[{"de":[["recognizing the limitations of knowledge might help to buffer people from some of their more authoritarian, dogmatic, and biased proclivities.",[]],["consideration of interpersonal contexts is beneficial for understanding how intellectual humility manifests, what factors inhibit and promote it, and how intellectual humility can be developed.",[]],["Thus, intellectual humility requires people to deliberately remain flexible in their beliefs",["11"]],["intellectual humility can promote societal cohesion by reducing group polarization and encouraging harmonious intergroup relationships.",[]],["At the individual level, intellectual humility can have important consequences for wellbeing, decision-making and academic learning.",[]],["intellectual humility is associated with open-mindedness and a willingness to learn about differing perspectives, which might promote respectful debate",["19"]],["The willingness to acknowledge one's intellectual limitations might also have important implications for interpersonal relationships.",[]],["intellectual humility is also associated with engaged cooperation with outgroup members.",[]],["Intellectually humbler people seem to be more curious and better liked as leaders, and tend to make more thorough, well informed decisions.",[]],["Intellectually humbler people also seem to be more open to cooperating with those whose views differ from their own.",[]],["intellectual humility is cognitively effortful and is insufficient for addressing many other societal challenges.",[]],["intellectual humility is chiefly concerned with epistemic limitations",["16"]],["intellectual humility as a virtue",["30","31"]],["The peripheral social and behavioural features of intellectual humility (light blue) include recognizing that other people can hold legitimate beliefs different from one's own and a willingness to reveal ignorance and confusion in order to learn.",[]],["Limits of knowledge + fallibility",[]]],"rt":[["general humility",["9"]],["modesty",["9"]],["perspective-taking",["9"]],["open-mindedness",["9"]],["intellect",[]],["information-seeking",[]],["cognitive flexibility",[]],["acknowledgement of intellectual failings",[]],["argument evaluation",[]],["cognitive rigidity",[]],["self-distanced",[]],["self-immersed",[]],["intellectual arrogance",[]],["metacognitive components",[]],["social and behavioural features",[]]],"sb":[["intellectual humility as a trait -the degree to which people are intellectually humble in general",[]],["trait intellectual humility",[]],["state intellectual humility",[]],["trait form",[]],["core metacognitive components",[]],["peripheral social and behavioural features",[]],["metacognitive components of intellectual humility",[]],["social and behavioural features of intellectual humility",[]]],"ex":[["someone might think that it is raining, but acknowledge that they have not looked outside to check and that the sun might be shining.",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["reflecting how people regulate and reflect on their beliefs and thoughts.",[]]]},{},{"sp":[["intellectual humility",[]]]},{"rt":[["general humility",[]]]},{"de":[["being open-minded does not always involve considering the limitations of one's knowledge or beliefs",["22","23"]]],"rt":[["intellectual humility",[]]]},{"rt":[["intellectual humility",[]]]},{"de":[["reflecting on real-life trust betrayal scenarios (involving disagreements or interpersonal conflicts) from a self-distanced rather than a self-immersed perspective",["1","120"]]],"rt":[["self-immersed",[]]]},{"de":[["reflecting on real-life trust betrayal scenarios (involving disagreements or interpersonal conflicts) from a self-distanced rather than a self-immersed perspective",["1","120"]]],"rt":[["self-distanced",[]]]},{},{"sp":[["intellectual humility",[]]]},{"rt":[["intellectual humility",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["This process has lead to an unhealthy over-reliance on, and an overuse of, medicines. It also diverts resources and priorities from more significant disease and health problems",["House of Commons, 2005"]],["is the most insidious of the various forms that medical advertising, so-called medical education, and information and medical diagnosis can take.",[]],["convince people that their usually mild ailment urgently needs drug treatment",[]]],"ex":[["convince people that their usually mild ailment urgently needs drug treatment",[]]]},{"de":[["each additional exposure significantly increases the chance of adoption.",[]]],"sy":[["infectious diseases",[]]],"rt":[["simple contagions",[]]]},{"rt":[["community structure",[]],["information diffusion",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["Complex contagions are sensitive to social reinforcement: each additional exposure significantly increases the chance of adoption.",[]]],"rt":[["social contagions",[]]]},{"rt":[["community structure",[]],["information flow",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{"sy":[["polarized communities",[]]]},{"sy":[["polarized communities",[]]]},{},{},{},{"rt":[["Social influence",[]]]},{},{"sp":[["BCM",[]]]},{"rt":[["5 F's",[]]]},{"rt":[["organizational credibility",[]]]},{"de":[["Thus, crisis responsibility in this study is referred as the attribution of crisis responsibility perceived by stakeholders to organization having a crisis.",[]]]},{},{"de":[["In the public sector, organizational credibility is associated with a concept of trust which has usually been viewed from an external environmental or an interorganizational social perspective",["17"]],["In essence, corporate credibility in this study is the perceived expertise and trustworthiness of an organization in times of crisis.",[]],["Their perception toward organizational curability reflects the organizational expertise, trustworthiness and essentially its reputation.",[]]],"sy":[["corporate credibility",[]]],"rt":[["Organizational Reputation",[]]]},{},{"de":[["scholars in the political science approach agree with a definition on organizational reputation which is \"a set of symbolic beliefs about the unique or separable capacities, roles, and obligations of an organization, where these beliefs are embedded in audience networks\" [9].",["9"]]]},{"de":[["It posits that, as the reputational threat increases, crisis managers should use response strategies that demonstrate a higher level of acceptance of responsibility for the crisis and address the organization's concerns for the victims involved.",[]]],"sb":[["victim cluster",[]],["accidental cluster",[]],["preventable cluster",[]]]},{"de":[["a quick response by organization increases it credibility",[]]]},{},{"sp":[["health literacy",[]]]},{"de":[["digital content curation, a process influenced by the Social Cognitive Theory, to create tailored online and social health information for an audience",[]]]},{"rt":[["antagonism",[]],["the political",[]]]},{},{},{},{"rt":[["antagonism",[]]]},{"sp":[["crisis response strategies",[]]]},{"de":[["A person attributes responsibility for an event and will experience an emotional reaction to the event. Anger and sympathy are the core emotions in Attribution Theory. The attributions of responsibility and emotions can serve as motivations for action. Behavioral responses are negative when a person is judged responsible and anger is evoked. Behavioral responses are positive when a person is judged not to be responsible and sympathy is evoked",["Weiner, 2006"]]]},{"de":[["Managers who have had positive relationships with stakeholders can draw upon that goodwill to help protect the organizational reputation, praise stakeholders for their efforts during the crisis as a means of improving relationships with them or draw sympathy from being a victim of the crisis.",[]]],"sb":[["Reminder",[]],["Ingratiation",[]],["Victimage",[]]],"sp":[["Crisis response strategies",[]]]},{},{"rt":[["Image Restoration Theory",[]]],"sb":[["Deny strategies",[]],["diminish crisis response strategies",[]],["Rebuild strategies",[]],["Bolstering",[]],["Reminder",[]],["Ingratiation",[]],["Victimage",[]],["Apology",[]],["Deny crisis response strategies",[]],["Rebuild crisis response strategies",[]],["Bolstering crisis response strategies",[]]]},{},{"de":[["Each crisis type features certain aspects of the crisis.",[]],["These cues indicate how stakeholders should interpret a crisis",[]]],"sy":[["frame",[]]],"sb":[["victim cluster",[]],["accidental cluster",[]],["Preventable cluster",[]],["intentional cluster",[]]]},{},{"sy":[["Deny strategies",[]]],"sb":[["Attack the accuser : Crisis manager confronts the person or group claiming something is wrong with the organization.",[]],["Denial : Crisis manager asserts that there is no crisis.",[]],["Scapegoat : Crisis manager blames some person or group outside of the organization for the crisis.",[]]]},{"sp":[["crisis response strategies",[]]]},{"sb":[["Excuse: Crisis manager minimizes organizational responsibility by denying intent to do harm and/or claiming inability to control the events that triggered the crisis.",[]],["Justifi cation : Crisis manager minimizes the perceived damage caused by the crisis.",[]]],"sp":[["crisis response strategies",[]]]},{"de":[["Frames in communication help to shape frames in thought.",[]],["Frames stress certain facts or values making them salient when individuals make decisions",["Joslyn, 2003"]]],"rt":[["frames in thought",[]]],"ex":[["the media naturally feature certain aspects of a problem or situation in a story",["Yioutas and Segvic, 2003"]]]},{"de":[["Frames in communication help to shape frames in thought.",[]]],"rt":[["frames in communication",[]]]},{"de":[["The people who receive the message will focus their attentions on those factors when forming their opinions and making judgments",[]]]},{"sp":[["crisis response strategies",[]],["Bolstering crisis response strategies",[]]]},{"de":[["the stakeholders will adopt the media ' s frame for the crisis.",[]]]},{"de":[["Prior relational reputation is unfavorable if the organization has a history of treating stakeholders badly",[]],["An unfavorable prior relational reputation suggests an organization shows little consideration for stakeholders across a number of domains, not just in this crisis.",[]]]},{"sp":[["bolstering",[]],["crisis response strategies",[]],["Bolstering crisis response strategies",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["SCCT provides a mechanism for anticipating how stakeholders will react to a crisis in terms of the reputational threat posed by the crisis.",[]]],"rt":[["Attribution Theory",[]]]},{},{"de":[["The victimage strategy serves to reinforce the belief that the organization deserves sympathy.",[]]],"sp":[["crisis response strategies",[]],["Bolstering crisis response strategies",[]]]},{},{},{"rt":[["place marketing",[]]]},{"rt":[["place branding",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["In public diplomacy, engagement has been discussed in association with the use of digital and social media to promote dialogue, mutual respect, partnership, and mutual understanding",["Zhang 2013"]]],"sb":[["passive (e.g., clicks, views, reads)",["Dhanesh 2017"]],["active (e.g., advocates)",["Dhanesh 2017"]],["control (e.g., inform)",["Dhanesh 2017"]],["collaboration (e.g., participate)",["Dhanesh 2017"]]]},{},{"rt":[["relationship management emphasizes that countries and foreign publics co-adapt to each other through mutual understanding and mutual influence",["Kim and Ni 2010"]]]},{"de":[["According to Rubin and McHugh (1987), these mediated relationships follow a similar process of development to interpersonal relationships formed as a consequence of social attraction.",["Rubin and McHugh (1987)"]],["The illusion of intimacy at a distance is mediated by the commonalities publics share with the persona.",["Yuksel and Labrecque 2016"]]],"rt":[["interpersonal relationships",["Rubin and McHugh (1987)"]]]},{},{},{},{},{},{},{"de":[["The goal is to adhere to the values of target publics and to orientate and coordinate public opinion to \"unite with all forces that can be united\" (Mao 1956, title). Thus, the protracted war strategy emphasizes two main tactics: \"offense within defence and exterior lines within interior lines\" (Mao 1967, p. 157)",[]]],"sb":[["offense within defence and exterior lines within interior lines",[]]]},{"de":[["the core doctrine of \"wolf warrior\" diplomacy is the \"spirit of struggle\" emphasized by Xi Jinping",[]]],"rt":[["wolf warrior diplomacy",[]]]},{"de":[["Such practice has become a critical tool for the Chinese government in fighting the \"stigmatization of China by the Western media and government\"",["Jin and Liu 2020, paragraph 1"]],["wolf warrior\" public diplomacy is not only an ethical problem involving the use of fake news in online communication but also a type of propaganda involving the use of social media to spread emotional fragments and filtered messages to psychologically manipulate publics",[]]]},{"de":[["\"Wolf warrior\" contains a serious nationalist sentiment that provides mechanisms and conditions for the Communist Party of China to maintain its dominant power in Chinese society and conquer discursive power on the international stage.",[]],["Western media originally proposed the term \"wolf warrior diplomacy\" in response to Beijing's radical and aggressive media and diplomatic statements during the COVID-19 pandemic",[]]],"sy":[["wolf warrior diplomacy",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["individuals encounter political information only incidentally (i.e., while browsing for nonpolitical content).",[]],["the passive scanning of incidentally encountered political information and the intentional processing of incidentally encountered content appraised as relevant",["Matthes et al. 2020"]]],"sy":[["incidental mode of exposure",[]]],"rt":[["intentional exposure",[]]],"ex":[["while browsing their SM for relaxation, citizens might come across sponsored content by politicians, political status updates by social ties, political news, or various other forms of political content inadvertently.",[]]]},{},{"de":[["users who turn to SM to gratify non-political motivations are more likely to stumble upon political information in the incidental mode.",[]],["individuals in the incidental mode might not be in the mindset to process political information effortfully.",[]]],"rt":[["intentional exposure mode",[]],["intentional mode",[]]]},{},{"sy":[["intentional mode of exposure",[]]],"rt":[["incidental exposure",[]]]},{"rt":[["incidental mode",[]]]},{"de":[["the intentional mode of exposure to political information on SM",[]]],"rt":[["incidental mode",[]]]},{"de":[["describes a behavioral pattern in which users actively look for political information (e.g., visiting a politician's profile) or intentionally configure their SM to encounter political information.",[]]]},{"de":[["The items asked participants whether they agreed that they (1) have control over the content which is displayed on their SM newsfeed, (2) can change the content which they see on their newsfeed anytime, and (3) know how to adjust their newsfeed so that they see the information they are interested in the most.",[]]]},{},{"de":[["In this sense, citizens participate politically to change a status-quo or to stop a status-quo from changing. In other words, activities that count as political participation are means to an end, which leads us to defining political participation as a goal-directed behavior",[]],["citizens participate politically to change a status-quo or to stop a status-quo from changing.",[]]],"rt":[["goal-directed behavior",[]]]},{"de":[["asking respondents whether they agree that (1) politicians in Austria keep what they promise to the people, (2) they can trust Austrian politicians to make decisions which are in the interest of the people, and (3) politicians in Austria are honest to the people.",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["has resulted in a gloomy de-sacralization of journalism (Alexander et al. 2016)",["Alexander et al. 2016"]]]},{"sp":[["political fact checking",[]]]},{"sp":[["political fact checking",[]]]},{"de":[["reconciles digital platforms with citizens against disinformation and, at the same time, distances political elites from citizens due to their attempts at manipulation",[]]],"rt":[["re-fusion",[]]]},{"de":[["Alexander observes that as societies become more complex and segmented, the elements of social performance remain de-fused or separated from one another. To be effective, performances must engage in a project of re-fusion. As Alexander (2004, p. 529) puts it, To the degree they achieve re-fusion, social performances become convincing and effective-more ritual-like. To the degree they remain de-fused, they seem artificial and contrived.",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["dysfunctions derived from misinformation",[]]]},{},{"de":[["They are structured and presented in a very similar way to traditional journalism pieces that address a specific question, explain data, or assess specific claims.",[]],["Fact checks integrate original sources and, according to Vázquez-Herrero et al. (2019, p. 4), \"stand out for the richness and diversity in the use of verification mechanisms.\"",["Vázquez-Herrero et al. (2019, p. 4)"]],["Fact-checking stories do not usually set the agenda or reveal new facts. They are limited to verifying stories that have already been published. They therefore correspond to a reactive dynamic: checks are always reactions to what others have said or done.",[]]]},{"de":[["Unlike journalists at legacy and new media organization, fact checkers do not have an explicit editorial line.",[]],["When this approach to fact checking is used by legacy media, it is always presented as a specialized practice.",[]],["Fact-checking websites verify news stories once they have been published by the media and/or been disseminated by users of social networks (Mantzarlis 2018).",["Mantzarlis 2018"]],["They therefore correspond to a reactive dynamic: checks are always reactions to what others have said or done.",[]],["Fact-checking journalism's interpretive power within scenarios of false information",[]]],"rt":[["independent fact-checking and accountability journalism",[]],["interpretative power",[]]]},{"de":[["connected to much more elaborate research methods where the analysis of different types of sources (institutional and journalistic) and consultation with experts constitute the raw material for reports that explain the reasons behind fact checkers' evaluations.",[]],["Hard fact checking is connected to much more elaborate research methods where the analysis of different types of sources (institutional and journalistic) and consultation with experts constitute the raw material for reports that explain the reasons behind fact checkers' evaluations.",[]]],"sp":[["fact checking",[]],["performance of fact checking",[]]]},{"de":[["evaluate fact checkers' self-reflection about the authority and legitimacy of their activity",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["prominent, above all, in bottom-up verifications (usually generated by users on social networks, by partisan digital media, and by websites that create hoaxes). It involves documents that incorporate logos or identifying elements of public institutions to spread false measures. The document's authenticity and the information contained in it are then denied by the institution concerned. In this case, fact checkers simply report the denial, without any investigation or recourse to external experts.",[]],["Soft fact checking is prominent, above all, in bottom-up verifications (usually generated by users on social networks, by partisan digital media, and by websites that create hoaxes). It involves documents that incorporate logos or identifying elements of public institutions to spread false measures. The document's authenticity and the information contained in it are then denied by the institution concerned. In this case, fact checkers simply report the denial, without any investigation or recourse to external experts.",[]],["It involves documents that incorporate logos or identifying elements of public institutions to spread false measures. The document's authenticity and the information contained in it are then denied by the institution concerned. In this case, fact checkers simply report the denial, without any investigation or recourse to external experts.",[]]],"sp":[["fact checking",[]],["performance of fact checking",[]]]},{},{"sp":[["political fact checking",[]]]},{},{"sp":[["political fact checking",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["opening up the possibility to decide for oneself should restore or strengthen democratic legitimacy",["Geißel & Newton, 2012"]]]},{"de":[["Subsequent research has indeed confirmed that this participation paradox to a large extent determines patterns of social stratification in political activity",["Schlozman, Verba & Brady, 2012"]],["The more opportunities there are for participation, the easier it will be for citizens with a high level of political resources to use those opportunities to make sure their interests are being taken into account by the political system. Citizens with fewer skills and resources, on the other hand, are much less apt to use all these opportunities, thus indeed leading to a stronger participation paradox.",[]],["as a proliferation of forms of participation in practice leads to more inequality.",[]]],"rt":[["social stratification of participation",[]]]},{},{"de":[["might induce a participatory fatigue that is most noticeable among those that are least likely to participate in the first place",[]],["the system's complexity induces a general participatory fatigue among this strata of the population.",[]]],"sy":[["democratic fatigue",[]]],"rt":[["democratic fatigue",[]]]},{},{"de":[["it does not need to be controversial. We do not talk of politicisation if there is agreement that an issue should be raised on the public agenda.",[]]]},{"rt":[["politicisation",[]]]},{"rt":[["status politics",[]]]},{"de":[["counter-concept, depoliticisation",[]],["a protective move to shield the realm of governance and the efficiency of decision-making from the perceived illegitimate interferences by partisan political actors.",[]]],"rt":[["politicisation",[]],["juridification",[]]],"sb":[["governmental depoliticisation",[]],["discursive depoliticisation",[]],["Societal depoliticisation",[]]]},{"de":[["When public discussions on EU-related topics revolve around the lack of contingency, the issue at stake falls from the governmental or the public sphere into the realm of necessity -it is beyond the reach of national governments and politicians. The political vanishes.",[]]],"sp":[["depoliticisation",[]]],"ex":[["Discussions on the EU after the financial crisis of 2008 and the debt crisis that followed in member states are a case thereof. The presentation in mainstream media of bail-out packages and austerity policies insisted on the necessity to comply with them and to apply tough remedies to try to save countries in perilous situations. Balanced budgets and consolidation policies have been portrayed as inescapable.",[]]]},{"sp":[["depoliticisation",[]]]},{"de":[["At the centre of the right-wing populist political imagination is the idea of a 'heartland' (Taggart, 2004, p. 274).",["Taggart, 2004, p. 274"]],["Thus, this 'heartland' is a backward-looking utopia.",[]],["It constitutes a political ideal that is mainly derived from an idealised 'golden past'.",[]]]},{"de":[["the term Verrechtlichung (juridification) has been introduced by Otto Kirchheimer in the academic context of Weimar Germany.",[]],["the bureaucratization of the world",[]]],"rt":[["depoliticisation",[]]],"sb":[["expropriation of conflict",["Teubner, 1987, pp. 7-8"]]]},{},{"rt":[["Verpolitisierung",[]]],"sb":[["Verpolitisierung",[]]],"sp":[["politicisation",[]]]},{"de":[["deviation from the 'ordinary meaning' of politics",[]],["provoking disorder than as a chance to thinking and acting",[]],["bringing unfamiliar problematics to the agenda for debates",[]],["distinguish politicisation as processes, their (intermediate) outcomes, and a normative judgement of their effects",[]],["Politicisation was more frequently understood as provoking disorder than as a chance to thinking and acting",[]],["At the maximum, politicisation means to extend the borders of the area, for example in the relationship to other areas, such as culture, law, economy, or religion.",[]],["This, importantly, is not an extension of the margins of the activity of politics itself, but rather is constitutive of politics. In this sense politicisation constitutes politics, not vice versa, and all politics is a result of politicising moves",["Palonen, 2003","Kauppi et al., 2016"]],["multilevel concept, linking a macro-or theoretical and normative level to a meso-level of conceptualisation and operationalisation and a micro-level of empirical analysis.",[]],["First, an issue is named as political. A second stage is a first degree of public resonance or salience. The issue enters public or semi-public arenas, by media, social media, protests, or campaigns. Social media in this context are a kind of limited and preselected public. Third, and linked by different channels to those public or semi-public arenas, there is the political system in an Eastonian sense, and the ways issues enter into it from the different arenas -because taken up by party or other actors, or by new parties forming and entering the system, new issues become a matter of institutionalised political conflict and finally decisions are taken on them.",[]],["politicisation as the force or the dynamic of turning something political",[]],["The transformation of something not political into something political can assume two distinct but interrelated meanings (1) making something publicly visible, and (2) making something debatable and open to conflict.",[]],["It cannot set the agenda, but only build on it.",[]],["Heath interprets politicisation as the activity of 'taking an attitude', for example, by participating in a debate on human rights or putting a question onto the agenda.",[]],["Within this horizon we can define 'politicisation' as an active use of contingency, of rendering something contested or controversial.",[]],["as a mediator in the dispute between competing actors.",[]],["Politicisation thus brings to the fore a certain -and mostly public -discontent with the ways how corresponding governmental or inter-governmental regulation operates (or does not operate).",[]],["Politicisation further relies on a public agenda of issues that are already made visible. It cannot set the agenda, but only build on it. Politicisation is triggered when agenda-setting has been successful and when issues that have become salient are debated further in the public realm of politics.",[]]],"sy":[["politicising actions",[]]],"rt":[["depoliticisation",[]],["juridification",[]],["populism",[]],["Verpolitisierung",[]],["passive politicisation",[]],["politics",[]],["politicising moves",["Palonen, 2003","Kauppi et al., 2016"]],["politicising actions",[]],["agendasetting",[]],["turning something political",[]],["agenda-setting",[]],["constraining dissensus",["Hooghe and Marks (2009)"]],["permissive consensus",["Hooghe and Marks (2009)"]],["status politics",[]],["attention politics",[]]],"sb":[["politicisation as status politics",[]],["politicisation as attention politics",[]]],"ex":[["the women ´s movement's famous claim that 'the personal is political'. This act of naming 'the personal' political in reality aimed at a major questioning of traditional marriage and family, and hence a potential shift in power relations by questioning structures and institutions that were not to be questioned beforehand because they had been considered as 'private', and hence as nondebatable, by a dominant social discourse.",[]]]},{"de":[["politicisation as action in time and in more or less defined spaces expands the field of politics to include those who call for attention for political issues and those who pay attention to (not necessarily the same) issues.",[]]],"sp":[["politicisation",[]]]},{"de":[["Politicisation as status politics can, however, also be about the status of particular issues as political or as non-political and their ranking on the public agenda.",[]]],"sp":[["politicisation",[]]]},{},{"de":[["politics can take place anywhere, at any moment. And hence, any issue can become political, at whatever level and group of society.",[]]]},{},{"de":[["Understanding politics as an activity, as opposed to the view of politics as a field or sphere, also means that politics has no boundaries, and virtually everything and everyone, in every possible setting and situation, can be part of politics at all times. Politics relates to what actors do, and not to the field in which they act. Politics then also is contingent: it is always possible to act otherwise.",[]]]},{"de":[["If politicisation demarcates the field of the struggle over public attention and legitimacy, it follows from this that we do not need a theory of politicisation, we need a theory that describes the contradicting forces of raising attention and its contingent effects on the shaping of public opinion and political legitimacy.",[]]]},{"de":[["This ideology pictures society as divided between 'the corrupt elite' and 'the homogenous people' and demands the realisation of the will of the people",["Mudde, 2004"]],["Since it is poor in content, thus politically ineffective, it must be combined with political ideas, programs, and demands. Therefore, in real political life no populism as such exists, but only diverse populisms, such as liberal, neoliberal, right-wing, conservative, centrist, and left-wing populisms, which in turn have to be understood as ideal types.",[]]],"rt":[["elitism",[]],["pluralism",[]],["liberal, neoliberal, right-wing, conservative, centrist, and left-wing populisms",[]]],"sb":[["liberal, neoliberal, right-wing, conservative, centrist, and left-wing populisms",[]]]},{"de":[["post-democratic structures seem to frustrate hopes for fundamental change and create the impression that 'there is no alternative'.",[]]]},{"de":[["One's own people are represented as a collective with a uniform identity and homogeneous interest.",[]],["This leads to an amalgamation of identity politics with interest politics.",[]],["At the centre of the right-wing populist political imagination is the idea of a 'heartland' (Taggart, 2004, p. 274). It constitutes a political ideal that is mainly derived from an idealised 'golden past'. Thus, this 'heartland' is a backward-looking utopia.",["Taggart, 2004, p. 274"]]],"sp":[["populism",[]]]},{},{"de":[["Societal depoliticisation suggests the emergence of a disinterested democratic culture and examines the changing nature of socio-political relationships, notably the role of intermediary institutions.",[]]],"sp":[["depoliticisation",[]]]},{"rt":[["attention politics",[]]]},{"de":[["the reasoning that politics occurs only in situations of choices, where 'actors possess and display the capacity for agency'",["Hay, 2007, p. 67"]]]},{},{"de":[["Schmitt regards it as a 'typical and particularly intensive way of doing politics' to blame the adversary as 'political' and to declare that one's own activity is 'unpolitical' (that is, scientific, just, objective, or impartial).",[]]]},{"sp":[["passive politicisation",[]]]},{"de":[["might lead to different levels of COVID-19 concern in the population",["WHO 2020"]]]},{"de":[["This is particularly important in times of the COVID-19 pandemic, as the relevance of media information has increased even more due to social distancing, lockdown, and stay at home measures.",[]]]},{},{"sb":[["political actors refer to the people as 'underprivileged citizens who differ from the elites mainly with respect to their economic situation, formal education and access to power'",[]],["here 'the people' is understood as a national community or ethnic group, with emphasis on belonging to the native population as the main criterion to discriminate who is part or not part of the nation.",[]],["the people is 'our people' not based on formal citizenship or ethnicity but rather on shared and common values, religion, history, customs.",[]]]},{"de":[["'Us' stands for the common citizen and 'them' represents the common enemy established by the dominant elite, which may sometimes be identified under different headings (politics, media, economic powers, etc.).",[]]]},{"de":[["The word 'people' is a catch-all expression that politicians use, irrespective of their political affiliation, to unite the electorate.",[]]],"sb":[["construction of 'the people'",[]]],"sp":[["populist ideology",[]]]},{"de":[["This second dimension of the concept of populism is built on anti-elitism and anti-establishment stances.",[]]]},{"sp":[["Ostracising the others",[]],["Ostracism towards out-groups",[]],["Ostracism",[]]]},{"sp":[["construction of 'the people'",[]]]},{"sb":[["Sovereignty",[]],["Class",[]],["Nation/Ethnic group",[]],["Cultural",[]]],"sp":[["Appeal to 'the people'",[]]]},{"sp":[["construction of 'the people'",[]]]},{"de":[["political actors identify isolated groups within the people as an internal enemy; stigmatising and excluding segments of the people from the specific population.",[]]],"sp":[["Ostracising the others",[]],["Ostracism towards out-groups",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["overflows from strictly populist precincts into the general political discourse",[]],["populist references are often used as a communication strategy by the main Italian leaders",[]]],"rt":[["populist narratives",[]]]},{"rt":[["homophily",[]]]},{},{},{"sy":[["hybrid",[]]]},{"rt":[["mediatisation",[]]]},{"sp":[["construction of 'the people'",[]]]},{"de":[["The logic of distribution has to do with the logic of virality ('network-enhanced word of mouth') typical of online social platforms, where 'popularity among like-minded users, not professional gatekeepers, decides whether information is relevant and passed on (i.e., goes viral) or not'. (p 9)",[]],["Finally, the usage of social media tends to take the form of a communication among the like-minded in 'niche networks based on interest rather than location. So, where mass media consumption to a larger extent is bound to geographically defined communities, social media platforms are bound to communities of peers and like-minded others' (p 10)",[]]]},{},{"de":[["This is a new contraposition between 'us', 'the people' as a homogenous category, and 'them', an enemy within the people.",[]],["These out-groups are perceived as uniform and usually regarded as inferior.",[]]],"sb":[["Dangerous others",[]],["Authoritarianism",[]]]},{},{"de":[["the construction of 'the others' as counterparts taking the form of elites and/or out-groups against which the people affirm their preeminence",["pp 19-21"]],["The core features that distinguish it from other ideologies are: (1) the centrality of the idea (or of the ideas) of the 'people' (p 18), around which populists try 'to create a new social identity among citizens […] in order to unite them and generate a sense of belonging to an imagined community' (p 19); and (2) the construction of 'the others' as counterparts taking the form of elites and/or out-groups against which the people affirm their preeminence (pp 19-21).",["p 18","p 19","pp 19-21"]],["The core features that distinguish it from other ideologies are: (1) the centrality of the idea (or of the ideas) of the 'people' (p 18), around which populists try 'to create a new social identity among citizens […] in order to unite them and generate a sense of belonging to an imagined community' (p 19); and (2) the construction of 'the others' as counterparts taking the form of elites and/or out-groups against which the people affirm their preeminence (pp 19-21)",[]]],"rt":[["empty, exclusionary, antielitist, and complete populism",["Jagers and Walgrave (2007)"]]],"sb":[["empty",["Jagers and Walgrave (2007)"]],["exclusionary",["Jagers and Walgrave (2007)"]],["complete populism",["Jagers and Walgrave (2007)"]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["the emphasis on sovereignty represents a characteristic of 'soft populism'",[]]]},{"de":[["Thus, the people's will is a fundamental principle for political actors that depict themselves as advocates of the people's rights. In this sense, direct democracy is a typical theme of the populist discourse addressing the people as sovereign.",[]]],"sp":[["construction of 'the people'",[]]]},{"de":[["trains people to be more attuned to specific deception strategies",[]]],"rt":[["inoculation theory",[]]],"sp":[["inoculation theory",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["or by denying accusations of wrongdoing altogether",["A'Beckett, 2013"]]]},{},{},{"de":[["This includes posing as a real person or organisation by mimicking their appearance, for example by using a slightly different username.",[]]]},{"de":[["recent research has provided some support for the idea that inoculation can emerge through exposing misleading arguments",["Cook, Lewandowsky, and Ecker, 2017"]]]},{},{"de":[["by exposing people to a weakened version of a misleading argument, and by preemptively refuting this argument, attitudinal resistance can be conferred against future deception attempts.",[]]]},{"de":[["people may simply know whether a story is reliable or not because they remember it",[]]]},{"sy":[["preemptive debunking",[]]]},{"de":[["Research shows that emotional content leads to higher engagement and is more likely to go viral and be remembered by news consumers",["Aday, 2010","Gross and D'Ambrosio, 2004","Konijn, 2013","Zollo et al., 2015"]]]},{},{"de":[["In its original meaning, the term trolling refers to slowly dragging a lure from the back of a fishing vessel in the hope that the fish will bite.",[]]]},{},{"de":[["a brand can be understood as a symbol that has both tangible and intangible aspects.",[]],["Tangible aspects are the branded objects themselves, such as organizations, places, people, or specific policies (e.g. Eshuis and Klijn, 2012;Speed et al., 2015;White, 2002).",[]],["The intangible part of a brand on the other hand consists of the positive associations that the brand is supposed to invoke. In other words, a brand consists of a specific object and of all associations connected to it.",[]],["Tangible aspects are the branded objects themselves, such as organizations, places, people, or specific policies (e.g. Eshuis and Klijn, 2012;Speed et al., 2015;White, 2002). The intangible part of a brand on the other hand consists of the positive associations that the brand is supposed to invoke.",["Eshuis and Klijn, 2012","Speed et al., 2015","White, 2002"]],["a brand can be understood as a symbol that has both tangible and intangible aspects. Tangible aspects are the branded objects themselves, such as organizations, places, people, or specific policies (e.g. Eshuis and Klijn, 2012;Speed et al., 2015;White, 2002). The intangible part of a brand on the other hand consists of the positive associations that the brand is supposed to invoke.",["Eshuis and Klijn, 2012","Speed et al., 2015","White, 2002"]]]},{"de":[["used to boost the visibility and images of politicians, political parties, places and nations and even policies",[]],["branding as a creative tool used by policy makers to imbue different audiences with positive understandings (meanings) and positive dispositions (emotions) towards individual projects, national policy sectors as well as towards nation states as a whole.",[]],["Branding thereby equals a form of persuasive and often symbolic communication, whereby the underlying logic is emotional rather than rational (Eshuis and Klijn, 2012;Marsh and Fawcett, 2011;Papadimitriou et al., 2015).",[]],["Only clearly defined responsibilities and coordinated policy decisions could facilitate a standardized and, hence effective, branding process.",[]],["branding innovations or science activities for diplomatic or political purposes may contribute to the politicization of science",[]],["We therefore understand branding as a creative tool used by policy makers to imbue different audiences with positive understandings (meanings) and positive dispositions (emotions) towards individual projects, national policy sectors as well as towards nation states as a whole.",[]],["branding was hitherto overlooked as part of the SD toolbox.",[]],["Branding, as we argue, should be added to the analysis of contemporary science diplomacy as well as of broader foreign policies, adding to the understanding of SD as an instrument of cross-border communication and global opinion shaping.",[]]],"rt":[["nation state branding",[]],["place branding",[]],["policy tool branding",[]],["reputation management",[]],["policy branding",[]]],"sb":[["nation branding",[]],["policy branding",[]],["policy tool branding",[]],["place branding",[]],["the nation state",[]],["the policy",[]],["the policy tool layers",[]]],"ex":[["place branding in the sense of promoting the Science Location Germany",[]]]},{},{"ex":[["when a brand has too many elements, e.g. too many different products under one name or it can be over-complex, when too much meaning is integrated into brand messages like slogans or logos.",[]]]},{"de":[["Place branding is often used to increase the visibility of a geographical place, beyond its own borders. It usually aims at enhancing a territories' reputation regarding a global audience or to attract visitors (e.g. tourists, students, researchers) (Eshuis and Klijn, 2012) 7 .",["Eshuis and Klijn, 2012"]]],"rt":[["Place branding",[]]],"ex":[["The United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and Singapore have for the last years used especially higher education policies to improve their countries' image as open and science-oriented.",[]]]},{"de":[["Place branding is often used to increase the visibility of a geographical place, beyond its own borders. It usually aims at enhancing a territories' reputation regarding a global audience or to attract visitors (e.g. tourists, students, researchers) (Eshuis and Klijn, 2012)",[]],["promoting the Science Location Germany",[]],["portray Germany as a nation of science and innovation (Fromm and Raev, 2020), summarized in the brand slogan \"Wissenschaftsstandort Deutschland\" (Science Location Germany)",["Fromm and Raev, 2020"]]],"sp":[["branding",[]]],"ex":[["summarized in the brand slogan \"Wissenschaftsstandort Deutschland\" (Science Location Germany)",[]],["mega-events like the Soccer World Cup or the Olympic Games",["Coaffee, 2013","Grix and Coulihan, 2014"]]]},{"de":[["Policy tool branding can occur both on a domestic as well as on a global level and usually comes in forms of tangible policy outputs.",[]],["highlighting the success of the Centres of African",[]],["policy tools need to be communicated and defined in terms of a brand (Marsh and Fawcett, 2011, p. 521), hence as a process which \"refers to the devices that serve to identify, express, and share the meaning of the product with consumers\" (Basu and Wang, 2009, p. 81 ff)",["Marsh and Fawcett, 2011, p. 521","Basu and Wang, 2009, p. 81 ff"]],["managed, in terms of \"the different ways in which organizations are structured in order to promote, protect, and sustain the brand\" (Marsh and Fawcett, 2011, p. 521)",["Marsh and Fawcett, 2011, p. 521"]],["the effectiveness of policy tool branding could be increased, if nation state actors harmonized not only their project planning activities, but their branding activities too.",[]],["individual policy activities were strategically linked to both the existing image of the Netherlands and to its scientific and engineering sectors.",[]]],"sp":[["Branding",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["attract website traffic",[]],["the misinformation categories that are more similar to reliable news are click bait and junk science.",[]]],"sp":[["Misinformation",[]]]},{"sb":[["readability",[]],["perplexity",[]]]},{"de":[["conspiracy theories are closely related",[]]],"sp":[["Misinformation",[]]]},{"sp":[["Misinformation",[]]]},{"sb":[["sentiment analysis",[]],["morality",[]]]},{"sy":[["Reliable",[]]]},{"de":[["mislead the audience",[]]],"sp":[["Misinformation",[]]]},{},{"sp":[["Misinformation",[]]]},{"de":[["misinformation is expressed differently in terms of arousal, emotions or writing style",["McCornack et al., 2014"]]]},{"de":[["junk science and factual content are the most similar categories",[]]],"sp":[["Misinformation",[]]]},{},{"de":[["The spread of misinformation content is an important and complex problem because not all misleading content is created equal.",[]]],"rt":[["disinformation",[]]],"sb":[["rumors",[]],["clickbait",[]],["junk science",[]],["fake news",[]],["conspiracy theories",[]]]},{},{"sp":[["emotional evocation",[]]]},{},{"sp":[["Misinformation",[]]]},{"sp":[["emotional evocation",[]]]},{},{},{},{"sp":[["misinformation",[]]]},{},{"de":[["responses that express support for a position but do not reflect true belief",[]]]},{},{"de":[["lying involves the intentional uttering of false statements",[]]]},{"de":[["Misinformation has been shown to be suffused with emotions, logical fallacies, and conspiratorial reasoning",["Blassnig et al., 2019","Carrasco-Farré, 2022","Fong et al., 2021","Musi et al., 2022","Musi and Reed, 2022"]],["misinformation is less cognitively complex and 10 times more likely to rely on negative emotional appeals",["Carrasco-Farré, 2022"]]],"sb":[["disinformation",[]]]},{},{"rt":[["intentionality",[]]]},{"sy":[["psychological inoculation",[]]],"ex":[["scapegoating, false dichotomies, ad hominem attacks",[]],["scapegoating",[]],["false dichotomies",[]],["ad hominem attacks",[]]]},{"sy":[["prebunking",["Lewandowsky and van der Linden, 2021","Roozenbeek et al., 2022"]]],"ex":[["scapegoating, false dichotomies, ad hominem attacks",[]]]},{"de":[["affective involvement is an independent concept that is not interchangeable with cognitive involvement.",["Krosnick et al. (1993)"]],["Craig and Choi (2024) further hold that affective involvement occurs independently of cognitive involvement.",["2024"]]],"sp":[["Flow experience",[]]]},{"de":[["Association allows information to traverse across the relational and content network",["Sun et al. 2020"]]],"sp":[["social media affordances",[]]]},{},{},{"sp":[["Flow experience",[]]]},{"de":[["users with higher emotional ability are less likely to rely on emotional cues to make judgments",["Kidwell and Hasford, 2014"]],["users with high emotional ability are skilled at managing their emotions and regulating their behavior even in an affectively involved context.",[]]]},{"de":[["Previous research has identified enjoyment and concentration as the two most salient dimensions of flow experience (Ghani et al. 1991), which manifest as a dualstate phenomenon encompassing both cognitive and affective components.",["Ghani et al. 1991"]],["flow experience is understood as a multi-dimensional concept and is conceptualized as both cognitive involvement and affective involvement.",[]],["flow is related to users' emotions, reflecting an enjoyable and pleasurable experience in interaction with social media",["Lin et al. 2020"]],["multidimensionality of flow experience by distinguishing between cognitive and affective involvement.",[]]],"sy":[["flow",[]]],"rt":[["flow",[]]],"sb":[["cognitive involvement",[]],["affective involvement",[]]],"sp":[["Flow theory",[]],["Flow",[]]]},{"de":[["By emphasizing the availability of information, information accessibility sets the stage for information sharing",[]],["social media also provide personalized information services based on users' historical data and personal interests",["Liao et al. 2021"]]],"sp":[["social media affordances",[]]]},{},{},{"sy":[["non-interactive participators",[]]]},{"de":[["metavoicing provides the opportunity for people to present themselves",[]],["social media create an atmosphere of information conversation",["Majchrzak et al. 2013"]],["Metavoicing allows people to voice their opinions as well as react to others' opinions on social media",["Dong and Wang, 2018"]],["metavoicing plays a pivotal role in information sharing.",[]],["metavoicing has a more significant impact on cognitive and emotional engagement.",[]]],"sp":[["social media affordances",[]]]},{},{"sy":[["unverified information sharing",["Islam et al. 2020"]]]},{},{"de":[["Social media affordances have contradictory effects, and both positive and negative consequences can be activated",["Majchrzak et al. 2013"]],["social media affordances (information accessibility, metavoicing and association)",[]],["social media affordances can not only yield positive outcomes, such as user engagement, but also lead to negative consequences, such as misinformation sharing.",[]],["the underlying mechanisms of the effects of these social media affordances would be still not clear if we only rely on the affordance theory.",[]],["The perspective of affordances offers an in-depth understanding of both social media features and users' behavior patterns in explaining misinformation sharing.",[]]],"sy":[["technological affordances",[]]],"sb":[["information accessibility",[]],["metavoicing",[]],["association",[]]]},{"sp":[["misinformation governance",[]]]},{"sp":[["misinformation governance",[]]]},{"de":[["misinformation blocking models that incorporate clarification mechanisms",["Biswas et al., 2022","Ni et al., 2023","Pham et al., 2019"]]]},{"de":[["False, misleading, harmful, and fabricated, and the motives are often politically, economically, and socially relevant.",[]]]},{"de":[["Harmful, misleading, and the depth of its impact is profound.",[]]]},{"de":[["False, misleading, the cause of which may be intentional or unintentional.",[]]]},{"de":[["It is expected to construct the paradigm of health misinformation research in the future.",[]]]},{"de":[["Contributing factors to the breeding and spread of misinformation include a lack of factual experience, emotional fluctuations, and the formation of prejudices.",[]],["The wide dissemination of misinformation has serious negative impacts on individuals and society",[]],["Misinformation can be broadly defined based on the factual accuracy and intent of the information",["Guo et al., 2020"]]],"sy":[["fake news",[]],["rumor",[]],["disinformation",[]],["false information",[]],["misleading information",[]],["rumors",[]],["malicious messages",[]]],"rt":[["disinformation",[]],["fake news",[]],["false information",[]],["rumor",[]],["misleading information",[]]],"sb":[["intentional",["Bodaghi et al., 2023"]],["unintentional",["Bodaghi et al., 2023"]],["disinformation",[]],["fake news",[]],["false information",[]],["rumor",[]],["misleading information",[]]],"ex":[["fake news",[]],["rumors",[]],["malicious messages",[]]]},{"de":[["serving as another effective method of misinformation governance",["Ni et al., 2023","Pham et al., 2019","Yang and Li, 2024","Zhu et al., 2020"]]],"sp":[["misinformation governance",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["Time-sensitive, misleading, ambiguous, reversed, and the events tend to be followed by groups of people for a certain period of time.",[]]]},{"de":[["Choice blindness does occur when objects are explored by hand, but the level of awareness is strongly modified by object similarity.",[]]]},{},{"de":[["various types of innate mimicry",["29"]]]},{},{"de":[["Lord et al. [LRL79] showed through experiments that biased assimilation of mixed or inconclusive evidence does indeed result in more extreme opinions.",["LRL79"]]]},{},{},{"de":[["an individual is more likely to be connected with individuals of the same type",[]]]},{},{},{"rt":[["issue radicalization",[]],["issue alignment",[]]]},{"de":[["We say that an opinion formation process is polarizing if the NDI at the end of the process is greater than that initially.",[]],["a process is polarizing if at each time step, it pushes the opinions of individuals away from the average",[]]],"rt":[["divergence",[]]]},{},{},{"rt":[["neutral words",[]]]},{"rt":[["group words",[]]],"ex":[["occupations and various adjective lists",[]]]},{"de":[["The more positive (negative) that the relative norm distance is, the more associated the neutral words are toward group two (one).",[]]],"sy":[["Bias score",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["networks of hashtag co-occurrences represent a powerful proxy of the cognitive profile of users",[]]],"rt":[["association networks in psycholinguistics",["27","28"]]]},{"de":[["providing a proxy of users' mindset, i.e., the way users perceive and associate concepts",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["influence the social dynamics of both groups, while remaining in the periphery of the microblogging social system",[]],["actively exposing humans to some type of automatically-generated content",[]],["sustain each faction from the periphery of the online social network structure by mainly targeting human influencers",[]],["social bots achieved social contagion also by fabricating automated content within specific communities of humans.",[]]],"sy":[["software-controlled agents",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["people who are exposed to messages that conflict with their own attitudes are prone to counterargue them using motivated reasoning, which accentuates perceived differences between groups and increases their commitment to preexisting beliefs",["34","35","36","37"]]]},{},{"de":[["Studies also indicate intergroup contact increases the likelihood of deliberation and political compromise",["31","32","33"]]]},{},{},{},{},{},{"rt":[["professional fact-checkers",[]]]},{"rt":[["misinformation",[]]],"sp":[["misinformation",[]]],"ex":[["thelastlineofdefense.org",[]],["now8news.com",[]]]},{},{},{"rt":[["fake news",[]]]},{"ex":[["breitbart.com",[]],["dailykos.com",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{"de":[["false or misleading stories online",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{},{},{},{"de":[["the degree to which partisans perceived their candidate to win the first debate at stage 2",[]],["biased assimilation in the degree to which partisans perceived their candidate to win the first debate",[]],["participants initially displaying relatively high levels of this illusion were the ones most inclined to later view the candidates' debate performances in accordance with their prior beliefs",[]],["Biased assimilation was evidenced by the link between this assessment and the rater's partisanship, and was measured as the degree to which participants claimed their preferred candidate won the debate.",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["normative considerations (e.g., knowledge of facts and history)",[]]],"ex":[["knowledge of facts and history",[]],["careful consideration",[]],["the best interests of the country",[]]]},{"de":[["Our composite measure of the objectivity illusion in study 1 reflected the mean of three perceived normative influences minus the mean of four nonnormative influences on political allies minus political adversaries",[]],["The objectivity illusion was measured as the difference in the overall composite scores between allies and adversaries for each group of supporters.",[]],["The objectivity illusion measured in study 1 by how partisans perceived their allies and adversaries (i.e., average American voters who favored Trump or Clinton) to be influenced by a composite of the mean of three normative considerations (e.g., knowledge of facts and history) minus the mean of four nonnormative biases (e.g., misinformation, biased media coverage).",[]],["Objectivity illusion measured as the degree to which participants' allies minus adversaries were influenced by normative minus nonnormative influences on the subset of influences measured at both stages (knowledge of facts and history, misinformation).",[]],["objectivity illusion measured in study 2 by how partisans perceived a pro-Trump or pro-Clinton blog author to be influenced by a composite of the mean of three normative considerations (e.g., knowledge of facts and history) minus the mean of four nonnormative biases (e.g., misinformation, biased media coverage).",[]],["the belief that those who share our political allegiances are more rational, evidence-based, and attentive to appropriate long-term considerations, and less swayed by self-interest, false information, and other distorting influences than those with contrary allegiances.",[]],["When people see their own and their group's beliefs as objective reflections of reality, they tend not only to interpret subsequent information in a biased manner but to use their biased interpretations to reinforce the very belief that gave rise to the bias.",["46"]],["As a consequence, moreover, they may come to feel even more confident in their attitudes, and more convinced in their objectivity, in a potentially repeating recursive cycle.",[]],["how partisans perceived their allies and adversaries (i.e., average American voters who favored Trump or Clinton) to be influenced by a composite of the mean of three normative considerations (e.g., knowledge of facts and history) minus the mean of four nonnormative biases (e.g., misinformation, biased media coverage).",[]],["the degree to which participants' allies minus adversaries were influenced by normative minus nonnormative influences on the subset of influences measured at both stages (knowledge of facts and history, misinformation).",[]],["the belief that those who share our political allegiances are more rational, evidence-based, and attentive to appropriate long-term considerations, and less swayed by self-interest, false information, and other distorting influences than those with contrary allegiances",[]]],"sy":[["illusion of personal objectivity",["17","18","19","20"]]],"rt":[["naïve realism",[]],["polarization",[]]],"sp":[["naïve realism",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["Debunking was more effective than labeling, emphasizing the power of feedback in boosting memory.",[]]],"rt":[["prebunking",[]],["labeling",[]]]},{},{"rt":[["prebunking",[]],["debunking",[]]]},{"de":[["readers know from the outset that news is false, so no updating is needed.",[]]],"rt":[["labeling",[]],["debunking",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["an echo chamber can act as a mechanism to reinforce an existing opinion within a group and, as a result, move the entire group toward more extreme positions.",["23"]]],"rt":[["selective exposure",["19"]],["contagion",["13","23","29","30","31"]],["group polarization",["13","23","29","30","31"]]],"ex":[["blogs",["24"]],["forums",["25"]],["social media sites",["26","27","28"]]]},{"de":[["This leaning can be explicit (e.g., arguments supporting a narrative) or implicit (e.g., framing and agenda setting).",[]]]},{},{},{"rt":[["virality",[]]]},{},{"de":[["processing information in a way that supports their beliefs",[]],["People may process information in a manner that is consistent with their partisan identities, prior beliefs, and motivations",[]]]},{"sy":[["sharing",[]],["liking",[]],["retweeting",[]]],"rt":[["sharing",[]],["liking",[]],["retweeting",[]]],"sp":[["motivated cognition",[]]]},{},{"de":[["This growth in affective polarization is driven primarily by increasing out-party animosity (rather than increasing in-party warmth)",["45"]]]},{},{"de":[["Beliefs are thus an essential feature of the way our mind works, and their nature has been discussed for centuries by philosophers (1,2).",["1","2"]]],"rt":[["pathological beliefs",[]],["stubborn beliefs",[]],["dogmatic belief",[]],["rigid beliefs",[]],["false beliefs",[]],["unfounded beliefs",[]],["implicit beliefs",[]]]},{},{"de":[["The resulting psychological discomfort is a strong motivator to resolve such lack of coherence.",[]]]},{},{"de":[["conspiracy theories may often be far from harmless, as they can be associated with political apathy, climate denial, vaccine refusal, violence, and reluctance to adhere to COVID-19 recommendations",["84"]]]},{},{"de":[["The tendency for dichotomous thinking may be assessed using an inventory where participants mark how strongly they agree with a list of statements",["48","102"]],["Alternatively, a tendency for dichotomization may be inferred from the excessive use of absolute words in natural language (e.g., always, never, totally, ever, never, and must)",["103","104"]],["a tendency for dichotomization may be inferred from the excessive use of absolute words in natural language (e.g., always, never, totally, ever, never, and must)",["103","104"]],["dichotomization is associated with belief-related problems ranging from social prejudices (106, 107) to psychiatric disorders (48,49).",["106","107","48","49"]]],"sy":[["black-and-white thinking",[]],["binary thinking",[]],["absolutist thinking",[]]],"rt":[["intolerance to ambiguity",["105"]]]},{"de":[["fluent concepts are generally liked more and believed to be truer (56).",["56"]]]},{},{"rt":[["tolerance to ambiguity",[]]]},{"de":[["beliefs that are characteristically featured as symptoms of disorders are explicitly required to be both stable and out of proportion with actual evidence.",[]],["Many mental disorders are characterized in terms of beliefs that are not connected to reality in the appropriate way",["57"]],["Often, these beliefs are resilient in the sense that they persist in the face of counterevidence and attempts at persuasion",[]]],"ex":[["delusional beliefs in psychosis (e.g., the belief that others can hear one's thoughts) and self-evaluation beliefs in major depression disorder (e.g., the belief that one is worthless) (60,61).",["60","61"]]]},{"de":[["This obviously tends to deepen beliefs over time, and also explains the disproportionate effect of a first impression, known as the primacy effect.",[]]],"rt":[["first impression",[]]]},{"de":[["supporting selfefficacy, that is, the confidence in their ability to change.",[]]]},{},{"de":[["The spread of priming through a network of related concepts (sour > lemon > healthy > pills > doctor, etc.), with partially overlapping neural representations, may be modeled as a contagious spread of activation in a network of correlated attractors",["55"]],["This facilitation is important not only because semantic priming of certain concepts makes them easier to process (i.e., more \"fluent\") but also because fluent concepts are generally liked more and believed to be truer (56).",["56"]]],"rt":[["priming",[]]]},{"sy":[["prejudice",[]],["the opposite of favoritism",[]]],"rt":[["prejudice",[]],["favoritism",[]],["judged discrimination",[]],["objective discrimination",[]]]},{"de":[["This proposition builds on existing research showing that equality is often the default benchmark for judging whether someone is fair or prejudiced (27)(28)(29).",["27","28","29"]],["psychological underpinnings of our theory",[]]]},{"de":[["neglect of the flipside information",[]],["failure to spontaneously consider information on the flipside",[]]]},{"de":[["judged discrimination is distinct from objective discrimination",[]]],"sy":[["subjective judgment",[]]],"rt":[["objective discrimination",[]]]},{},{},{"sy":[["false news",[]]]},{},{"de":[["Such misinformation changes perceptions of and creates confusion about reality",["3","4"]]],"sy":[["false news",[]],["partisan-biased news",[]]]},{},{},{"rt":[["individual-frame",["15"]]]},{"de":[["the protests are about more than just delivery of services, but are more deeply rooted in inequality and general socio-economic discontent and citizens' sense that government is not hearing or responding to their plight.",[]]],"sy":[["civil uprisings",[]]],"ex":[["include service delivery protests but also other public protests such as those orchestrated by farm workers and mineworkers over wage disputes",[]],["the so-called 'poo protests' in which township residents dumped human faeces on the steps of the Western Cape legislature and at Cape Town International Airport during 2013 to protest a perceived lack of attention to the needs of the poor (including poor service delivery)",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["selection to prioritise some facts, images, or developments over others, thereby unconsciously promoting one particular interpretation of events",["p.11"]],["the essence of framing is \"selection to prioritise some facts, images, or developments over others, thereby unconsciously promoting one particular interpretation of events\"",["p.11"]],["by giving salience to aspects of perceived reality, framing seeks to promote \"a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation and/or treatment recommendation for the item described\"",["p. What is clear is that media framing is neither a neutral nor value-free phenomenon"]]],"sy":[["media framing",[]]],"rt":[["framing analysis",[]],["Selection and salience are key components of framing.",[]]]},{"de":[["which includes delegitimisation and demonization, highlighting the negative consequences of protests.",[]]]},{},{},{},{"rt":[["multiculturalism",[]]]},{"de":[["Blind patriots will show this devotion regardless of the potential harm to others, in other words they will uncritically (''blindly'') support any action of their group.",[]],["Blind patriots have a tendency to act in the spirit of the dictum ''my country right or wrong''.",[]],["Because blind patriots view their ingroup as infallible, they not only fail to criticise actions taken by their country, they will also view such criticism as inherently unpatriotic",["Schatz et al., 1999"]],["blind patriots exercise unquestioning positive evaluation of their group",[]],["blind patriots (but not constructive patriots) feel that their country is highly vulnerable to military threat from foreign countries.",[]],["blind patriotism (but not constructive patriotism) was associated with the concern that influences from foreign countries would threaten an otherwise homogeneous and distinct culture.",[]],["associated with a heightened sense of insecurity and perceived threat from foreign influences.",[]],["people with higher levels of blind patriotism have more negative attitudes toward multiculturalism and immigration because they are concerned about Australian culture being watered down or ''contaminated'' by foreign influences.",[]]],"rt":[["right-wing authoritarianism (RWA)",[]],["constructive patriotism",[]],["nationalism",[]]],"sp":[["patriotism",[]]]},{"de":[["They reject actions which are contrary to the group's interests in the long run and, by doing so, go beyond defending their group identity and instead participate in the task of constructing a positive identity for the group.",[]],["The constructive patriot might oppose the country's actions not only because he or she believes they are morally incorrect or unfair, but because he or she believes that they violate the country's fundamental aspects and are therefore contrary to the country's long term interests.",[]],["constructive patriots believe in positive change through questioning and criticizing current group practices",[]],["People scoring high on constructive patriotism, on the other hand, were shown to be more empathetic and to engage more in information gathering than people scoring high on blind patriotism.",[]]],"rt":[["blind patriotism",[]]],"sp":[["patriotism",[]]]},{"de":[["The concepts of multiculturalism and immigration are not identical, although they are closely related.",[]]],"rt":[["multiculturalism",[]]]},{"de":[["Multiculturalism proposes that cultural identities should be actively preserved, but nested within an appreciation of shared, national boundaries",["Berry, 1991","Hornsey & Hogg, 2000","Taylor, 1990","Taylor & Moghaddam, 1987"]],["A common criticism of multiculturalism in Australia and elsewhere is that it is seen as a policy that champions and entrenches differences in society",[]],["multiculturalism is often equated with positively favoring migrants at the expense of other Australians and is not seen as giving equal rights to both immigrants and other Australians",[]]],"rt":[["immigration",[]],["assimilation",[]]]},{"de":[["nationalism is often connected with feelings of ingroup superiority and militaristic aggression.",[]]],"rt":[["patriotism",[]],["blind patriotism",[]]]},{"de":[["others see patriotism as a process of defending one's nation against criticism, whether it be right or wrong.",[]]],"rt":[["nationalism",[]]],"sb":[["blind patriotism",[]],["constructive patriotism",[]]]},{"de":[["These qualities are similar to the notion of uncritical allegiance and the desire to protect the status quo of the nation that is expressed by blind patriotism",[]]],"rt":[["blind patriotism",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{},{},{"sb":[["misinformation",[]],["disinformation",[]]]},{},{},{"rt":[["Truth relativism",[]]]},{},{"de":[["The meanings of words are quite plainly the way that we put them to use in our everyday social practices",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["derived from Nietzsche's Hellenistic and Roman Stoic philosophical therapeia",[]]]},{"de":[["In the post-truth 'condition' there is a rift between evidence and truth.",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{"rt":[["judgmental relativism",[]]]},{"de":[["it can easily become the self-replicating sentence including the expression of thought, information and data that circulate through social media, often in the form of memes as a form of informational viral patterns.",[]],["Viral media also typically includes video that gets circulated many millions of times within a short period.",[]]],"ex":[["memes",[]],["video that gets circulated many millions of times within a short period",[]]]},{"de":[["draws a close association between viral biology on the one hand and information science on the other",["Peters et al., 2020"]]],"ex":[["viral modernity of the Spanish flu",[]],["viral modernity of Covid-19",[]]]},{"de":[["Gender does shape the accepted, expected and rewarded behaviour and preferences based on social structures, norms and institutions.",["33"]],["focuses on the social constructs, processes, actions and presentations that are not inherently or biologically linked with the sexes",["33"]],["our conceptualization of gender is inclusive: 1) sex, gender and sexuality are treated as linked but separate elements of the overall concept of 'gender'; 2) it does not by definition predetermine what is considered to be a 'good' representation of women; and 3) first steps are made to include the lens of masculinity as an analytical strategy.",[]]],"rt":[["sex",[]],["sexuality",[]],["masculinities",[]]]},{"rt":[["sex gap",[]]]},{"ex":[["black, lower-class women",[]]]},{"de":[["not treated as an epistemologically dominant position in society that makes women's experiences invisible",["47"]],["or as a synonym for 'the enjoyment of violation', as opposed to the enjoyment of being violated.",["48"]],["We treat masculinity in a similar manner to femininity, that is, with regard to how it stresses and reproduces gender differences.",["49"]]],"rt":[["femininity",[]]]},{"de":[["nativism is essentially a combination of nationalism and xenophobia.",[]]]},{"de":[["Four different approaches can be identified: 1) populism as being too difficult to define; 2) populism considered as a strategy; 19 3) as a style; 20 and 4) as a thin-centred ideology. 21",[]]]},{"de":[["To this thin centre a radical-right nativist and authoritarian ideology is attached.",["17"]]]},{},{"de":[["Such segregationist practices include online harassment, lack of inclusion, toxic environments, and outright violence.",[]]]},{"de":[["the nature of the Jezebel's political and religious wickedness evolved into a sexual wickedness as a Jezebel became a fallen woman, a sexual woman, a prostitute",["30"]],["the nature of the Jezebel's political and religious wickedness evolved into a sexual wickedness as a Jezebel became a fallen woman, a sexual woman, a prostitute.",[]]],"sy":[["fallen woman",[]],["sexual woman",[]],["prostitute",[]]],"rt":[["the mammy",[]],["the black matriarch",[]],["the welfare mother",[]]],"sp":[["controlling images",["30"]]]},{"de":[["the misogynoir of digital public culture ensures memes, commentary, and even tweeted death threats are mundane, if not acceptable, forms of public discourse that reify racist digital and material structures dehumanizing Black women.",[]],["constrains Harris's authority and ensures white supremacist violence remains an ambient threat.",[]],["supercharged diachronically by the equation of public woman in general and Black woman in particular with prostitute and supercharged synchronically by the replication and circulation on social media, intensified by hashtags' ability to compile a toxic archive and make the misogynoir seem normal, common, just a happenstance.",[]]],"rt":[["misogynoir inflection",[]]],"ex":[["misogynoir internet accusations",[]],["misogynoir directed against Leslie Jones",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["the so-called prostitute has been conflated with public woman and sutured onto the surface of women in public generally and Black women specifically.",[]],["historical public women walked a tightrope of public visibility",[]],["today's digital public women must fight against differing models of publicity that can villainize in digital modalities.",[]],["The labeling of a woman as a public woman is not to assess them on the basis of their attractiveness and sexual appeal but is to declare them a bad (immoral) woman and a bad (unqualified) candidate.",[]],["is not to assess them on the basis of their attractiveness and sexual appeal but is to declare them a bad (immoral) woman and a bad (unqualified) candidate",[]],["We italicize public woman to make clear it is a phrase with distinct meaning, one that continues to lurk in understandings of women, particularly Black women, who claim space in the public sphere.",[]]],"sy":[["prostitute",[]]],"rt":[["prostitute",[]],["sexual woman",[]]],"ex":[["public women are presumed to be those who would perform sexual acts others would not",[]]]},{"rt":[["sexually objectified woman",[]]]},{"rt":[["sexualized woman",[]]]},{"de":[["allows greater elasticity, engaging fields of thought and action too often disconnected. This analytic flexibility … is an antidote to digital disconnection, tracing links between individual and institutional, mundane and spectacular, desirable and deadly in a way that troubles easy distinctions.",["6"]]]},{},{"de":[["assigned readers to build a justified point of view about the controversial issue",[]]]},{},{"rt":[["belief-reflection goal",[]]]},{"de":[["increases the incorporation of opposing arguments into readers' understanding",[]]],"rt":[["belief-protection goal",[]]]},{},{},{"rt":[["fear of invalidity",[]]],"sp":[["epistemic reading goal",[]]]},{"rt":[["epistemic reading goal",[]]],"ex":[["I want to know which theory is correct in the explanation of a certain phenomenon",[]]]},{"de":[["clarifies that this kind of monitoring refers to the epistemic status of information (in contrast to the kind of comprehension monitoring that has been the focus of metacomprehension research; Baker, 1979)",["Baker, 1979"]],["the general mechanism of validation evaluates the consistency of text information with all information that is currently active at a given point during comprehension, regardless of its type.",[]],["readers use the perceived plausibility of arguments as a heuristic to allocate their cognitive resources during reading",[]],["consequence of cognitive processes inherent in comprehension, that is, epistemic monitoring",[]],["that are part of basic comprehension processes",[]],["The modifier \"epistemic\" in epistemic monitoring clarifies that this kind of monitoring refers to the epistemic status of information (in contrast to the kind of comprehension monitoring that has been the focus of metacomprehension research; Baker, 1979).",["Baker, 1979"]],["part of basic comprehension processes",[]]],"sy":[["validation",["Richter, 2015","Singer, 2013"]],["routine validation processes",[]]],"rt":[["text-belief consistency effects",[]]]},{"sb":[["defense motivation",[]],["epistemic curiosity",[]]],"ex":[["defense motivation, for example, when readers feel compelled to defend their views in front of others (fear of invalidity; Kruglanski & Webster, 1996) or wish to maintain their beliefs by actively finding reasons that discount alternative views (Edwards & Smith, 1996).",["Kruglanski & Webster, 1996","Edwards & Smith, 1996"]],["epistemic curiosity, that is, by a prototypical epistemic reading goal (measured with self-report items such as I want to know which theory is correct in the explanation of a certain phenomenon).",[]]]},{"sy":[["epistemic beliefs",["Kitchener, 2002"]]],"rt":[["declarative metacognition",[]]]},{"de":[["which can increase the monitoring and regulation of relevant cognitive processes in a functional way",[]]]},{},{"de":[["called for participants' attention to evidence and reasons for both sides (rather than only one side) of a controversial topic",[]],["highlighted the benefit of reading multiple viewpoints",[]]]},{"de":[["This validation of information seems to be based on passive processes that co-occur with other comprehension processes and require few cognitive resources.",[]]],"rt":[["strategic validation",[]]]},{"rt":[["routine validation",[]]]},{"de":[["belief-consistent information has a processing advantage over belief-inconsistent information in comprehension and memory",["Eagly & Chaiken, 1993","Knobloch-Westerwick & Meng, 2011","Maier & Richter, 2013","Wiley, 2005"]],["Students were far more likely to take a position in the essay that was consistent with their prior beliefs than to take a position that was inconsistent with their prior beliefs (odds ratio D 2.85).",[]],["time pressure should reduce the opportunity to engage in elaborative epistemic processing, thus creating conditions favoring a text-belief consistency effect.",[]],["Students with strong prior beliefs also added more information (based on their prior knowledge and beliefs) to their essays, whereas students with neutral prior beliefs relied more on information from the texts they had read.",[]],["this effect was qualified by an interaction with attitude strength.",[]],["Participants rated belief-consistent arguments as more convincing than belief-inconsistent arguments",[]]],"rt":[["belief-consistent information",[]],["belief-consistent arguments",[]],["belief-inconsistent arguments",[]]]},{"de":[["a consequence of cognitive processes inherent in comprehension, that is, epistemic monitoring.",[]]]},{"de":[["suggesting that superficial processing promotes a comprehension advantage for beliefconsistent texts",[]],["The two-step model of validation assumes that general cognitive mechanisms contribute to the processing of conflicting information in multiple texts.",[]]],"rt":[["biased processing",[]]]},{"de":[["the comprehension of text information and the assessment of its plausibility or consistency",[]]],"sy":[["epistemic monitoring",["Isberner & Richter, 2014a"]]]},{},{},{},{},{"de":[["military figures sought to popularise the notion of a \"proxy war,\" through frequent media statements and speeches in various public forums, including on university campuses.",[]]]},{"de":[["the purpose of the disclosure is 1) to help children recognize the commercial content and 2) disclose its persuasive intent.",[]]],"rt":[["warning cues",[]]],"sb":[["advertising break on television",[]],["disclaimer identifying the presence of commercial content on a website or in a game",[]]]},{"de":[["advertising literacy is assumed to function as a 'filter' or 'radar', enabling consumers to evaluate the persuasion attempt critically",["Friestad and Wright 1994"]],["Advertising literacy gradually develops throughout life, evolving from simple to more sophisticated and nuanced beliefs about persuasion",[]],["measured on both dispositional and situational levels",[]],["enhancing children's comprehension and knowledge of advertising",[]],["how to cope with advertising",[]],["Advertising literacy refers to all advertising-related knowledge and skills children have (i.e., dispositional advertising literacy) and their ability to recognize and critically reflect on advertising (i.e., situational advertising literacy).",[]]],"sy":[["dispositional advertising literacy",[]]],"sb":[["dispositional advertising literacy",[]],["situational advertising literacy",[]],["cognitive advertising literacy",[]],["affective and moral advertising literacy",[]]]},{},{"de":[["should make children think about the fairness of the advertising message they are exposed to",[]]],"ex":[["if I notice a brand/commercial message, I wonder whether the used strategy is appropriate",[]],["if an actor in a movie uses products with their brand directed toward the camera without the mentioning of product placement, then an advertiser wants to influence me in an inappropriate way",[]]]},{"de":[["it was approached as a dimension of attitudinal advertising literacy.",["Rozendaal et al. 2011","Rozendaal et al. 2016"]]]},{"de":[["The general attitude toward advertising (formats), by contrast, is a more overall evaluation of persuasive and commercial content, and is not based on the situational exposure to one specific persuasive message and the brand it promotes or the tactic it uses.",[]]],"rt":[["general attitude toward advertising (formats)",[]]]},{},{},{"sp":[["parental mediation",["Warren 2005"]]]},{"sb":[["recognize the source of advertising (i.e. knowing who pays for the ad)",[]],["identify the audiences an advertisement is targeted toward (i.e. understanding the principles of customer segmentation)",[]]]},{},{"de":[["Coping skills can be strengthened in two ways: first, by extending the associative network, and second, by teaching individuals how to trigger the relevant nodes from this information network.",[]],["More specifically, an individual's coping skills will be increased by developing cognitive, emotion regulation and social skills, and by socialization and experience, referring to trial and error processes in the coping with persuasive attempts, and advertising in particular",["Friestad and Wright 1994"]],["These skills determine the extent, speed and accuracy to which the relevant (cognitive, moral and affective) information nodes can be activated in the associative network (dispositional) and help individuals to activate the matching coping strategy when exposed to a certain ad (situational).",[]],["These coping skills are conceived as the crucial connection between dispositional and situational advertising literacy",[]]],"rt":[["dispositional and situational advertising literacy",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["this associative network consists of information nodes entailing cognitive, moral and affective associations related to advertising.",[]],["children will rely on their dispositional advertising literacy by retrieving and activating the relevant (cognitive, affective and moral) information nodes within the associative network",["Evans and Park 2015"]],["It is actually an associative network, or a schemer schema (Wright 1986).",["Wright 1986"]],["These nodes have cognitive, affective and moral meanings related to advertising.",[]]],"sy":[["associative network",[]],["schemer schema",[]]],"rt":[["associative network",[]],["situational advertising literacy",[]]],"sp":[["advertising literacy",[]]]},{"de":[["These formats (such as advergames or brand integrations in for instance music videos or television shows) are characterized by a more subtle, less intrusive commercial nature.",[]],["the bulk of embedded advertising formats is characterized by distracting tactics (to circumvent critical advertising processing).",[]],["As embedded advertising formats are often immersive, which hinders or demotivates children (and adults) to stop their engagement with the media content and think about the commercial content (Rozendaal, Lapierre, et al. 2011) during exposure",["Rozendaal, Lapierre, et al. 2011"]]],"ex":[["advergames",[]],["brand integrations in for instance music videos or television shows",[]]]},{"rt":[["attitude toward the advertisement",[]]]},{},{"sp":[["parental mediation",["Warren 2005"]]]},{},{"ex":[["advergames, brand placement or TV commercials",[]],["humor or celebrity endorsements, using personal data to customize commercial messages",[]]]},{},{"ex":[["Do you think commercials use special tricks to make the toys look better than they really are?",[]]]},{},{"de":[["The priming strategy operates through the simple act of reminding people of a situation in which someone tried to influence their behavior (without explicitly referencing to the advertising it precedes).",[]]]},{},{"de":[["individuals do not like the feeling being persuaded as it threatens their freedom",[]]],"rt":[["affect transfer mechanism",[]]]},{},{"sp":[["parental mediation",["Warren 2005"]]]},{"de":[["It refers to 1) the recognition of a persuasive attempt, and 2) the critical reflection on this attempt, the first being a prerequisite for the activation of the latter.",[]],["it is only through these processes that dispositional advertising literacy can be translated into situational advertising literacy, and that the skill to perform this transformation can be improved (Bruning, Schraw and Norby 2010)",["Bruning, Schraw and Norby 2010"]]],"rt":[["dispositional advertising literacy",[]]],"sp":[["advertising literacy",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{"rt":[["violation of personal space",[]]]},{},{"de":[["The information boundary theory (Sutanto et al. 2013) provides some insight into the actual weight that consumers give to the benefits and risks of OBA.",["Sutanto et al. 2013"]]]},{},{},{"de":[["These definitions and others have two common features: (1) the monitoring or tracking of consumers' online behavior and (2) use of the collected data to individually target ads.",[]],["Ads perceived to be too personal can seem intrusive and lower click-through rates and purchases.",[]],["OBA may not be beneficial in every situation or audience.",[]],["OBA seems to have the most positive outcomes for people who are younger, have high levels of online experience, have low levels of privacy concerns, and have narrowly construed preferences.",[]],["OBA is still far from mature, and it could be seen as an early example of ambient intelligence-technology that senses and anticipates people's behavior to adapt the environment to their inferred needs",[]],["OBA refers only to advertising that is based on people's online behavior.",[]],["This phenomenon is called online behavioral advertising (OBA).",[]]],"sy":[["online profiling",["Bennett 2011","2011"]],["behavioral targeting",["Bennett 2011","2011"]]],"rt":[["web browsing data",[]],["search histories",[]],["media consumption data",[]],["app use data",[]],["purchases",[]],["click-through responses to ads",[]],["communication content",[]]],"sp":[["personalized or customized advertising-concepts",[]]],"ex":[["adjusting advertisements to previous online surfing behavior",["Smit, Van Noort, and Voorveld 2014, p. 15"]],["a technology-driven advertising personalization method that enables advertisers to deliver highly relevant ad messages to individuals",["Ham and Nelson 2016, p. 690"]],["the practice of collecting data about an individual's online activities for use in selecting which advertisement to display",["McDonald and Cranor 2010, p. 2"]]]},{},{"de":[["these concepts have a broader scope than OBA and could include advertising amended to personal data that are not based on online behavior.",[]],["However, these concepts have a broader scope than OBA and could include advertising amended to personal data that are not based on online behavior.",[]]],"sb":[["online behavioral advertising",[]]]},{"rt":[["subjective persuasion knowledge",[]]]},{},{"de":[["Privacy calculus is rooted in theories such as social exchange theory (Schumann, von Wangenheim, and Groene 2014) and the acquisition-transaction utility theory (Baek and Morimoto 2012).",[]]]},{},{},{},{"rt":[["relevance argument",[]]]},{"rt":[["reciprocity argument",[]]]},{"de":[["Under such an implied contract, consumers expect advertisers to collect and care for their personal information in a responsible manner.",[]]],"rt":[["implied social contract",[]]],"ex":[["When companies do not disclose the collection and use of personal information, or do not use the information responsibly, they are violating this contract.",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{},{"sb":[["new ad content creators that generate ad messages",[]],["new media platforms and media content providers that function as a channel for ad delivery",[]],["new advertising technology infrastructure providers that facilitate data collection, analysis, and data-based ad delivery",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{},{},{},{"de":[["As a form of computational advertising, which depends on granular-level data collection, mining, aggregation, and ad serving, OBA is substantively different from traditional advertising in that it is hyperindividualized to enhance personal relevance.",[]]],"sy":[["OBA",[]]],"sp":[["computational advertising",[]]],"rt":[["computational advertising",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["Such nudges are concrete design measures that aim to steer users toward improved decision making in the context of privacy (Soh 2019).",["2019"]]]},{"de":[["One explanation for the divergence may be that individuals are unable to correctly assess the monetary impact of the information disclosure or unable to correctly estimate the probabilities of theft.",[]]]},{},{"rt":[["monitoring",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["Gendered disinformation strategically aims to evoke emotional responses from its audience.",[]],["The language used is often hyperbolic to elicit inaccurate and misleading perceptions, such as the rhetoric on combating rape culture frequently equates the notion of patriarchy and the depiction of women as sexually alluring objects to justify the narratives (Bradshaw & Henle, 2021).",["Bradshaw & Henle, 2021"]],["This would misleadingly contribute to the normalization of rape culture and highlight the enduring politics of the male gaze, where women are positioned as the cause of sexual assault.",[]],["Smear campaigns, character assassinations, and the dissemination of doctored or manipulated content have become all too common",[]],["The impact extends beyond individual candidates, shaping public perceptions, eroding trust in democratic institutions, and perpetuating harmful gender stereotypes",["Bradshaw et al., 2021","Jankowicz et al., 2021"]],["this kind of gendered disinformation is particularly potent as it taps into deep-seated societal biases and can be difficult to counter.",[]],["The pervasive issue of gendered disinformation represents a grave threat to the realization of equality, inclusion, and democratic values in the Asia Pacific region, particularly Southeast Asia.",[]],["Rooted in deep-seated biases and power imbalances, gendered disinformation exploits existing societal tensions and gender divides, fueling resentment against feminist movements and their goals",["Wischermann & Mueller, 2004"]],["the political arena has emerged as the primary battleground where this insidious form of disinformation is wielded to undermine the progress of women and gender minorities",["Asante, 2024","Strand et al., 2021"]],["the spread of false or misleading information that targets individuals based on their gender",[]],["exploits existing societal tensions and gender divides, fueling resentment against feminist movements and their goals",["Wischermann & Mueller, 2004"]],["By spreading false, misleading, and derogatory narratives that target the competence, integrity, and personal lives of female politicians, journalists, and activists, the purveyors of gendered disinformation seek to discredit, delegitimize, and ultimately silence those who dare to challenge the status quo.",[]]],"rt":[["weaponized disinformation",[]]],"sp":[["disinformation",[]]],"ex":[["false claims about their capabilities, achievements, or societal roles",[]],["The case of Hillary Clinton during the 2016 U.S. presidential election, where she was targeted by disinformation campaigns orchestrated by Russia, serves as a stark example of how AI-generated disinformation can be used to discredit and undermine women in politics",["Maksimov, 2023"]]]},{},{"sb":[["\"Hard\" euroscepticism refers to a principled rejection of European integration that is ultimately incompatible with EU membership.",[]],["\"Soft\" euroscepticism is not opposed to integration as such, but rejects the current state of European politics as well as the trajectory towards an \"ever closer union\" (Szcerbiak and Taggart, 2008, pp. 7-8).",["Szcerbiak and Taggart, 2008, pp. 7-8"]]]},{"sp":[["Radical Right",[]]]},{"de":[["Nativism is a broad concept that subsumes racism, ethnocentrism, and anti-immigrant sentiment.",[]],["Nativism holds that non-native elements (persons, ideas, or policies) present a threat to the nation state, which should be as homogeneous as possible.",[]],["was proposed as a criterion for separating the Radical Right from other right-wing parties.",[]]]},{"de":[["every day notions of populism that imply appeal to emotions, oversimplification, and a degree of opportunism",["Mudde, 2004, pp. 542-543"]],["every day notions of populism that imply appeal to emotions, oversimplification, and a degree of opportunism (Mudde, 2004, pp. 542-543)",[]]],"sp":[["thin ideology",[]]]},{"sb":[["Populist Radical Right",[]],["Extreme Right",[]]]},{"de":[["is often studied with citizens, it has rarely been examined among politicians",[]]]},{"de":[["they perceive even balanced information as biased against their views",[]]]},{"de":[["The idea that journalists should tell their stories in an impartial way and provide balanced information, is a prominent principle in journalistic deontological codes (Ryan 2001)",["Ryan 2001"]]],"rt":[["partisan objectivity",[]]]},{"de":[["evolving from a marginal phenomenon to a rhetoric frequently used by elites",["Domke et al. 1999"]]]},{},{"de":[["outlet audiences are segregated by partisanship, meaning that, for instance, some newspapers are typically read by specific party supporters.",[]]]},{},{"de":[["These strategies are often used when the intensity of the conflict is low or when public institutions feel unable to manage the conflict properly.",[]]]},{"rt":[["coping (chameleon strategy)",[]],["learning (dolphin strategy)",[]]]},{"de":[["These strategies are often used when the intensity of the conflict is low or when public institutions feel unable to manage the conflict properly.",[]]],"sy":[["ostrich",[]]],"sb":[["denial strategies",[]]]},{"sp":[["coping (chameleon strategy)",[]],["Coping",[]]]},{"sp":[["coping (chameleon strategy)",[]],["Coping",[]]]},{},{"sp":[["learning strategies",[]],["learning (dolphin strategy)",[]],["Learning",[]]]},{"sp":[["Avoidance",[]]]},{"sp":[["avoidance strategies",[]]]},{"sp":[["coping (chameleon strategy)",[]],["Coping",[]]]},{"sp":[["Avoidance",[]]]},{"sy":[["stepped change",[]]],"sp":[["coping (chameleon strategy)",[]],["Coping",[]]]},{"de":[["The team's response to value conflicts can be characterized as an ostrich strategy: denying or ignoring concerns surrounding the innovation and continuing to push the process forward.",[]],["denying or ignoring concerns surrounding the innovation and continuing to push the process forward",[]]],"rt":[["avoidance",[]],["value conflicts",[]],["public innovation",[]]]},{},{},{},{"ex":[["Blufftontoday.com in the U.S. or Nieuwslokaal.net in The Netherlands",[]]]},{"de":[["In the context of this essay digital culture can be seen as an emerging set of values, practices and expectations regarding the way people (should) act and interact within the contemporary network society.",[]],["I consider digital culture in the context of this essay as an emerging value-system and set of expectations as particularly expressed in the activities of news and information media makers and users online",[]],["Digital culture, in other words, can be characterized by participation, remediation and bricolage as its key elements, sustained through ongoing self-production which gets expressed particularly in online (blogging, Indymedia, radical online journalism) phenomena.",[]]],"sy":[["cyberculture",[]],["information culture",[]],["interface culture",[]],["Internet culture",[]],["virtual culture",[]]],"ex":[["blogging, Indymedia, radical online journalism",[]]]},{"de":[["In the context of my argument here it is important to critique the supposed deliberate nature of distantiation; what people do or expect from each other as they engage with digital media is primarily inspired by private interests, and not necessarily an expression of radical, alternative, critical or activist sentiments.",[]],["distantiation refers both to an inevitable social trend -individualization -as to a more or less deliberate social act -deconstructing and/or subverting symbols, images and other mediated products of whatever is perceived as 'mainstream'.",[]],["In the context of digital culture distantiation gets expressed in the personalization offered (and demanded) of Web browsers, E-mail applications, and other types of so-called 'user-friendly' software.",[]]],"ex":[["hyperindividualization",[]]]},{},{"rt":[["participation",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{"de":[["a third significant type of activity, necessary for maintaining human agency in the context of the mentioned social context of individualization, post-nationalism and globalization",[]],["Participation as a value and expectation of mainstream journalism was first established through functions like newspaper ombudsmen and reader representatives that became an accepted part of newsroom organizations worldwide",[]],["a contemporary understanding of participation must explicitly acknowledge a notion of 'hypersociability', where the social consists of networked individualism \"enhancing the capacity of individuals to rebuild structures of sociability from the bottom up\" (Castells, 2001: 132).",[]]]},{"de":[["so-called",[]]],"rt":[["alternative media",[]]]},{"de":[["As defined by pundits",[]]]},{"rt":[["alternative news",[]]]},{"rt":[["bricolage",[]],["distantiation",[]]]},{"rt":[["bricolage",[]],["remediation",[]]]},{},{"rt":[["participatory user-generated content",[]]]},{"sy":[["blog",[]]],"sb":[["photoblogs",[]],["videoblogs",[]],["audioblogs",[]],["group weblogs",[]]]},{"de":[["political arguments are presented in a reasoned and civil manner",[]],["civil reasoning also plays a moderating role in the process of political persuasion on social media",[]]],"sy":[["reasoned discussions",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{"de":[["has been explored as attitude ambivalence (Levitan and Visser 2009), strength and consistency of one's attitudes and opinions (Kim, Wyatt, and Katz 1999), and the tendency to change one's mind based on information they come across in their social environment (e.g. Mutz, Sniderman, and Brody 1996;Wood 2000)",["Levitan and Visser 2009","Kim, Wyatt, and Katz 1999","Mutz, Sniderman, and Brody 1996","Wood 2000"]],["people are most open to persuasion when (a) they consume political news through social media, (b) they are exposed to political disagreement in both online and offline discussions, and (c) political arguments are presented in a reasoned and civil manner.",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["well-reasoned, civil disagreement about news articles posted on social media make conditions ripe for social influence.",[]]]},{"de":[["Agenda-setting studies investigate the transfer of salience from the media to the public",["McCombs, 2004"]]],"rt":[["gatekeeping",["McCombs et al., 1997;McCombs, 2004"]],["status conferral",["McCombs et al., 1997;McCombs, 2004"]],["the spiral of silence",["McCombs et al., 1997;McCombs, 2004"]],["cultivation theory",["McCombs et al., 1997;McCombs, 2004"]]],"sb":[["first level agenda-setting",[]],["second level agenda-setting",[]]]},{"de":[["with American and British newspapers separating opinion from facts and promoting objective reporting",["1982"]]]},{"de":[["the valence of the media coverage (the attribute agenda)",[]]],"sy":[["second level agenda-setting",[]]],"rt":[["issue agenda",[]]]},{"de":[["While agenda-setting primarily focuses on obtaining attention, attribute agenda-setting concentrates on a subsequent step in communication, which is comprehension (McCombs, 2004).",["McCombs, 2004"]],["As a result of the attribute agenda-setting, \"media may not only tell us what to think about, but also how to think about it, and consequently, what to think\" (McCombs & Shaw, 1993, p. 65).",["McCombs & Shaw, 1993, p. 65"]]],"sy":[["second level agenda-setting",[]]],"sp":[["agenda-setting",[]]]},{},{"de":[["The term CNN effect was coined to describe the phenomena.",[]]]},{},{"de":[["This assumption is known in the literature as first level agenda-setting.",[]]]},{"de":[["The data again illustrate that the media coverage of each object nation is specialized in terms of IA. Specifically, each object nation receives the majority of its coverage in connection with a couple of policy issues and only marginal coverage about other issues.",[]],["the issue agenda (IA) promoted by the media about an object nation",[]],["Each article in the sample was coded for policy issues such as economy, foreign policy, military issues, conflict, etc., and an issue agenda emerged in relationship to each object nation.",[]]],"rt":[["economic issues",[]],["foreign policy issues",[]],["international trade",[]],["attribute agenda",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["characterized by the neutral commercial press, information-oriented journalism, and strong professionalization",["2004"]],["This model is characterized by the neutral commercial press, information-oriented journalism, and strong professionalization",["Hallin & Mancini, 2004"]]],"sy":[["Liberal Model",[]]]},{"rt":[["unobtrusive issues",[]]]},{},{"de":[["Those pictures which are acted upon by groups of people, or by individuals acting in the name of groups, are Public Opinion with capital letters",["p. 16"]]]},{},{},{},{"sy":[["attribute agenda",[]],["attribute agenda-setting",[]]],"rt":[["issue agenda",[]]],"sp":[["agenda-setting theory",[]]]},{},{},{"rt":[["obtrusive issues",[]]]},{"de":[["The media coverage of an object nation was coded as having negative valence if the story reported or implied that object nation's activities threaten the interests of the U.S. or the U.K., respectively.",["Wanta et al. (2004)"]],["The media coverage of an object nation was coded as having positive valence if the story reported or implied that object nation's activities and values are consistent with the U.S. or the U.K. interests.",["Wanta et al. (2004)"]],["Stories that demonstrated a balance of both positive and negative information were coded as neutral.",["Wanta et al. (2004)"]]]},{},{},{},{},{"sp":[["social comparison theory",[]]]},{},{},{"sb":[["downward social comparison",[]]]},{},{},{"ex":[["the trend by public health officials to communicate the vaccine in an overly-cautious or pessimistic way",["Leonhardt 2021"]]]},{},{"de":[["it must simultaneously promote another goal: facilitating trust.",[]],["communicating about the ways in which that knowledge was produced and why those methods are reliable.",[]],["It may also require transparency about the limitations and uncertainties at stake, demonstrating consistency, sharing data, or ensuring that scientific results are communicated broadly to diverse audiences",["Nisbet and Scheufele 2009","Weingart and Guenther 2016"]]]},{"de":[["The hype surrounding CQ and HQC had several problematic consequences. Patients who needed these drugs for their approved usein treating lupus and rheumatoid arthritisfaced a shortage (Mehta, Salmon, and Ibrahim 2020). Patients with COVID began refusing to enrol in clinical trials for other treatments, because they wrongly assumed hydroxychloroquine would be the most effective (Ledford 2020). The perception that hydroxychloroquine was safe and effective to treat COVID-19 even led some patients with access to the drug to overdose (Chai et al. 2020).",[]]]},{"de":[["moral reliability, which is an important component of trust.",[]]],"rt":[["trust",[]]],"sp":[["trust",[]]]},{},{"de":[["To protect public health there is often a need to motivate action.",[]]],"ex":[["providing people with information that regular proper handwashing can reduce their risks of becoming infected with COVID-19 (and other bacterial and viral infections), may be fairly motivating because handwashing does not require much sacrifice or inconvenience and the multiple benefits are obvious.",[]]]},{"de":[["Communication can be directed towards scientists inside or outside a research area, others within an institution, funding agencies, regulatory agencies, policymakers, the public at large, or with particular segments of the public (e.g. those most at-risk, those in a particular geographical area, or those who share a particular culture, language, or set of values).",[]],["one set of goals concerns empowering decision-makers (individual laypersons, policymakers, funding agencies, or even other scientists) to make wellgrounded decisions with respect to science and technology",[]],["To summarize, these are: (1) accuracy, (2) understanding, (3) predictive relevancy, (4) motivating action, (5) generating interest, and (6) facilitating trust.",[]]]},{"de":[["Science communication that aims to motivate action or policy is not merely descriptive. That is, it intends to convey what people ought to do and why.",[]]]},{"de":[["That is, we want to ensure that laypersons have good reasons for trusting scientists or scientific institutions.",[]]]},{"sp":[["news frames",[]]]},{},{"de":[["labels them as most susceptible to media effects over time, because \"they pay enough attention,\" but \"lack the resources to resist.\"",[]]]},{},{},{"sb":[["valenced news frames",[]],["Neutral news frames",[]],["emphasis frames",[]]]},{"sb":[["repetitive news framing",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{},{},{"de":[["Messages can be framed in terms of the advantages of adhering to a recommendation (gain frame)",[]]]},{"ex":[["\"Those who walk regularly have half the risk of heart disease\" is a gain-framed message with an undesirable consequence (heart disease) that is avoided.",[]]]},{"sy":[["positive messages",[]]]},{},{},{"ex":[["\"Those who don't walk regularly have twice the risk of heart disease,\" is a loss-framed message with an undesirable consequence that is obtained.",[]]]},{"de":[["gain-frames that focus on avoiding undesirable states",[]],["those that focus on obtaining desirable states",[]]],"sy":[["gain-framed appeals",[]],["loss-framed appeals",[]]],"rt":[["framing manipulation",[]]],"sb":[["gain frame",[]],["loss frame",[]]],"ex":[["a communicator could argue those who walk regularly have half the risk of heart disease (gain frame) or those who do not walk regularly have twice the risk of heart disease (loss frame)",[]]]},{"de":[["notably for older populations",["Reed, Chan, & Mikels, 2014"]]]},{"de":[["researchers arguing that existing measures may be insufficient and that the construct might need further explication",[]],["some researchers conceptualize self-efficacy as context specific (Bandura, 2006) others have postulated that it also exists as a general, context-free trait (Schwarzer & McAuley, 2016)",[]]],"rt":[["efficacy appeals",[]],["dispositional self-efficacy",[]],["self-efficacy appeals",[]],["efficacy beliefs",[]]],"sb":[["dispositional self-efficacy",[]]]},{},{"de":[["highlight the complex interrelation between geography, social hierarchies, and economic disparities",[]],["the term has been used to articulate collective aspirations for a more equitable global economic order.",[]],["functions as a metacategory -a conceptual space that transcends strict territorial or institutional boundaries.",[]],["dynamic and can be mobilized by different actors at different moments and across diverse geographies.",[]],["departure from deficit-based framings that define the Global South as merely 'undeveloped' or as 'the Other', toward a more assertive articulation of collective histories, shared challenges, and mutual aspirations for development, justice, and dignity.",[]],["the Global South functions as a metacategory -a conceptual space that transcends strict territorial or institutional boundaries.",[]],["the global south names the places where decolonial emancipations are taking place and where new horizons of life are emerging",["Levander and Mignolo, 2011"]],["the Global South refers to a shared historical trajectory marked by colonialism, dependency, and structural exploitation by dominant powers, which in turn have constrained the autonomy and agency of many countries and communities.",["Haug et al., 2021"]]],"sy":[["geographical category",[]],["discursive category",[]],["Third World",[]]],"rt":[["Non-Aligned Movement (NAM)",[]],["Third World",[]],["decolonial resistance",[]],["South-South Cooperation (SSC)",[]],["New Economic Order",[]],["New International Economic Order",[]]],"ex":[["India",[]],["China",[]],["Russia",[]]]},{},{"rt":[["disinformation",[]],["propaganda",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["This priming is important because it relates to the issues of conditioned cultural and social frameworks and establishes a toehold for future propaganda and disinformation efforts.",[]]]},{"de":[["It takes facts and makes them fictions and preys on the conditions and foundations of how humans make decisions.",[]],["the manipulating of individuals, and by extension communities through the creation of selective and incompatible narratives.",[]]],"rt":[["disinformation",[]]],"sb":[["white",[]],["gray",[]],["black",[]]]},{},{"rt":[["General ethics",[]]]},{"rt":[["traditional journalism",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{"rt":[["digital journalism",[]]]},{},{},{},{"sy":[["ideology",[]]],"rt":[["ideology",[]]]},{},{"de":[["That is, when new information changes the status of one idea-element in the belief system, by postulate some other change must occur as well.",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{},{},{"de":[["The first stratum was loosely labeled \"ideologue\"",[]]]},{"de":[["The idea-elements go together not simply because both are in the interest of the person holding a particular status but for more abstract and quasi-logical reasons developed from a coherent world view as well.",[]]],"sy":[["belief system",[]]]},{"de":[["they lack the contextual grasp of the system to recognize how they should respond to it without being told by elites who hold their confidence",[]],["If a communication gets through and they absorb it, they are most willing to behave \"ideologically\" in ways that will further the interests of their group.",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["the second \"near-ideologue.\"",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["beliefs and behavior patterns are learned by the young in such a way that there is no awareness of the possibility of alternatives",["25"]]],"rt":[["socially learned behaviors",[]]]},{},{"de":[["which encompasses current and future generations (intergenerational justice) (Chapman, Fraser, and Dennis 2019;Hughes and Hoffmann 2020) and takes account of any disproportionate impacts on poor communities, especially in the Global South (McCauley and Heffron 2018;Newell and Mulvaney 2013).",["Chapman, Fraser, and Dennis 2019","Hughes and Hoffmann 2020","McCauley and Heffron 2018","Newell and Mulvaney 2013"]]],"sb":[["intergenerational justice",["Chapman, Fraser, and Dennis 2019","Hughes and Hoffmann 2020"]]]},{},{"rt":[["distributional justice",[]]]},{"de":[["a JT is said to have been achieved when neither the sustainability goals nor distributive justice have been compromised",["Ciplet and Harrison 2020"]],["The literature has placed a strong emphasis on the distributional justice dimension of transitions compared to other forms, such as recognitional and procedural justice.",[]],["Another way a JT can achieve distributional justice is by ensuring the benefits of a transition are concentrated in those regions and communities where the cost (e.g., job loss) is most acutely felt",["Goddard and Farrelly 2018"]]],"rt":[["distributional injustice",[]],["recognitional justice",[]],["procedural justice",[]],["Triumvirate Tenants",[]]],"sp":[["Environmental Justice",[]]]},{"de":[["energy justice incorporates aspects of climate, environmental, distributional, recognitional and procedural justice; energy justice is an aggregated form of justice that simply accounts for the particular dynamics of an energy transition.",[]],["energy justice is an aggregated form of justice that simply accounts for the particular dynamics of an energy transition.",[]]],"rt":[["energy injustice",[]],["Just Transition",[]],["climate, environmental, distributional, recognitional and procedural justice",[]]]},{},{"de":[["Participatory governance was, in large measure, used as a proxy by which to demonstrate that recognitional and procedural justice had been considered and addressed, i.e., community involvement.",[]]],"rt":[["recognitional and procedural justice",[]],["community involvement",[]]]},{"de":[["The contextualization of justice within in a JT borrows heavily from the environmental justice framing of distributional, recognitional and procedural justice, commonly referred to as the \"Triumvirate Tenants.\"",[]],["Procedural justice is less concerned with the outcome achieved and more focused on the inclusiveness and fairness of the process",["Hughes and Hoffmann 2020"]],["procedural justice ensures that those \"at the table\" have their voices and concerns heard in an equitable and transparent manner",["Huang and Liu 2021"]],["procedural justice received comparatively little attention outside of acknowledging its importance to successful JT.",[]]],"rt":[["distributional justice",[]],["recognitional justice",[]],["Triumvirate Tenants",[]]],"sp":[["Environmental Justice",[]]]},{"de":[["The contextualization of justice within in a JT borrows heavily from the environmental justice framing of distributional, recognitional and procedural justice, commonly referred to as the \"Triumvirate Tenants.\"",[]],["Lennon (2020) extends the notion of recognitional justice to include the \"racial grief\" felt by communities of color.",[]],["In terms of recognitional justice, the literature did acknowledge and note that community and indirect workers, typically those workers who were not fulltime salaried employees of the impacted organization and business, were affected parties and important stakeholder groups.",[]]],"sy":[["restorative justice",[]]],"rt":[["distributional justice",[]],["procedural justice",[]],["Triumvirate Tenants",[]]],"sp":[["Environmental Justice",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{},{"sy":[["ISIS",[]]]},{},{"sp":[["trolling",[]]]},{"de":[["the relative anonymity of online users enhances the kind of flaming or trolling that can occur on different platforms.",[]],["the two terms involve using some kind of negative face that is explained below by employing computer-mediated communication.",[]],["Indeed, flaming is similar to trolling, but the language is usually harsher, more personal and is far more aggressive since it contains insults, obscenity, swearing, and curses",[]],["trolling and flaming often merge, in that in both cases there is intent to disrupt the ongoing conversation, and both can lead to extended aggravated argument.",["28"]]],"sy":[["trolling",["28"]]],"rt":[["trolling",["28","42"]]]},{"rt":[["trolling",[]]]},{"rt":[["punishing activity",["37"]],["flaming",[]]]},{"de":[["with the use of social media",["59"]]]},{},{"rt":[["trolling",[]]]},{"de":[["the relative anonymity of online users enhances the kind of flaming or trolling that can occur on different platforms.",[]],["the two terms involve using some kind of negative face that is explained below by employing computer-mediated communication.",[]],["In other words, trolling is meant as a distraction from the main online discussion in the forum or platform by diverting attention to another issue which is mostly irrelevant.",["41"]],["trolling and flaming often merge, in that in both cases there is intent to disrupt the ongoing conversation, and both can lead to extended aggravated argument.",["28"]]],"sy":[["flaming",["28"]]],"rt":[["flaming",["28","42"]],["flame trolling",["40"]]],"sb":[["flame trolling",[]],["kudus trolling",[]],["thwarted/frustrated impoliteness",[]],["genuine, malicious, or strategic impoliteness",[]]]},{"rt":[["consequences",[]]]},{"rt":[["Action",[]]]},{},{"sp":[["Media-broker diplomacy",[]]]},{},{"sp":[["Media-broker diplomacy",[]]]},{"de":[["A government preferring this method believes it is much more effective than direct governmentsponsored public diplomacy, and that it may help to conceal the true forces and the funding sources behind the effort.",[]]],"rt":[["strategic public diplomacy",[]]],"ex":[["Kuwait's campaign for liberation in the 1990-91 Gulf conflict",[]],["Colombia, for example, hired the Sawyer Miller Group to erase this image.",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["This effect typically appears in cases where a breakthrough has been achieved, but the sides have a long way to go before translating principles into a final peace agreement.",[]]]},{"de":[["media diplomacy, when one or both sides are ready for conflict resolution and seek negotiation and agreements",[]],["In this study, media diplomacy refers to officials' uses of the media to communicate with state and nonstate actors, to build confidence and advance negotiations, and to mobilize public support for agreements.",[]],["media diplomacy primarily entails a serious appeal, sometimes made jointly by two rival sides, for conflict resolution directed at both domestic and foreign constituencies",[]],["It would therefore be more appropriate to define them as media diplomacy pursued in the context of conflict resolution than as public diplomacy, usually pursued when relations are antagonistic.",[]],["designed to create a favourable climate for a particular diplomatic process at a particular time and in a particular context",[]],["primarily entails a serious appeal, sometimes made jointly by two rival sides, for conflict resolution directed at both domestic and foreign constituencies",[]],["Conflict resolution",[]],["Officials",[]],["Short range",[]],["Specific",[]],["Appeal for conflict resolution",[]],["Joint",[]],["Domestic/foreign societies",[]],["Mass media",[]],["Media diplomacy is pursued in the context of conflict resolution, while public diplomacy is conducted in the context of confrontation; media diplomacy usually aims at short term results while public diplomacy aims at long range outcomes; media diplomacy is more specific than public diplomacy -whereas the latter is designed to create a friendly climate within a foreign society towards fundamental political and social issues, such as capitalism versus communism or human rights, the former is designed to create a favourable climate for a particular diplomatic process at a particular time and in a particular context.",[]]],"rt":[["public diplomacy",[]]],"sb":[["basic communication variant",[]],["travelling diplomacy variant",[]],["media events variant",[]]],"sp":[["public diplomacy",[]]]},{"de":[["They are broadcast live, organized outside the media, pre-planned, and presented with reverence and ceremony.",[]]],"sp":[["media events variant",[]]]},{"de":[["Initiation and motivation refer to the identity of those who initiate media-broker diplomacy: the journalists themselves, policymakers, or other interested parties.",[]],["Awareness refers to the correspondents' own knowledge and understanding of their actions.",[]],["Action refers to the specific measures taken by a reporter in order to promote a diplomatic move",[]],["consequences are the results of these measures.",[]],["Media-broker diplomacy is somewhat different from media diplomacy in context, time frame, goals and medium but is very different in initiators, method, sides and target.",[]],["Negotiations",[]],["Journalists",[]],["Immediate",[]],["Very specific",[]],["Mediation",[]],["All sides",[]],["Officials/public opinion",[]],["Mass media",[]],["The differences lie in the actual activities of the journalists in the two models and in the source of that activity. In media diplomacy reporters pursue their profession and follow moves initiated by policymakers, who in effect use the media in ways outlined above. But in media-broker diplomacy, journalists act more as diplomats initiating and conducting critical diplomatic moves.",[]]],"rt":[["media diplomacy",[]]],"sb":[["The direct intervention variant.",[]]]},{"ex":[["an opposition group in China using a media event on Chinese soil to exert public pressure in the United States on the Bush administration to adopt harsher measures against Chinese human rights violations.",[]]]},{"de":[["The core idea of public diplomacy 'is one of direct communication with foreign peoples, with the aim of affecting their thinking and, ultimately, that of their governments'.",["16"]],["In terms of content, 'it describes activities, directed abroad in the fields of information, education, and culture, whose objective is to influence a foreign government, by influencing its citizens'.",["17"]],["public diplomacy, when the sides are engaged in confrontation and primarily employ propaganda",[]],["public diplomacy primarily entails one-sided propaganda designed to foster an image abroad",[]],["designed to create a friendly climate within a foreign society towards fundamental political and social issues, such as capitalism versus communism or human rights",[]],["primarily entails one-sided propaganda designed to foster an image abroad",[]],["Confrontation",[]],["Officials",[]],["Long range",[]],["General",[]],["Promote favourable image",[]],["One sided",[]],["Foreign societies",[]],["Multiple channels",[]]],"sy":[["TV diplomacy",[]]],"rt":[["media diplomacy",[]]],"sb":[["The basic variant",[]],["The nonstate transnational variant",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{},{"sy":[["shuttle diplomacy",[]]],"sp":[["travelling diplomacy variant",[]]]},{"de":[["An OF is run by an administrator who has an interest in that topic area.",[]]]},{"sy":[["Internet Support Groups (ISGs)",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["forces recognition that \"we\" are part of (but not the entirety of) the catastrophe we are witnessing unfolding in multiscaled variability all around the world",[]]]},{"rt":[["feminist witness",[]]]},{},{"rt":[["conspiratorial witness",[]]]},{},{"de":[["Scientific data, such as air quality measurements indexed relative to likely harm on an imagined average (human) body, offer one such story.",[]]]},{"de":[["Situated knowledge calls for the non-universalisability of experience.",[]],["Haraway does not posit situated knowledge as hermetically sealed into solipsistic inaccessibility to anyone's experience but our own.",[]]]},{},{"de":[["analogous to the use of digital media for amusement and stress relief",["Cheng & Jiang, 2020","Ng, 2024a"]]]},{"de":[["The role of AI in fulfilling social needs by acting as conversational partners may indicate the possibility of social integration between humans and AI.",[]]]},{"de":[["This theory emphasizes individuals' proactive and strategic nature in selecting specific media technologies to fulfill their various needs and desires",["Katz et al., 1973","Rubin, 2009"]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["The more congruent the frame with schemas that dominate the political culture, the more success it will enjoy.",[]]]},{"de":[["They use words and images highly salient in the culture, which is to say noticeable, understandable, memorable, and emotionally charged.",[]]]},{"sy":[["frame contestation",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["The words and images that make up the frame can be distinguished from the rest of the news by their capacity to stimulate support of or opposition to the sides in a political conflict.",[]],["entails selecting and highlighting some facets of events or issues, and making connections among them so as to promote a particular interpretation, evaluation, and/or solution.",[]],["Framing entails selecting and highlighting some facets of events or issues, and making connections among them so as to promote a particular interpretation, evaluation, and/or solution.",[]]],"ex":[["The words and images that make up the frame can be distinguished from the rest of the news by their capacity to stimulate support of or opposition to the sides in a political conflict.",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{},{},{},{},{},{},{"de":[["Hallin's (1986) formulation of three spheres in public discourse",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{"de":[["The idea of civic culture takes as its starting point the notion of citizens as social agents, and it asks what the cultural factors are behind such agency (or its absence).",[]],["Civic cultures point to both the conditions and the manifestations of such participation; they are anchored in the mind-sets and symbolic milieu of everyday life.",[]],["Civic cultures are potentially both strong and vulnerable: They help to promote the functioning of democracy, they can serve to empower or disempower citizens, yet like all domains of culture, they can easily be affected by political and economic power.",[]],["To facilitate the use of this materialist and constructionist concept, I treat it as comprising a number of dynamically interrelated parameters: values, affinity, knowledge, identities, and practices.",[]]],"rt":[["values",[]],["affinity",[]],["knowledge",[]],["identities",[]]]},{"de":[["This is generally understood as the paradigmatic version of the public sphere on the Net",[]]]},{},{},{"rt":[["e-government",[]]]},{"rt":[["e-governance",[]]]},{},{},{"sp":[["public sphere",[]]]},{"de":[["the online journalism sector is a core element of the public sphere on the Internet.",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["Here politics is not explicit but always remains a potential.",[]]]},{},{"de":[["which are both morally and functionally vital for democracy.",[]]]},{"de":[["including the affective, the poetic, the humorous, the ironic, and so forth.",[]]]},{"de":[["In this dimension, one can raise all of the familiar questions and criteria about media output for political communication, including fairness, accuracy, completeness, pluralism of views, agenda setting, ideological tendencies, modes of address, and so forth.",[]]],"sp":[["public sphere",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{},{},{},{"de":[["understands the political system ideally to be comprised of individuals engaged in reasoned discussion, a cooperative discourse that seeks to reach a consensual notion of the common good",["Habermas, 1996"]],["a theory of deliberative democracy as expressed on The Daily Show understands the political system ideally to be comprised of individuals engaged in reasoned discussion, a cooperative discourse that seeks to reach a consensual notion of the common good (see Habermas, 1996).",["Habermas, 1996"]]],"rt":[["forum",[]],["reasoned conversation",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{},{},{"de":[["It can also mean, however, to engage with and to consider.",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{},{"de":[["the anchor jumps from story to story, often placing back-to-back stories of wildly different content and significance.",[]],["In television news, the effect is to reduce the importance of political information to a form of \"trivial pursuit\"-political information and knowledge become fodder for quiz shows and trivia games, containing little perceivable real-world importance or relevance.",[]]]},{"de":[["The parody pieces may generate a laugh, but their deeper thrust is subversion, an attack on the conventions and pretensions of television news.",[]]]},{},{"de":[["a public sphere in the Habermasian (1989) sense",[]]]},{"de":[["satire is a discourse of inquiry, a rhetoric of challenge that seeks through the asking of unanswered questions to clarify the underlying morality of a situation.",[]],["Unlike traditional news, which claims an epistemological certainty, satire is a discourse of inquiry, a rhetoric of challenge that seeks through the asking of unanswered questions to clarify the underlying morality of a situation.",[]]],"rt":[["dialogical interaction",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["In terms of media coverage it refers to a situation where two or more entities, different types of organizations or different sides of a conflict dimension, are not evenly covered.",["Hopmann et al., 2011","Sheafer & Wolfsfeld, 2009","Stovall, 1985","Van Aelst et al., 2008","Van Dalen, 2012"]]],"ex":[["female politicians gain less media attention as their male counterparts",[]],["government gains more coverage than opposition parties",["Hopmann et al., 2011","Sheafer & Wolfsfeld, 2009","Stovall, 1985","Van Aelst et al., 2008","Van Dalen, 2012"]],["only proponents of upcoming legislation on GMO-technology gain attention as less balanced, more biased or skewed, than a case where both opponents and proponents gain equal attention",[]]]},{},{"de":[["media attention is scarce and not always equally distributed. Some interests gain more coverage than others, which might give them some competitive advantage.",[]]],"sy":[["media prominence",[]]]},{},{},{},{"sp":[["Evaluation",[]]]},{"rt":[["ICTs",[]]]},{"de":[["even the narrow and common-sense meaning of the term -'being able to read and write' -masks a complex history of contestation over the power and authority to access, interpret and produce printed texts",[]],["Literacy, by extension, cannot be conceived solely as a feature of the user but must also be seen as medium-dependent, a coproduction of the interactive engagement between technology and user.",[]]],"rt":[["media literacy",[]],["ICT",[]]],"sb":[["print literacy",[]],["audiovisual literacy",[]],["critical literacy",[]],["visual literacy",[]],["oral literacy",[]],["cultural literacy",[]],["social literacy",[]]]},{"de":[["These four components -access, analysis, evaluation and content creation -together constitute a skills-based approach to media literacy.",[]],["developed from print and audiovisual media",[]]],"sp":[["literacy",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["Beukeboom, Finkenauer, and Wigboldus (2010) argue that using negations (e.g., \"not violent\") could backfire, by making the non-negated quality (e.g., \"violent\") more salient.",["Beukeboom, Finkenauer, and Wigboldus (2010)"]],["The negation also implies that it unlikely that the person will keep up the good behaviour in the future.",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["Offering alternative viewpoints likely encourages the audience to critically examine the frames (Chong & Druckman, 2007a, 2013;Druckman & Bolsen, 2011).",["Chong & Druckman, 2007a, 2013","Druckman & Bolsen, 2011"]],["reframing could facilitate reasonable opinion formation (Druckman & Bolsen, 2011, p. 681).",["Druckman & Bolsen, 2011, p. 681"]],["in order to be effective, the new frames should be credible and interact with one's ideology and understanding of the issue (Clair et al., 2016).",["Clair et al., 2016"]],["reframing was able to significantly reduce the perceived stigma of participants who did not have personal experience with mental illness",[]]]},{},{},{},{"rt":[["confirmation bias",[]]]},{"de":[["people rely on subjective characteristics to determine whether a certain website provides reliable information.",[]],["One important evaluation criteria involves the degree to which the information confirms people's existing ideas or beliefs",["Diviani et al., 2016","Wathen & Burkell, 2002"]],["This confirmation bias was found not only with respect to message selection but also with respect to message evaluation.",[]],["the phenomenon of confirmation bias is quite important in the context of vaccination, especially among parents with high levels of HL.",[]],["people selectively expose themselves to belief-consistent information rather than disconfirming information when they seek online information about early-childhood vaccination",[]],["People consistently perceived belief-confirming information as being more credible, useful, and convincing.",[]],["This confirmation bias was found not only with respect to message selection but also with respect to message evaluation. People consistently perceived belief-confirming information as being more credible, useful, and convincing.",[]]],"rt":[["selective exposure",[]],["biased evaluation",[]]]},{"de":[["the ability to obtain, process, understand, and communicate about health-related information needed to make informed health decisions",["Berkman, Davis, & McCormack, 2010, p. 16"]]],"sb":[["functional HL",[]],["communicative HL",[]],["critical HL",[]]]},{"rt":[["confirmation bias",[]],["biased evaluation",[]]]},{},{},{"ex":[["a heart-breaking story from a mother about her child being hospitalized shortly after a vaccination",["Moran, Lucas, Everhart, Morgan, & Prickett, 2016"]]]},{"de":[["In the context of vaccines, this fallacy takes the form of assuming that because vaccines are man-made, they are unnatural and therefore potentially dangerous or inferior to natural immunity",["Fasce et al., 2021","Stolle et al., 2020"]]]},{},{"de":[["Conspiracy theories are an integral feature of the anti-vaccine movement",["Howard & Reiss, 2018"]]]},{},{"de":[["While this is the most common form of inoculation, one limitation to this approach is that each fact-based inoculation is limited in effectiveness to a specific myth (Schmid & Betsch, 2019).",["Schmid & Betsch, 2019"]]],"sp":[["Inoculation theory",[]]]},{"sy":[["argument from false authority",["Howard & Reiss, 2018"]]]},{},{"de":[["The acronym represents five categories of misleading rhetorical techniques: Fake experts (F), Logical fallacies (L), Impossible expectations (I), Cherry picking (C), and Conspiracy theories (C)",["Hoofnagle, 2007"]]]},{"de":[["This involves the demand that vaccination should be 100% safe, and because absolute safety cannot be promised, vaccines are flawed and dangerous.",["Fasce et al., 2021"]]],"ex":[["the demand that vaccination should be 100% safe, and because absolute safety cannot be promised, vaccines are flawed and dangerous.",["Fasce et al., 2021"]]]},{},{"de":[["Similar to biological vaccination, inoculation theory posits that exposure to a weakened form of misinformation can develop cognitive immunity, reducing the likelihood of being misled.",[]],["By combining explanations of misleading tricks with real-world examples, misinformation is delivered in weakened form, thus conveying cognitive immunity against other examples of misinformation using the same techniques.",[]]],"rt":[["misinformation",[]]],"sb":[["fact-based",[]],["logic-based",[]]]},{"sp":[["Inoculation theory",[]]]},{"sy":[["disinformation",[]]]},{"ex":[["the claim that vaccines can cause the diseases they are meant to prevent, or that vaccines contain active viruses",["Fasce et al., 2021"]]]},{"sp":[["Serious games",[]]]},{},{"ex":[["A common example is the claimed link between autism and the MMR vaccine",["Stolle et al., 2020"]]]},{},{},{},{},{},{"rt":[["empathy",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["internal embodied simulation of pain experiences on the part of listeners/readers, which may in turn provide the basis for an empathic response",[]],["The view of embodied simulation that is relevant to this claim is broader than the approach that is adopted in mirror neuron research (see Gibbs 2006b), and relies on the findings of a variety of psycholinguistic experiments.",[]]],"rt":[["intersubjectivity",[]]]},{"sb":[["A comparatively simple form of empathy, based on somatic resonance, may be primarily concerned with mapping external stimuli onto one's body.",[]],["A more complex form of empathy, based on affective resonance, may deal with emotional sharing and with the evaluation of social bonds and interpersonal relations.",["Avenanti et al. 2005: 958"]]]},{},{},{},{"sy":[["metaphor comprehension",["Steen 1994: 44"]],["processing of metaphorical expressions",["Steen 1994: 44"]]]},{},{},{},{},{},{"de":[["Catering separately to both those on the left and the right, providers of fake news have been tapping into familiar conspiracy theory leitmotifs.",[]],["The purpose of fake news, from the providers' point of view, is usually to secure visits to their website and therefore ad impressions; this in turn generates an income, which can be substantial under the right circumstances.",[]],["However, in order to reach the highest levels of user engagement, and therefore generate the most money, fake news often tries to reinforce sincerely held beliefs while providing a supplementary narrative that \"the authorities\" or \"the mainstream media\" do not want you to know about it.",[]]],"rt":[["conspiracy theory leitmotifs",[]]],"ex":[["an array of senior Democrats are really part of a secret underground child-snatching network run out of a pizza shop",[]],["Donald Trump boasted about running as a Republican solely because Republicans were easier to fool",[]]]},{"rt":[["fake news",[]]]},{"de":[["discourses are contingent and historical constructs, emerging through struggles and contestation over time",[]],["all discourses are based on a fundamental lack: a radical negativity that hinders their ability to fully fixate meaning",["Laclau 1996(Laclau , 2005)"]]]},{"sy":[["misinformation",["Floridi 1996","Skinner and Martin 2000"]]],"rt":[["misinformation",[]]],"ex":[["a political group spreading false information in order to affect public opinion, or a website creating fake news articles in order to attract clicks (and ad revenue)",[]]]},{"rt":[["floating signifier",[]]]},{"de":[["an important component in contemporary political struggles",[]],["a novel political category",[]],["an increasingly ubiquitous signifier circulating within the public sphere",[]],["a pervasive and increasingly global signifier",[]],["a floating signifier. That is to say a signifier used by fundamentally different and in many ways deeply opposing political projects as a means of constructing political identities, conflicts and antagonisms",[]],["It becomes a key moment in a political power struggle between hegemonic projects",[]],["how \"fake news\" has gradually become a floating signifier used within different discourses to critique, delegitimise and exclude opposing political projects.",[]],["an unavoidable, negative outcome of the capitalist media economy",[]],["mobilised by political actors wishing to criticise the capitalist media economy and promote publicly funded media platforms.",[]],["the term was mobilised to critique and delegitimise political opponents from the outset, acting as a key component in a political power struggle between the American left and right",[]],["connecting it to the right-wing of the American political spectrum",[]],["used as a discursive weapon within competing discourses seeking to delegitimise political opponents.",[]],["meant as a frontal attack on traditional core values of journalistic practice, such as critical investigations of those holding power.",[]],["the term is utilised by different positions within the social space as means of discrediting, attacking and delegitimising political opponents.",[]],["a novel political category.",[]],["In this way, \"fake news\" becomes a floating signifier-a signifier epitomising a discursive struggle and perhaps even an organic crisis.",[]]],"rt":[["misinformation",[]],["propaganda",[]],["post-truth",[]],["post-factuality",[]],["floating signifier",[]],["false information",[]],["fabricated news",[]],["conspiracy theories",[]],["right-wing opinion",[]]],"ex":[["(1) as a critique of digital capitalism",[]],["(2) as a critique of right-wing politics and media and",[]],["(3) as a critique of liberal and mainstream journalism",[]],["Trump CNN fake news",[]],["Breitbart News",[]],["Fake News Alert",[]],["B.S. Detector",[]]]},{"de":[["Instilled with different meanings, \"fake news\" becomes part of a much larger hegemonic struggle to define the shape, purpose and modalities of contemporary politics",[]],["In being simultaneously articulated within two (or more) opposing discourses, a floating signifier is positioned within different signifying systems of conflicting political project.",[]],["the concept is used to describe a precise historical conjuncture in which a particular signifier (lodged in-between several opposing, antagonistic, hegemonic projects) is used as part of a battle to impose the \"right\" viewpoint onto the world.",[]],["has no meaning exterior or prior to discursivity.",[]],["The term can, in other words, mean different things in different contexts.",[]],["not solely encompasses a pluralisation of meaning (Laclau 2005)",["Laclau 2005"]],["a signifier epitomising a discursive struggle and perhaps even an organic crisis",[]],["In this way, \"fake news\" becomes a floating signifier-a signifier epitomising a discursive struggle and perhaps even an organic crisis.",[]]],"rt":[["polysemy",[]],["empty signifier",[]],["organic crisis",[]]]},{"de":[["concerned obsessively with defining what is and counts as factual, and what counts as false.",[]]]},{"de":[["misinformation and propaganda are certainly not new phenomena",["Floridi 2016","Linebarger 1955"]]],"sy":[["disinformation",["Floridi 1996","Skinner and Martin 2000"]]],"rt":[["disinformation",[]],["propaganda",[]]]},{"de":[["Norms are instead sedimented practices, signifying systems and a practical relationship to the world.",[]],["norms are always given within and through discourses that have come into being over time through practices, struggles and institutionalised conflicts (Laclau 1990).",["Laclau 1990"]]]},{},{"de":[["the overcoming or neglect of truth, scientific knowledge, and evidence in the current epoch.",[]]]},{"de":[["the political not as a superstructure, but as having the status of an ontology of the social",["Laclau and Mouffe 2014, xiv, original emphasis"]],["the name for the precarious and always lacking ground instituting any given discourse through acts of inclusion-exclusion",[]]]},{},{},{},{"rt":[["Lifestyle-based topics",[]]]},{"de":[["a connection to the wider society is established when such topics are not only seen as important to single individuals, but also a collective concern that should be likewise discussed collectively",[]]],"rt":[["connection to the wider society",[]]]},{"rt":[["formal topics",[]]],"ex":[["when they make references to topics such as health, travel, family, or housing.",[]]]},{},{"de":[["occupy a central place within a communication network by maintaining connections to many other individuals and to have the ability to influence them by decoding messages that are disseminated by media or other organisations",["Casaló, Carlos Flavián, and Ibáñez-Sánchez 2018"]]],"rt":[["Social media influencers (henceforth abbreviated as SMIs)",[]]]},{"de":[["These characteristics distinguish SMIs from other types of opinion leaders sciences, such as traditional bloggers (Brundidge et al. 2014) and social media wielding activists like Greta Thunberg (Olesen 2020) who do not, for example, establish commercial collaborations or systematically pursue self-branding strategies.",["Brundidge et al. 2014","Olesen 2020"]]]},{"sp":[["opinion leaders",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{},{},{"de":[["concerns situations in which people choose to encounter likeminded opinions exclusively",["Zuiderveen Borgesius et al. 2016, 3"]]],"rt":[["implicit personalisation",[]],["self-selected personalisation",[]]],"sp":[["algorithmic personalisation",[]]]},{"de":[["Filter bubbles are therefore perceived as dangerous exactly because they disable dialogue as a critical exchange of views and encourage political polarisation, radicalisation, and the formation of exclusive communities of the like-minded.",[]],["This simplistic meaning probably became popular because it is in accordance with the metaphoric image of a bubble as an isolated chamber.",[]],["not just as any online community of the same-minded, but as such a community that is a product of the use of passive (or implicit) algorithmic personalisation based on a user's previous internet activity, big data, and artificial intelligence.",[]],["In such bubbles, there is \"less room for serendipitous encounters with news and less likelihood of encountering diverse content\" (Powers 2017(Powers , 1318)).",["Powers 2017(Powers , 1318)"]],["According to this understanding of the term, filter bubbles present such novelty because \"they leave each of us in our own isolated sphere, as we lose the crossreferencing connections provided by mass media and the early web\" (Van den Bulck and Moe 2018, 879).",["Van den Bulck and Moe 2018, 879"]]],"sy":[["echo chamber",[]]],"rt":[["algorithmic personalisation",[]],["echo chamber",[]]]},{"de":[["the existence of filter bubbles cannot be proved by focusing only on the diversity of accessible personalised content.",[]]],"rt":[["echo chamber",[]],["socio-technical recursion",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["data collected via the use of software that monitors a user's activity",["Thurman's (2011)"]]],"rt":[["implicit algorithmic personalisation",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["the platform economy, in which digital platforms commodify users' activity by transforming it into data",[]]]},{"de":[["exists only if it contains critical discussion and has a non-adaptive, public character.",[]],["One of the crucial characteristics of the well-functioning public sphere is also the general accessibility of information, which is not personalised but-like it or not -identical for all.",[]]],"rt":[["secular public sphere",[]]],"sb":[["secular public sphere",[]]]},{},{"rt":[["secular public sphere",[]]]},{"rt":[["public sphere",[]]],"sp":[["public sphere",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["Depicting repressive measures as being in accordance with legislation",[]],["has been a strategy of priority for judicializing repression since Mursi's ouster.",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{},{},{},{},{"de":[["Unlike product-oriented and sales-oriented parties, the market-oriented party does not attempt to change what the voting public thinks; instead, it aims to deliver public needs and wants.",[]]],"rt":[["product-oriented party",[]],["sales-oriented party",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["While some scholars and practioners associate political marketing with election campaign and political communication, it must be clearly stated that though, political marketing does entail election campaign and political communication, it goes much further than that.",[]],["Political marketing potentially addresses the way politicians, political parties and governments behave, not just how they communicate that behaviour",["Lees-Marshment, 2009:28","(Lees-Marshment, 2009:28)"]],["It is, therefore, safe to see political marketing as a marketing management strategy directed towards understanding and meeting the needs and wants of electors for the mutual benefit of the party, candidate, electorate, and the society in the long-term.",[]],["Political marketing is commonly criticised for being about advertising, slogans, sound bites, and spin-doctors, basically, turning voters to consumers.",[]],["marketing has made consumers become more collectively powerful, co-creators of public policies rather than mere consumers. It has given the public \"voice\" not only in communication but also in shaping political programs",["2014:16"]],["political marketing will develop both in theory and practice",[]]],"sy":[["political branding and marketing",[]]],"rt":[["election campaign",[]],["political communication",[]]]},{"de":[["A product-oriented party is known by its policies (ideology); the party's policies will remain irrespective of the electoral result.",[]]],"rt":[["sales-oriented party",[]],["market-oriented party",[]]]},{"de":[["However, realising that not all of the electorates will automatically buy into its policies and vote for it, the salesoriented party uses market intelligence to determine and design communication techniques from the business world to sell its policies.",[]]],"rt":[["product-oriented party",[]],["market-oriented party",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{},{"de":[["highlights mutual relations and concepts",[]]]},{},{"de":[["Various approaches in the tradition of critical political economy, such as the Cultural Political Economy (CPE) approach developed by Ngai-Ling Sum and Bob Jessop (2013), or in the tradition of cultural studies that was essentially developed by Stuart Hall (1988), take up precisely this problem: cultural and ideological issues are always in articulation with political and economic developments",[]],["The CPE approach aims to do justice to the complex mediation between social structures, the social construction of meaning and interests by understanding political economy as culturally mediated and culture as politico-economically mediated.",[]],["it aims to unravel the complex articulations between economics, politics, and culture.",[]]],"rt":[["political economy",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["The concept refers to the mediating of structuration and semiosis via institutions and everyday practices as well as the social appropriation of nature.",[]]],"ex":[["the extraction of fossil energy sources is a central basis for the mode of living in the Global North",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["The common denominator of these social phenomena is the juxtaposition of 'the people' in opposition to elites.",[]],["populism as a thin-centred ideology",[]],["the juxtaposition of 'the people' in opposition to elites. Ordinary people are mostly portrayed by populists as being righteous and endowed with common sense, whereas elites are portrayed as corrupt and their actions as being directed against the interests of the people.",[]]],"sb":[["left-and right-wing populism",[]]],"ex":[["Narodism in Russia, Poujadism in France, and Peronism in Argentina",["Mudde 2004, pp. 548-51","Taggart 2004, pp. 270-1"]],["Classic examples of populist movements include Narodism in Russia, Poujadism in France, and Peronism in Argentina",[]]]},{"de":[["this is based on a type of pact between social forces that push for economic liberalisation and progressive left groups. While the former have achieved far-reaching economic liberalisation in recent decades, the Left has focused increasingly on questions of identity politics (cultural aspects) without opposing economic liberalisation.",[]]]},{},{"de":[["RWP takes up societal issues and brings them into a context of meaning via semiotic practices that naturalise social inequalities and power relations.",[]]],"sb":[["left-and right-wing populism",[]]],"sp":[["populism",[]]],"ex":[["In the case of RWP in Europe and North America, for example, Muslim immigrants and climate activists loom large as central enemy images.",[]]]},{},{},{"rt":[["populism",[]]]},{"sy":[["constituency service",[]]],"rt":[["safety valve",[]],["information provider",[]],["advocate",[]],["benefactor",[]],["powerful friend",[]],["promoter of constituency interest",[]]],"sb":[["welfare officers",[]],["local promoters",[]]]},{},{"de":[["This behaviour focuses on the actor's worthy personal traits",[]],["Claiming worthy attributes",[]],["Claiming moral values",[]]],"sp":[["impression management",[]]],"ex":[["Claiming worthy attributes",[]],["Claiming moral values",[]]]},{},{"de":[["impression management involves two components: the motivation to create favourable impressions; and the ability to impress the target audience.",["Leary and Kowalski (1990)"]],["MPs use Twitter as a tool of impression management.",[]]],"rt":[["self-promotion",[]],["ingratiation",[]],["supplication",[]],["exemplification",[]],["intimidation",[]]],"sb":[["Ingratiation",[]],["Self-promotion",[]],["Supplication",[]],["Exemplification",[]],["Intimidation",[]]]},{"de":[["this is largely based on agreeing with other tweeters, and presumably building relationships with them.",[]],["To appear likeable",[]],["Mention MP helping people/organisations",[]],["Tells self-deprecating anecdotes",[]],["Agreeing with other tweeters",[]]],"sp":[["impression management",[]]],"ex":[["Tells self-deprecating anecdotes",[]],["Agreeing with other tweeters",[]]]},{"de":[["To appear dangerous or threatening",[]],["Expressions of power",[]],["Suggesting punitive actions",[]]],"sp":[["impression management",[]]],"ex":[["Expressions of power",[]],["Suggesting punitive actions",[]]]},{"sp":[["constituency role",[]]]},{"de":[["as this work tends to also be publicised in local newspapers",[]]]},{"de":[["Therefore, microblogging has lowered the barriers, in terms of thought investment by users",[]]]},{"de":[["is therefore a very egocentric form of impression management",[]],["this self-promotion is largely based on their qualifications or positions held, and so emphasising the hard work they are engaged in.",[]],["To appear competent",[]],["Referring to their abilities",[]],["Referring to personal achievements",[]]],"sp":[["impression management",[]]],"ex":[["Referring to their abilities",[]],["Referring to personal achievements",[]]]},{"de":[["To be viewed as needy",[]],["Highlighting their own shortcomings",[]]],"sp":[["impression management",[]]],"ex":[["Highlighting their own shortcomings",[]]]},{},{"de":[["CRT challenges White privilege and refutes the claims that educational institutions make toward objectivity, meritocracy, colorblindness, race neutrality and equal opportunity. CRT challenges notions of 'neutral' research or 'objective' researchers and exposes deficit-informed research that silences, ignores and distorts epistemologies of People of Color",[]]]},{"de":[["CRT is committed to social justice and offers a liberatory or transformative response to racial, gender and class oppression",[]]]},{"de":[["CRT draws from and extends a broad literature base of critical theory in law, sociology, history, ethnic studies and women's studies.",[]],["CRT shifts the research lens away from a deficit view of Communities of Color as places full of cultural poverty disadvantages, and instead focuses on and learns from the array of cultural knowledge, skills, abilities and contacts possessed by socially marginalized groups that often go unrecognized and unacknowledged.",[]],["CRT is conceived as a social justice project that works toward the liberatory potential of schooling (hooks, 1994;Freire, 1970Freire, , 1973)).",["hooks, 1994","Freire, 1970","Freire, , 1973"]]],"sy":[["CRT",[]]]},{"de":[["CRT is conceived as a social justice project that works toward the liberatory potential of schooling",["hooks, 1994","Freire, 1970","Freire, , 1973"]],["CRT utilizes transdisciplinary approaches to link theory with practice, scholarship with teaching, and the academy with the community",["LatCrit Primer, 1999","Solórzano & Yosso, 2001"]]]},{"de":[["various forms of cultural capital 'became a major resource historically for the funding of African American schools and other educational institutions and programs'",[]],["the notion of capital may be associated with capitalism, which is a system that is exploitative and has historically been an oppressive force against Communities of Color.",[]],["serves as a resource 'aimed at the advancement of an entire group'",["Franklin, 2002"]],["In education, Bourdieu's work has often been called upon to explain why Students of Color do not succeed at the same rate as Whites.",[]]],"rt":[["social capital (i.e., social networks, connections)",[]],["economic capital (i.e., money and other material possessions)",[]]],"ex":[["education, language",[]],["cultural capital (i.e., education, language)",[]]]},{"de":[["Culture is also evidenced in material and nonmaterial productions of a people.",[]],["culture is frequently represented symbolically through language and can encompass identities around immigration status, gender, phenotype, sexuality and region, as well as race and ethnicity.",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{},{"de":[["CRT starts from the premise that race and racism are central, endemic, permanent and a fundamental part of defining and explaining how US society functions",[]]]},{"sp":[["CRT",[]]]},{"de":[["identification of linguistic and familial capital added important dimensions to cultural wealth.",[]],["This repertoire of storytelling skills may include memorization, attention to detail, dramatic pauses, comedic timing, facial affect, vocal tone, volume, rhythm and rhyme.",[]],["Linguistic capital also refers to the ability to communicate via visual art, music or poetry.",[]]],"rt":[["familial capital",[]]],"sp":[["community cultural wealth",[]]],"ex":[["conceptualizing graffiti and hip hop poetry as unacknowledged sources of community cultural wealth expanded my thinking about linguistic capital.",[]]]},{},{},{"rt":[["Freirean critical consciousness",[]]],"sp":[["Resistant capital",[]]]},{"de":[["we describe this as an indicator of visibility because it acts as a measure of the extent to which other users have taken note of and gone to the trouble of replying to or mentioning the user",[]]],"sb":[["genuine @replies received",[]],["retweets received",[]]],"sp":[["Visibility metrics",[]]]},{"sp":[["Retweets",[]]]},{},{"de":[["two key practices of user engagement with information which are postulated by the gatewatching model",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{},{"sb":[["unedited retweets sent",[]],["edited retweets sent",[]]]},{"sb":[["unedited retweets received",[]],["edited retweets received",[]]],"sp":[["@mentions received",[]]]},{"sb":[["unedited retweets sent",[]],["edited retweets sent",[]]],"sp":[["@mentions sent",[]]]},{},{"sp":[["Retweets",[]]]},{"sp":[["retweets sent",[]]]},{"de":[["we describe this as an indicator of visibility because it acts as a measure of the extent to which other users have taken note of and gone to the trouble of replying to or mentioning the user",[]]],"rt":[["Activity metrics",[]]],"sp":[["User Metrics",[]]]},{"de":[["having had visceral contact with the virus strongly engages the affective experiential system which is known to be more dominant in the processing of risk under these conditions",["Loewenstein et al. 2001","van der Linden 2014","van der Linden , 2015","Weber 2006"]]]},{"de":[["important determinants of the public's willingness to cooperate and adopt health-protective behaviors during pandemics",[]],["accurate public risk perceptions are critical to effectively managing public health risks.",[]],["covering the cognitive (likelihood), emotional (worry), and temporal-spatial dimensions of risk",[]],["covering affective, cognitive, and temporal-spatial dimensions to provide a holistic measure of risk perception",[]],["risk is socially negotiated based on people's experiences, values, and trust in institutions",[]],["risk perceptions of COVID-19 consistently correlate strongly with a number of experiential and socio-cultural factors across countries",[]]]},{"de":[["hearing about the virus from friends and family",[]]]},{},{"de":[["impact of such services on the way people search and access diverse information",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["deliberative conception of media diversity, in contrast, is closely linked to the democratic role of the media and their mission to inform.",[]]]},{"ex":[["news websites",[]],["social networks",[]]]},{},{"de":[["diversity-sensitive design could be an option of interest to governments that wish to give more effect to their commitment to the promotion of media diversity.",[]]],"rt":[["filter bubbles",[]]]},{"de":[["or using any manipulative measures",[]]]},{"de":[["In addition to this descriptive definition, however, there are more normative questions regarding what choices users would need to make in order to choose 'diverse' content and what conditions influence these choices.",[]],["From the deliberative perspective, the role of diverse exposure is not only to satisfy individual consumers but to promote rational public debate and the formation of a reasoned public opinion.",[]],["exposure to diverse viewpoints is considered valuable because it helps citizens develop more informed opinions and less polarized, more tolerant attitudes towards those with whom they disagree",["Garrett & Stround, 2014"]],["From the perspective of radical democracy, exposure to diverse viewpoints is thus not seen as a way to facilitate consensus but, on the contrary, as a way to introduce new forms of critique, dissent and contestation into public debates",["Karppinen, 2013"]],["catering for diversity in the software design of recommenders is often based on reasons and needs that differ from those behind the abstract normative designs proposed in the previous section. Companies would typically want to incorporate diversity into recommendations simply to engage the user and to improve their profits, rather than to promote democratic debate.",[]]],"rt":[["media diversity",[]]],"sb":[["liberal",[]],["deliberative",[]],["radical",[]]],"ex":[["making the range of opinions on a given topic visible or by bringing different viewpoints into contact with each other through system design.",[]]]},{"de":[["may actually help explain (also with respect to commercially operating parties) why users may be more satisfied with services that offer them some diversity of choice.",[]]]},{},{},{"rt":[["positive liberty",[]]]},{"rt":[["negative liberty",[]]]},{"de":[["The democratic rationale behind the radical conception of exposure diversity is to make users aware of other, usually less popular, marginalized voices, and to challenge establish beliefs and broadly accepted ideas.",[]]]},{"de":[["e.g., people within an age range or living in a certain place",[]]]},{"de":[["People inside this setting will only encounter things they already agree with. Without free movement of ideas and information people inside the echo chamber will believe that this is all there is.",[]],["anyone who disagrees is misinformed at best and willfully ignorant at worst.",[]],["the extent to which people are exposed to different opinions, i.e., the extent to which respondents find themselves in an echo chamber.",[]],["whether or not they take acts to avoid echo chambers",[]],["They seek and share information that both conforms to the norms of their group and tends to reinforce existing beliefs",["Jamieson & Cappella, 2008","Sunstein, 2009"]],["Echo chambers occur when people with the same interests or views interact primarily within their group. They seek and share information that both conforms to the norms of their group and tends to reinforce existing beliefs (Jamieson & Cappella, 2008;Sunstein, 2009).",["Jamieson & Cappella, 2008","Sunstein, 2009"]]],"sb":[["partisan echo chambers",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["A high-choice media environment does not simply mean that individuals develop strategies to deal with the many media options available, though of course they do so as they develop their news and political information repertoires (Webster & Ksiazek, 2012).",["2012"]],["People also develop strategies for making use of different media, often in complementary ways (e.g., checking a story using a different media).",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["The greater the number of media a citizen uses the more the opportunity to be exposed to differing political opinions and news.",[]],["Having a diverse media diet is a step towards exposure to diverse information and perspectives.",[]],["the number of media an individual chooses to incorporate into their habits is related to their likelihood of becoming caught in an echo chamber.",[]],["respondents who have more diverse media habits are less likely to be in an echo chamber.",[]],["a key independent variable in this study",[]]]},{"de":[["This is essentially the setting in which individuals make choices about their media use.",[]],["Others use the terms 'media ecosystem' or 'media ecology', which emphasize the interrelated nature and importance of interactions among media in a system.",[]],["Each term aims to capture the environment which individuals find themselves in",[]],["emphasize the interrelated nature and importance of interactions among media in a system",[]]],"sy":[["media ecosystem",[]],["media ecology",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["The opinion leader shares political information and opinions with their everyday associates who are normally less interested in politics and who normally consume less news.",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["diversity is mainly discussed and measured in terms of political leaning of news sources and stories",[]],["Diversity is mostly modeled and conceptualized at the input level in computer science, whereas social scientists analyze diversity primarily at the output level",[]],["diversity specifically describes the differences in content.",[]]],"rt":[["selective exposure",[]],["serendipity",[]],["topic plurality",[]],["genre",[]],["plurality in tone",[]]]},{},{"rt":[["selective exposure",[]]]},{"de":[["In a participatory model of democracy, in which the task of the media is to inform citizens in a way that allows them to actively participate in politics, exposure diversity also depends on the ratio of politically relevant content.",[]],["under a more participative conception of exposure diversity, where diversity serves as a means to inform, enable and activate citizens to play a more active role in society, arguably, the tone can at times also veer into the direction of activist, engaging, critical and even partial and one-sided.",[]],["competitive conceptualization of exposure diversity, where citizens are expected to be informed about current and future societal problems and who is the best able to solve them; but less than in a participatory model, those do not need to be sweeping, activating statements.",[]]]},{"sp":[["news content diversity",[]]]},{"de":[["algorithmic selections contribute to a situation in which users are essentially exposed to a self-confirming feedback loop",["Pariser (2011)"]],["the negative effects of filter bubbles are caused not by recommenders that recommend self-enforcing information, but by repetitively showing a set of information snippets of which the most cognitive-consonant is most likely selected, which in time will lead to a narrowing of the recommended set",[]]]},{},{"de":[["diversity of sources in a media market (e.g. The Media Pluralism Monitor in Europe or the FTC's controversial Diversity Index; Napoli, 2015;Karppinen, 2013).",[]]],"sb":[["internal diversity",[]],["external diversity",[]]]},{"rt":[["diversity",[]],["echo chambers",[]]]},{"de":[["Serendipitous recommenders do not select all items they present to users according to the principles presented above. Some items are included at random.",[]],["Serendipity is not fully synonymous with diversity in this strand of literature.",[]],["While both serendipity and diversity describe the relationship between user and item, diversity specifically describes the differences in content.",[]]],"rt":[["diversity",[]]]},{},{"rt":[["topics-centered approach",[]]]},{"rt":[["Denouncing elites",[]],["Blaming elites",[]],["Detaching the people",[]]],"sb":[["Denouncing elites",[]],["Blaming elites",[]],["Detaching the people",[]]]},{"sp":[["populist political communication",[]],["populist communication",[]],["the framework of populist communication",[]]]},{"ex":[["Every child knows that",[]],["It's very easy to understand",[]]]},{},{"rt":[["tonality",[]]]},{},{},{"rt":[["Stressing the People's Virtues",[]],["Stressing Achievement",[]]],"sb":[["Stressing the People's Virtues",[]],["Stressing Achievement",[]]],"sp":[["populist political communication",[]],["the framework of populist communication",[]]]},{"de":[["Denying Elite Sovereignty",[]]],"sp":[["populist political communication",[]],["the framework of populist communication",[]]]},{},{"de":[["the discursive framework of populist political communication and its sub frames refer to what is expressed in populist political communication",[]],["highly emotional, negative, oversimplifying, dramatizing, common-sense, and centered on conflict",["Bos, Van der Brug, & de Vreese, 2010","Mazzoleni, Stewart, & Horsfield, 2003","Mudde, 2007","Rooduijn, 2014"]],["comprises three sub frames of the framework of populist communication and nine frame elements",[]],["highly emotionalized and oriented toward conflict",[]]],"sy":[["populist political communication",[]],["populist discourse",[]]],"rt":[["stylistic elements",[]],["emotionality",[]],["negativity",[]],["references to common sense",[]]],"sb":[["people-centrism",[]],["antielitism",[]],["popular sovereignty",[]]]},{"de":[["the ideological core of populist political communication operationalized as the subframes antielitism, people-centrism, and popular sovereignty",["Ernst et al., 2017","Schulz et al., 2017"]],["the three fundamental sub frames of populist political communication: people-centrism, antielitism, and popular sovereignty",[]],["While the discursive framework of populist political communication and its sub frames refer to what is expressed in populist political communication, stylistic elements describe how those messages are presented.",[]]],"sy":[["populist communication",[]]],"rt":[["discursive framework",[]]],"sb":[["people-centrism",[]],["antielitism",[]],["popular sovereignty",[]]]},{"de":[["a shift toward direct populist self-communication has become clear. Today's politicians, with an alternative discursive platform at their disposal allowing them to communicate their positions directly to the electorate, have become empowered to not only circumvent traditional media but also strengthen bonds with their followers",[]],["Such self-communication aligns with the populist argument that traditional media represent the corrupt elites, as demonstrated by the populist scapegoating of traditional media for disseminating fake news.",[]]]},{},{},{"rt":[["discursive framing",[]]],"ex":[["emotionality",[]],["negativity",[]],["us-them-rhetoric",[]],["references to common sense",[]]]},{},{"de":[["Unlike emotionality, which describes a communicant's use of positive (e.g., happiness) and negative (e.g., sadness, anger) emotions",[]],["describing positive (e.g., achievement and improvement) or negative (e.g., failure and fiasco) events or developments",["De Vreese, Esser, & Hopmann, 2016","Heiss, Schmuck, & Matthes, 2018"]]],"rt":[["emotionality",[]]],"ex":[["describing positive (e.g., achievement and improvement) or negative (e.g., failure and fiasco) events or developments",["De Vreese, Esser, & Hopmann, 2016","Heiss, Schmuck, & Matthes, 2018"]]]},{"de":[["stylistic means to assert their closeness to the people and emphasize their distance to the elites",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["curation algorithms used by digital intermediaries",[]],["curation algorithms work similarly to the legacy media in that they too act as gatekeepers by making decisions about what information is relevant for individuals to know (Napoli, 2015;Thorson & Wells, 2016;Tufekci, 2015).",[]],["the ability to make certain content, or aspects of reality, more visible and salient, also means that their power then lies in their ability to create, maintain or cement social norms by shaping what is encountered (Beer, 2017).",[]]],"ex":[["curation algorithms is seen as serving content it thinks the individual would want to know (Bucher, 2018)",["Bucher, 2018"]]]},{},{"de":[["different fields have distinctive value systems, normative discourses, modes of practice, and status systems",[]]],"ex":[["fields of consumption, academia, politics, and arts",[]]]},{},{"de":[["arising from a critical perspective where the aim is to reveal the inner workings of the algorithm so that they can be resisted and critiqued",[]]]},{},{"de":[["what makes these hypernudges particularly powerful is their networked, dynamic and pervasive nature.",[]]]},{},{},{"ex":[["by framing an issue as either convergent or divergent with societal norms, media frames help to (de)legitimize societal issues, attitudes and behavioral patterns (Humphreys & Latour, 2013)",["Humphreys & Latour, 2013"]]]},{"de":[["because of the generality of these media representations, they can be drawn upon in all fields as actors in specific fields are also likely to be consumers of media messages.",[]]],"rt":[["media framing",[]]]},{},{},{"sy":[["status",[]]]},{"sy":[["institutionalized symbolic capital",[]]]},{"rt":[["curation algorithms",[]]],"sp":[["curation algorithms",[]]]},{},{"de":[["Typically, imposition of this sanction is justified on the basis of a breach in compliance of the platform's Terms of Service or Community Standards.",[]],["It can be defined as where an account assessed to have engaged in problematic behaviour, in terms of authoring or amplifying malign or harmful content, is removed by a social media platform operator.",[]]],"rt":[["content suppression via algorithm adaptations",[]],["content labelling through inclusion of warnings",[]],["de-monetization by limiting advertising revenue",[]],["citizen information literacy campaigns",[]],["third-party fact-checking",[]],["mis/disinformation",[]]],"sp":[["countermeasure",[]],["modalities of social control",[]]]},{"rt":[["social control",[]]],"sb":[["Specific deterrence",[]],["general deterrence",[]]]},{"de":[["Attran (2016) dubs 'devoted actors'.",[]],["The social-psychological investment of such individuals in these politicized collective identities makes it difficult to deflect them from their shared aims and aspirations using external control interventions.",[]]]},{"ex":[["displacements targeting the methods malign actors use can require them to have to develop new ones; temporal displacements can shift when opportunities for harm arise, and spatial displacement the location where they take place.",[]]]},{},{"rt":[["Specific deterrence",[]]],"sp":[["deterrence",[]]]},{"rt":[["violence-inducing conspiracy networks",["Facebook, 2021"]]]},{"de":[["These amplify and promote Shemirani's narratives independent of her presence on the platform.",[]]],"rt":[["re-platforming",[]]],"ex":[["The main minion account can be readily identified as an associate of a US disinformation media platform (where Shemirani is their stated health and wellness expert)",[]]]},{"sp":[["logics and practices of social control",["1985"]]]},{"rt":[["net deepening",[]]],"sp":[["logics and practices of social control",["1985"]]]},{"ex":[["driving a diversified 'cross-platform' presence, rendering surveillance more challenging",[]]]},{},{},{"rt":[["general deterrence",[]]],"sp":[["deterrence",[]]]},{},{"de":[["people strive to reduce the mental discomfort ensuing from simultaneously entertaining two or more incoherent beliefs",["Festinger (1957)"]]],"rt":[["selective exposure",[]]]},{"rt":[["cognitive bias",[]]],"sp":[["cognitive bias",[]]]},{},{"de":[["Filter bubbles are therefore thought to increase undesirable affective polarization and ideological segregation, possibly fragmenting political discourse",["Garrett & Resnick, 2011"]],["filter bubbles that arise mainly or saliently from algorithmic curation",[]],["those that arise mainly or saliently from cognitive features and choices of the user",[]]],"sb":[["filter bubbles that arise mainly or saliently from algorithmic curation",[]]]},{},{"de":[["how users formulate and negotiate search queries within web search interfaces is an under-researched topic that involves not only the informational retrieval algorithms at play, but also the cultural history of the human interacting with them",["Diakopoulos et al., 2018","Tripodi, 2018"]],["the opaque interactions between users and autocomplete algorithms that influence the process of query selection",["Noble, 2018"]]]},{"rt":[["cognitive bias",[]]],"sp":[["cognitive bias",[]]]},{},{"sp":[["filter bubbles",[]]]},{},{"de":[["Related responsibilities include clarifying and explaining coverage; inviting dialogue with the public about journalistic conduct; encouraging the public to voice grievances about the news media; and admitting and promptly correcting mistakes",["Society of Professional Journalists, 1996"]],["the pressure for greater accountability exerted by the culture of the Internet, an environment that potentially constitutes \"a new trust situation\" in which old rules and roles are open to challenge",[]]],"rt":[["responsibility",[]],["transparency",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["The professional community thus claims sole authority for determining whether its members have behaved properly and for enforcing sanctions if they have not",["(Larson, 1977)","Larson, 1977"]],["the journalist also cedes individual autonomy over the process to normative oversight by both an employer and the profession at large",[]]],"rt":[["accountability",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{},{"de":[["The ethics of the professional journalist actually are both personal and social, given their place within an occupational group with a public commitment to the responsible pursuit of the truth.",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["the positive commitment of an individual not to deceive or act in other ways detrimental to the social good",[]]],"rt":[["accountability",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["it is the responsibility of the journalist to provide the public with \"a substantial and honest basis of fact for its judgments of public affairs\"",["Hocking, 1947, p. 169"]]]},{"de":[["Transparency takes accountability a step further, covering truthful disclosure before and during an act as well as after it has been taken.",[]],["transparency also entails normative connections to broader notions of social accountability and responsibility --the expectations, relations and obligations among people operating within a set of cultural and situational norms",["Scott and Lyman, 1968"]],["urging that actions, motives and financial considerations be shared with readers",[]]],"rt":[["accountability",[]],["truth",[]]]},{"de":[["Trust in the basic truthfulness of the communication we receive from others is central to choices and actions needed to maintain social order",["Bok, 1989"]]],"rt":[["truth",[]],["transparency",[]]]},{"de":[["post-modernists have gone a step further, claiming that the concept of truth itself is devoid of meaning apart from a highly subjective contextual understanding",["(Patterson and Wilkins, 2005)"]],["truth is a central norm for journalists worldwide.",[]],["truth and objectivity should be central journalistic values.",[]],["bloggers see truth as emerging from shared, collective knowledge -from an electronically enabled marketplace of ideas",[]],["The news product then offers as truth the information that has survived the rigorous scrutiny (ideally) of a journalistic process in which verification determines veracity",[]],["Enlightenment notions of truth as independently verifiable",[]],["Enlightenment notions of",[]]]},{},{"de":[["with the media playing a key role in creating or perpetuating the nature of national identity",[]]],"rt":[["national identity",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["Such a tendency is likely to occur in cross-national surveys where the different communication cultures tend to effect survey responses.",[]]]},{"de":[["is much more endorsed among journalists in developing societies and transitional contexts.",[]],["active promotion of particular values, ideas, groups and social change",[]]]},{"de":[["Journalism cultures that prioritize empirical justification of truth claims emphasize observation, measurement, evidence and experience. Journalists on the other end of the continuum stress the analytical justification of truth claims as they accentuate reason, ideas, values, opinion and analysis.",[]]],"sp":[["epistemologies",[]]]},{"sb":[["Objectivism",[]],["Empiricism",[]]],"sp":[["journalism cultures",[]],["journalism culture",[]]]},{"sb":[["Relativism",[]],["Idealism",[]]],"sp":[["journalism cultures",[]],["journalism culture",[]]]},{},{"de":[["Highly idealistic journalists are means-oriented as they believe that desirable consequences should always be obtained with the \"right\" action. Less idealistic journalists, on the other hand, are more goal-oriented for they admit that harm will sometimes be necessary to produce a greater public good.",[]]],"sp":[["ethical ideologies",[]]]},{"sy":[["professional role perceptions",[]],["news functions",[]],["media roles",[]]],"sb":[["Interventionism",[]],["Power distance",[]],["Market orientation",[]]],"sp":[["journalism culture",[]]]},{"de":[["The distinction tracks along a divide between two types of journalist, the one interventionist, involved, socially committed, assertive and motivated, the other detached and uninvolved, dedicated to objectivity, neutrality, fairness and impartiality.",[]],["interventionism and power distance substantially discriminate the journalists' perceptions of journalism's institutional roles on the systemic level",[]]],"sp":[["institutional roles",[]]]},{"de":[["is generally not a characteristic of western journalistic cultures.",[]]]},{"de":[["the concept captures the field of journalism as being constituted and reaffirmed by a set of culturally negotiated professional values and conventions that operate mostly behind the backs of individual journalists.",[]]],"rt":[["professional norms and practices",[]],["professionalism",[]],["objectivism",[]],["professional role perceptions",[]],["ethical standards",[]],["institutional roles",[]],["epistemologies",[]],["ethical ideologies",[]]],"sb":[["institutional roles",[]],["epistemologies",[]],["ethical ideologies",[]]]},{},{"de":[["Market orientation is high in journalism cultures that subordinate their goals to the logic of the market. Journalists who give priority to the public interest, on the other hand, emphasize political information and mobilization as a means to create an informed citizenry.",[]]],"sp":[["institutional roles",[]]]},{},{"de":[["Journalists close to the correspondence pole claim the existence of an objective truth \"out there\" that can be reported \"as it is\", and they believe that one can and should separate facts from values. Subjectivist journalists, on the other hand, adhere to the view that there is no such thing as an objective reality, news is just a representation of the world, and all representations are inevitably selective and require interpretation.",[]]],"sp":[["epistemologies",[]]]},{},{"de":[["interventionism and power distance substantially discriminate the journalists' perceptions of journalism's institutional roles on the systemic level",[]]],"sp":[["institutional roles",[]]]},{"sy":[["citizen-oriented",[]]]},{"de":[["While many journalists believe that ethical decisions are very much dependent on the situational context, others argue that professional ethics is universal and journalists should rely on moral absolutes regardless of the actual context.",[]]],"sp":[["ethical ideologies",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{"sb":[["catastrophisation",[]],["self-affirmation",[]],["minimisation",[]],["localisation",[]]]},{},{},{"rt":[["public influence",[]],["advocacy",[]]]},{"de":[["In this view, journalists take a more active, socially committed and assertive role in their reporting, and in so doing they involve themselves in social and political processes to the extent that they become participants.",[]],["The impetus behind interventionist journalism is not to stay apart from the flow of events, but to participate, intervene, get involved, and promote change.",[]],["the importance of influencing public opinion and advocating for social change",[]],["setting the political agenda",[]]],"rt":[["peace journalism",[]],["development(al) journalism",[]],["civic or public journalism",[]],["participant",[]],["advocate",[]],["missionary",[]]],"sb":[["agenda-setting",[]],["public influence",[]],["advocacy",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["In societies characterized by a high degree of parallelism, journalists may simply comply with editorial policy and the ideological stance of their news organization, rather than with the intention to change society and make a political intervention.",[]]]},{"sp":[["values",[]]]},{"de":[["The results also show that power values are more directed to the ultimate goal (social change) than they are to the discursive mechanisms to achieve this goal (influence political agenda and public opinion).",[]]]},{},{"sp":[["values",[]]]},{},{"de":[["Watchdog journalism is not per se connected to advocacy and participation.",[]],["interventionist journalism should not be equated with the idea of",[]],["the news media acting as Fourth Estate and guardian of democracy",["Gans 1979","Schramm 1964"]],["Journalists can, and often do, point to social grievances and political misconduct from a reasonably neutral and objective perspective.",[]]],"rt":[["journalistic advocacy",[]],["advocacy",[]],["participation",[]]]},{"sp":[["news media repertoires",[]]]},{"de":[["analyzing how people combine different media technologies, brands, genres, and products to structure their everyday life and fulfill their needs for information, entertainment, opinion formation, sociability, and engagement.",[]]],"rt":[["media repertoires approach",[]]]},{},{"rt":[["news media",[]],["interpersonal news",[]]]},{},{"de":[["focusing on time spent, situational fit, normative pressures, public connection possibilities, price, participatory potential, and technological appeal.",[]]]},{"sp":[["news media repertoires",[]]]},{"de":[["Users assess what different media can do for them in a given situation, how they complement each other, and what social and emotional consequences their media choices have in different contexts.",[]]]},{"de":[["describing options to personalize news homepages and share news through social media as frequently used features",[]]]},{"sp":[["news values",[]]]},{"sp":[["news values",[]]]},{"sp":[["news values",[]]]},{},{"sp":[["news values",[]]]},{},{"sp":[["news values",[]]]},{"sp":[["news values",[]]]},{"sp":[["news values",[]]]},{"sb":[["dominant, undisputed orthodox values",[]],["debatable, dominated (heterodox) news values",[]]]},{"sp":[["news values",[]]]},{"sp":[["news values",[]]]},{},{"sp":[["news values",[]]],"ex":[["a man dying in extreme temperatures in an oven",[]],["a particularly unpleasant crime",[]],["a man dying in extreme temperatures in an oven, for example, or a particularly unpleasant crime",[]]]},{},{"sp":[["news values",[]]]},{"sy":[["pre-fabrication",["Bell (1991)"]]]},{"de":[["the identification of prevalent news values can be used to inform future research into potential ideological impacts.",[]],["the criteria involved in the selection of news",[]],["News values can be seen less as a reflection of what type of information citizens want or need, and more as a reflection of organisational, sociological and cultural norms combined with economic factors",["Weaver et al. 2007"]],["an updated set of contemporary news values that, in various combinations, seem to be identifiable within published news stories.",[]],["It is the way news values work in practice that results in them being articulated and conveyed to new journalism trainees and journalism students, and they are also used by public relations professionals and others aiming to obtain maximum news coverage of events (or pseudo-events).",[]]],"rt":[["doxic news values",[]],["explicit news values",[]],["commercial news values",[]]],"sb":[["The power elite: Stories concerning powerful individuals, organisations or institutions.",["Harcup and O'Neill 2001, 278-279"]],["Celebrity: Stories concerning people who are already famous.",["Harcup and O'Neill 2001, 278-279"]],["Entertainment: Stories concerning sex, showbusiness, human interest, animals, an unfolding drama, or offering opportunities for humorous treatment, entertaining photographs or witty headlines.",["Harcup and O'Neill 2001, 278-279"]],["Surprise: Stories that have an element of surprise and/or contrast.",["Harcup and O'Neill 2001, 278-279"]],["Bad news: Stories with particularly negative overtones, such as conflict or tragedy.",["Harcup and O'Neill 2001, 278-279"]],["Good news: Stories with particularly positive overtones, such as rescues and cures.",["Harcup and O'Neill 2001, 278-279"]],["Magnitude: Stories that are perceived as sufficiently significant either in the numbers of people involved or in potential impact.",["Harcup and O'Neill 2001, 278-279"]],["Relevance: Stories about issues, groups and nations perceived to be relevant to the audience.",["Harcup and O'Neill 2001, 278-279"]],["Follow-up: Stories about subjects already in the news.",["Harcup and O'Neill 2001, 278-279"]],["Newspaper agenda: Stories that set or fit the news organisation's own agenda",["Harcup and O'Neill 2001, 278-279"]],["Exclusivity",[]],["Bad news",[]],["Conflict",[]],["Surprise",[]],["Audio-visuals",[]],["Shareability",[]],["Entertainment",[]],["Drama",[]],["Follow-up",[]],["The power elite",[]],["Relevance",[]],["Magnitude",[]],["Celebrity",[]],["Good news",[]],["News organisation's agenda",[]]]},{},{"sy":[["news subsidy",[]]]},{"sp":[["news values",[]]]},{"de":[["it appears to be an increasingly important consideration in the selection process",["Olmstead, Mitchell, and Rosenstiel 2011","Hermida et al. 2012","Phillips 2012","Tien Vu 2014","Welbers et al. 2015"]],["stuff that makes you laugh and stuff that makes you angry",["Newman 2011, 24"]]],"sp":[["news values",[]]]},{},{"sp":[["news values",[]]]},{"sp":[["news values",[]]]},{},{"de":[["the presentation of a rational debate where a diversity of points of view is included in the news",["Ward 2015, 299"]]]},{},{"rt":[["balance",[]]]},{},{"de":[["the degree of balance in a news item with vox pops",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{"de":[["replaceable source",[]],["not particularly involved in the issue covered",[]],["an easy way to represent public opinion in the news and create the impression that views of members of the public are directly and transparently communicated to the public",[]],["make the news recognizable and accessible for viewers",[]],["Vox pops can be used as a means to display personal experiences or as a representation of opinions.",[]],["basically convey only one point of view",[]],["the presentation of opinions in vox pops",[]],["Innocently looking, vox pops can exert considerable influence on the views of the public as they provide people with a cue about what other members of the public think about a news story or issue.",[]],["vox pops are used to voice opinions circulating among the general public",[]]],"sy":[["vox pop interviews",[]],["vox pops",[]]],"rt":[["public opinion",[]],["citizen sources",[]],["personal testimonies",[]],["opinion balance",[]],["event participants",[]],["eye witnesses",[]]],"sp":[["citizen sources",[]]]},{"de":[["refer to vox pops as tools to provide mood, background, emotions and light commentary",[]],["used to add emotions and vividness and to make news items more recognizable for viewers.",[]],["vox pop interviews bring discussions of politics and public affairs into everyday life.",[]],["citizenship is most clearly expressed and defined through vox pops.",[]],["De Swert (2013), for instance, found vox pops to feature less often in event-related topics such as crime, accidents, disasters and sports compared to political news.",["De Swert (2013)"]],["more than in other news, vox pops are used to display the opinion among the population.",[]]],"rt":[["public opinion",[]],["personal testimonies",[]]]},{},{"de":[["In political news, conflict frames are showcased through critique or attacks from and towards political actors, or the visibility of diverging political views in the media.",[]],["These items are often used to measure conflict frames in the news and originate from the work of Semetko and Valkenburg (2000).",[]]],"rt":[["disagreement",[]],["tension between different sides",[]],["incompatibility between viewpoints",[]],["politicians attacking each other in the media",[]],["conflict news",[]],["conflict framing",[]]],"sb":[["substantive conflict frames",[]],["non-substantive conflict frames",[]],["non-interventionist conflict frames",[]]]},{"de":[["Specifically, we find five dimensions of conflict framing, namely interventionism, substance, personal attacks, strategic game and incivility.",[]],["identifying multiple layers that can be subsumed within the broader concept of conflict framing and that are distinctively present across reporting contexts and media outlets",[]],["Our results merely add to the concept identifying multiple layers that can be subsumed within the broader concept of conflict framing and that are distinctively present across reporting contexts and media outlets.",[]]],"sb":[["interventionism",[]],["substance",[]],["personal attacks",[]],["strategic game",[]],["incivility",[]],["substantiveness",[]],["strategic coverage",[]]]},{},{"de":[["This entails a selection to be made concerning the information that is shared and certain judgments, decisions and behaviours that are suggested to the individual receiving the message",["Nelson, Clawson, and Oxley 1997","Scheufele 1999"]],["This entails a selection to be made concerning the information that is shared and certain judgments, decisions and behaviours that are suggested to the individual receiving the message (e.g., Nelson, Clawson, and Oxley 1997;Scheufele 1999).",["Nelson, Clawson, and Oxley 1997","Scheufele 1999"]]]},{"sp":[["non-substantive conflict coverage",[]],["conflict framing",[]]]},{},{"de":[["journalistic intervention in the form of evaluations and an interpretative style",[]],["This intervention in conflict framing is exhibited in journalistic speculation concerning consequences of political conflicts, active journalistic framing of conflict news by juxtaposing political actors, and by journalistic interpretations and analysis of political disagreements.",[]],["evaluations and an interpretative style",[]],["it provides a manifest indicator of journalistic intervention as it is visible to the audience in a media text",[]],["This aspect of conflict framing alludes to the level in which the journalistic voice is visible in conflict frames in the media.",[]],["Interventionism, or \"the media's discretionary power\", refers to the degree to which the media take a formative role in shaping the agenda of election campaigns (Semetko et al. 1991, 3).",["Semetko et al. 1991, 3"]]],"sy":[["journalistic interventionism",[]]],"rt":[["journalistic intervention",[]]],"sp":[["dimensions of conflict framing",[]],["conflict framing",[]]]},{"de":[["An actor was coded as journalistic when a journalist or journalistic medium was specifically mentioned or when the writer of the article gave a clear evaluation of an actor involved in the political conflict in the article.",[]]]},{"sp":[["conflict frames",[]]]},{"sp":[["conflict frames",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["style, personality and performance",[]],["Three dimensions reflected non-substantive news coverage: strategic coverage, personal attacks and incivility.",[]]],"sp":[["non-substantive conflict coverage",[]],["conflict framing",[]]]},{"sp":[["conflict frames",[]]]},{"de":[["three items were included, based on the work of Cappella and Jamieson (1997). These items assessed whether the article focused predominantly on politically substantive issues (yes/no), laws and policies (yes/no), and the presence of substantive views on policy issues by political actors (yes/no).",[]],["include more information on policy issues",[]]],"sy":[["substance",[]]],"sp":[["conflict framing",[]]]},{"de":[["This dimension closely resembles the \"watchdog role\" (Weaver and Wilhoit 1996). The journalist functions as an adversarial to politicians and organizations.",["Weaver and Wilhoit 1996"]]]},{},{},{"ex":[["A routine of \"churnalism\"-copy-pasting of press releases-has been found for neither the agency nor the newspapers.",[]]]},{"de":[["At the core of this index is Levenshtein distance (lev), a well-established measure in computer science and information theory that is among others often used in plagiarism detection tools.",[]],["Therefore, the measure needs to control for difference in length: unlike adding information, deleting information from a press release is not considered a journalistic effort.",[]],["Furthermore, we want to analyse the relative effort a journalist has put into an article so the measure also controls for the length of the journalistic text.",[]]],"rt":[["Levenshtein distance (lev)",[]]]},{"de":[["news reports typically are structured along an inverted pyramid",[]]]},{"sp":[["information subsidies",[]]]},{"de":[["where the PR industry increasingly dominates journalism",["Jackson and Moloney 2015, 2"]]]},{},{},{"rt":[["agenda-setting theory",[]]]},{},{"rt":[["thematic framing",["Gilliam and Iyengar 2000;Iyengar 1991"]]]},{"de":[["the presentation of examples of engaging events rather than base-rate information is more vivid and attractive to readers or viewers",["Gibson and Zillmann 1994;Vliegenthart and Boomgaarden 2007","Gibson and Zillmann 1994","Vliegenthart and Boomgaarden 2007"]],["As individuals form perceptions on the basis of information presented in media exemplars (Gibson and Zillmann 1994), they tend to overestimate their frequency and consequences (Entman 1994).",["Gibson and Zillmann 1994","Entman 1994"]]]},{},{},{"de":[["considered a facet of mediatization",[]]]},{"de":[["is a stronger predictor for how the public understands the world and behaves accordingly as compared to reality itself.",[]]],"sy":[["media reality",[]]]},{"de":[["news media predominantly selects news items that fit well into the patterns of news values as pivotal selection criteria. Additionally, the selected items are molded in form and content in line with the media logic",[]],["Esser (2013) conceptualized typical aspects of media logic altering news practices: (1) change in journalistic norms where media has become more independent and guided by public interest (professional aspect), (2) autonomous media becoming more dependent on commercial imperatives (commercial aspects), and (3) media rely more on different media types and technological affordances (technological aspects).",["Esser 2013"]]]},{"de":[["is a stronger predictor for how the public understands the world and behaves accordingly as compared to reality itself.",[]]],"sy":[["media induced fear",[]]]},{"rt":[["mediatization",[]]]},{"de":[["a process of social change in which media have become deeply integrated into different levels of society",["Hjarvard 2013","Mazzoleni 2008","Strömbäck and Esser 2009","Strömbäck and Esser 2014","Hjarvard 2013;Mazzoleni 2008;Strömbäck and Esser 2009;Strömbäck and Esser 2014"]],["Under the conditions of mediatization, certain facets have become more prominent in media coverage, such as a focus on negativity, conflicts, and human-interest exemplars",["D'Angelo and Esser 2014","Peleg and Bogoch 2014","Djerf-Pierre et al. 2014"]],["overarching theoretical framework to understand a potential increase in the discrepancy between media attention and real-world developments",[]],["At heart, mediatization emphasizes a process of social change in which media have become deeply integrated into different levels of society",["Hjarvard 2013;Mazzoleni 2008;Strömbäck and Esser 2009;Strömbäck and Esser 2014"]],["Mediatization goes beyond the notion of mediation-i.e. transmission of communication through media-as a broader and more dynamic concept referring to integrated processes of increasing media importance and influence within modern society (Couldry and Hepp 2013;Esser 2013;Hjarvard 2013;Strömbäck and Esser 2009).",["Couldry and Hepp 2013","Esser 2013","Hjarvard 2013","Strömbäck and Esser 2009"]]],"rt":[["negativity",[]],["conflicts",[]],["human-interest exemplars",[]]]},{},{"sy":[["news values",[]]]},{"rt":[["Episodic framing",["Iyengar 1991"]]]},{"de":[["The second index of anti-elitism is thus logically related to people-centrism",[]],["the people centrality, anti-elitism and exclusionism index",[]],["They prioritize their own needs instead of the people's needs, which makes them incapable of representing the silenced majority of the people.",[]]],"rt":[["people-centrism",[]],["people centrality",[]],["exclusionism",[]]],"sp":[["indices of populism",[]],["populism indicators",[]]],"ex":[["(government OR elite OR politician! OR politics) w/2 (corrupt! OR self-interested OR lying OR coward! OR arrogant! OR self-serving! OR greed!)",[]]]},{"rt":[["popular outlets",[]]]},{"de":[["the people centrality, anti-elitism and exclusionism index",[]]],"rt":[["nativism",[]],["people centrality",[]],["anti-elitism",[]]],"sb":[["Right-wing Exclusionism",[]],["Left-wing Exclusionism",[]]],"sp":[["indices of populism",[]]]},{"de":[["populist ideas may also frame the deprived people in opposition to culpable others on a horizontal, economic level.",[]],["More specifically, populist ideas may also frame the deprived people in opposition to culpable others on a horizontal, economic level.",[]],["These others can, for example, be defined as the \"extreme\" rich minority, CEOs of large corporations, or managers of banks.",[]]],"rt":[["populism",[]]],"sp":[["exclusionism",[]],["populism indicators",[]]],"ex":[["the wealthy or the extreme-rich",[]],["the \"extreme\" rich minority, CEOs of large corporations, or managers of banks",[]]]},{"sy":[["populism by the media",[]],["populism for or through the media",["Bos and Brants 2014"]]]},{"rt":[["populism",[]]]},{"de":[["This implies that the people's voice should be reflected in political-decision making, but that the elites in power are currently not listening to the majority's voice.",[]],["People centrism and anti-elitism co-occur in 117 articles",[]],["This implies that the people's voice should be reflected in political-decision making, but that the elites in power are currently not listening to the majority's voice. In that sense, populism aims to give the power back to the ordinary people, who are able to decide on their own fate. By making the people the focal point of political-decision-making, populism aims to express the general will of the ordinary people",["Mudde 2004"]],["In that sense, populism aims to give the power back to the ordinary people, who are able to decide on their own fate.",[]],["By making the people the focal point of political-decision-making, populism aims to express the general will of the ordinary people (Mudde 2004).",["Mudde 2004"]],["indicating that people-centrism does not always co-occur with references to other populist ideas in single interpretations.",[]]],"rt":[["anti-elitism",[]]],"sp":[["populism indicators",[]]],"ex":[["The ordinary Dutch citizen! OR ordinary Dutch people OR hard-working citizen! OR hardworking citizens OR the ordinary citizen! OR ordinary citizens OR the normal Dutch people! Or the normal citizen! OR hard-working Dutch citizen! OR hard-working taxpayer! OR our own people OR the ordinary people OR our own country OR our own culture OR the ordinary man OR the ordinary woman OR (Henk and Ingrid) OR (Jan with the hat) OR the modal man or Jan Modal",[]]]},{"de":[["these outlets are assumed to rely more on common sense, dramatization, personalization and conflict coverage than broadsheet papers",[]]],"rt":[["broadsheet newspapers",[]]]},{"de":[["populism has been understood as a political (communication) style (Moffitt 2016), a strategy (Barr 2009), a frame (e.g., Caiani and Della Porta 2011) or discourse (Laclau 2005).",["Moffitt 2016","Barr 2009","Caiani and Della Porta 2011","Laclau 2005"]],["Populism may thus be Manichean, since it constructs a binary view on politics and society",["Mudde 2004"]],["Populism may thus be Manichean, since it constructs a binary view on politics and society (Mudde 2004).",["Mudde 2004"]],["In that sense, populism aims to give the power back to the ordinary people, who are able to decide on their own fate. By making the people the focal point of political-decision-making, populism aims to express the general will of the ordinary people (Mudde 2004).",["Mudde 2004"]]]},{"sy":[["media populism",[]]]},{},{"de":[["references to one single index may implicitly, or by extension, refer to or prime related components of populism.",[]]],"sb":[["people-centrism",[]],["anti-elitism",[]],["right-wing exclusionism",[]],["left-wing exclusionism",[]]]},{"de":[["These others can, for example, be defined as the \"extreme\" rich minority, CEOs of large corporations, or managers of banks.",[]]]},{"de":[["right-wing populism emphasizes that immigrants should be excluded from the ordinary people's heartland.",[]],["immigrants are regarded as a threat to the welfare of the ordinary people, as they profit unfairly from the scarce resources that should be invested in the ordinary people. To keep the ordinary people safe, and to protect their welfare, right-wing populism emphasizes that immigrants should be excluded from the ordinary people's heartland.",[]],["In Western Europe, these dangerous others are mainly defined on a religious or cultural basis.",[]],["Many populist actors, such as Geert Wilders in the Netherlands or HC Strache in Austria, regard the Islam as the largest threat to the ordinary people.",[]],["Moreover, immigrants are regarded as a threat to the welfare of the ordinary people, as they profit unfairly from the scarce resources that should be invested in the ordinary people.",[]]],"rt":[["populism",[]]],"sp":[["exclusionism",[]],["populism indicators",[]]],"ex":[["immigrants in right-wing populism",[]],["immigrants are regarded as a threat to the welfare of the ordinary people, as they profit unfairly from the scarce resources that should be invested in the ordinary people",[]],["(Islamize! OR de-islamize! OR close borders OR furtune seeker! OR asylum profiteer OR (profiteer! w/2 (immigrant! OR asylum seeker! OR refugee!))",[]]]},{},{"de":[["the term stands for two major challenges to modern democracies",[]],["fake news is characterized by its resemblance to news",["Egelhofer and Lecheler 2019","Lazer et al. 2018","McNair 2017","Tandoc, Lim, and Ling 2018"]],["a way of stating that something is incorrect or debatable.",[]],["a catch-all for bad information",["Habgood-Coote 2019, 8"]],["journalistic design",[]],["intentionality",[]],["the term itself has become a weapon that is used against the news media as democratic institutions.",[]],["normalized as a catchy buzzword to express doubts about information in general.",[]],["normalized as a catchy buzzword to express doubts about information in general",[]],["trivialization of the term might backfire and damage their work's credibility",[]],["its dissemination can be unintentional",[]],["a global buzzword-used frequently by some, loathed by others",["McNair 2017"]],["characterize a variety of phenomena related to questions of truth and factuality in journalism and political communication",[]],["it has no intrinsic meaning independent of the context in which it is used",[]],["the term stands for two major challenges to modern democracies. On the one hand, it is used to describe disinformation that masquerades as news articles and is often spread online",[]],["an increasing number of political actors have begun to use the term to discredit legacy news media",[]]],"sy":[["fake news label",[]],["empty buzzword",[]],["falsehood",[]],["lie",[]],["fluid descriptor",["Carlson 2018, 6"]],["floating signifier",["Farkas and Schou 2018, 300"]]],"rt":[["disinformation",[]],["misinformation",[]],["post-truth",["Berghel 2017"]],["alternative facts",["Berghel 2017"]],["epistemic instability",[]],["genre of disinformation",[]],["false news",[]]],"sb":[["fake news as a genre of disinformation online",[]],["the weaponization of the term by critical political actors as a label to delegitimize news media",["Egelhofer and Lecheler 2019"]],["empty buzzword, simply used to describe something as false or bad",["Habgood-Coote 2019"]],["fake news genre",[]],["fake news label",[]],["the fake news genre",[]],["the fake news label",[]],["catchy buzzword",[]],["fake news as a genre of disinformation",["Egelhofer and Lecheler 2019"]],["the fake news label as a political instrument to delegitimize journalism",["Egelhofer and Lecheler 2019"]],["an empty buzzword, simply used to describe something as false or bad",["Habgood-Coote 2019"]]]},{"de":[["These fabricated stories first gained attention during the 2016 US presidential election but became a much-discussed issue in Austria as well.",[]],["Journalists used the characteristics journalistic design (28.5%) and intentionality (27.4%) almost equally often when characterizing fake news.",[]]],"sp":[["fake news",[]]]},{"de":[["used it as a label to critically attack the news media",[]]],"sp":[["fake news",[]]]},{},{},{"rt":[["disinformation",[]]]},{},{},{},{"rt":[["popularity cues",[]],["popularity rankings",[]]],"sp":[["public response",[]]],"ex":[["Record Numbers Watch Debates-With or Without Trump",[]],["84 Million: Debate Sets a Record for Viewers",[]],["ratings machine",[]],["ratings boon",[]],["big ratings draw",[]],["ratings bonanza",[]],["legion",[]],["army of Twitter followers",[]],["king of Twitter, collecting 5 million followers",[]],["articles on bestsellers in the book, music, and film markets",[]]]},{},{"sp":[["public response",[]]],"ex":[["the inauguration of Donald Trump and its unexpectedly low response",["Chadwick 2017, 242-249","Werber 2017"]]]},{"sp":[["superlativeness",[]]]},{"de":[["They refer to actual or potential effects for a specific individual or social group(s) or the audience itself.",[]],["Moreover, they typically capture events considered extreme or harmful.",[]],["focus on the consequences of an event or the number of people who are or could be affected by an issue.",[]],["The news factor of magnitude also includes \"extreme behaviours or occurrences,\" such as \"a man dying in extreme temperatures in an oven\"",["Harcup andO'Neill 2017, 1479"]]],"sp":[["news factor",[]],["superlativeness",[]]],"ex":[["a man dying in extreme temperatures in an oven",["Harcup andO'Neill 2017, 1479"]]]},{},{"de":[["First, media response is illustrated by stating the amount of media stories published on a specific subject or event.",[]],["Second, media response is expressed by the (expected) number of journalists and camera teams attending an event",["Schlott 2013"]],["Third, media response is visually represented by showing a small or large crowd of journalists, cameras, or microphones",["Caple and Bednarek 2016","Esser and D'Angelo 2003","Lawson and McCann 2005","Schlott 2013"]],["Media response is often visualized by photographs depicting actors surrounded by microphones, cameras, and journalists, as shown in Figure 2.",[]],["Descriptions of the actual, expected, or estimated attention by the media or journalists (publicity) regarding an issue, actor, or event; often expressed by comparisons",[]]],"sy":[["publicity",[]]],"sp":[["public response",[]]]},{},{"rt":[["news value",[]]]},{},{"rt":[["news factor",[]]]},{"de":[["Public response sheds light on how journalism picks up on events and topics that are said to arouse public interest or are considered popular and pervasive.",[]],["This is to say that journalists tell their audience what \"everyone\" is talking about or what many people are paying attention to.",[]],["It is driven by journalists explicitly telling their audience about attention hotspots and what \"everyone\" is talking about.",[]]],"rt":[["media response",[]],["event response",[]],["magnitude",[]],["news factor",[]],["reach",[]],["relevance",[]],["impact",[]],["threshold",[]],["continuity",[]],["shareability",[]]],"sb":[["audience response",[]],["media response",[]],["event response",[]],["audience",[]],["media",[]]],"sp":[["news factor",[]]]},{"de":[["focus on the consequences of an event or the number of people who are or could be affected by an issue.",[]]],"sp":[["news factor",[]],["superlativeness",[]]]},{"de":[["focus on the consequences of an event or the number of people who are or could be affected by an issue.",[]]],"sp":[["news factor",[]],["superlativeness",[]]]},{"sp":[["news factor",[]]]},{"sp":[["news factor",[]]],"ex":[["a tsunami of crime",[]],["Putin has dramatically raised the stakes",[]]]},{"de":[["focus on the consequences of an event or the number of people who are or could be affected by an issue.",[]]],"sp":[["news factor",[]],["superlativeness",[]]]},{},{"de":[["In the remainder of this text, the term \"diversity\" is exclusively used in the context of external news diversity.",[]],["Note that this definition explicitly excludes internal news diversity or the diversity of content features within a news outlet.",[]]],"rt":[["internal news diversity",[]]],"sb":[["topic diversity",[]],["sentiment diversity",[]]]},{"rt":[["external news diversity",[]]]},{},{"de":[["is considered by many scholars to be an important feature of a healthy information environment.",[]],["When different outlets highlight different stories, different elements of the same story, or evaluate the story differently, this generates a rich and more pluralist context to spark democratic debate.",[]],["It also allows citizens, if they want, to be confronted with different opinions and form themselves a nuanced idea about the facts and how to evaluate them.",[]],["trends in media concentration and news outlet ownership have arguably diminished news diversity",["Baker 2007"]],["If newsrooms lose autonomy and are forced to (partly) pool resources with other newsrooms, the consequence can only be that the news choices and output of the collaborating outlets become more similar",["Beckers et al. 2019","Dailey, Demo, and Spillman 2005","Hendrickx and Ranaivoson 2019"]]]},{},{},{"de":[["Conceptually, the measure indicates the extent to which articles that already talk about the same topic differ from each other in their general presentation (in terms of positivity/negativity) of that topic.",[]]],"sp":[["external news diversity",[]]]},{"de":[["Inversion of the scores is done to conform to the theoretical concept of diversity, with higher values indicating higher diversity rather than similarity.",[]]],"sp":[["external news diversity",[]]]},{"de":[["where different actors negotiate around these codes",[]],["composed of \"Interpretive flexibility, the structure of informatic and work process needs and arrangements, and, finally, the dynamic between ill-structured and more tailored uses of the objects\"",["Star 2010, 601"]],["these boundary objects can either increase or decrease the legitimacy of the institution",[]]],"rt":[["journalistic codes",[]]],"ex":[["scholarly journals are boundary objects and obligatory passage points for scholars",["Star and Griesemer 1989"]],["repositories, ideal types, coincident boundaries, and standardized forms",[]]]},{"de":[["It emphasizes on the form of news as \"the persisting visible and narrative structure of news\" as means of creating and signalling authority (Carlson 2017, 53).",["Carlson 2017, 53"]]],"ex":[["Native advertising is not journalism, yet it passes as journalism.",[]]]},{"de":[["automation, and the algorithmic assemblages behind automation, becomes more deeply integrated into journalism and contributes to the publishing and circulation of distorted or even incorrect news stories (Carlson 2018).",["Carlson 2018"]]]},{},{"sy":[["ethics codes",[]]],"sp":[["boundary objects",[]]]},{"rt":[["implicit",[]],["formalized",[]]],"sb":[["the norms surrounding how journalism itself should deal with identity",[]]]},{"rt":[["news deserts",[]],["temporal and geographical proximity",[]]]},{"rt":[["Mimetic isomorphism",[]],["normative isomorphism",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["is guided by three mechanisms-coercive, mimetic, and normative isomorphism",[]]],"rt":[["Coercive isomorphism",[]],["Mimetic isomorphism",[]],["normative isomorphism",[]]]},{"sb":[["Coercive isomorphism",[]],["Mimetic isomorphism",[]],["normative isomorphism",[]]]},{"rt":[["journalistic codes",[]]]},{},{},{},{"rt":[["Coercive isomorphism",[]],["normative isomorphism",[]]]},{"de":[["Native advertising is an example of the power of appearance.",[]]]},{"rt":[["journalistic codes",[]]]},{"rt":[["Coercive isomorphism",[]],["Mimetic isomorphism",[]]]},{"rt":[["passivity/neutrality",[]]]},{"de":[["describing the strength of consumer-brand relationship",[]],["journalism scholarship has traditionally studied brand loyalty with news outlets to gain a better understanding of how news organizations can \"achieve long-term business success\" and \"stay competitive\"",["Chan-Olmsted and Kim 2001, 85"]]],"rt":[["brand attachment",[]]]},{"de":[["perceived both by the number of hours the participants see journalists working and in the sense of social responsibility they detect in them",[]]],"rt":[["loyalty",[]]]},{"de":[["the depth, quality and strength of the relationship consumers develop with brands can be measured in terms of six facets: love and passion (the attachment and affection that the consumer has for a specific brand), self-connection (the degree to which the brand delivers on important identity concerns, tasks, or themes), commitment (the consumer's intention to behave in a manner supportive of relationship longevity), interdependence (frequent brand interaction and consumption rituals), intimacy (psychological closeness between the brand and the consumer) and brand partner quality (consumer's evaluation of the brand's performance in its partnership role).",[]]],"sb":[["love and passion",[]],["self-connection",[]],["commitment",[]],["interdependence",[]],["intimacy",[]],["brand partner quality",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["loyal audiences provide sustained attention that translates into highly profitable measures of engagement, such as clicks, time spent and shares",[]],["loyal news users appear to be more likely to provide financial support to news organizations either through direct donations or membership programmes",[]],["audience members who are loyal to a news brand appear to rely more on the news it provides and therefore make use of it as a means of navigating life and participating in society",[]],["loyalty can be a process that is forged and developed over time",[]],["loyalty cannot be scaled or quantified",[]],["there is no grey area once it has been attained; either someone is loyal or is not",[]],["loyalty is not necessarily linked with having a pleasant news experience or a quality moment with the news, but rather to maintain an ongoing and meaningful relationship with journalism entities.",[]],["adapting their routines or behaviour, tolerating certain personality traits of some journalists and forgiving the mistakes of some media outlets emerged as cues of loyalty that show deliberate choices to maintain a relationship with journalism.",[]],["Loyalty, as we suggest in this article, involves a set of feelings and practices that reflect the meaning people attach to journalism in their lives.",[]],["loyalty is a multidimensional phenomenon that is personal, situated and temporal.",[]],["Feelings of affinity, companionship, respect, safety or tenderness, and practices such as adaptation, tolerance, or forgiveness, were common in participant's described experiences of loyalty.",[]],["loyalty functions as a dynamic two-way relationship. This means that the loyalty individuals give to journalism entities is often experienced as a relational response to the loyalty they receive from them",[]],["loyalty is an absolute value that people attach to their relationship with a particular journalism entity.",[]],["From a business perspective, loyalty has been defined as",[]],["adapting their routines or behaviour, tolerating certain personality traits of some journalists and forgiving the mistakes of some media outlets emerged as cues of loyalty that show deliberate choices to maintain a relationship with journalism",[]],["loyalty does not equal \"profitable measures\" such as clicks or shares and is not automatically correlated to donations or memberships.",[]],["From a business perspective",[]]],"rt":[["media trust",[]],["news brand attachment",[]],["news credibility",[]],["editorial transparency",[]],["commitment",[]],["trust",[]],["need for cognition",["Tsfati and Cappella 2003"]]],"sb":[["good friends",[]],["party friends",[]],["family members",[]],["classmates",[]]]},{"sy":[["intimacy at a distance",["1956","Horton and Richard Wohl (1956)"]]]},{},{"de":[["Currently, this approach to loyalty has morphed into metrics of \"regularity\"",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{},{},{},{"de":[["Engagement specialists, in contrast, cultivate their audience interactions, viewing themselves as \"landscapers of public discourse, not merely witnesses\" (Xia et al. 2020, 567).",["Xia et al. 2020, 567"]]]},{"de":[["it corresponds with a practice of aggregating news from other journalistic sources instead of widely including non-journalistic content",[]],["One central challenge emanates from the changing gatekeeper role forcing journalists and media outlets to curate what they consider relevant pieces of information from the abundance of content published on social media (McGregor and Molyneux 2020).",["McGregor and Molyneux 2020"]]]},{"de":[["Gatekeeping receives attention as the journalistic core task of information selection changed with the establishment of social media",["Walters 2021"]],["changed with the establishment of social media",["Walters 2021"]]]},{},{"de":[["irrespective of journalistic beat (Mellado et al. 2021) and employment type, including freelance journalists",["Salamon 2020"]]]},{"de":[["The concept outlines the development of journalists increasingly acting as freelancers, perceiving themselves as journalist-influencers and monetizing their professional and digital reputation",["Mellado and Hermida 2022, 293"]],["The concept outlines the development of journalists increasingly acting as freelancers, perceiving themselves as journalist-influencers and monetizing their professional and digital reputation.",[]]]},{},{"de":[["characterized by the reduction of political, business, and foreign affairs content on Facebook",["cf. 530"]]],"rt":[["platform logic",[]],["content quality standards",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["Arnold's (2008) integrated approach, which distinguishes between a professional, a content, and an audience-related dimension of quality, even offers a heuristic to meet Humayun and Ferrucci's (2022) demand for normative assessments of journalists' practices in social media.",[]],["Journalists and media organizations rethink what they conceive as quality journalism as they adapt news values and renegotiate norms and established practices while increasingly paying attention to the audience dimension.",[]],["discussion of quality standards, functional logics, and normative intentions of traditional journalism",[]],["He distinguishes between a professional, a content, and an audience-related dimension of quality.",[]]],"sb":[["The professional dimension assesses journalistic norms and roles, such as gatekeeping and independence from political and economic actors.",[]],["The content dimension focuses on content production practices, that is efforts to ensure objectivity, transparency, and news selection based on relevance.",[]],["The audience dimension monitors journalists' efforts to engage users, user expectations and metrics of content performance.",[]]]},{"de":[["implicitly acknowledge that texts are a work-in-progress, to some degree replicating an oral, conversational form of rhetoric",["Hermida and Mellado 2020, 875"]]]},{},{"sy":[["Social network(s)",[]],["Social networking site(s)",[]],["New social media",[]],[". Social media platform(s) .",[]],[". Social network(s) .",[]],[". Social networking site(s) .",[]],[". New social media .",[]],[". Facebook .",[]],[". Twitter .",[]],[". TikTok .",[]],[". Instagram .",[]],[". Snapchat .",[]]],"rt":[["Digital media",[]],["Online media platforms",[]],["Social web",[]],["Platform communication",[]],["Social media behavio(u)r",[]],["Technology use",[]],["Online practice(s)",[]],["Online performance",[]],[". Digital media .",[]],[". Online media platforms .",[]],[". Social web .",[]],[". Platform communication .",[]],[". Social media behavio(u)r .",[]],[". Technology use .",[]],[". Online practice(s) .",[]],[". Online performance",[]]],"ex":[["Facebook",[]],["Twitter",[]],["TikTok",[]],["Instagram",[]],["Snapchat",[]]]},{},{"de":[["forces journalists and their organizations to cater both content and presentation style to user demands and platform requirements",["Xia et al. 2020"]]]},{},{"de":[["Fear discourses-in this context that fear of crime and disorder may 'keep people off the streets'-have been used to influence public policy, urban (re)development, and the accessibility and tenor of public space",["see Kern, Herbert and Beckett, and Schuermans and De Maesschalck in this issue"]],["Fear discourses-in this context that fear of crime and disorder may 'keep people off the streets'-have been used to influence public policy, urban (re)development, and the accessibility and tenor of public space (see Kern, Herbert and Beckett, and Schuermans and De Maesschalck in this issue).",[]]]},{},{"de":[["Feminist geographers have examined geographies of fear for decades, but increasingly urban scholars are noting how fear shapes cities and those within them",[]],["Feelings of fear and safety shift based on one's social and spatial position",["Madge 1997"]],["Urban space can been seen as a space of fear for many and those fears are not restricted to any one age, class, gender or race, although those social markers can play a role in geographies of fear.",[]],["In urban spaces, boundaries can be challenged and unease can occur (Cresswell 1996(Cresswell , 1997;;Douglas 1984;Hubbard 2002;Kristeva 1982;Miller 1997;Sibley 1981Sibley , 1995)).",["Cresswell 1996(Cresswell , 1997;;Douglas 1984;Hubbard 2002;Kristeva 1982;Miller 1997;Sibley 1981Sibley , 1995)"]]],"rt":[["mental maps of fear",[]]]},{"de":[["These maps are informed in any number of ways, but especially through everyday contact with people and the media",["Gordon and Riger 1989","Stanko 1993"]],["Direct involvement with violence; the \"but-nothinghappened\" encounters; . . . the impact of the media . . . ; and shared knowledge of family, friends, peers, acquaintances, and co-workers all contribute to assessment of risk and strategies for safety.",[]],["These maps are informed in any number of ways, but especially through everyday contact with people and the media (Gordon and Riger 1989;Stanko 1993).",["Gordon and Riger 1989;Stanko 1993"]]],"rt":[["geographies of fear",[]]]},{"de":[["Fear of the Other can lead to exclusion from public space of those who are seen as threatening (see Herbert and Beckett in this issue).",["Herbert and Beckett in this issue"]]],"rt":[["Fear of the Other",[]]]},{},{"de":[["fosters a heightened sensitivity to affordances that allow the individual to disappear into her surroundings.",[]]],"rt":[["becoming-imperceptible",[]],["perceptual ecology",[]],["perceptual field",[]]]},{},{"ex":[["for Hito Steyerl to become imperceptible to cameras, for the characters of The Americans to be imperceptible to each other, and for the player of Tomb Raider to become imperceptible to Lara Croft's enemies.",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{"de":[["stealth requires an ecological awareness of the variable affordances for becoming-imperceptible in a given setting",[]],["making a practice of hiding pass into visibility and rendering an action-perception indiscernible, at least in terms of its sensory causation",[]]]},{"de":[["From a whole-systems perspective, participation and inclusion are not policy tools serving to engineer consensus but a governance principle that must allow room for genuine discourse and contestation.",[]],["participation and inclusion are not policy tools serving to engineer consensus but a governance principle that must allow room for genuine discourse and contestation.",[]]]},{"de":[["Sensitivity to the lived experiences of different social groups in diverse spaces and places makes apparent the multiple articulations of sustainability transitions and suggests there is no single, linear roadmap towards decarbonization.",[]],["whole-systems perspectives are based on the recognition that inequalities are conditioned by inter-scalar, socio-economic interactions that are often deeply embedded in global structures, such as value chains, and tend to systematically disadvantage particular groups",[]],["Whole-systems approaches emphasize that these groups often face multiple, interrelated vulnerabilities and aim to reveal under-recognized sections of society, including those who are misrecognized, their views often distorted in demeaning ways",[]]]},{},{"sb":[["Recognition",[]],["Distribution",[]],["Procedure",[]],["Restoration",[]]]},{"de":[["the concept works as a Lacanian fantasy, presenting both the prospect of sustainable development at some unknown future point and a convenient a priori explanation for why this aim is not achieved.",[]]],"rt":[["passive revolution",[]],["green economy/growth",[]]]},{"ex":[["'I know very well, but still . . . '",["(1989, p. 12)"]]]},{"de":[["Fantasy, in this sense, functions to offer both the prospect of successfully knowing and controlling the Real as well as an a priori explanation for this is, inevitably, not achieved.",[]],["a means for an ideology to take its own failure into account in advance",["(Z ˇiz ˇek, 1989, p. 142)","Z ˇiz ˇek, 1989, p. 142","1989, p. 142"]],["functions to offer both the prospect of successfully knowing and controlling the Real as well as an a priori explanation for this is, inevitably, not achieved.",[]]]},{},{},{"rt":[["the Symbolic",[]],["the Imaginary",[]]]},{"de":[["In such cases, scholars report of 'backfire effects' indicating that corrections could actually further strengthen and consolidate the original beliefs (Hart & Nisbet, 2012;Nyhan & Reifler, 2010).",["Hart & Nisbet, 2012","Nyhan & Reifler, 2010"]]]},{},{"de":[["conspiracy theories are flawed, irrational and dangerous understandings of reality",[]],["conspiracy theories tend to have a 'self-sealing quality': they are resistant to corrections or contrary evidence because these debunking efforts are easily seen as proof and part of a larger conspiracy theory",["Sunstein & Vermeule, 2009"]],["conspiracy theories at their heart unfalsifiable",["Barkun, 2006"]]]},{"de":[["people have (for various reasons) no access to quality information and suffer as such from a 'crippled epistemology' (Sunstein & Vermeule, 2009)",[]]]},{},{"de":[["the constructivist and more democratic alternative I put forward are 'deliberative citizen knowledge platforms' that should asses the quality of information in the public domain in organised cooperation with relevant stakeholders and experts.",[]]]},{},{},{"ex":[["Trump's inauguration crowd",[]],["Pope Francis' support for Trump and Brexiteers' £350 M a week when leaving",[]],["thousands of smaller scale items circulating the online world in which inflammatory statements are made that at second sight seem ridiculous and fabricated",[]]]},{"de":[["Following this dominant knowledge deficit model in science communication, people will accept science and its knowledge when they better understand how it works.",[]]]},{"de":[["Objectivity can therefore better be seen as a prescriptive instead of a descriptive of science",[]]]},{},{},{"sy":[["constructivism",[]]]},{},{"sp":[["conspiracy theories",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["Attitudes towards people with disability can be positive or negative, but even when they are positive, there can be a disjunction between perceptions.",[]],["The strength with which attitudes are held can be affected by factors such as direct experience (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975), modelling (Bandura 1977), values (Rokeach 1973), situational context (Calder and Ross 1973) and exposure to other people (Zajonc 1968).",["Fishbein and Ajzen 1975","Bandura 1977","Rokeach 1973","Calder and Ross 1973","Zajonc 1968"]]],"ex":[["a person without disability may conceptualize a positive attitude as being 'nice' or 'helpful', whereas a person with disability might find it patronizing",["Yazbeck, McVilly, and Parmenter 2004, 97"]]]},{"sb":[["information campaigns",[]],["awareness training",[]]],"sp":[["Personal-level policies",[]]]},{},{},{"sp":[["Awareness raising",[]]]},{},{"de":[["This level consists of the policy statements and laws that define actions reflective of positive attitudes, together with the means for implementation and monitoring.",[]],["The level consists of the policy statements and laws that define actions reflecting positive attitudes, and the means to implement and monitor the policies.",[]],["Government-level policies include disability rights legislation and mechanisms to support the legislation, such as standards, strategies and human rights agencies.",[]],["The level consists of the policy statements and laws that define actions reflecting positive attitudes, and the means to implement and monitor the policies. Government-level policies include disability rights legislation and mechanisms to support the legislation, such as standards, strategies and human rights agencies.",[]]],"rt":[["Personal-level policies",[]],["organizational-level policies",[]],["personal-and organizational-level policy interventions",[]]],"sb":[["disability rights legislation",[]],["mechanisms to support the legislation",[]],["Inclusive education",[]]],"ex":[["anti-discrimination legislation",[]],["inclusive education",[]],["standards",[]],["strategies",[]],["human rights agencies",[]]]},{"sp":[["Awareness raising",[]]]},{},{"de":[["Policy types include training, complaints mechanisms and targeted information programmes, which seek to mitigate the power disadvantages experienced by people with disabilities, by changing the behaviour and attitudes of people without disabilities.",[]]],"rt":[["Personal-level policies",[]],["government-level policies",[]]],"ex":[["schools",[]],["workplaces",[]]]},{},{"de":[["They involve the following elements, often in combination: information, education, training, positive portrayal of people with disabilities, and supported opportunities for contact between people with and without disabilities.",[]]],"rt":[["organizational-level policies",[]],["government-level policies",[]]],"sb":[["awareness raising (through information and training)",[]],["social contact programmes",[]],["positive portrayal of people with disabilities in the media and the arts",[]]]},{"de":[["The approach is based on the social cognitive theory of mass communication (Bandura 1986(Bandura , 2002)), which provides a conceptual framework for understanding how media influences people's thoughts and behaviours.",[]]],"sp":[["Personal-level policies",[]]]},{"de":[["This requires respect and non-discrimination on a personal level.",["Fraser 1999"]]],"rt":[["distributional inclusion",[]]],"sp":[["Social inclusion",[]]]},{},{"sp":[["Personal-level policies",[]]]},{"sb":[["Relational inclusion",[]],["distributional inclusion",[]]]},{},{"de":[["This specific type of populist media content thus entails the disdain of elites, such as politicians or experts, who are perceived as a less credible and reliable source than the common people.",[]],["media content that circumvents elites",[]],["entails the disdain of elites, such as politicians or experts, who are perceived as a less credible and reliable source than the common people.",[]]],"rt":[["media populism",[]]],"sp":[["media populism",[]]]},{"de":[["People who interpret reality from this dimension construct the other vertically as the corrupt political elites who have betrayed the people's will",["Ruzza & Fella, 2011"]],["People who interpret reality from this dimension construct the other vertically as the corrupt political elites who have betrayed the people's will (Ruzza & Fella, 2011).",["Ruzza & Fella, 2011"]]],"sp":[["populist attitudes",[]]]},{},{"de":[["the opinions and experiences of ordinary citizens are the focal point of media coverage.",[]]],"sy":[["people centrality",[]]]},{"de":[["These others are constructed as undesired segments of the people, such as immigrants, people THE APPEAL OF MEDIA POPULISM with different religions, traditions or cultural values, or people who unfairly profit from the welfare state",["Derks, 2006","Oesch, 2008"]],["The exclusionist dimension thus taps into the in-group threat that people experience from within their nation: Others who do not belong to the heartland pollute the in-group's imagined community",[]],["Populist ideas that emphasize the opposition of the ordinary, native people to cultural minorities or immigrants can be regarded as exclusionist.",[]]],"rt":[["in-group threat",[]]],"sp":[["populist attitudes",[]]],"ex":[["undesired segments of the people, such as immigrants, people THE APPEAL OF MEDIA POPULISM with different religions, traditions or cultural values, or people who unfairly profit from the welfare state",[]]]},{"sp":[["populist attitudes",[]]]},{"ex":[["Nieuwsuur",[]]]},{"de":[["journalists using this form of media populism provide a central stage for the common \"national\" citizen.",[]],["media content that provides a stage for the monocultural in-group of the native citizens while devoting less attention to societal out-groups, such as immigrants",[]]],"rt":[["exclusionist populist communication",["Jagers & Walgrave, 2007"]],["media populism",[]]],"sp":[["media populism",[]]]},{"de":[["In this definition, the opinions and experiences of ordinary citizens are the focal point of media coverage.",[]],["the opinions and experiences of ordinary citizens are the focal point of media coverage.",[]]],"sy":[["empty media populism",[]]]},{"de":[["media content that provides a stage for the ordinary people",[]]],"sp":[["media populism",[]]]},{},{},{"de":[["By using this frame, journalists can define others both vertically as the corrupt elites and horizontally as the culprit societal out-groups",[]]]},{},{"ex":[["Hart van Nederland",[]]]},{"sy":[["pseudo-environment",["Lippmann, 1922"]]]},{},{},{"de":[["The premise of this theory is that (perceived) immigrant presence and the size of this immigrant community gives rise to threat perceptions, making it likely that future intergroup interactions between various groups in society will be largely conflictual in nature (Blumer, 1958;Key, 1949;LeVine & Campbell, 1972).",["Blumer, 1958","Key, 1949","LeVine & Campbell, 1972"]],["More specifically, this theory refers to (perceived) materialistic threats to in-groups' welfare and well-being due to an out-group's presence or actions (Bobo, 1983;Stephan, Ybarra, & Rios Morrison, 2015).",["Bobo, 1983","Stephan, Ybarra, & Rios Morrison, 2015"]],["More specifically, this theory refers to (perceived) materialistic threats to in-groups' welfare and well-being due to an out-group's presence or actions",["Bobo, 1983;Stephan, Ybarra, & Rios Morrison, 2015","Bobo, 1983","Stephan, Ybarra, & Rios Morrison, 2015"]]],"rt":[["immigration news",[]]]},{},{},{},{},{},{},{"de":[["dehumanization of migrant groups in media coverage",[]],["it may lead to justifications of their exclusion, mistreatment, and even support for deportation",[]]]},{"de":[["respondents may perceive the pressure of social norms, and thus, control their openly expressed judgements.",[]]],"rt":[["implicit attitudes",[]]]},{"de":[["individuals may still be susceptible to implicit attitudinal effects, and implicit attitudes have been shown to predict outcomes and behaviors beyond and above explicit attitudes",["Hefner, Rothmund, Klimmt, & Gollwitzer, 2011"]]],"rt":[["explicit attitudes",[]]]},{"de":[["proposed to transfer the personal contact hypothesis to media influences",["Schiappa, Gregg, & Hewes, 2005"]]],"rt":[["personal contact hypothesis",[]]]},{},{"de":[["lying accusations, and incivility have become prominent aspects of contemporary political discourse in many European countries.",[]],["incivility in political discourses may prompt emotions",["Chen, 2017","Phillips & Smith, 2004","Rösner et al., 2016"]],["By violating social norms (Van Kleef et al., 2015), incivility has been shown to generate negative affective responses (Mutz, 2015) and feelings of anger (Gervais, 2019).",["Van Kleef et al., 2015","Mutz, 2015","Gervais, 2019"]],["it can also lead to positive emotions such as enthusiasm",["Kosmidis & Theocharis, 2020"]]],"ex":[["invectives, name-calling, ad hominem attacks, mockery, or insults",["Brooks & Geer, 2007","Coe et al., 2014","Kenski et al., 2020","Mutz, 2015","Rossini, 2022","Stryker et al., 2016"]],["a jerk",[]],["stupid commercial",[]],["do-gooders",[]],["parasites",[]],["crazy attacks",[]],["invectives",[]],["name-calling",[]],["ad hominem attacks",[]],["mockery",[]],["insults",[]]]},{},{},{},{"de":[["can influence how users see and interact with political content",["Klinger & Svensson, 2018"]]]}]