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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

the work grant, which combines economic support with temporary employment in ‘protected’ circumstances.

Similar evidence also emerges from statements by trainees participating in the Percorsi I and II projects funded by the MLSP and implemented by Anpal services. [48] Both Percorsi projects have implemented internship courses with a work grant for the recipient and a contribution to the employer for the tutoring and coaching activities. [49] Even outside this type of pathway, it is possible to find cases of UASC who have recently turned 18 who have successfully integrated into the job market as a result of the assistance and support of reception facilities and CSOs. The characteristics of a successful job insertion pathway are similar to the above-mentioned structural factors, but the availability of a social network is also crucial, as well as the ability of the former UASC to “draw from it and nurture it”, as well as a certain amount of proactivity and desire to learn: _“It was great because_ _there were many of us working together, all the girls [...] and they also helped me a lot [...], and before I did not_ _understand Italian”_ (Milan, Gambian, 19 years).

**Life history of N. – Senegalese, 18 years old: Job-seeking permit**

**N. arrived in Italy at the age of 16, in 2016. An application for a residence permit for UASC was**

**submitted and not an application for asylum. Immediately after landing in Sicily, he was transferred**

**to a reception centre for UASC in the Marche region, where he stayed for three months. N. found the**

**rules of this centre too strict, for example, regarding the use of a mobile phone, which was restricted**

**to a few hours a day, and going out. He did not want to wait for a transfer to another facility, so**

**he left. With the vague idea of moving to another country, he arrived in Milan, where the police**

**stopped him and identified him. N. was placed in a reception facility near Milan, where he remained**

**for a year attending Italian courses, starting the third grade of middle school (without being able to**

**finish it because he left the reception facility when he turned 18 years old), practising sports such**

**as boxing, and taking part in artistic activities such as theatre and training (e.g. vegetable gardening**

**and general gardening) organized by the reception facility. As his 18th birthday was approaching,**

**the reception facility could not ask for his continued protection by social services until the age of**

**21, since the municipality that had jurisdiction over him tended not to grant them at that particular**

**point in time. An application for conversion of the residence permit for UASC into a job seeking**

**permit was then sent on his behalf to the MLPS, which granted it. However, the application process**

**was rendered more complicated by the fact that N. had to apply for the issue of his passport at the**

**Senegalese consulate. Upon turning 18 years old, N. had to leave the reception facility, and the only**

**solution he found was a dormitory for the homeless and for people without fixed abode. Since then,**

**N. has obtained a one-year job-seeking residence permit. Although holding a job-seeking permit has**

**given him psychological peace of mind by “being okay with his papers” for at least some time, he is**

**constantly looking for job opportunities. He has already completed two work grant internships in**

**two metalworking companies (a sector in which he would like to work). Previously, he had a small**

**job as a gardener and obtained a licence to operate a forklift. In the meantime, he continues to attend**

**an evening Italian course to improve his skills. At the moment, his main concern is finding stable**

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**work and possibly, obtaining a work permit. N. is well aware of the real risk of falling into an illegal**

**situation should he not get a work permit, which he might have obtained more easily if he had had**

**a little more time available.**

**5.2.3 Housing independence**

UASC who have turned 18 and have concluded or are about to conclude their stay in a reception facility struggle to find physical and relational spaces that meet their need for freedom and independent living.

Underlying this is an ambivalence relating to the balance between independence and abandonment at the time of leaving the facility.

The renting of a house creates anxiety and concern among the young people interviewed, since they are aware that it is necessary to have an employment contract in order to be able to rent a house. The theme of the connection between employment and independent living emerges in many interviews: _“The first thing they say_ _is whether you work. If you work, yes, they tell you, here is a friend who has a room or a bed [...] if you do not_ _work, it is too difficult to find a house”_ (Senegalese, male, 21 years old).

For some, especially girls, although they are aware that renting a house with others can be an advantage for cost sharing reasons, they want to rent an independent accommodation to build an independent life or live with their partner: _“a house of my own, a job I can do, that I'm happy with my boyfriend, I think that in the future_ _I'm closer to him”_ (Gambian, female, 19 years old).

It is often difficult to rent a place to live due to owners’ lack of trust, in which case, mediation by social networks can assist. The search for a home is a team effort involving many actors, voluntary organizations, religious associations, informal networks or planned projects with the social services of the municipalities.

Another aspect that also emerged from the interviews with social and institutional key informants is the presence of networks of fellow compatriots who, at the moment of leaving the reception system, represent a form of support and the possibility of finding a shared housing solution with others, even if often with irregular rental contracts. In addition to these forms, there is also supervised independent accommodation, such as boarding houses or forms of ‘protected’ apartments managed by CSOs and assisted by the occasional presence of an educator. [50] Among the positive experiences family foster care remains a form of alternative care, [51] which goes far beyond the housing solution and can continue after former UASC turn 18, although its use is still limited in Italy: _“I have been living with my foster family for about five years; luckily, everything is fine and we_ _have grown fond of each other and we immediately understood each other [...] they simply thought of helping_ _this boy and welcoming him into their home, so I can say that I'm really lucky”_ (Egyptian, male, 19 years old).

The boys’ and girls’ satisfaction with regards to their successful pathways is common to all the positive experiences of housing independence; some study and work in the evening or during the weekend, and proudly emphasize being able to pay the rent and live with dignity, without being a burden on anyone.

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**5.2.4 Friendly and supportive relations**

Formal and informal relationships play a key role in supporting social inclusion of former UASC in Italy. In this phase, those who have already turned 18 become more aware of the role that relationships can play and begin to make choices with regard to both the improvement of formal relationships and the selection of informal ones. The first points of reference are the formal relationships of trust (with the educators of the reception facilities, the guardians, with the foster families and, in some cases, with the teachers) established when they were still UASC. Those relationships have been ‘put to the test’ for a certain period and can represent the baggage that children who turn 18 can carry with them in their path as young adults: _“I have become very_ _fond of them, maybe even they [the educators] have, I have been to their home. We go out, we also went_ _on vacation together”_ (Albanian, male, 20 years old). The interviews make repeated mention of the network created in support to the young migrant’s or refugee’s growth pathway and of which, at a certain point, he or she becomes a conscious and active actor in the construction of his or her own social capital.

With regard to informal relations, in particular those developed with peers, the acquisition of greater autonomy is directly connected to increased capacity and opportunities of making choices which are in turn influenced by personal opportunities. The selection of friendships can go either in the direction of keeping away or coming closer to situations deemed unsuitable, _“Some people smoke hashish, a mess [...]. I've seen so many bad_ _things; I do not want them for me”_ (Somalian, male, 19 years old).

Both boys and girls talk about wanting to marry and build a family in the future when they will have achieved the goals they are pursuing today. In some cases, ongoing love relationships are highlighted as central. In other cases, affective and loving relationships are postponed to focus on more urgent matters. A decisive relationship that affects some girls and young women is the one with children, which modifies in many ways their relationships, including how they are perceived by other girls: _“I am everyone's mother”_ (Gambian, female, 18 years old).

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**M., 17 years old, from the Gambia, bumps fists with a local Italian man he had been chatting with**

**during an outing in Pozzallo, Sicily (May 2016)**

© UNICEF/UN020030/Ashley Gilbertson


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**Life history of H. – Afghan, 24 years old: A refugee**

**H. has been in Italy since 2012 after a long and difficult journey. H. left Afghanistan at the age of**

**13, without his family, together with other fellow compatriots on their way to Pakistan. He worked**

**there for a year in a carpet factory, but the money he earned was too little, just enough to eat and**

**sleep and buy clothing. He decided to continue his journey and moved to the mountains to work**

**in a mine. He worked there for a fairly long time, but the work was very difficult, so he decided**

**to leave again and move to the Islamic Republic of Iran. This crossing was also more difficult than**

**expected; he tried to cross the border three times but was sent back to Afghanistan. H. did not give**

**up; he decided to continue his journey, return to Pakistan and try to enter the Islamic Republic of**

**Iran again. He then worked in a slaughterhouse for the time needed to earn the money to pay the**

**traffickers. This way he could enter Europe from the Greek border when he was still an UASC and**

**then arrive in Italy. But his journey was not over. His dream was to go to Germany, where he arrived**

**shortly after, but he was sent back to Italy where he had already undergone the identification and**

**registration process.**

**In Italy, H. was recognized as a UASC and so granted a place in a reception facility. However, the first**

**facility where he was assigned to was very crowded, with few opportunities for training. But H.**

**wanted to study and asked his guardian to be moved to a smaller town. It is only here that he could**

**finally start school and learn Italian. And it is in this facility that he was helped to find a job. After a**

**few months of searching, he found a job in a restaurant, where he has been working for several years**

**on a permanent employment contract. Now H. is living in a house with a friend. He applied for Italian**

**citizenship. In the future he would like to join his brothers in Denmark and work together to help**

**their family in Afghanistan and the other brothers and sisters who are still living with their parents.**

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# **6. Obstacles, risks and vulnerabilities** **in the transition to independence**

**6.1 Obstacles and vulnerabilities**

The biographies trace the obstacles that might hinder UASC's and former UASC’s pathways to social inclusion in the host society to three sets of interlinked factors. First, the complexity of the system for issuing residence permits makes the process for obtaining documents complex and tortuous. Second, the age of UASC upon their arrival in Italy (mostly 16–17 years old) affects the time available to complete a successful pathway to social inclusion and a full transition to independence. To this end, effective support through the different available pathways becomes crucial. Third, the effects of traumas and difficult experiences that UASC have brought from the country of origin or have lived through during the journey affects their ability to pursue a successful social inclusion pathway. A factor that influences, in a cross-cutting manner, all of the above-mentioned elements is the clear distinction in the legal framework between UASC under 18 and UASC over 18, resulting in little attention paid to specific vulnerabilities of this latter age group. As underlined with respect to the framing of the rights of UASC over 18, the category of “youth” often excludes them from humanitarian programmes as a social group recognized as having specific needs based on age, and their capacities are often ignored. [52]

**6.1.1 Timing and obstacles related to the legal status of UASC and former UASC**

The first and most important obstacle in the transition to adulthood relates to the difficulties in obtaining the necessary documents to be able to remain legally in Italy, and specifically, the very long waiting times and the numerous steps required to obtain a residence permit. This was common in the three regions and across different types of residence permits.

The difficulties are partially mitigated for UASC, because for both those who hold a residence permit for UASC and for those who apply for international protection, the start of the application procedure guarantees them access to a formal pathway to social inclusion, unless bureaucratic complications arise (e.g. in cases in which the child does not have a passport and it is therefore necessary to obtain it) or the system malfunctions (e.g.

in the case of poorly managed facilities that force UASC to wait even six months before starting a pathway to social inclusion).

For those who apply for international protection, difficulties arise when they are not recognized international protection status and, as children, they have little time to apply for a residence permit for UASC. This is because, in practice, the two legal processes do not start simultaneously. [53] This risk has been exacerbated, as already pointed out, by the entry into force of l.d.113/2018, which abolished the residence permit for ‘humanitarian protection’.

More generally, age assessment procedures are an obstacle that affects many UASC, regardless of the type of permit they are issued. The stories pointed out that, at times, these procedures are long and complex, and 51


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**Survivors of the Mediterranean boat crossings in the Lampedusa reception facility, Sicily, Italy**

© UNHCR/RF27969/Unknown


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**At a crossroads. Unaccompanied and separated children in their transition to adulthood in Italy**

not always compliant with existing legislation. In some cases, reception in facilities remains ‘suspended’, causing a “loss of precious time” in the process of social inclusion into the Italian context and in the transition to autonomy. In general, the delay or, worse, an error in the prompt, appropriate and accurate identification of a child can lead to serious violations of their rights and expose them to irreversible damages.

The various factors that extend the administrative time required to obtain the necessary documentation are also a major obstacle. First, the ‘limbo’ condition in which UASC remain constitutes a significant and harmful loss of opportunities since they cannot work or access employment programmes such as internships or work grants: _“I started working on my internship, but when I had just finished my internship, the permit expired [sighs], and_ _in order to renew it, they asked me for my passport before renewing my residence permit. So that's what I'm_ _waiting for before I start the work grant”_ (Ivorian, male, 18 years old). One girl stated, _“I had many opportunities_ _to work with a contract, but I could not work because I had no documents”_ (Nigerian, female, 18 years).

As the interviews show, the impossibility of seeking and accessing employment due to slow and complex bureaucratic procedures generates anxiety, fear and frustration. The frustration caused by this ‘stalemate’ condition, as also pointed out by the interviewed educators, is a result of a difficult and tortuous administrative process and procedures, which UASC struggle to understand.

The research has also shown that there are social services that tend not to regularly apply for continued protection until age 21 due to a restrictive internal ‘policy’ or to lack of funds (the responsibility falls on the social services of the municipality that has jurisdiction over the child); this is the case of some municipalities in the Milan metropolitan area. For those who do not make this type of request, long waiting times have been recorded for converting of the residence permit into a permit for job seeking, or study or work purposes.

At the time of the transition to adulthood, the question of legal status is a problem that can be caused by the loss of rights when turning 18, and that can be exacerbated by long waiting times for the conversion of the permit into a permit for job seeking, or study or work purposes. These long periods are not so much caused by how quickly the MLSP processes applications, but rather, by the difficulty of acquiring UASC documents (such as passports) issued by their countries of origin and by the slow transmission of applications for conversion by the social services of the competent municipalities. Small Sicilian municipalities, in particular, complain about a low number of social workers compared to the high number of UASC, which puts them under particular pressure and often extends the length of time needed to convert the residence permits.

There are even greater difficulties among former UASC who hold other permits, in particular among those who hold or held a residence permit for humanitarian reasons. Since this is no longer renewable but only convertible into a residence permit for work purposes (whether self-employed or employees), the risks linked to becoming irregular on the Italian territory are even greater. It is therefore not surprising that papers appear to be at the top of the concerns of many of those interviewed.

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**6.1.2 Support when leaving the reception facilities**

A broader issue, which is linked to the problem of obtaining residence permits, is that of leaving the reception facilities. The research shows a lack of a fully structured support process for this sensitive exit phase.

The efforts of the reception facilities focus on learning Italian and on obtaining a middle school diploma as necessary first steps in the social inclusion process. However, the reception facilities and UASC must also deal with what services are available at a local level. For example, in Sicily, especially outside the main cities, “literacy courses are not continuously running, but only once or twice a year” (Catania, social key informant). [54 ] The basic need for education, therefore, risks paradoxically of becoming an obstacle that slows the transition to autonomy, if delayed or if it requires too much time. Literacy and numeracy skills assessment methods for the recognition of completed studies, at least for UASC who have completed higher education in their countries of origin, could accelerate the completion of compulsory schooling, thus facilitating job placement, but are not foreseen.

Obstacles also exist with regards to guidance and job orientation. With the exception of young people who have links with local networks of fellow nationals (such as those from North Africa or Eastern Europe) who can offer employment in their small businesses, many of them seem to depend completely on the reception facilities when looking for and choosing a job. In these cases, therefore, both UASC and former UASC do not have the means to orient themselves autonomously in the job market. Constraining factors include the lack of an information system for reception facility staff and guardians as well as for UASC and former UASC, the lack of guidance on available opportunities, the complex bureaucratic process (request for Declaration of Immediate Availability to Work, or DID) and the difficulty in meeting the requirements (e.g. A2 level Italian and middle school diploma). The lack of structured support becomes particularly evident in the case of children who leave the reception facility with a job seeking residence permit. Although the permit provides them with peace of mind to legally reside in the country, it does not protect them from a situation of imminent precariousness, given its short duration.

Among the most problematic aspects in the transition to adulthood is the abrupt transfer to reception facilities for adults with the related interruption of the support that was provided in reception facilities for UASC, as well as at times, the uprooting that occurs in the case of transfers to another location or region and the problems related independent living. It is difficult for the young people who leave the reception facility to enter the housing market, due to insufficient economic resources and the risk of being discriminated against by property owners, who are highly reluctant to rent their homes to foreigners. For former UASC, the support offered by informal reception facilities such as parishes or voluntary associations can play a fundamental role in the transition between leaving the reception facility and stabilizing their work and housing situations, as pointed out by key informants interviewed in Rome and a male former UASC interviewed in one of these informal centres in Como.

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remain within a facility until the age of 21 and be able to equip themselves, in the meantime, with all the means they need for a successful transition to independence.

The level of organization, efficiency and specialization of the reception facility that hosts UASC plays a fundamental role in accompanying them towards autonomy. This is evident in two extreme cases: when the internal organization appears too restrictive or when it appears too lax. On the one hand, an organizational structure that is too rigid and, above all, does not pay much attention to the specific needs of each UASC could result in loss of opportunities that capitalize on the skills and abilities of the UASC. On the other hand, in facilities with poor organization or few proposed activities, there is the risk that the UASC stay idle, or fail to manage their time, expectations and skills. At times, some former UASC decided to leave and re-enter reception facilities elsewhere in Italy, where they thought they would access better services or have more opportunities, as had been recommended by various acquaintances.

**6.1.3 Trauma and psychological distress**

A particularly critical aspect liable to compromise the full transition to autonomy is linked to the traumatic experiences that UASC have often undergone. [55] The biographies reveal potential vulnerabilities linked to individual distressful events that range from experiences of torture, sexual violence and exploitation in Libya, to the dangerous journey along the Mediterranean route, to anger and disappointment at having been pushed by parents to migrate or deceived by known individuals, as often occurs to girls and young women who are victims of trafficking. In the case of UASC who have been pushed by parents to leave, the interviews reveal a true feeling of abandonment, even where there is still a relationship with the parents (this is the case of several Albanian interviewees). The violence suffered before leaving, during the journey and also in Italy, in some cases leaves serious consequences on the mental and physical health of young people, particularly adolescents.

The reception facilities, in some cases, can provide psychological support that helps young people process the experienced trauma, but educators point out that they sometimes refuse the service because they do not understand the type of help they can receive. In addition, the interviews revealed general inadequacy of service providers, due to insufficient material and human resources to address this type of need, with the result that only those children who show more worrisome and apparent forms of psychological distress are entrusted to the care of specialized staff, whereas other less obvious forms of psychological distress are likely to remain concealed.

In general, the lack of psychological support can pose a further constraint to the smooth transition to autonomy, since unaddressed traumas risk preventing UASC and former UASC from building and imagining their future.

As suggested by a key informant interviewed in Palermo, the entire pathway seems to rely too much on the resilience and capabilities of these young people.

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**6.2 Sexual and gender-based violence: Between vulnerability and resilience**

In recent years, a number of studies conducted on the conditions experienced by migrants along the central Mediterranean route have uncovered the level of widespread violence suffered by all those who undertake the journey to Europe and especially by those crossing through Libya (United Nations, 2018; UNHCR, 2018; Oxfam, 2017; UNICEF, 2017; IOM, 2017).

The biographies collected from female respondents show that the theme of GBV perpetrated by families or husbands in the country of origin is often one of the reasons for leaving. Some girls escaped from child marriages or abuse experienced therein: _“My husband [...] sometimes beat me on the belly and made me take_ _the medication [...] I went to the doctor [...] who told me that if I gave birth to him, he will be born sick because_ _I had already taken the medication”_ (Tunisian, female, 17 years old).

In the case of victims of trafficking, the journey itself is a core component of the violence, which often begins with a total loss of trust in a known person: _“With this woman, we also go to church to pray and all that,_ _so I trusted her, or I would not have left my country”_ (Nigerian, female, 21 years old). Sexual and physical violence persists throughout the journey: _“I too was raped before arriving in Libya”_ (Nigerian, female, 20 years old), before reaching its peak in Libya. Even when the young migrants have not been trafficked for sexual exploitation, as is the situation for most of the interviewees, they suffered similar forms of violence: _“Once I_ _was beaten because he wanted [to have sex]. When I said no, he beat me”_ (Gambian, female, 18 years old).

The biographies highlight that the girls who want to leave are often deceived, especially if they are forced to rely necessarily on someone else in order to face the long journey. Although the arrival in Italy seems to guarantee a minimum of security, the psychological consequences of violence persist. In this scenario, the investment in specialized services becomes even more crucial, and the reception facilities can offer either support or recovery, or represent an additional risk factor.

A common theme that emerged from the different biographies was young women’s desire to overcome violence and improve their condition or that of their family. This theme emerges both in cases in which young women were forced to escape from a family situation, and when the family relationship is strong and positive and their desire is to make their family proud: _“[...] a good person in the future, I wanted to go to school but_ _without money it is difficult. I think I'll work hard to make my mother proud”_ (Nigerian, female, 17 years old).

The biographies reveal young women’s determination to make it; they want to study, _“My point is that I want_ _to go to school [...] it's the only thing I want to do now. I want to learn the language quickly”_ (Albanian, female, 17 years old), and They want to work and be independent, even though, for many, it is the first time they can choose what to do: _“Either as a waitress or an assistant cook. These two things inspire me right now. I don't_ _know why in my country [...] when you finish middle school ... you only stay at home, so you could not think_ _that job to do, your parents do not allow you [...]”_ (Albanian, female, 17 years old).

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the full agency of girls in vulnerable conditions means starting a process of de-victimization that obviously does not diminish the gravity and the need for institutional and social condemnation of violence, but supports them in the pathway towards recognition of their abilities and potential: _“I lost two years. [...] but I like what I study,_ _when they practice it's easier, I'm the best there”_ (Albanian, female, 16 years old).

Moreover, as revealed from interviews with social key informants, the risk of representing the narratives of violence experienced by migrant and refugee women as ‘barbaric episodes’ belonging to other cultures (Bimbi, 2011) places them in a subordinate position, as sometimes occurs to victims of trafficking. This risk hindering their pathway towards transition to adult life.

**Life history of E. – Nigerian, 21 years old: A refugee victim of trafficking**

**E. arrived in Italy in 2015. After facing a long and difficult journey, particularly in Libya, where she**

**was beaten, tortured and raped, she arrived in Italy and was included in a protection programme for**

**‘victims of trafficking’. When she arrived in Catania, while still a child, she was initially entrusted**

**to an Italian family (although she continued to be assisted by the relevant services). Through these**

**services, she had the opportunity to gain language skills, learn the Italian culture and how to interact**

**with people in different contexts.**

**The programme in which E. was included had very strict rules, in particular, she was forbidden to**

**be in touch with relatives. It was only after about a year that she was able to contact her family**

**of origin. Once she had completed this programme and with support from her guardian, she was**

**granted international protection. She was thus able to build the foundations for her future.**

**Before embarking on her schooling, she began a formal literacy course to learn Italian. She is presently**

**attending a hotel management school and loves cooking and Italian cuisine, especially Sicilian cuisine.**

**Now she has become fully autonomous and lives in a rented house together with other Italian girls,**

**with whom, despite normal misunderstandings, she has established a good friendship. E. is an intern**

**with the Italian civil service, which enabled her to be sufficiently economically independent and**

**acquire housing independence. Today, she works as a cultural mediator for the CSO that welcomed**

**and helped her. She is very proud and happy about the person she has become and the people she**

**has met, but she still has a dream: to continue her studies, work as a coast guard or become a chef.**

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**S., from Nigeria, studying Italian at Figlie del Divino Zelo Giardini Naxos (The Daughters of Divine**

**Zeal) in Messina, Sicily, Italy, April 2018.**

© UNHCR/Jordi Matas


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**6.3 The risks of exploitation and exclusion, and the importance of local**
**reception networks**

Existing research has shown that young migrants and refugees travelling along the central Mediterranean route are more likely to experience exploitation and abuse in transit countries, including labour and sexual exploitation, than migrants over 25 years of age (UNICEF and IOM, 2017; IOM, 2017; Women's Refugee Commission, 2019). These incidents, in addition to the urgent need to earn money for themselves and send remittances home to the family may have long-term psychological, emotional and social impacts on those arriving in Italy by sea, and can sometimes play a role in the way in which young migrants perceive and react to the risks of labour and/or sexual exploitation to which they may be exposed in Italy. This exposes young people to the risk of illegal work, or even of being pushed into illegal activities. The research reveals that young people may experience three different scenarios while in Italy: small jobs in legal activities that are also ‘off the books’; actual labour exploitation; and exploitation by criminal networks leading to illegal activities.

With regard to the first scenario, many of the young people interviewed stated that they had worked in some small jobs ‘off the books’, casual jobs as waiters, dishwashers, gardeners or as assistants of people they know in transport companies, and so on. Their experience reveals their ability to exercise agency through which they show that they know how to leverage networks of acquaintances and to transform opportunities that arise even by chance into small, positive opportunities, turning them into a small source of income and for learning the basics of a trade. Nevertheless, the young people are often aware of the consequences they may face working without a regular employment contract: _“As soon as I knew they didn't give me a contract and didn't regularize_ _me, I would run away from the restaurant or the place”_ (Egyptian, male, 18 years old).

With regard to the second scenario, the research reveals several incidents of widespread exploitation, especially in agriculture, construction and catering industries. In the Sicilian context, for example, the desire to earn some money can push young people to work in agriculture, which is often the first job they are offered, and where they are exploited: “I went to collect peaches, as well as apples and tomatoes from 5 a.m. in the morning until 2.30 p.m. in the afternoon [...] little, but if there is no money [...] I did not have a contract” (Gambian, male, 18 years old). For girls, these experiences are often linked to caretaking, which can turn into exploitation: _“I was in_ _a house where the elderly were staying, [...] we were promised a salary, but at the end of the month, we were_ _not paid”_ (Nigerian, female, 20 years old).

This can also lead to the third scenario, exploitation by criminal networks, with the risk of committing offences.

Educators interviewed confirm the risk that many young people, even if they are still hosted in reception facilities, begin to engage with drug-dealing networks: _“I worked in a restaurant and pizzeria, and then stopped_ _[...] after stealing and selling hash”_ (Egyptian, male, 18 years old). Although they do not always speak openly about it, most interviewed UASC show that they are aware of the existence of criminal networks and the possibility that they may be recruited (see also UNICEF and CNR, 2017). As previously mentioned, former UASC face the greatest danger of finding themselves excluded and without appropriate support to successfully become self-sufficient and may therefore adopt illegal survival strategies, such as the example of North African boys in Rome who are pushed into prostitution in some areas of the city after they leave reception facilities.

Girls and young women also face this risk, in particular for those who are less aware of it and who have not experienced sexual exploitation and violence in the past.

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In all three regions for this research, informal voluntary-based reception facilities, supported by private social actors and charitable organizations (such as parishes or associations to defend the rights of migrants) that do not receive public funding, help former UASC by offering them shelter. This is the case, for example, of a young male interviewed in Como, who cannot renew his residence permit because he does not have a passport, and when he turned 18, was almost ‘handed over’ by the reception facilities where he was living to a parish that welcomes young people in similar conditions in a completely informal way and at no cost. Similarly, the Association ‘Baobab’ in Rome and other private or religious entities in Rome and Sicily offer informal shelter to many former UASC.

**6.4 Risks associated with onward movements**

Onward movements refer to when migrants, refugees and asylum seeker move from the territory and/or the country of first arrival, often irregularly, to go elsewhere in search of better opportunities or to reunite with acquaintances or relatives. [57] In the case of the UASC and former UASC in this research, two types of secondary movements can be distinguished: the movement from southern regions to reach the Centre-North of Italy, with the hope of finding more job opportunities; and the movement to another European country, especially Germany, often to reunite with family members or to join acquaintances. The first of the two cases is common to most of the respondents who are now in Milan and Latium, coming from North Africa or sub-Saharan Africa, and who have reached the southern regions after travelling the Central Mediterranean route. It is important to note that the conditions of the reception facilities, in particular of the first line reception facilities, can drive onward movement. In the specific case of females, overcrowding and lack of separation between males and females are also contributing factors.

The second case was recorded during interviews with young absconders, or those who have left the protection system, who have tried to move abroad and, failing to do so, have been made to return or are re-entering the reception system. Due to the intrinsic difficulties in identifying these types of respondents, only three absconded former UASC were interviewed. In two cases, the former UASC left the reception system before obtaining the outcome of an asylum application due to reception facility conditions. The long waiting times and the lack of homogeneity in the reception conditions on the Italian territory and between different types of reception facilities affect the social inclusion of these young people. Long waiting times are also major obstacles for applicants awaiting family reunification, an option that would guarantee a safe and non-risky movement to other countries. However, they may give up and decide to leave for the desired destination, exposing themselves to the risks of an illegal journey. As reported by the stakeholders interviewed in Rome, the illegal networks for moving to other countries are very attractive for young people because they offer the possibility of travelling immediately and quickly.

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**Life history of I. – Guinean, 19 years old: Humanitarian protection**

**I. arrived in Italy crossing the Mediterranean in 2016. After landing in Lampedusa, he was placed in**

**a reception facility for UASC in Calabria and started the asylum application procedure. I. denounced**

**the poor conditions in this reception facility: In his and his peers’ opinion, the managers of the centre**

**do not organize enough activities for the UASC, such as Italian courses or sports activities, but above**

**all, they do not adequately support or take care of the children (e.g. “When you say that you are sick,**

**they just give you paracetamol. You have a headache, you have a stomach ache ... only paracetamol”).**

**I. remained in the facility for eight months and then decided to leave it with other peers, even though**

**he had not yet known the outcome of his asylum application from the Territorial Commission, thus**

**absconding. I. and his friends wanted to go to Germany, crossing the border with Switzerland from**

**Como. However, while his friends managed to cross the border, I. was stopped by the police, who sent**

**him to the Red Cross Centre. During his stay in this centre, he was granted humanitarian protection**

**from the Commission where he had applied in Calabria. Following the closure of this centre, I., now**

**an adult over 18 years old, found hospitality in a parish-run informal centre.**

**Despite this critically precarious situation, I. showed a great desire and ability to attend training**

**courses as a waiter and welder (and obtaining the relevant certifications). He also obtained a licence**

**to operate a forklift using his previous skills gained in Algeria before coming to Italy. He is currently**

**working as an assistant cook, a position he obtained by presenting his curriculum vitae and passing**

**an interview without assistance, and by attending Italian courses, but he continues to be a guest of**

**the parish-run informal centre.**

**6.5 Experiences of discrimination affecting the lives of UASC**

Discrimination has been well-documented against children coming from sub-Saharan Africa along the migration routes towards and within Libya. These children continue to face discrimination, exclusion and racism even once in Italy. Well-rooted and recurring episodes risk undermining any efforts made by the UASC and by the social and institutional stakeholders who work to promote and achieve social inclusion in Italy.

Social inclusion takes place at the local level and involves different dimensions (cultural, social, economic, etc.) and therefore different places, including schools. Respondents pointed out that, despite widespread positive attitudes of peers, there is also evidence of discriminatory or racist behaviour: _“Sometimes they tell me this_ _[...] they say that I have not understood anything”_ (Malian, female, 18 years old). Migrants, for example, tend to be associated with certain types of work and therefore also with low-level training: _“They have never seen_ _a black man studying as a computer engineer here, in Catania, it can't be true; there are none”_ (Ivorian, male, 20 years old).

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There are many incidents characterized by this type of discriminatory or racist attitude: _“...colleagues who have_ _problems because they don't want you there; if you go to the boss, the boss doesn't want to hear anything. I_ _haven't felt well. They haven't treated me well until now”_ (Liberian, male, 22 years old). For some, the work is made harder because of the hostility against them, but discrimination and racism also characterize the housing market, from which migrants seem to be increasingly excluded (CIRDI, 2014). Economic aspects are the main concerns of property owners because they are convinced that the former UASC will not pay the rent, followed by cultural dimensions (different cuisine and lifestyles) and finally, the issue of security (i.e. migrants are seen as people who do not respect the rules and who are dangerous.

In addition to stereotypes, there is a tendency to generalize the behaviour and quality of a single person to a whole group. As can be seen from some of the biographies, such behaviours have a strong negative impact on the lives of these young people: acts of racism and discrimination undermine their trust in their surrounding context and compromise the possibility of their developing formal and informal supportive relationships, thus hindering, more generally, the process of social inclusion within Italian society. _“People outside refuse to rent_ _me a house because I am black”_ (FGDs, male, former UASC).

These experiences are exacerbated in the case of institutional discrimination, i.e. when discrimination is carried out by representatives of bodies that should play a protective role. Most of the interviewees expressed their positive relationship with the institutions, also as a result of the support offered by the adults of reference (educators, cultural mediators, guardians). However, incidents of discrimination do occur and need to be properly monitored: _“When they took me to the police station, ... they put me on a chair and they all slapped_ _me [...], then a nice girl came by and told them to stop”_ (Tunisian, male, 24 years old).

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**F., 17 years old, sets a table in the café where she works in Palermo, Sicily, Italy. The café is run**

**by migrants and refugees and is very popular, frequented by local Italians and foreigners alike**

**(December 2018)**

© UNICEF/UN0264430/Stefano De Luigi


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# **7. Promising practices**

A case study was carried out in each of the three regions object of the research to identify and analyse promising practices related to three crucial processes in UASC's transition to adult life and their potential for replication and scale-up: supervised independent living and housing solutions (Lombardy);formal and informal relationships (Latium); and structured support to volunteer guardians (Sicily).

**7.1 Lombardy: supervised independent living and housing solutions for UASC**
**and former UASC**

The case study in Milan addressed the issue of access to supervised independent living, which is crucial, not only for UASC. [58] In order to offer effective solutions, it is necessary that all those dealing with migrant, refugee and asylum-seeking children, including local authorities, take into account their specific characteristics and problems (Segatto, Di Masi and Surian, 2018).

The case study focused on three experiences for UASC and former UASC in supervised independent living arrangements which is characterized by a limited presence of educators and by an increased responsibility of the young guests compared to accommodation in reception facilities: the Social Cooperative ‘La Cordata’, the Social Cooperative ‘Comunità Progetto’ and ‘Pio Albergo Trivulzio’. In these cases, accommodation is offered in apartments located in various areas of Milan where continued protection is granted to UASC, together with a gradual acquisition of autonomy and responsibility. The examined experiences present the following promising practices that can be considered for replication in other contexts: a. **Size and location of the houses:** The choice of small apartments that accommodate a limited number of young people and that are placed in blocks of flats of different neighbourhoods not only in suburban/ disadvantaged areas, but also distributed throughout the municipality gives the possibility for young adults to learn to manage their autonomy by interacting with flatmates and other residents of the same building, avoiding ghettos that prevent social inclusion and favour conflict (Cesareo and Bichi, 2010).

b. **Limited presence of an adult:** The role of a reference person for the apartment is crucial even if limited in terms of hours of presence, tasks and responsibility towards the young guests. He or she creates a positive environment in the group and in the apartment by acting as a mediator if necessary, and by helping to manage conflicts among and between guests and neighbours.

c. **Flexibility of pathways:** Non-rigid rules for leaving the apartment and the possibility of using local support networks to increase the supply of both work and housing solutions. These help young people feel that they can pursue their own goals without facing additional obstacles, even if they decide to continue their education.

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d. **Economic independence:** The young guests pay rent, although at a special rate, and hence need to manage their economic revenues independently.

**Case study on supervised independent living and housing solutions (Lombardy)**

**The practices covered by this study are:**

**1.** **Since 1989, the social cooperative ‘La Cordata’ has been working with vulnerable people,**

**providing them with support and social inclusion services. Since 2008, it has run the ‘Case**

**Saltatempo’ project, which is based on a reception model organized in several apartments**

**located in different districts of Milan, each of which accommodate four to six young people.**

**2.** **The social cooperative ‘Comunità Progetto’ has 13 apartments for the temporary reception of**

**people in need. Active since 1999, it has hosted dozens of people in various projects of social**

**housing and support to housing independence.**

**3.** **As part of the experience of Pio Albergo Trivulzio e Museo Martinitt e Stelline, the Protected**

**Housing Service has been active since 2000 for young people aged 17 to 21 who are under the**

**responsibility of Social Services. Since 2003, it has been transformed into a male hostel for men**

**and then into social housing for 18–26-year olds. Several apartments are managed in different**

**areas of Milan.**

**The experiences differ mainly in terms of organization of the service: number of hours of presence**

**of professional staff, internal rules, and the relationship with the surrounding context. Yet, they do**

**have some aspects in common: they all consider that support staff must be present, particularly from**

**a psychological point of view, to provide guidance in the pathway towards autonomy. One factor**

**deserves special attention in terms of effective scalability of these practices: that of working in the**

**local context, in particular, the involvement of the neighbourhood and/or the local community is**

**essential for implementing effective practices and facilitating their transfer to other territories.**

**7.2 Latium: Experiences of formal and informal relations in support of UASC and**
**former UASC**

The case study carried out in Rome focused on formal and informal relationships with the aim of understanding how they support UASC in their transition to adulthood. The entire network of relations is fundamental in the migratory journey, in particular for children who experience it alone, because it constitutes their social capital. [59] The research analysed the dynamics of formal relationships in two youth centres, Civico Zero and Matemù, frequented by UASC who live in reception facilities, in independent homes or on the streets. In these youth centres, an informal first meeting introduces UASC to the legal support services, job orientation, language courses, theatre activities, and music and photography workshops. In particular, they are introduced to the 65


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possibility of engaging in social activities with peers coming from different parts of the world. These spaces play an important role in building the network of relationships for UASC and former UASC, because they help them in the production of social capital that can support their process of social inclusion. Some of the most promising practices that emerge include: a. **Youth centres situated half way between the children and young people and the reception**

**system:** This position allows social workers to identify the critical areas for which support is needed,

so as to direct UASC and former UASC towards professional support. In addition, negotiation and mediation for the resolution of conflicts with the institutional sphere and in bureaucratic processes generates trust in social workers, and ensures personalized attention focused on each individual path.

b. **Activation of outreach units in 'hot' spots of the city:** These units are an effective, first point of contact with UASC and former UASC arriving from other areas of Italy, in particular from Sicily and Calabria. In this first contact, the social workers assess the needs of the adolescents and are able to direct them to institutional structures or to informal shelters in the case of former UASC in transit.

c. **The variety of activities offered by these centres:** These allow young people to experiment with artistic activities (music, theatre, photography, etc.) and to share experiences that strengthen friendships and networks with other peers. In particular, workshops of the Theatre of the Oppressed [60] organized by Civico Zero allow UASC and former UASC to express their fears and traumas, coming to terms with their own experiences in a collective and group process, an effective tool to build relationships of trust, especially between peers with similar experiences.

d. **Volunteering, civil service and civic engagement activities** proposed to UASC and former UASC: They are **a means for integrating** into a wider network of contacts to support the construction of social networks, especially for young people who find it difficult to build them on their own.

With regard to informal relationships, the case study delved into two types of CSOs: Accoglienza Libera e Integrata (ALI) and Movimento Famiglie Affidatarie e Accoglienti (MFAEA). The main objective of both CSOs is to support social inclusion for UASC by identifying personal needs, including school and professional guidance and support, and assistance in bureaucratic procedures and medical examinations. But even more important are the family environment, the friendly relationships created (between young people, children, parents, foreigners and Italians) and the emotional support that UASC and former UASC can receive. These experiences foster family relationships, providing the opportunity to build emotional ties, which can offer emotional support in addition to concrete support. Moreover, the possibility of building relationships with other family members (often the children who are of the same age as the young people hosted) favours relationships with same-age natives.

The development of the networks of individuals and organizations that the CSOs set up in a structured manner provides UASC with full access to local public services and with a wider network of resources to draw on.

Informal, grassroots experiences such as those described can emerge as a reaction to the lack of (or perceived lack of) effectiveness of institutional interventions. For this reason, the eventual scaling up of such interventions is possible when pre-existing forms of active citizenship are present, from where groups/networks/families with adequate relations and social capital can engage in activities such as those described above for the benefit of UASC and former UASC.

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**Case study on the experiences of formal and informal relationships in support of**
**UASC and former UASC (Latium)**

**The four experiences described in this case study are:**

**1.** **Civico Zero, a daytime meeting centre that welcomes UASC in order to offer support services**

**to basic needs (laundry, shower, food), legal assistance, psychosocial support, orientation and**

**temporary protection for those who find themselves in situations of social marginalization,**

**contributing to building positive pathways.**

**2.** **Matemù, a Youth Centre and School of Art run by the non-profit organization CIES. The youth**

**centre mainly serves as a place for youth to meet. Matemù’s activities are aimed at a mixed**

**target where it is possible for young Italians and foreigners to meet, thus fostering relationships**

**between peers in an intercultural setting.**

**3.** **Accoglienza Libera e Integrata (ALI), an association founded in 2017 by families and singles**

**who decided to concretely provide emotional and relational support to former UASC, as well as**

**support in seeking a job, when completing and/or in obtaining their degree/diploma, looking**

**for a house, etc. The aim of the association is not to replace the institutions responsible for**

**the reception of former UASC, but rather, to offer support by building informal and friendly**

**relationships, for solidarity and exchange.**

**4.** **Movimento Famiglie Affidatarie e Accoglienti – Casa Salesiana Borgo Ragazzi Don Bosco**

**(MFAEA) deals with foster care families, a network of families who have expressed the desire to**

**initiate a path of fostering or reception. The general objective is to create a welfare community**

**that combines public services with family support.**

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**7.3 Sicily: A structured support to volunteer guardians**

This case study focused on the Palermo Model, designed and implemented before the entry into force of Law 47/2017 through the collaboration between the Office of the Ombudsman for Children and Adolescents of the Palermo municipality and the UNICEF-sponsored Unità di Supporto e di Monitoraggio dei Tutori (USMT), Volunteer Guardians Support and Monitoring Unit) with a view to promoting, supporting and developing this system of volunteer guardianship for UASC across Sicily. As pointed out by the coordinator of the UMT, each individual UASC’s project of social inclusion and integration is treated as a specific case. Some strategic features of the Palermo Model can be summarized as follows: a. **A tailor-made solution to be found for each boy/girl** as opposed to providing more general assistance”.

b. **A** **participatory process** designed for the main institutional stakeholders involved in the reception and care of the UASC to find these appropriate and tailor-made solutions.

c. **Monitoring** recognized as the instrument to drive the mechanism, which arises from the fundamental need to collect information in order to highlight positive and critical elements to be brought to the attention of the responsible institutional bodies.

d. **Access to ethno-psychological services** that meet the needs of survivors of traumatic experiences.

All the interviewees acknowledged the importance of the monitoring and support of the unit in enabling the system to function combined with the creation of the network of all stakeholders involved in the process of inclusion of the UASC. The USMT is the reference point for finding a solution to problems, receiving information and building networks.

The volunteer guardian can then count on a network, which supports him or her in referring critical issues to the competent bodies maintaining the objectivity of a super partes (an impartial) entity. The development of the Palermo model is based on triggering a virtuous path, enabled by the time and dedication of numerous persons.

Nevertheless, the model has several features that constitute important elements of replicability, given some basic conditions:

**•**    - the possibility for a volunteer guardian to refer to **a competent network for resolving emerging**

**problems,** which is crucial to creating a virtuous mechanism; the network begins and ends with the

needs and desires of the child;

**••** **mediation and problem-solving abilities,** which suggest that external support can be crucial

to finding solutions and solving conflicts. The proposed monitoring approach is a comprehensive approach in this regard;

**••** **institutional commitment** that provides viability, accountability and credibility to the model;

**••** **inter-institutional coordination** over time;

**•**    - the successful coexistence of actors with diverse areas of action/competencies and, within each

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The Palermo model has been effectively replicated in other Sicilian contexts, in particular in Messina and Catania, although its implementation has been slowed down by the different levels of institutional coordination of all stakeholders.

**Case study on structured support to volunteer guardians (Sicily)**

**The responsibilities, actions and methods of intervention of each institutional entity have been**

**identified through an institutional working group, which initiated a process that lasted almost a**

**year and a half.** **[61]** **The group defined the role of the volunteer guardian, and drafted and signed a**

**protocol on the care and reception of UASC. The protocol outlines the process, its basic elements,**

**tools and objectives, such as: (i) implementation of tailor-made projects; (ii) establishment of a list of**

**volunteer guardians; and (iii) identification of critical issues and their solutions.**

**To support these objectives, a technical group was set up, composed of one member from each**

**institution involved, which is responsible for: (i) verifying the implementation of the protocol;**

**(ii) planning actions to achieve the objectives; (iii) evaluating the initiatives to be taken in the**

**development phase; and (iv) verifying and analysing the achieved results. The technical group**

**prepared and shared a profile of the volunteer guardian, drafted the tender for interested citizens,**

**agreed on the selection procedures, and prepared the contents of the training.**

**The selection was aimed at identifying the “right people, who are capable of assuming the role”, as**

**stated by the municipal Ombudsman during his interview, noting both the great responsibility that**

**this role will have and the risk of quitting during the mandate. He believed that this risk would**

**be reduced during the selection process, which was not provided for by Law No. 47/2017, but was**

**delegated to the guidelines of the national Ombudsperson for Children and Adolescents.**

**The Guardian support and monitoring unit was subsequently created at the office of the Municipal**

**Ombudsman to mainstream the process, highlight the critical issues and propose appropriate**

**solutions for UASC based on the acquisition of skills, autonomy and respect of their rights.**

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**Young refugees and local youth take part in a “FutbolNet” event to mark World Refugee Day**

**in Catania, Sicily, Italy (June 2018)**

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# **8. Conclusions**

The research has shed some light on the importance of understanding UASC’s transition to adulthood as a triple transition process that goes beyond age-based definitions: from the complex interweaving of biological, cognitive and socio-emotional changes that characterize adolescence, to the recognition of the evolving identity and choices that characterize a young person who migrates, and the management of the traumas caused during the journey or prior to the departure. Thus, the research has highlighted that it can be difficult and thus inappropriate to always maintain a straight line in terms of an age-based distinction between the rights and entitlements of UASC and UASC who have turned 18. From the study, a category of persons emerged who do not identify themselves either as children or as adults, but who have specific needs, requirements and profiles that must be considered through listening and direct involvement in the decisions that affect their lives (Art.

12 and 13 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child), a fundamental corollary of the principle of the best interests of the child (Art. 3 of the Convention).

Desires and expectations play a decisive role in this triple transition both before departure, when one's own expectations (finding better life opportunities, studying, escaping from violence) are often influenced by those of the family of origin, and upon arrival in Italy, when it is necessary to redefine them in order to adjust to the new situation (waiting for a residence permit and for the possible recognition of international protection, learning Italian, the fulfilment of the obligations to education and training). Girls and young women are more often pushed to leave the place of origin by circumstances beyond their control through deception and/or the choices of others, such as husbands and families.

From the analysis of the factors that facilitate the transition paths, what emerges is the prevalence of contextual, subjective and relational variables related to personal resources, agency and resilience of the UASC, and to formal and informal networks that are triggered – above all the ones that they are capable of triggering – once they arrive in Italy. The presence or absence of such conditions determines the range of opportunities available for them, in terms of social inclusion processes and once they have become adults.

**8.1 Factors that favour a good transition**

Law 47/2017 equips Italy with an advanced normative framework for the recognition of the rights and protection of UASC. This law reaffirms the absolute principle of non-refoulement of UASC, introduces new provisions on identification measures, provides for the creation of a social file for each UASC, and introduces the new role of the volunteer guardian as well as provisions to facilitate the realization of the right to education and health.

Article 13 is particularly important for the purposes of this research because it introduced the possibility for Juvenile Courts to place former UASC under continued protection by the social services until the age of 21, in order to allow them to complete the inclusion pathways already begun.

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or hinder many opportunities for social inclusion. Formal and informal relationships – both with adults and between peers – play a fundamental role in UASCs’ and former UASC’s transition to adulthood. Since the beginning of the inclusion process, educators in the reception facilities (or teachers in the Italian language schools or CPIAs) are key. Also, volunteer guardians have a positive role, since they can help UASC liaise with the social context in which they are defining their transition pathway and continue to act as a reference person, also when the UASC turns 18. The Rome case study shows that the more adolescents create their own peer and family networks and contacts, the more possibilities they have to achieve positive pathways to a successful social inclusion.

UASC consider school and vocational training as a key step in their process of social inclusion. They demonstrate strong awareness and willingness to complete the educational and training courses, and the personal education plan (PEI) is a fundamental tool to build such pathways. Similarly, work grants are viewed positively as a bridge to access employment, which is crucial for both UASC and former UASC. With regard to the transition to independent living arrangements, the Milan case study highlights the importance of solutions linked to family contexts or to supervised or supported independence.

**8.2 Obstacles to a good transition**

The slow and complex procedures for obtaining documents are first crucial obstacle to a smooth transition for UASC asylum seekers. The long waiting time for a hearing by the Territorial Commission for the recognition of the international protection and to receive the outcome increase distrust as well as the risks associated with a possible drop-out from the reception system.

There is a very limited window of time for most UASC due to their age (16–17 years old) upon arrival in Italy to equip themselves with the necessary tools (literacy, obtaining a middle school certificate, technical and professional training) to become independent. The problem of non-recognition of professional skills acquired in the country of origin clearly emerges.

There are also limits to information and guidance on potential training and labour opportunities that would fulfil the rights of UASC and respect the best interests of the child. Young people are aware of the difficulties often related to the lack of a regular employment contract or to forms of discrimination in access to both labour and housing markets. Their confidence is also undermined, especially when they have experienced violence, exploitation, discrimination and racism. Regardless of the quality of the services provided by the reception facilities and the opportunities offered at the local level, these interlinked factors generate fears and frustrations, and even thwart all efforts and progress. There is the greatest risk of labour exploitation, irregular and/or illegal work when UASC leave the reception centres. When girls and boys drop out of the official system, they are at risk of becoming ‘invisible’ and hence more exposed to violence and abuse. In these cases, the research highlighted the importance of the informal support networks. The results show that the experiences of girls and young women are characterized by a strong dynamic related to GBV, even when not victims of trafficking. Yet, most of them show great resilience, fuelled by their desire and ability to overcome any difficulties. This can be facilitated by effective support networks and services, but may be limited when they are absent or inadequate.

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of the experience and needs of female UASC and former UASC. Moreover, it would be important to delve deeper into aspects that have only been marginally addressed by the research, such as knowledge of one’s own body and of hygiene principles, and the ability to manage relational and sexual dimensions in order to facilitate a more complete understanding of the needs and experiences of these girls and boys.

**8.3 Constraints and gaps of the system**

The following constraints and shortcomings have been found with regard to the legislation, governance and reception system concerning UASC’s path to social inclusion.

**8.3.1 Normative framework and its application**

Law 47/2017, two years after its approval, still lacks its implementing decrees as well as funding, which severely limits its impact. Some provisions remain to be defined, for example, on the UASC interview process, on the definition of residence permits and on age assessment procedures, and there are differences in application between and within regions. UASC and guardians are often not aware that UASC can access continued protection by social services until the age of 21, as per Art. 13 of the same law. With regard to this possibility, there might be issues related to a conflict of interest since it is the municipality that has to cover the costs of the continued protection, which can also include forms of reception. This limitation in its application is significant because it is the only measure foreseen by the Italian legislation to accompany UASC’s transition to adulthood.

Many UASC and former UASC leave their reception facilities to reach family members in other EU countries. Due to the slow and cumbersome system of family reunification under the Dublin III Regulation, in addition to the lack of clear information on the issue, some UASC prefer to transit through Italy and attempt to cross the northern borders, thus exposing themselves to risks related to irregular migration and relying, in some cases, on criminal networks. With the abolition of the residence permit for humanitarian protection (l.d.113/2018), UASC asylum seekers in Italy have been additionally negatively impacted since they lost one of the protections measures formerly provided by the Territorial Commissions. Finally, fragmented age assessment procedures also affect the proper protection of UASC.

**8.3.2 Governance and reception**

Due to the fragmented and territorially diverse system of governance and functioning of the reception system, UASC are kept in a state of uncertainty and experience difficulty in identifying and realizing their own pathways of transition to adulthood. The research highlights the fragmented nature of the reception system in terms of organization and type of facilities, as well as of the quality of the services provided. Difficulties also emerge in scaling up well-established positive experiences such as that of the AMIF first-level reception facilities for UASC. The impact of the local context on UASC's transition to adulthood is significant, both in terms of the quality of the services offered by the reception facility and of what is offered at the local level once the transition to semi- or complete autonomy has taken place (e.g. in terms of work, housing and socio 73


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economic opportunities). The lack of a central system for the distribution of UASC throughout the country that takes into account their needs and geographical disparities in the quality of the provided assistance is one of the factors that can lead to their dropping out from reception facilities in the most isolated areas in the southern regions of Italy and move to the large cities of central and northern Italy.

**8.3.3 Social inclusion**

With regard to educational and training courses, a major issue relates to the time available to reach a number of milestones, such as the attainment of level A2 in Italian, or a middle school degree before turning 18. It emerges that the fundamental need for education may paradoxically become an obstacle that slows down the transition to autonomy if delayed. In addition, due to significant geographical differences, the school system is not always able to guarantee the rights to equal access and attendance to education provided for by relevant national regulations and guidelines. The lack of assessment of literacy and numeracy skills as well as the lack of recognition of the studies completed and of the professional skills attained in the country of origin clearly also emerge; together with the unequal geographical distribution in professional paths and of orientation services available negatively affects the interests and needs of UASC across Italy.

Upon turning 18, becoming legal becomes an essential requirement not only for job placement, but also for housing independence. The limits in accessing the housing market related to the phenomenon of prejudice or discrimination or to lack of a regular work contract, creates a state of uncertainty that generates anxiety among UASC who have just turned 18 and even forces them to opt for housing solutions that are not completely legal or are not conducive to social inclusion.

**8.3.4 Data availability**

The research revealed a number of gaps in the availability and management of data on UASC and former UASC, which prevents a comprehensive overview of the paths of this category of young people as they arrive in Italy.

Although there is a systematic and centralized data collection on UASC through the Central Information System for UASC (SIM), important gaps remain regarding, inter alia _:_

**••** **residence permits for UASC** issued by local police stations and their conversion into other forms of

permits when they turn 18;

**••** **applications and outcomes of asylum applications** made by UASC, the granting of other types of

residence permits (such as for special cases or medical treatment);

**••** **the presence of UASC in the catch-up schools (CPIA);**

**•**    - the new **system of volunteer guardians** that can complement the information already collected

within the SIM;

**••** **UASC benefiting from foster care;**

**•**    - and the **presence of UASC in reception facilities.**

Moreover, there is currently no authority responsible for collecting data on former UASC.

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# **9. Recommendations**

_**For the Italian authorities**_ GOVERNANCE AND COORDINATION

**•**    - Ensure that greater **attention is focused on the specific needs** of young people who arrived in Italy

as UASC, and **especially former UASC who turned 18 after 2016,** by adopting relevant policies that reflect the multiplicity and complexity of the processes of triple transition to adulthood beyond the age definitions (see EU Youth Strategy 2030);

**•**    - Ensure effective **coordination at the national and local levels between institutions** that are

responsible for issues regarding UASC and young people, inter alia _,_ youth policies, training and education, social policies, employment, health, equal opportunities and justice, allowing for harmonious planning and proper implementation of legislation and standards;

**•**    - Develop an **inter-sectoral strategy** with the involvement of CSOs, which includes multi-year planning,

and human, technical and financial resources required to increase the opportunities for social inclusion of former UASC, and ensures attention to the bearers of specific needs, and strengthen resources and capabilities.

NORMATIVE FRAMEWORK AND ITS APPLICATION

**•**    - Ensure the **effective and full enactment of Law 47/2017 and the adoption of its implementation**

**decrees,** in line with European and international standards, and involving United Nations agencies and

civil society actors in the process;

**•**    - Adopt explicit exemptions for UASC related to the security measures introduced by Law 132/2018,

with a view to facilitating their transition to adulthood;

**•**    - Ensure full respect for the **best interests of the child** through the adoption of procedures that respect

international standards and that are uniform throughout the country, taking into consideration gender differences;

**•**    - Fully implementing Article 9 of Law 47/2017, for the systematic and effective **adoption the cartella**

**sociale** (social file); [62]

**•**    - Ensure a smooth transition to adulthood starting from a prompt and correct identification of UASC,

through the use of, if necessary, a multi-disciplinary and **holistic procedure for age assessment** that meets international standards and the principles set out in Law 47/2017 and DPCM 324/2016, including gender considerations. In addition, resume the process of consultation with CSOs and United Nations agencies regarding the relevant standard protocol; 75

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**•**    - Ensure the full implementation of Article 17 of Law 47/2017 through the definition of a specific **assistance**

**programme for UASC victims of trafficking** that ensures adequate conditions of reception and

psychosocial, health and legal assistance, providing long-term solutions, even after they reach adulthood;

**•**    - Ensure every UASC has a **volunteer guardian** and that the guardian is adequately trained and able

to respond to his/her specific needs, even during the phase of transition to adulthood. Replicate the Palermo Model as a good practice of support and monitoring for volunteer guardians;

**•**    - Ensure the prompt issuance of the **residence permit for UASC** in order to allow immediate access to

the rights and services recognized by law.

RECEPTION AND SERVICES

**•**    - Ensure that the current phase of **transition to the new SIPROIMI reception system** is carried out so

as to guarantee uniformity throughout the national territory, respect for international standards, and care of young migrants and refugees in the transition phase. This will be achieved both by ensuring the reception of former UASC placed under the continued protection by social services in accordance with Article 13 of Law 47/2017 and by assessing the situations of persons with specific needs;

**•**    - Guarantee a similar level of **standards in the reception facilities** that are not part of the SIPROIMI

system, both for UASC and former UASC, in order to avoid unequal treatment and to offer similar opportunities, by, inter alia, creating the conditions for mitigating any risks, including gender-related risks that may arise from leaving the reception facility;

**•**    - Ensure consistent and adequate **training of professionals involved in the reception system,** including

cultural mediators, to effectively respond to the needs of UASC and those turning 18, deepening their knowledge in areas of specific expertise, such as the right to participation, and intercultural skills, sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) and reproductive health;

**•**    - Guarantee a **monitoring system of international and Italian standards** in order to ensure their

compliance within the entire reception system, irrespective of the type of accommodation;

**•**    - Consolidate and disseminate the **good practices** recorded and achieved during the course of the AMIF

first-line reception design;

**•**    - Ensure that UASC, their guardians and the social services are **aware** of the possibility of requesting

from the Judicial Authority **continued protection by the social services up to the age of 21** in accordance with Article 13 of Law 47/2017. In addition, ensure that these services are provided with adequate human, technical and financial resources to protect the former UASC;

**•**    - Ensure that all UASC and former UASC at risk of – or vulnerable because they have experienced –

situations of violence, including sexual violence, torture or other traumas related to travel or the reasons behind departure, victims of trafficking and people with mental distress can benefit from **psychosocial**

**intervention measures of prevention or response,** appropriate to their age, gender and cultural

specifity. It is recommended that these measures – whether within special reception facilities or at specialized external services – be aimed at the social inclusion of young people and be maintained for the period necessary for a full recovery to avoid the risk of re-exploitation or re-victimization. It is therefore 76


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recommended that these measures not be interrupted for any reason when they turn 18;

**•**    - Promote safe and appropriate **family or community-based alternative care** arrangements, as well as

supervised independent housing solutions, as highlighted by the case study in Lombardy. Municipalities must be provided with adequate human, technical and financial resources to raise awareness and promote and implement these initiatives;

**•**    - Ensure that, in choosing to continue benefiting from reception after the age of 18, adequate

consideration is given to the need to guarantee **geographical proximity** in order to maintain existing social and community links UASC may have already established where they have lived until age 18;

**•**    - Ensure young people’s **access to all relevant information** relating to, inter alia, their rights and

obligations, including all available legal channels, opportunities for social inclusion, and ways of accessing services. This information should take into account specific age, gender, maturity and developmental needs as well as cultural references.

SOCIAL, EDUCATIONAL AND EMPLOYMENT INCLUSION

**•**    - Standardize and expand procedures for the **assessment of** professional **skills,** literacy and numeracy

skills and ‘soft skills’ acquired in the countries of origin, including introducing and adopting of user friendly tools that enable regular updating of these skills by young migrants and refugees themselves.

**•**    - Accelerate the procedures for the **recognition of qualifications obtained abroad** through the Ministry

of Foreign Affairs and Embassies for the subsequent assessment of qualifications;

**•**    - Ensure **access to training and vocational courses and opportunities** such as work grants, internships

and apprenticeships for former UASC, and to local opportunities, including through the provision of effective information;

**•**    - Facilitate the **access** of UASC and young migrants and refugees who turned 18 **to the job market** by

strengthening the **cooperation** between the reception system and employment offices;

**•**    - Take into due consideration the specific needs for gender-related support and assistance in employment

and education; for example, parenting responsibility that girls and young women often have to assume.

This includes access to comprehensive sexual and reproductive health services;

**•**    - Combine training and professional **opportunities with life skills-building courses,** improvement of

Italian language skills and continuous job market guidance;

**•**    - Promote opportunities to **work related learning** and **first-level apprenticeship** pathways as envisaged

by the law in view of the challenges posed by the obligation to complete schooling;

**•**    - Clarify that a child holding a residence permit for UASC is **authorized to work** within the limits set out

by the law;

**•**    - Promote preventive interventions, including adequate **information** provision, for former UASC

**regarding labour legislation** in Italy and the risks associated with inclusion in informal and illegal

circuits, including trafficking and sexual exploitation;

**•**    - Re-introduce the participation of former UASC in the **civic service** pathways and enhance or expand

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**•**    - Ensure participation in social and recreational activities, which are fundamental for personal development

and interaction within the local context, such as **sports and artistic and entertainment activities;**

**•**    - Increase the opportunities for **meetings and exchanges between young migrants and refugees**

**and their peers,** through strengthening of support to youth centres. Promote peer support in access

to rights, basic services and knowledge of the area where they live;

**•**    - Develop a new **National Action Plan against Racism, Xenophobia and Discrimination,**

strengthening the networks of anti-discrimination centres, paying specific attention to gender dynamics, promoting interreligious dialogue at the community level and including these issues in civic education teaching in schools.

DATA COLLECTION AND MANAGEMENT

**•**    - **Improve the data collection system,** harmonizing existing databases and ensuring that all information

is collected and manageable, as recently noted by the Committee on the Rights of the Child in its Concluding Comments to Italy in 2019. This will be achieved by, inter alia, disaggregating data by age, gender, disability, geographical location, ethnic and national origin, legal status, protection and socio economic status in order to facilitate the analysis of the situation of all UASC and thus improve the protection system;

**•**    - **Link the social files and the data collection system (SIM)** so as to optimize resources and information

in order to better protect the child;

**•**    - Create a mechanism for **collecting data on former UASC** that complements the information already

collected within UASC data collection systems and that involves:

-- the MOI, ANCI and SIPROIMI, which are responsible for the reception system, for both UASC and

adults;

-- the MLSP, which is responsible for the census and monitoring of the presence of UASC and for

policies the pertaining to the socio-economic inclusion of UASC and former UASC;

-- the Juvenile Courts, particularly with regard to the implementation of Article 13 of Law 47/2017;

-- the Department of Equal Opportunities at the Presidency of the Council of Ministers, particularly

with regard to the anti-trafficking plan;

-- the National Ombudsman for Childhood and Adolescence;

-- the MOE on the continuity of schooling upon reaching adulthood.

_**For the European Union**_

**•**    - Ensure **rapid and effective procedures for family reunification** starting from a systematic, timely

and correct implementation of the Dublin Regulation, through the adoption of uniform and appropriate procedures, particularly with regard to age assessment and family reunification;

**•**    - Ensure effective cooperation between Member States securing **full and effective respect of the**

**principle of the best interests of the child** by, inter alia, adopting harmonized and appropriate

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procedures in line with the General Comment of the Committee of the Rights of the Child, No. 14;

**•**    - Set up a harmonized and exhaustive **data collection system** that **strengthens protection mechanisms**

**for UASC,** for example, by facilitating their tracing within the EU, and enables continuity in protection

interventions across European states, maintaining all procedural safeguards, including the informed consent of the child. This may help to mitigate the risks of prolonged exposure to violence and abuse inherent in onward movements;

**•**    - Ensure that Member States **safeguard the rights and opportunities of young refugees** in transition

to adulthood through improvement of their legal framework and promotion of comprehensive interdisciplinary co-operation between institutions in areas such as child protection, youth, health, education, social protection or welfare, migration, justice and gender equality, taking into consideration, drawing from and providing effective implementation to the Recommendation CM/Rec (2019)4 of the Committee of Ministers to Member States on supporting young refugees in transition to adulthood, adopted by the Committee of Ministers on 24 April 2019, at the 1344th meeting of the Ministers' Deputies. [63] _**For civil society**_

**•**    - Continue to foster and increase the **opportunities for meeting and interaction between UASC**

**and former UASC, the resident population and their peers** in order to nurture formal and informal

relationships in the transition to adulthood and to combat discrimination, racism and xenophobia;

**•**    - Continue to experiment – by documenting, monitoring and evaluating – **innovative and alternative**

**interventions** for young migrants and refugees (former UASC) such as supervised independent living,

family or community housing solutions. Also promote and expand activities promoting UASC and former UASC participation, such as those carried out in various kinds of youth centres;

**•**    - Continue to provide **support to UASC and former UASC,** with a focus on those with special needs,

including survivors of SGBV, through the management of specialized services and in collaboration with the public authorities;

**•**    - Promote the **participation of young migrants and refugees,** by, inter alia, encouraging the active

inclusion of girls in associations in order to contribute actively to society, defend their rights, and make their voices and opinions heard by influencing decisions on policies that affect them.

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**O. (left), 17 years old, from Senegal, jokes around with one of his housemates at a piazza**

**in the small village of Naro, in Sicily, Italy. He has been in Italy for about two years (December 2018)**

© UNICEF/UN0264446/Stefano De Luigi


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