friendships between peers groups;

**••** **relationships that are built in the formal sphere** (the school or the reception facility) but that go

beyond their formal function.

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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

The first relationships of trust are established with the educators of the reception facilities, who contribute towards the definition of a positive model of support and guidance to adulthood. Building positive bonds with adults helps to build openness to society, attributing to adults a positive image, whereas previously these same adults may have been a source of exploitation, violence or deception: _“I was deceived by my cousin who told_ _me that I had to go with him to Lagos, and by chance, I found myself in Libya”_ (Nigerian, female, 17 years old).

Some interviewed UASC maintain significant relationships with the family of origin, or part of it. Some have even expressed the desire to be able to bring their relatives to Italy, often younger brothers or sisters: _“I still_ _do not know if I will live here in Italy or England, but I would like to take my family with me”_ (Eritrean, male, 17 years old), or join a part of their family in other European countries. This legitimate aspiration often becomes difficult to realize due to procedural difficulties and lack of harmonization among EU countries, particularly with regard to age assessment and family links: _“Yes, when my documents arrive I will go to the Netherlands,_ _because my father is there. I'm going there”_ (Eritrean, female, 17 years old).

Within the informal relations built by UASC, relations with peers are of particular importance. In the context of reception facilities, UASC are in close contact with other UASC on similar paths and in similar situations; although this helps mutual understanding, it may limit them to ghettoized relationships.

**5.2 Transition to adulthood: What changes when UASC become adults**

**5.2.1 The rights of former UASC**

**Figure 3. Changes in entitlements of former UASC upon turning 18**

**Changes to entitlements upon turning 18**

Loss of rights and guarantees linked to being a child (guardianship, procedural guarantees in asylum applications, etc.) Loss of the right of Loss of the right of non refoulement non explusability Loss of the right to unconditional accomodation Becoming an adult is a fundamental turning point for those who arrived in Italy alone and as UASC. The borderline is clearly defined from a legal and reception point of view. For children approaching the age of 18, different scenarios are envisaged according to their legal status: for those who hold international protection status, although they lose rights and safeguards granted to them as children, the moment of transition to adulthood has a relatively minor impact since the international protection status provides a broad protection of rights and reception facilities; those with a residence permit for UASC will be in a critical situation regarding 41


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**M. (left), 15 years old, from Côte d’Ivoire, M. L. B (centre, their volunteer guardianship) and K.,**

**16 years old, from Guinea-Bissau, pose for a photo in Palermo, Sicily, Italy (December 2018)**

© UN/0264460/Stefano De Luigi VII Photo


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both their residence permit and right to reception: they may apply for a permit for job seeking, study purposes or work purposes [43] but in all cases, they have to leave the reception facility in which they are living and become self-supporting unless they are granted continued protection by social services until age 21, which enables them to continue to benefit from reception services. [44] UASC who have obtained recognition of humanitarian protection before the entry into force of l.d. 113/2018 are in a transitional situation in which, for a limited period of time of two years, they can still enjoy a form of protection. After this period, their case is re-assessed by the competent Territorial Commission, with the possibility of being granted special protection or, in certain cases, international protection. If the necessary requirements are not met, they may not be granted any form of protection. As an alternative, they can proceed with the conversion to a residence permit for job seeking, or study or work purposes but accommodation in SIPROIMI facilities is not guaranteed. The prospects for those who are granted special protection (as defined by l.d.113/2018 and therefore not convertible into work permits) [45] is even more uncertain. Those who, at the age of 18, are asylum-seekers remain in a legal limbo where the guarantees of protection are still valid until the outcome of the Territorial Commission; however, it is more difficult for them to begin and build a pathway of transition to adulthood, because their condition could radically change with a negative outcome that would put them in an irregular situation in the event that even the appeal would end in a negative ruling.

**5.2.2 Access to employment pathways**

Job placement is a crucial phase of UASC and former UASC pathways. Achieving full economic independence is indeed their greatest challenge. There are many factors that affect former UASC’s entry into the job market: their legal status, as illustrated above; the availability of adequate professional training; the opportunities offered by the local job market; and finally, the possibility of having a social network supporting them with job opportunities and language skills.

While taking into account some regional differences in labour policies and forms of job seeking support, the analysis of interviews with former UASC and key informants shows that the pathways and phases in accessing the job market are similar in the three regions, [46] they are based on the capacity of the reception facility and the local network in which it operates to offer integrated services, and on the offer of the local job market.

The urgent need to enter the job market is a recurring theme in the stories of former UASC, who often find it difficult to fully understand the reasons for waiting and the importance of following the educational and training steps indicated by educators and/or guardians. Moreover, UASC and former UASC can rarely choose jobs according to their abilities and aspirations. [47] The path is often random and/or guided by need, which has been further exacerbated by the restrictions of Law 132/2018.

The research also revealed that many of the interviewees have already had work experience in their countries of origin (even at a very young age), or during the long journeys to reach Europe, as farmers, welders, carpenters, shop assistants or bricklayers: _“In my country I didn't go to school [...] I had to work and help my family, when I_ _was six, seven years old [...] because we arrive a little... let's say we’re poor [...]. I did a little bit of everything”_ (Egyptian, male, 16 years old), and a girl said: _“I worked as a hairdresser for three years, since I was 14 until I_ _arrived here”_ (Egyptian, female, 17 years old).

Among the types of employment pathways most frequently accessed by those who have just turned 18 is 44