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are developed, changed, challenged and |
identities |
defended over time, in interaction with our |
social environment; alter-ascribed identi- |
ties reflected onto us may confirm or coun- |
ter our self-recognized ones. As we need |
positive rather than negative identities, |
we try to reach an agreement with at least |
significant others and groups on who and |
what we are. This poses special challenges |
for minority groups, whose self-recognized |
social identities may not be heard, and the |
alter-ascribed ones be tainted with preju- |
dice (Liebkind 1992; 2006). For example, |
the self-recognized Jewish identity of Soviet |
Jewry was countered when in the pre-1967 |
period they began to develop what would |
become a Jewish national movement, |
where Jewish identity included both iden- |
tification with Israel and the pre-existing |
conception of all Jews as a people across |
national borders: According to Gjerde |
(2018), this “went far beyond the limits of |
what Soviet authorities considered accept- |
able Jewish identity” (Gjerde 2018, 280). |
When not conforming to approved Soviet |
Jewish identities, therefore, Jews who sub- |
scribed to national Jewish identities and |
supported Zionism were considered part of |
a vast anti-Soviet conspiracy (Gjerde 2018, |
291). |
On defining and identifying antisemitism |
While the goal of this article is not to define |
antisemitism, it is necessary to briefly |
reflect on the debate surrounding its defini- |
tion. As Czimbalmos and Pataricza (2024) |
Approaching Religion * Vol. 16, No.1 * March 2026 |
summarize, like other forms of discrimi- |
nation, antisemitism includes both easily |
recognizable and more subtle expressions |
(Czimbalmos and Pataricza 2024, 15). To |
cover these, several definitions of antisem- |
itism (e.g. the Jerusalem Declaration, the |
Nexus Document) have been proposed. |
Perhaps the most well-known and widely |
recognized is that of the International |
Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) |
from 2016. The IHRA definition serves as |
a guideline and is recommended by the |
European Commission in its 2022 conclu- |
sions on combating racism and antisem- |
itism, as well as in its 2018 declaration on |
countering antisemitism. Nevertheless, it |
is often regarded insufficient for scientific |
analysis (Czimbalmos and Pataricza 2024, |
15-16) and criticized for not providing an |
unchanging essence for all cases of anti- |
semitism. However, the philosopher Eve |
Garrard (2020) maintains that this is irrel- |
evant; there are too many other concepts in |
the same boat for this complaint to count. |
Another putatively moral objection is the |
claim that it represents an attack on the |
freedom of speech of critics of Israel. But |
this is simply not true, as it is full of con- |
ditional verbs: something “may’, “could” or |
“might” be antisemitic, but need not be. The |
only view which this definition threatens is |
that criticism of Israel can never, in any cir- |
cumstances, be antisemitic. Although this |
is not even remotely plausible, some crit- |
ics of the IHRA definition seem to find it |
attractive (Garrard 2020). |
Often used in research is Helen Fein’s |
definition of antisemitism as: |
a persisting latent structure of hos- |
tile beliefs towards Jews as a collective |
manifested in individuals as attitudes, |
59 |
========== PAGE 5 ========== |
and in culture as myth, ideology, folk- |
lore and imagery, and in actions— |
social or legal discrimination, politi- |
cal mobilization against the Jews, and |
collective or state violence—which |
results in and/or is designed to dis- |
tance, displace, or destroy Jews as |
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