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"domain": "Human_behavior",
"title": "Affect_infusion_model",
"doc": "The Affect infusion model (AIM) is a theoretical model in the field of human psychology. Developed by social psychologist Joseph Paul Forgas in the early 1990s, it attempts to explain how affect impacts one's ability to process information. A key assertion of the AIM is that the effects of affect tend to be exacerbated in complex situations that demand substantial cognitive processing. In simpler words, as situations become more complicated and unanticipated, mood becomes more influential in driving evaluations and responses.\nForgas defined the term affect infusion as \"the process whereby affectively loaded information exerts an influence on and becomes incorporated into the judgmental process, entering into the judge's deliberations and eventually coloring the judgmental outcome\". In other words, a process that determines the degree to which mood can affect our judgement. According to the AIM, affect (mood and emotion) exerts a notable influence not only on information processing but on the resulting response behaviors as well. For example, if a person receives an inordinately large electric bill, they will respond differently if they have had a relaxing and stress-free day than they will if they have just been stuck in traffic for two hours. Under this latter circumstance, the person will experience high levels of affect infusion, as their agitated state will be made worse upon seeing the electric bill. An assumption of the AIM is that this effect will generally occur more strongly as the complexity of a situation increases. Highly complex situations can exhibit a number of qualities, such as the amount of effort needed to process the information, whether the situation is familiar or entirely new and how severely the situation affects the person. Some common activities that tend to produce high affect infusion include: choosing whether or not to drink or take drugs, selecting or getting to know a new partner, explaining a conflict or allocating rewards to a group.\nAccording to Forgas, the varying levels of affect infusion can be seen as a continuum, with four alternative processing strategies as markers along that continuum. These strategies represent the different degrees of severity in which mood exerts its influence. In identifying these strategies, two important differentiating factors are considered: the information search strategies used to perform a task (open or restricted)\nthe extent of the information considered in constructing a response.\nSeveral factors related to the judgment target, context, and judger influence which processing strategy is selected.\nFamiliarity - Familiar targets are more likely to elicit either direct access or motivated processing.\nImportance - Unimportant judgments are more likely to encourage direct access processing or motivated processing when a specific motive exists.\nAtypical - If a target is complex or unusual it is more likely to trigger substantive processing, otherwise heuristic processing may be used.\nCognitive capacity - If the individual has cognitive capacity substantive processing may be more likely.\nAffective state - Positive affect is more closely linked to heuristic processing, while negative affect is more closely associated with substantive processing.\nMotivation for accuracy - An individual who is motivated to be accurate will be more likely to use substantive processing.\nThe least intensive of the four, direct access processing, involves reproducing a stored reaction, that is, repeating a response that has been given before to a similar situation. According to the AIM, the influence of mood on cognition will be least severe during this type of processing.Motivated processing usually involves specific and targeted search strategies with a direct informational goal in mind. This strategy also involves little influence from mood, as the individual in question will have a fairly clear idea of what information he or she needs (although it is higher on the continuum than direct access processing).Heuristic processing assumes that affective processing, or emotional processing, occurs outside our awareness, with people simply making sense of their emotional reactions as they happen. Thus, affective experience provides people with information about themselves, including their tendencies and implicit judgments. This process is also known as the \"affect-as-information\" mechanism.Also called systematic processing, this strategy involves the most elaborate cognitive processing and appears highest on the continuum, as it is the most powerfully affected by mood. The reason substantive processing is most apt to be infused by affect is because mood can affect each stage in the cognition process: attention, encoding, retrieval, and association.Attention : To grapple with the amount of information that elicits substantive processing, people are likely to only focus on a subset of the entire information available. Mood-congruent information is more likely to be attended to than mood-incongruent information.\nEncoding : People spend more time encoding mood-congruent into a richer network of representations than mood incongruent information.\nRetrieval - Mood-congruent information is more likely to be retrieved from memory than other details.\nAssociation : Constructive social judgments require the interpretation of complex information. Affect can prime certain associations that influence subsequent interpretation.\nTaken as a whole, Forgas has identified two overarching conditions under which mood is most likely to affect information processing: \nsituations that require cognition about difficult, peripheral subjects\nsituations that require judgment of obscure, atypical subjects.\nBecause mood itself is relatively complex, being the sum of many smaller emotional experiences with no single cause, pinpointing its real-world influence is no easy task. But scholars have used the AIM to examine a number of social phenomena with a variety of results. One area of research involving the AIM concerns the model's role in understanding an individual's propensity for risk taking. Since risky behavior can trigger a complex and varied set of emotional responses (elation, fear, acceptance, etc.), a person's mood might be expected to play a substantial and unpredictable role in any choice to take heavy risks. If a person is in a good mood, he or she might be more likely to appraise the risk positively and be willing to accept any consequences in advance. But even if they are in a bad mood, they could be more likely to rebel against their cultural norms and take the risk anyway.This relationship has been examined in a particular experiment by attempting to manipulate a person's mood in order to produce infusion responses. The hypothesis is that the \"risk taking tendency is greater for those individuals who are in a happy mood than for those who are in a sad mood\". Participants in this experiment were exposed to one of three priming movies (happy, sad, or neutral) and then measured on a risk-taking scale. The researchers divided the sample into two units of separation, one being age (old and young) and the other being mood valence (happy, neutral and sad). Not only did their data confirm their hypothesis for both younger and older participants, but it also confirmed the AIM as a legitimate instrument for studying the complexities of mood.\nAnother study examined how the AIM relates to a specific type of risk behavior: gambling. It investigated how mood affects an individual's sustained inclination to gamble, especially among non-regular gamblers. The researchers separated regular and non-regular gamblers and measured how their moods affected their experiences on the gaming floor. Specifically, they expected non-regular gamblers in a good mood to be more persistent than non-regular gamblers in a bad mood. This is because gambling, when it is a new and unfamiliar experience, complete with the bright lights and colors that are a feature of the average casino, requires a great deal of information processing, making it especially unattractive to someone in a bad mood. Their research confirmed this notion, but in addition, it was used to positively identify depression as a causal factor of addictive gambling, when the casino has become a familiar environment.\nIn striving for a deeper understanding of the AIM, scholars have examined different types of behavior that can be expected when affect (mood and emotion) strongly influences information processing. This is by no means an exact science, as the behavioral consequences of affect are usually indirect and varied, but they have been able to show that \"affective states have a subtle and cognitively mediated influence on the ways people perform or inhibit complex strategic behaviors\" (p. 206). In other words, emotion influences thinking and behavior in subtle ways. A person in a strongly positive mood may be more confident and use more direct interpersonal behaviors than they would if they were in a bad mood. They may feel 'untouchable' due to the many good things that have happened to them and approach complex situations with an increased level of assurance. As the research has shown, this effect becomes greater as a situation becomes more complex.In this sense, the AIM is a potential instrument for propaganda campaigns that promote a link between positive affect and desired behavior. For example, many failed attempts to dissuade adolescents from smoking have involved morbid and gloomy advertisements that only serve to depress their viewers. According to the AIM, messages that establish a comfortable atmosphere and focus not on the consequences of smoking but on the benefits of not smoking would probably be more successful.\nAlong with a clearer understanding of the effect of mood on a person's information processing, the AIM also provides a guide by which researchers can design experiments to investigate the effect of sending persuasive messages to subjects. One important area of research involves the concept of 'mood congruence', or how the results of mood compare to the mood itself. It has been found that 'mood congruence' occurs when a person exhibits a positive relationship between his or her mood and a dependent variable; essentially, as the strength of the mood increases or decreases, so the performance measured by this variable increases or decreases correspondingly. Conversely, 'mood incongruence' occurs when a person exhibits a negative relationship between mood and the dependent variable; thus, as mood increases, performance decreases and vice versa.This distinction has been used to study the relationship between moods and personal goals. For those who are mood congruent, mood generally has a positive relationship with goal motivation, which presents a major opportunity to designers of public health information. According to this line of thought, establishing a positive mood state within the emotional feel of a message and then psychologically connecting that state to the desired behavior would be critical to the message's efficacy.\nThe AIM has also provided useful insights to other fields. In consumer research, the AIM has helped to explain how males and females differ in their processing of advertising under happy and sad mood states.\n",
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{
"domain": "Human_behavior",
"title": "Behavioral_change_support_system",
"doc": "A Behavioral Change Support System (BCSS) is any information and communications technology (ICT) tool, web platform, or gamified environment which targets behavioral changes in its end-users. BCSS are built upon persuasive systems design techniques.\nThe design of these systems and their contents are based on behavioral change theories and models for behavioral change over time. The theory of planned behavior describes the relationship between attitudes, intentions, and the desired behavior. It is considered to be one of the most influential determinant models.A supporting model is the Fogg Behaviour Model (FBM), which states that a user must be motivated first before having the ability to perform the change in their behavior, which is triggered by either intrinsic or extrinsic factors (The term \"trigger\" was changed by the author in late 2017 and the term \"prompt\" is now being used). BCSS makes use of extrinsic (perceptual) prompts like alarms, messages with offers or calls to action, ads, requests, and more.\nOther theories that aid in the design and mechanisms behind a BCSS include the social learning theory (SLT), which studies the interactions between a user and the environment, and the theory of planned behavior (initiated as the theory of reasoned action).\nApplications of BCSS may include game and training elements in several market domains which can range from Health and Education and Quality of Life (QoL), to professional development and workability. Virtually any concept designed to cause a shift in a person's behavior can be considered a BCSS, even if this change is not directly observed by the users. When users are aware of this intention and choose to work within the system, the chances of favorable results from this system increase. This effect is attributed to metacognition, as most BCSS systems implement metacognitive strategies for goal attainment. These strategies help users understand the cause of their resistance to adopting the desired behavior. It requires that they monitor themselves whenever the targeted behavior can be observed to understand their progress towards the desired behavior, and record evidence (usually objective but also subjective measurements) of their behavioral changes.There can be a positive impact on people who have difficulties in changing their behavior by considering behaviors and the distance to the desired behavior. This can be achieved by helping them develop a personalized plan for reaching the targeted behavior and learning the ways to achieve their personal goals. In most cases, the general objective can be split into more than one objective or step, before the desired behavior is adopted by the users and becomes a routine. The positive feedback introduces self-management in BCSS applications since it is particularly helpful for people to take responsibility for their own actions and do things to the best of their ability. BCSS is very often equipped with additional features like game elements to foster user engagement leading to serious game applications. Moreover, they implement machine learning techniques to predict the future behavior of users based on their past performance. The evidence of the achieved change in behavior, as well as important notifications during self-evaluation, are communicated with visual analytics tools such as performance graphs. Additional tools frequently found in BCSS include checklists and questionnaires to collect users' feedback, hardware sensing components like the Internet of things (IoT) devices (e.g., cameras), and social collaboration to help the members of a user community to support each other. Occasionally, some BCSS allow professionals (trainers, educators, medical personnel and social professionals) to participate in the BCSS activities. This can be done by giving advice and support and also by making decisions and alterations to the treatment plan according to the observed performance and the personal needs of the targeted users.\nMost BCSSes work on a single profile (targeted user), while some can monitor and report progress made by a group of people. There are BCSS applications purely made using software, while others include hardware components like sensors and IoT devices to introduce physical computing in a hybrid physical-digital approach. The devices used to access a BCSS are usually internet-connected mobile devices like smartphones, tablets, or smartwatches. The success in this category of BCSS applications lies in monitoring and notifying the users constantly in regards to daily activities. On the other hand, there are BCSSes which are less intrusive and rely on less frequent access to the system. Another way to distinguish BCSSes is by the knowledge domain they refer to. Theoretically, a BCSS can be built in any knowledge domain.Examples of BCSS applied in eHealth domains include CAREGIVERSPRO-MMD, which is a community-based intervention to support people living with dementia and their caregivers using game elements to engage users in non-pharmacological interventions; iLift, which trains nurses in lifting and transfer techniques to prevent lower-back injuries, and We4Fit which is more like a game environment. A more extensive review of health BCSS can be found on the work of Alahäivälä & Oinas-Kukkonen (2016) and Bridle et al. (2005).As Arlinghaus and Johnston implied, “Although not sufficient, education is a necessary component for behaviour change” (2018). BCSSes are used in education less for imparting knowledge and testing knowledge gained, and more for teaching a difficult subject like \"responsible sexual behaviour\" in middle-school students, or for changing attitudes and beliefs about a topic of interest.Adopting new behavioral patterns is difficult and people are not motivated to change their behavior if they do not recognize the blocking issue. Gamification is used to help recognition by providing rewards, competition, and motivational cues of a BCSS. Prochaska et al. (2007) proposed a six-stage behavioral change model (pre-contemplation, contemplation, preparation, action, maintenance, and termination) which can be applied in educational uses of a BCSS, as it appears in an ideal environment for making the first step (contemplation) after a long period of resistance (pre-contemplation). BCSSes affect the physical world and help people experiment with an alternative behavioral pattern without thinking of possible coincidences (such as social exposure). The virtual activities performed in a BCSS help in the next step (preparation) where the user makes a transition from a passive to an active state in a safe environment. The user-monitoring and reward system of a BCSS helps users complete the rest of the stages of the behavior change (action, maintenance, and termination) and avoid regression to the previous unwanted behavior. Schmied (2017) proposes a similar seven-step process: the Designing for Behaviour Change (DBC) framework. Overall, a positive behavioral change in education settings is facilitated by technology through digital intervention strategies, where a teacher or educator makes adjustments to personalize the interventions to the student's profiles and performance. Although ICT tools may not be necessary to change behavior in schools, when used in the form of serious game-assisted learning, they can provide a more in-depth perception of important concepts in a field of study despite some disadvantages.\nBCSS has been applied in other knowledge and study areas, including workers' behaviour, consumers' brand-loyalty, and CO2 footprints and energy consumption. Examples include applications designed to raise water-saving awareness, apps used by drivers to reduce fuel consumption by adopting an eco-friendly driving style, and educational games for simulating energy consumption in domestic environments like in Casals et al. (2017). A systematic review of the application of game elements to behavioural change in domestic energy consumption can be found in Johnson et al. (2017) An example from the Industry 4.0 domain is SATISFACTORY, which proposes a gamified social collaboration platform that is integrated into the shop-floor of industries to improve productivity, safety and workers' engagement. In the marketing context, behavioural change techniques do not aim to change the way people think, but how they consume products and services. In politics, behavioural change interventions are delivered in the form of mass-media campaigns on existing social media platforms rather than standalone applications.Overall, there is a continually growing number of domains in which ICT tools are introduced as tools to implement and deliver behavioral change campaigns in a systematic way. Some researchers refer to persuasive technology to identify the computer-mediated communication between humans or human-computer interaction technologies used to deliver persuasive evidence. A BCSS should be treated as a more complex ICT-based construct which may use persuasive technologies, but also supports the full life-cycle of behavioral change interventions (from authoring to publishing), implements various campaigns to achieve its goals, and is adaptive to specific user profiles.\nBehavior Change Support Systems have been criticized for a lack of grounding in independent behavioral theory, as well as the lack of industry standards to measure performance or effect. Another source of criticism refers to the dominant behavioral change models as products of the theory of planned behavior. According to some researchers (Kollmus & Agyeman, 2002), there is a gap between attitude and intention, and target behavior. Thus, it is difficult to find a widely accepted model that can take all relevant behavioral parameters into account. Additionally, even if BCSSes help to effect a change in a targeted user's behavior, the user usually fails to maintain the target behavior. This could be the result of underestimating the long-term influence that environmental factors have on behavior.There is currently an open discussion on how intrusive a BCSS should be, but this appears to be dependent upon the physical and social context of the environment in which the BCSS is being used. As BCSS makes use of personal data coming from users' profiles and the user-monitoring system, the use of BCSSes in everyday life may be legally restricted.\n",
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"domain": "Human_behavior",
"title": "Binge_eating",
"doc": "Binge eating is a pattern of disordered eating which consists of episodes of uncontrollable eating. It is a common symptom of eating disorders such as binge eating disorder and bulimia nervosa. During such binges, a person rapidly consumes an excessive quantity of food. A diagnosis of binge eating is associated with feelings of loss of control. Binge eating disorder is also linked with being overweight and obesity.\nThe DSM-5 includes a disorder diagnosis criterion for Binge Eating Disorder (BED). It is as follows:Recurrent and persistent episodes of binge eating\nBinge eating episodes are associated with three (or more) of the following:\nEating much more rapidly than normal\nEating until feeling uncomfortably full\nEating large amounts of food when not physically hungry\nEating alone because of being embarrassed by how much one is eating\nFeeling disgusted with oneself, depressed, or very guilty after overeating\nMarked distress regarding binge eating\nAbsence of regular compensatory behaviors (such as purging)\nTypical warning signs of binge eating disorder include the disappearance of a large quantity of food in a relatively short period of time. A person who may be experiencing binge eating disorder may appear to be uncomfortable when eating around others or in public. A person may develop new and extreme eating patterns that they have never done before. These might include diets that cut out certain food groups completely such as a no dairy or no carb diet. Binge eating can begin after a first attempt at dieting. They might also steal or hoard food in unusual places. A person may be experiencing fluctuations in their weight. In addition, they may have feelings of disgust, depression, or guilt about overeating. Another possible warning sign of binge eating is that a person may be obsessed with their body image or weight.Furthermore, patients who binge eat may also engage in other self-destructing behaviours like suicide attempts, drug use, shop-lifting, and drinking too much alcohol. The onset of binge eating without dieting is linked to a higher risk of mental health issues and a younger age of onset. BED patients can experience comorbid psychiatric instability.\nThere are no direct causes of binge eating; however, long-term dieting, psychological issues and an obsession with body image have been linked to binge eating. There are multiple factors that increase a person's risk of developing binge eating disorder. Family history could play a role if that person had a family member who was affected by binge eating. Said person may not have a supportive or friendly home environment, and they have a hard time expressing their problems with BED. Having a history of going on extreme diets may cause an urge to binge eat. Psychological issues such as feeling negatively about oneself or the way they look may trigger a binge.Weight stigma has also been found to predict binge eating, highlighting the importance of weight inclusive approaches to binge eating disorder that do not exercerbate this potential cause.\nThere are several physical, emotional, and social health risks when associated with binge eating disorder. These risks include depression, anxiety, and heart disease.One study found that people with obesity who experience binge eating have a higher body mass index, and higher levels of depression and stress than those who did not have with binge eating disorder Exposure to two major categories of risk factors—those that raise the risk for obesity and those that raise the risk for psychiatric disorders in general—can be associated with binge eating disorder.\nTypically, the eating is done rapidly, and a person will feel emotionally numb and unable to stop eating. Most people who have eating binges try to hide this behavior from others, and often feel ashamed about being overweight or depressed about their overeating. Although people who do not have any eating disorder may occasionally experience episodes of overeating, frequent binge eating is often a symptom of an eating disorder.BED is characterized by uncontrollable, excessive eating, followed by feelings of shame and guilt. Unlike those with bulimia, those with BED symptoms typically do not purge their food, fast, or excessively exercise to compensate for binges. Additionally, these individuals tend to diet more often, enroll in weight-control programs and have a history of family obesity. However, many who have bulimia also have binge-eating disorder.\nAlong with the social and physical health that is affected when suffering from BED, there are psychiatric disorders that are often linked to BED. Some of them being but are not limited to: \ndepression, bipolar disorder, anxiety disorder, substance abuse/use disorder.\nCurrent treatments for binge eating disorder mainly consist of psychological therapies, such as Cognitive Behavioural Therapy (CBT), Interpersonal Psychotherapy (IPT), and Dialectical Behavioural Therapy (DBT). A study conducted on the long term efficacy of psychological treatments for binge eating showed that both cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) and group interpersonal psychotherapy (IPT) effectively treat binge eating disorder, with 64.4% of patients completely recovering from binge eating.Lisdexamfetamine dimesylate, also known as Vyvanse, is the only medication approved by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) for the treatment of moderate-to-severe binge eating disorder in adults as of 2024. However, some studies have called into question its effectiveness for this indication.\nThe American Psychiatric Association mentioned and listed binge eating under the listed criteria and features of bulimia in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) - 3 in 1987. By including binge eating in the DSM-3, even if not on its own as a separate eating disorder, they brought awareness to the disorder and gave it mental disorder legitimacy. This allowed for people to receive the appropriate treatment for binge eating and for their disorder to be legitimized.In January 2015, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) approved lisdexamfetamine dimesylate (Vyvanse), the first medication indicated for the treatment of moderate-to-severe binge eating disorder.Men with binge eating often face unique barriers to seeking treatment due to socio-cultural expectations surrounding masculinity. After men compare their bodies to the culturally constructed masculine ideals, they often develop heightened concerns about their own body image and internalize the belief that their bodies should be muscular, lean, and strong, developing unhealthy behaviors like binge eating or using fad diets. Many men hesitate to reach out for help out of fear of appearing weak, 'less like a man' or even homosexual. The pervasive stereotype that eating disorders primarily affect women has contributed to feelings of shame and isolation among men who are affected by these disorders. This gender-based stigma surrounding eating disorders and strongly feminine branding of eating disorder treatment centers create a significant barrier to men's willingness to reach out for support. Men are more likely to partake in compulsive or excessive exercising as a compensation to highly calorific diets, leading to body dysmorphia.",
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"title": "Creative_consumer",
"doc": "A creative consumer is defined as any \"individual or group who adapt, modify, or transform a proprietary offering\". Traditional consumers simply use and consume products and services, creative consumers do the same but also change them in some way.\nExamples include:\nThe hacker George Hotz unlocked the original iPhone and hacked Sony's PlayStation 3, then gave away these hacks for free.\nJose Avila made FedEx furniture for his apartment exclusively from Federal Express boxes.\nJim Hill, a devoted Disney fan, designed and delivered guided but unauthorized tours of Disneyland.\nIn 2005, The Economist published an article about the future of innovation, ‘The rise of the creative consumer’. This article explained that some companies rely on identifying and leveraging the innovation potential of creative consumers. However, many companies may feel threatened or upset by the actions of creative consumers. Hotz, Avila, and Hill all received negative, and in some cases threatening, reactions from the companies whose products and services they had repurposed.\nBerthon, et al., proposed that companies can take four general stances on creative consumers. These stances are determined by whether the company's actions toward these creative consumers are active or passive and whether the company's attitude towards creative consumers is either positive or negative.\n",
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"domain": "Human_behavior",
"title": "Crowd_collapses_and_crushes",
"doc": "Crowd collapses and crowd crushes are catastrophic incidents that can occur when a body of people becomes dangerously overcrowded. When numbers are up to about five people per square meter, the environment may feel cramped but manageable; when numbers reach between eight and ten people per square meter, individuals become pressed against each other and may be swept along against their will by the motion of the crowd. Under these conditions, the crowd may undergo a progressive collapse where the pressure pushes people off their feet, resulting in people being trampled or crushed by the weight of other people falling on top of them. At even higher densities, the pressure on each individual can cause them to be crushed or asphyxiated while still upright.\nSuch incidents are invariably the product of organizational failures, and most major crowd disasters could have been prevented by simple crowd management strategies. Such incidents can occur at large gatherings such as sporting, commercial, social, and religious events. The critical factor is crowd density rather than crowd size.\nCrowd collapses and crushes are often reported incorrectly as human stampedes, which typically occur when a large group of people all try to get away from a perceived risk to life.\nOne study has calculated that there were 232 deaths and over 66,000 injuries in the ten years between 1992 and 2002 as a result of such incidents, but crowd scientists believe that such casualties are both vastly under-reported and increasing in frequency. One estimate is that only one in ten crowd injuries occurring in doorbuster sales are reported, while many, if not most, injuries at rock concerts go unreported.The average individual occupies an oval floorspace approximately 30 by 60 centimetres (1 by 2 ft)—0.2 square metres; 2 square feet—and at densities of 1 to 2 per square meter (or per 10 sq ft) individuals can move freely without contact. Even if people are moving quickly, at this density one can avoid obstacles, and the chance of a crowd-related incident is minimal. Even at three or four people per square meter, the risk is low; however, at densities of five per square meter, it becomes more difficult for individuals to move, and at higher densities of six to seven per square meter, individuals become pressed against each other and can be unable to move voluntarily. At this point a crowd can begin to behave like a fluid, with individuals moved about by the pressure of those around them, and shockwaves can pass through the crowd as pressures within the crowd change. This can be highly dangerous, although some people actively seek this experience, such as at rock concerts or football matches, where the excitement, camaraderie, and literally \"going with the flow\" is for some an essential part of the experience, and activities like dancing and moshing are common. The danger inherent in these conditions is that the crowd will collapse in on itself or become so densely packed that individuals are crushed and asphyxiated.A crowd collapse occurs when a crowd is so dense that each individual is touching others all around and is, to an extent, supported by those around. This can occur whether the crowd is moving or stationary. If a person then falls, the support to those around is lost, while the pressure from those further out remains, causing people to fall into the void. This process is then repeated, causing a bigger void, and will progress until the pressure eases; meanwhile, those who have fallen are at risk of being smothered by the weight of bodies on top or being trampled as the crowd is swept over them.An example of a progressive crowd collapse was the 2015 Mina stampede in Mecca, Saudi Arabia during the Hajj when over 2,400 people were reported to have died.\nAt even higher densities (approaching ten people per square metre (one per square foot)) a crowd can become so packed that people are crushed together to such an extent they can no longer breathe and are asphyxiated. Such crowd crushes can occur when a moving crowd is funneled into a smaller and smaller space, when it meets an obstacle (such as a dead end, or a locked door), or when an already densely packed crowd has an influx of people, causing a pressure wave toward those at the front of the crowd. In this situation those entering may be unaware of the effect on those in front and continue to press in.Examples of crushes are the Hillsborough disaster in Sheffield, South Yorkshire, England in 1989, the Love Parade disaster in Duisburg, North Rhine-Westphalia, Germany in 2010, the Astroworld Festival crowd crush in Houston, Texas, and the Itaewon Halloween crowd crush in Itaewon, Seoul, South Korea in 2022.\nThe term \"stampede\" is usually used in reference to animals that are fleeing a threat. Stampede events that involve humans are extremely rare and are unlikely to be fatal. According to Keith Still, professor of crowd science at Manchester Metropolitan University, \"If you look at the analysis, I've not seen any instances of the cause of mass fatalities being a stampede. People don't die because they panic. They panic because they are dying\". Paul Torrens, a professor at the Center for Geospatial Information Science at the University of Maryland, remarks that \"the idea of the hysterical mass is a myth\". Incidents involving crowds are often reported by media as the results of panic. However, the scientific literature has explained how panic is a myth which is used to mislead the attention of the public from the real causes of crowd incidents, such as a crowd crush.In crowd collapse and crush incidents the most common cause of death is asphyxiation, caused either by vertical stacking, as people fall on top of one another, or by horizontal stacking, where people are crushed together or against an unyielding barrier. Victims can also exhibit bone fractures caused by the pressure, or trampling injuries, when a crowd has swept over them where they have lain.It is believed that most major crowd disasters can be prevented by simple crowd management strategies. Crushes can be prevented by organization and traffic control, such as crowd barriers. On the other hand, barriers in some cases may funnel the crowd toward an already-packed area, such as in the Hillsborough disaster. Hence barriers can be a solution in preventing or a key factor in causing a crush. One problem is lack of feedback from people being crushed to the crowd pressing behind—feedback can instead be provided by police, organizers, or other observers, particularly raised observers, such as on platforms or horseback, who can survey the crowd and use loudspeakers to communicate and direct a crowd. In some cases it may be possible to take simple measures such as spreading movements out over time.A factor that may contribute to a crush is inexperienced security officers who assume that people's behaviour in a dense crowd is voluntary and dangerous, and start applying force or preventing people from moving in certain directions. In the 1989 Hillsborough disaster, some police and stewards were so concerned with what they saw as possible hooliganism that they took actions that actually made matters worse.\nThere is risk of a crush when crowd density exceeds about five people per square meter. For a person in a crowd a signal of danger, and a warning to get out of the crowd if possible, is the sensation of being touched on all four sides. A later, more serious, warning is when one feels shock waves travelling through the crowd, due to people at the back pushing forward against people at the front with nowhere to go. Keith Still of the Fire Safety Engineering Group, University of Greenwich, said \"Be aware of your surroundings. Look ahead. Listen to the crowd noise. If you start finding yourself in a crowd surge, wait for the surge to come, go with it, and move sideways. Keep moving with it and sideways, with it and sideways.\" Other recommendations include trying to remain upright, and keeping away from walls and other obstructions if possible.\nAfter the 1883 crush known as the Victoria Hall disaster in Sunderland, England, which killed 183 children, a law was passed in England which required all public entertainment venues to be equipped with doors that open outwards—for example, using crash bar latches that open when pushed. Crash bars are required by various building codes.\nFruin, John (January 2002) [First presented March 1993]. The Causes and Prevention of Crowd Disasters (PDF). First International Conference on Engineering for Crowd Safety (crowdsafe.com ed.). Archived (PDF) from the original on 30 April 2021.Pearl, Tracy Hresko (2015). \"Crowd Crush: How the Law Leaves American Crowds Unprotected\". Kentucky Law Journal. 104 (1). Article 4.\n",
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"domain": "Human_behavior",
"title": "Deviance_regulation_theory",
"doc": "Deviance regulation theory (DRT) posits that people choose to stray from social norms in socially attractive ways as well as avoiding socially unattractive behaviors that stray from social norms. These actions are all performed in an effort to preserve a constructive private and public self-image. DRT was proposed by Hart Blanton at the University of Albany in 2003 and has various applications in behavior change including alcohol interventions, inducing creativity, and other uses that are briefly mentioned below. Limitations to this theory have yet to be discovered but with future research Blanton and Christie are sure that boundaries are to be found.\nDeviance regulation theory (DRT) builds upon past research on causal attribution, self-representation, social comparison, person perception, and social prototypes. These areas of research focus on identity and actions separately. In DRT, deviance is defined strictly as a divergence from a norm, lacking any negative connotation that the term deviance commonly holds in psychology. Deviance regulation theory links actions and identities to explain and predict adherence to, and deviance from, normative action based on identity pursuit. This is a somewhat narrow scope because application is limited to situations where identity concerns are predominant.DRT relies on a dual-motivational system to explain the pursuit of identity within reference groups. On one side of the system, motivation comes from the avoidance of negative self-views. In a reference group where a behavior is required of its members, the members of the reference group will internalize the group mentality. If an individual were to deviate from the normative behavior, they would then develop negative self-views. So in order to protect their positive self-regard, individuals are motivated to avoid deviating from the normative behavior.\nOn the other side of the dual-motivational system, in a reference group where a behavior deviating from the norm is desirable but not required of its members, members of the group would regard the deviant act as an ideal. In this scenario, an individual is motivated to deviate from the norm because doing so will raise their esteem within the reference group and will elevate their level of positive self-regard.\nIn both schemes, deviance from or adherence to a normative act is guided by identity pursuit. In the first scheme behavior was guided by the preservation of positive identity through the avoidance of negative self-regard; and in the second scheme, behavior was guided by the pursuit of positive identity. Which motivation will guide behavior will depend on the context within reference groups and individual variance, although avoidance of negative identity seems to be a more pungent motivator. In the first example the negative self-views would come from ideas of social obligation. Not meeting the minimum requirements of the social obligation leads to feelings of exclusion which is why it can be a very powerful motivator. Positive identity pursuit gives motivation to exhibit what Blanton and Christie referred to as \"optional ideals\". Meeting minimums for social inclusion seems to be a more pressing influence over behavior than exhibiting ideal (but not required) behavior, especially when individual abilities and interests are taken into account.\nResearch by Hart Blanton has not found limitations because the experiments were conducted under circumstances that favored the current theory. Blanton and Christie expect boundary conditions to become evident through future research and may be found to exist in situations where the individual is resistant to change. If an individual makes a conscious effort to resist a reference group's perceived attempt to alter the individual's behavior, it seems plausible that DRT could backfire. The same way that people key off of behavior from ingroups, people also observe and avoid normative behavior displayed by people in outgroups. In this context DRT could play the opposite role as an individual would avoid the observed normative behavior.Differences in culture could potentially expose another boundary condition. A person's level of self-representation could be a limit of application. Future research could show whether cultural identity would influence the predictive power of deviance regulation theory. It seems intuitive to think that a person who holds a more collective identity (e.g. in eastern culture individuals base more of their identity off of the identity of the success and failure of their collective nation when compared with individuals from western culture) may be influenced differently by motivations relating to identity pursuit than someone who holds an individualistic view of identity.\nDeviance regulation theory is primarily used as an intervention meant to influence behavior through social norms. By framing a message about what behaviors are considered normal in either a positive or negative way, it is possible to influence individuals to either engage or abstain from those behaviors based on the desire to appear as an individual with positive qualities. There are several ways in which a deviance regulation intervention has been and can possibly be used:Among the uses of deviance regulation interventions, the regulation of alcohol use, especially among college students, is perhaps the most prevalent. Interventions involving conformity are particularly relevant in the case of college drinking due to the tendency of college students to overestimate the amount of alcohol consumed by their peers, as well as projection, or the tendency for individuals to view their peer's drinking habits as similar to their own, causing them to see their own alcohol use as normal. Furthermore, a deviance regulation intervention makes sense among this population due to college often being a time of identity development, and because many see drinking as an integral part of the college experience could serve as a behavior with which to establish an identity.One way deviance regulation interventions have been used to control alcohol consumption is by increasing the use of protective behavioral strategies. Protective behavioral strategies (PBS) are methods that an individual can employ in order to limit the consequences of alcohol use, and include limiting the number of drinks consumed in a session, moderating the manner of drinking, and serious harm reduction, such as having a designated driver. It was found that individuals who believed the use of PBS was high were most influenced by a negative message about those who do not use PBS and that individuals who believed PBS use was low were more influenced by a positive message about those who use PBS. However, this held true only for the manner of drinking strategy, and only influenced behavior when the subject believed in the message.\nDeviance regulation interventions have also been used to influence creativity. This was done by manipulating self guides, which are internalized evaluative standards developed through socialization. There are two types of self guides: ought self-guides, which are representative of attributes that are socially desirable and are performed out of a sense of obligation or social obligation or responsibility, and Ideal self guides, which represent attributes formed more from the individual's desires and personal ambitions. Both of these self-guides are associated with distinct motivational orientations. Ought self-guides, which focus on attributes typically taught through punishment, lead to a prevention-focus, or the avoidance of unwanted outcomes. Conversely, ideal self-guides, which are developed through praise and admiration, lead to a promotion-focus, or the desire to achieve positive outcomes.It has been generally observed that individuals high in promotion-focus are more likely to show flexible and creative thinking patterns. Therefore, researchers believed that situations that activate promotion-focus should result in greater creativity. It was found that those who put a high emphasis on social obligation had less desire to be creative, and therefore manipulation of the salience of ought self-guides inhibited creative output while manipulation of ideal self-guides increased creative output. Furthermore, priming of promotion-focus lead subjects led to more novel answers on a word association test. However, it is believed that these results came from an increase in creative expression, not creative ability, as the boost to creative output vanished among speeded trials.\nA deviance regulation intervention has been used in various other scenarios in order to encourage flu immunization, condom use, as well as prospectively for the discouragement of cigarette smoke.",
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"domain": "Human_behavior",
"title": "Discrete_trial_training",
"doc": "Discrete trial training (DTT) is a technique used by practitioners of applied behavior analysis (ABA) that was developed by Ivar Lovaas at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA). DTT uses mass instruction and reinforcers that create clear contingencies to shape new skills. Often employed as an early intensive behavioral intervention (EIBI) for up to 25:40 hours per week for children with autism, the technique relies on the use of prompts, modeling, and positive reinforcement strategies to facilitate the child's learning. It previously used aversives to punish unwanted behaviors. DTT has also been referred to as the \"Lovaas/UCLA model\", \"rapid motor imitation antecedent\", \"listener responding\", \"errorless learning\", and \"mass trials\".\nDiscrete trial training (DTT) is a process whereby an activity is divided into smaller distinct sub-tasks and each of these is repeated continuously until a person is proficient. The trainer rewards successful completion and uses errorless correction procedures if there is unsuccessful completion by the subject to condition them into mastering the process. When proficiency is gained in each sub-task, they are re-combined into the whole activity: in this way proficiency at complex activities can be taught. DTT is carried out in a one-on-one therapist to student ratio at the table. Intervention can start when a child is as young as two years old and can last from two to six years. Progression through goals of the program are determined individually and are not determined by which year the client has been in the program. The first year seeks to reduce self-stimulating/self-regulatory (\"stimming\") behavior (this includes (\"stimming\") in ways that pose no inherent harm), teach listener responding, eye contact, and rapid fine and gross motor imitation, as well as to establish playing with toys in what the therapist considers the \"correct\" way, and integrate the family into the treatment protocol. The second year teaches early expressive language and abstract linguistic skills. The third year strives to include the individual's community in the treatment to optimize \"mainstreaming\" by focusing on peer interaction, basic socializing skills, basic social rules, emotional expression and variation, in addition to observational learning and pre-academic skills, such as reading, writing, and arithmetic. Rarely is the technique implemented for the first time with adults.\nDTT is typically performed five to seven days a week with each session lasting from five to eight hours, totaling an average of 30:40 hours per week. Sessions are divided into trials with intermittent breaks, and the therapist is positioned directly across the table from the student receiving treatment. Each trial is composed of the therapist giving an instruction (i.e., \"Look at me\", \"Do this\", \"Point to\", etc.), in reference to an object, color, simple imitative gesture, etc., which is followed by a prompt (verbal, gestural, physical, etc.). The concept is centered on shaping the child to respond correctly to the instructions throughout the trials. Should the child fail to respond to an instruction, the therapist uses either a \"partial prompt\" (a simple nudge or touch on the hand or arm) or a \"full prompt\" to facilitate the child to successfully complete the task. Correct responses are reinforced with a reward, and the prompts are discontinued as the child begins to master each skill.\nThe intervention is often used in conjunction with the Picture Exchange Communication System (PECS) as it primes the child for an easy transition between treatment types. The PECS program serves as another common intervention technique used to conform individuals with autism. As many as 25% of autistic individuals have no functional speech. The program teaches spontaneous social communication through symbols or pictures by relying on ABA techniques. PECS operates on a similar premise to DTT in that it uses systematic chaining to teach the individual to pair the concept of expressive speech with an object. It is structured in a similar fashion to DTT, in that each session begins with a preferred reinforcer survey to ascertain what would most motivate the child and effectively facilitate learning.\nLimited research shows DTT to be effective in enhancing spoken language, academic and adaptive skills, as many studies are of low quality research design and there needs to be more larger sample sizes.A 1965 article in Life magazine entitled Screams, Slaps and Love has a lasting impact on public attitudes towards Lovaas's therapy. Giving little thought to how their work might be portrayed, Lovaas and parent advocate Bernie Rimland, M.D., were surprised when the magazine article appeared, since it focussed on text and selected images showing the use of aversives, including a close up of a child being slapped. Even after the use of aversives had been largely discontinued, the article continued to have an effect, galvanizing public concerns about behavior modification techniques.In April 2002 treatment cost in the U.S. was about US$4,200 per month ($50,000 annually) per child. The 20:40 hours per week intensity of the program, often conducted at home, may place additional stress on already challenged families.Discrete trial training is rooted in the hypothesis of Charles Ferster that autism was caused in part by a person's inability to react appropriately to \"social reinforcers\", such as praise or criticism. Lovaas's early work concentrated on showing that it was possible to strengthen autistic people's responses to these social reinforcers, but he found these improvements were not associated with any general improvement in overall behavior.In a 1987 paper, psychologists Frank Gresham and Donald MacMillan described a number of weaknesses in Lovass's research and judged that it would be better to call the evidence for his interventions \"promising\" rather than \"compelling\".\nLovaas's original technique used aversives such as striking, shouting, and electrical shocks to punish undesired behaviors. By 1979, Lovaas had abandoned the use of aversives, and in 2012 the use of electric shocks was described as being inconsistent with contemporary practice.\n",
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"title": "Fight-or-flight_response",
"doc": "The fight-or-flight or the fight-flight-freeze-or-fawn (also called hyperarousal or the acute stress response) is a physiological reaction that occurs in response to a perceived harmful event, attack, or threat to survival. It was first described by Walter Bradford Cannon in 1915. His theory states that animals react to threats with a general discharge of the sympathetic nervous system, preparing the animal for fighting or fleeing. More specifically, the adrenal medulla produces a hormonal cascade that results in the secretion of catecholamines, especially norepinephrine and epinephrine. The hormones estrogen, testosterone, and cortisol, as well as the neurotransmitters dopamine and serotonin, also affect how organisms react to stress. The hormone osteocalcin might also play a part.\nThis response is recognised as the first stage of the general adaptation syndrome that regulates stress responses among vertebrates and other organisms.\nOriginally understood as the \"fight-or-flight\" response in Cannon's research, the state of hyperarousal results in several responses beyond fighting or fleeing. This has led people to calling it the \"fight, flight, freeze\" response, \"fight-flight-freeze-fawn\" or \"fight-flight-faint-or-freeze\", among other variants. The wider array of responses, such as freezing, flop, faint, flee and fright, has led researchers to use more neutral or accommodating terminology such as \"hyperarousal\" or the \"acute stress response\".\nThe autonomic nervous system is a control system that acts largely unconsciously and regulates heart rate, digestion, respiratory rate, pupillary response, urination, and sexual arousal. This system is the primary mechanism in control of the fight-or-flight response and its role is mediated by two different components: the sympathetic nervous system and the parasympathetic nervous system.The sympathetic nervous system originates in the spinal cord and its main function is to activate the arousal responses that occur during the fight-or-flight response. The sympathetic nervous system transfers signals from the dorsal hypothalamus, which activates the heart, increases vascular resistance, and increases blood flow, especially to the muscle, heart, and brain tissues. It activates the adrenal medulla, releasing catecholamines that amplify the sympathetic response. Additionally, this component of the autonomic nervous system utilizes and activates the release of norepinephrine by the adrenal glands in the reaction.The parasympathetic nervous system originates in the sacral spinal cord and medulla, physically surrounding the sympathetic origin, and works in concert with the sympathetic nervous system. It is known as the calming portion of the autonomic nervous system. While the sympathetic nervous system is activated, the parasympathetic nervous system decreases its response. Efferent vagal fibers originating from the nucleus ambiguous fire in parallel to the respiratory system, decreasing the vagal cardiac parasympathetic tone. After the fight or flight response, the parasympathetic system's main function is to activate the \"rest and digest\" response and return the body to homeostasis. This system utilizes and activates the release of the neurotransmitter acetylcholine.The reaction begins in the amygdala, which triggers a neural response in the hypothalamus. The initial reaction is followed by activation of the pituitary gland and secretion of the hormone ACTH. The adrenal gland is activated almost simultaneously, via the sympathetic nervous system, and releases the hormone epinephrine. The release of chemical messengers results in the production of the hormone cortisol, which increases blood pressure, blood sugar, and suppresses the immune system.The initial response and subsequent reactions are triggered in an effort to create a boost of energy. This boost of energy is activated by epinephrine binding to liver cells and the subsequent production of glucose. Additionally, the circulation of cortisol functions to turn fatty acids into available energy, which prepares muscles throughout the body for response.\nCatecholamine hormones, such as adrenaline (epinephrine) or noradrenaline (norepinephrine), facilitate immediate physical reactions associated with a preparation for violent muscular action.\nThe physiological changes that occur during the fight or flight response are activated in order to give the body increased strength and speed in anticipation of fighting or running. Some of the specific physiological changes and their functions include:Increased blood flow to the muscles activated by diverting blood flow from other parts of the body to make taking quick action easier.\nIncreased blood pressure and heart rate enhance cardiac output in order to supply the body with more energy.\nIncreased blood sugar (glucose) and fats secreted by the liver to provide the body with extra fuel.\nIncreased respiration to supply the oxygen necessary to help burn the extra glucose.\nThe blood clotting function of the body speeds up in order to prevent excessive blood loss in the event of an injury sustained during the response.\nIncreased muscle tension in order to provide the body with extra speed and strength, which can result in trembling or shaking until the tension is released.\nThe pupils dilate to let in more light, allowing for better vision of the body's surroundings.\nIn the context of the fight or flight response, emotional regulation is used proactively to avoid threats of stress or to control the level of emotional arousal. Emotional socialization can develop someone's ability to successfully regulate their emotions. Faced with a perceived threat (in the context of a fight or flight situation) those raised with supportive parental behaviors are far more likely to easily self-regulate their emotions.During the reaction, the intensity of emotion that is brought on by the stimulus will also determine the nature and intensity of the behavioral response. In a experiment conducted by Clayton, Lang, Leshner and Quick (2019), they viewed the responses of 49 participants to antitobacco messages. Participants reacted in two orders of fashion after seeing the message with the individual smoker and their affects on those surrounding them. The first reaction was participants who had higher defense mechanisms, who decided to ignore the messages, while the other participants who had lower defense mechanisms, ended up arguing and becoming frustrated after viewing the antitobacco messages. Individuals with higher levels of emotional reactivity (Such as an anxiety disorder) may be prone to anxiety and aggression, which illustrates the implications of appropriate emotional reaction in the fight or flight response.The specific components of cognitions in the fight or flight response seem to be largely negative. These negative cognitions may be characterised by: attention to negative stimuli, the perception of ambiguous situations as negative, and the recurrence of recalling negative words. There also may be specific negative thoughts associated with emotions commonly seen in the reaction.Perceived control relates to an individual's thoughts about control over situations and events. Perceived control should be differentiated from actual control because an individual's beliefs about their abilities may not reflect their actual abilities. Therefore, overestimation or underestimation of perceived control can lead to anxiety and aggression.The social information processing model proposes a variety of factors that determine behavior in the context of social situations and preexisting thoughts. The attribution of hostility, especially in ambiguous situations, seems to be one of the most important cognitive factors associated with the fight or flight response because of its implications towards aggression.An evolutionary psychology explanation is that early animals had to react to threatening stimuli quickly and did not have time to psychologically and physically prepare themselves. The fight or flight response provided them with the mechanisms to rapidly respond to threats against survival.A typical example of the stress response is a grazing zebra. If the zebra sees a lion closing in for the kill, the stress response is activated as a means to escape its predator. The escape requires intense muscular effort, supported by all of the body's systems. The sympathetic nervous system's activation provides for these needs. A similar example involving fight is of a cat about to be attacked by a dog. The cat shows accelerated heartbeat, piloerection (hair standing on end), and pupil dilation, all signs of sympathetic arousal. Note that the zebra and cat still maintain homeostasis in all states.In July 1992, Behavioral Ecology published experimental research conducted by biologist Lee A. Dugatkin where guppies were sorted into \"bold\", \"ordinary\", and \"timid\" groups based upon their reactions when confronted by a smallmouth bass (i.e. inspecting the predator, hiding, or swimming away) after which the guppies were left in a tank with the bass. After 60 hours, 40 percent of the timid guppies and 15 percent of the ordinary guppies survived while none of the bold guppies did.\nAnimals respond to threats in many complex ways. Rats, for instance, try to escape when threatened but will fight when cornered. Some animals stand perfectly still so that predators will not see them. Many animals freeze or play dead when touched in the hope that the predator will lose interest.Other animals have alternative self-protection methods. Some species of cold-blooded animals change color swiftly to camouflage themselves. These responses are triggered by the sympathetic nervous system, but, in order to fit the model of fight or flight, the idea of flight must be broadened to include escaping capture either in a physical or sensory way. Thus, flight can be disappearing to another location or just disappearing in place, and fight and flight are often combined in a given situation.\nThe fight or flight actions also have polarity : the individual can either fight against or flee from something that is threatening, such as a hungry lion, or fight for or fly towards something that is needed, such as the safety of the shore from a raging river.\nA threat from another animal does not always result in immediate fight or flight. There may be a period of heightened awareness, during which each animal interprets behavioral signals from the other. Signs such as paling, piloerection, immobility, sounds, and body language communicate the status and intentions of each animal. There may be a sort of negotiation, after which fight or flight may ensue, but which might also result in playing, mating, or nothing at all. An example of this is kittens playing: each kitten shows the signs of sympathetic arousal, but they never inflict real damage.\nAcute stress response is a common issue in self-defense criminal cases. Expert opinions are usually required if the defender's fault becomes the focus of the case.",
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"title": "Oblique_Strategies",
"doc": "Oblique Strategies (subtitled Over One Hundred Worthwhile Dilemmas) is a card-based method for promoting creativity jointly created by musician/artist Brian Eno and multimedia artist Peter Schmidt, first published in 1975. Physically, it takes the form of a deck of 7-by-9-centimetre (2.8 in × 3.5 in) printed cards in a black box. Each card offers a challenging constraint intended to help artists (particularly musicians) break creative blocks by encouraging lateral thinking.\nIn 1970, Peter Schmidt created \"The Thoughts Behind the Thoughts\", a box containing 55 sentences letterpress printed onto disused prints that accumulated in his studio, which is still in Eno's possession. Eno, who had known Schmidt since the late 1960s, had been pursuing a similar project himself, which he had handwritten onto a number of bamboo cards and given the name \"Oblique Strategies\" in 1974. There was a significant overlap between the two projects, and so, in late 1974, Schmidt and Eno combined them into a single pack of cards and offered them for general sale. The set went through three limited edition printings before Schmidt suddenly died in early 1980, after which the card decks became rather rare and expensive. Sixteen years later software pioneer Peter Norton convinced Eno to let him create a fourth edition as Christmas gifts for his friends (not for sale, although they occasionally come up at auction). Eno's decision to revisit the cards and his collaboration with Norton in revising them is described in detail in his 1996 book A Year with Swollen Appendices. With public interest in the cards undiminished, in 2001 Eno once again produced a new set of Oblique Strategies cards. The number and content of the cards vary according to the edition. In May 2013 a limited edition of 500 boxes, in burgundy rather than black, was issued.The story of Oblique Strategies, along with the content of all the cards, exhaustive history and commentary, is documented in a website widely acknowledged as the authoritative source and put together by musician and educator Gregory Alan Taylor.\nThe text of Schmidt's \"The Thoughts Behind the Thoughts\" was published by Mindmade Books in 2012.\nEach card contains a gnomic suggestion, aphorism or remark which can be used to break a deadlock or dilemma situation. A few are specific to music composition; others are more general. These cards evolved from separate observations of the principles underlying what we were doing. Sometimes they were recognised in retrospect (intellect catching up with intuition), sometimes they were identified as they were happening, sometimes they were formulated.\nThey can be used as a pack, or by drawing a single card from the shuffled pack when a dilemma occurs in a working situation. In this case the card is trusted even if its appropriateness is quite unclear...\nReferences to Oblique Strategies exist in popular culture, notably in the film Slacker, in which a character offers passers-by cards from a deck. Strategies mentioned include \"Honor thy error as a hidden intention\", \"Look closely at the most embarrassing details and amplify\", \"Not building a wall; making a brick\", \"Repetition is a form of change\", and one which came to be seen as a summary of the film's ethos (though it was not part of the official set of Oblique Strategies), \"Withdrawing in disgust is not the same thing as apathy.\" This line was quoted in the 1994 song \"What's the Frequency, Kenneth?\" by R.E.M., who also mentioned Oblique Strategies in their 1998 song \"Diminished\" from the album Up. The Oblique Strategies are also referenced in comic 1018, \"Oblique Angles\", of popular web comic Questionable Content.Other musicians inspired by Oblique Strategies include the British band Coldplay, said to have used the cards when recording their 2008 Brian Eno-produced album Viva la Vida or Death and All His Friends and French band Phoenix, who used the cards when recording their 2009 album Wolfgang Amadeus Phoenix. German musician/composer Blixa Bargeld has a similar navigation system, called Dave. In response to their song \"Brian Eno\", from their album Congratulations, MGMT has said they had a deck of Oblique Strategies in the studio, but they \"don't know if [they] used them correctly.\" The band Bauhaus have used the cards for the composition of their songs. The B-52's used them in the studio when recording their first album.\nThey were most famously used by Eno during the recording of David Bowie's Berlin triptych of albums (Low, \"Heroes\", Lodger). Stories suggest they were used during the recording of instrumentals on \"Heroes\" such as \"Sense of Doubt\" and were used more extensively on Lodger (\"Fantastic Voyage\", \"Boys Keep Swinging\", \"Red Money\"). They were used again on Bowie's 1995 album Outside, which Eno was involved with as a writer, producer and musician. Carlos Alomar, who worked with Eno and Bowie on all these albums, was a fan of using the cards, later saying \"at the Center for Performing Arts at the Stevens Institute of Technology, where I teach, on the wall are Brian Eno’s Oblique Strategies cards. And when my students get a mental block, I immediately direct them to that wall.\"\nThe Oblique Strategies cards deck is featured in Italian comics artist Igort's work Japanese Notebooks: A Journey to the Empire of Signs (Chronicle Books, 2017; original Italian edition: Quaderni giapponesi. Un viaggio nell'impero dei segni, Cononino Press, 2015).\nThe football club A.S. Velasca used the Oblique Strategies during an official football match. These Football Times referred to the club, founded by French visual artist Wolfgang Natlacen, by the german word Gesamtkunstwerk, which means \"total work of art.\"\n",
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"domain": "Human_behavior",
"title": "Regifting",
"doc": "Regifting or regiving is the act of taking a gift that has been received and giving it to somebody else, sometimes in the guise of a new gift.\nRegifting differs from straightforward giving in that goods are not acquired specifically for donation. Typically, goods that have been received as a gift are offered to others, unbeknown to them that it was originally a gift to the person offering it. Often the motives are principally charitable but also includes giving items which are surplus to one's needs. However, regifting also refers to the act of giving away unwanted gifts as a way of disposing them.Regiving differs from recycling in that recycling is most often associated with breaking components down and rebuilding into new products.\nThe term was popularized by a 1995 episode of the NBC sitcom Seinfeld (\"The Label Maker\"), although the practice pre-dates the term considerably. In the episode, the character Elaine calls Dr. Tim Whatley a \"regifter\" after he gives Jerry Seinfeld a label maker that was originally given to Whatley by Elaine. (Whatley later reveals to Elaine that the label maker was faulty, which gave him the excuse to give the item away.)Another variant introduced in Seinfeld is degifting (see Indian giver), which refers to the act of demanding a gift back from the receiver.\nSeveral rules of etiquette are proposed in popular media regarding regifting; they include rewrapping the gift, not using the gift before regifting it, and not giving the gift back to the original gift-giver.Regifting has become a popular addition to many white elephant gift exchanges or yankee swap events. There are no rules that specifically prohibit or encourage the practice of regifting at these parties, but generally the host of the party suggests regifting if it is an option. However, if the host suggests a spending limit for the party, it is generally poor etiquette to regift in lieu of making a purchase. The online variations of these exchanges eliminate this situation through their online purchasing requirements. One example of a formalization of this activity are the white elephant gift exchanges, in which items can be regifted from year to year.\nA variant of regifting was mentioned as one of Oprah's Favorite Things during the recession-themed 2008 episode.\nA Fairleigh Dickinson University PublicMind Poll in December 2010 showed that regifting was commonplace. Burçak Ertimur, one of the investigators in the study, and a professor of marketing at FDU, said “The popularity of regifting is driven by many things for different people. For some, it’s thrift in difficult economic times, or it’s a way to get around annoyingly high expectations about gift-giving. It’s also awareness of, or guilt over, how much stuff goes into the landfill. But the main reason might be just the sheer volume of stuff we have,” she said.\nRegifting has recently become more acceptable when it was adopted by environmentally and budgetary conscious people that encourage the green gifting concept.\nIn the US, National Regifting Day is December 18, created by a debt-counselling group called Money Management International. Many office holiday parties are held on this day, and research shows that 40% of office party gifts are regifted without use. On October 24, 2008, the Governor of Colorado, Bill Ritter Jr., declared December 18, 2008, \"National Regifting Day\". In Canada, eBay marketed \"National Re-gifting Week\" as December 26:30, after Christmas.",
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"domain": "Human_behavior",
"title": "Stockholm_syndrome",
"doc": "Stockholm syndrome is a proposed condition or theory that tries to explain why hostages sometimes develop a psychological bond with their captors.\nStockholm syndrome is a \"contested illness\" due to doubts about the legitimacy of the condition. \nEmotional bonds can possibly form between captors and captives, during intimate time together, but these are considered irrational by some in light of the danger or risk endured by the victims. Stockholm syndrome has never been included in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM), the standard tool for diagnosis of psychiatric illnesses and disorders in the United States, mainly due to the lack of a consistent body of academic research.\nIn 1973, Jan-Erik Olsson, a convict on parole, took four employees (three women and one man) of Kreditbanken, one of the largest banks in Stockholm, Sweden, hostage during a failed bank robbery. He negotiated the release from prison of his friend Clark Olofsson to assist him. They held the hostages captive for six days (23:28 August) in one of the bank's vaults. When the hostages were released, none of them would testify against either captor in court; instead, they began raising money for their defense.Nils Bejerot, a Swedish criminologist and psychiatrist, invented the term after the Stockholm police asked him for assistance with analyzing the victims' reactions to the 1973 bank robbery and their status as hostages. As the idea of brainwashing was not a new concept, Bejerot, speaking on \"a news cast after the captives' release\", described the hostages' reactions as a result of being brainwashed by their captors. He called it Norrmalmstorgssyndromet (after Norrmalmstorg Square where the attempted robbery took place), meaning \"the Norrmalmstorg syndrome\"; it later became known outside Sweden as Stockholm syndrome. It was originally defined by psychiatrist Frank Ochberg to aid the management of hostage situations.\nAccording to accounts by Kristin Enmark, one of the hostages, the police were acting incompetently, with little care for the hostages' safety. This forced the hostages to negotiate for their lives and releases with the robbers on their own. In the process, the hostages saw the robbers behaving more rationally than the police negotiators and subsequently developed a deep distrust towards the latter. Enmark had criticized Bejerot specifically for endangering their lives by behaving aggressively and agitating the captors. She had criticized the police for pointing guns at the convicts while the hostages were in the line of fire, and she had told news outlets that one of the captors tried to protect the hostages from being caught in the crossfire. She was also critical of prime minister Olof Palme, as she had negotiated with the captors for freedom, but the prime minister told her that she would have to content herself with dying at her post rather than Palme giving in to the captors' demands. Ultimately, Enmark explained she was more afraid of the police, whose attitude seemed to be a much larger, direct threat to her life than the robbers.\nOlsson later said in an interview that he could have easily killed the hostages in the beginning, but over time it became more difficult, as he developed an emotional bond with them:\nIt was the hostages' fault. They did everything I told them to. If they hadn't, I might not be here now. Why didn't any of them attack me? They made it hard to kill. They made us go on living together day after day, like goats, in that filth. There was nothing to do but get to know each other.\nPatty Hearst, the granddaughter of publisher William Randolph Hearst, was taken and held hostage by the Symbionese Liberation Army, \"an urban guerrilla group\", in 1974. She was recorded denouncing her family as well as the police using her new name, \"Tania\", and was later seen working with the SLA to rob banks in San Francisco. She publicly asserted her \"sympathetic feelings\" toward the SLA and their pursuits as well. After her 1975 arrest, pleading Stockholm syndrome (although the term was not used then, due to the recency of the event) did not work as a proper defense in court, much to the chagrin of her defense lawyer F. Lee Bailey. Her seven-year prison sentence was later commuted, and she was eventually pardoned by President Bill Clinton, who was informed that she was not acting by her own free will.An inversion of Stockholm syndrome, termed Lima syndrome, has been proposed, in which abductors develop sympathy for their hostages. An abductor may also have second thoughts or experience empathy towards their victims. Lima syndrome was named after an abduction at the Japanese embassy in Lima, Peru, in 1996, when members of a militant movement took hostage hundreds of people attending a party at the official residence of Japan's ambassador. Lima syndrome is poorly understood, as the main example for research on this variation came from the Japanese embassy hostage crisis in Lima. Two main factors observed in the evaluation were that spending time with the captives may have strengthened the bonds between the captor and captive, however, this had little basis as the majority of captives were released earlier on. Establishing a friendly rapport with a captor could contribute to a positive bond, as most of the captives in this situation were high-level diplomats who were well-versed in their communication skills.London Syndrome is the opposite of both Stockholm and Lima Syndromes: one or more hostages arouse the kidnappers' antipathy by defying them, trying to escape or, in the case of a political kidnapping, arguing with them, disqualifying their ideology. These hostages end up being executed by their captors at the first opportunity.The name London Syndrome comes from the 1980 siege of the Iranian Embassy in London, in which 26 hostages were taken. During the siege, one of the hostages repeatedly argued with the captors, despite other hostages asking him to keep quiet. After several days of siege, the captors decided to kill one of the hostages to force compliance with their demands. So they chose the argumentative hostage, shooting him and then throwing his body out into the street. This prompted a special forces attack, during which they rescued all but one of the remaining hostages and killed five of the six hostage-takers.\nVictims of the formal definition of Stockholm syndrome develop \"positive feelings toward their captors and sympathy for their causes and goals, and negative feelings toward the police or authorities\". These symptoms often follow escaped victims back into their previously ordinary lives.Stockholm syndrome is paradoxical because the sympathetic sentiments that captives feel towards their captors are the opposite of the fear and disdain which an onlooker might feel towards the captors.\nThere are four key components that characterize Stockholm syndrome:\nA hostage's development of positive feelings towards the captor.\nNo previous relationship between hostage and captor.\nA refusal by hostages to cooperate with police and other government authorities.\nA hostage's belief in the humanity of the captor, ceasing to perceive them as a threat, when the victim holds the same values as the aggressor.\nRobbins and Anthony, who had historically studied a condition similar to Stockholm syndrome, known as destructive cult disorder, observed in their 1982 study that the 1970s were rich with apprehension surrounding the potential risks of brainwashing. They assert that media attention to brainwashing during this time resulted in the fluid reception of Stockholm syndrome as a psychological condition.A 1999 report by the FBI containing more than 1,200 hostage incidents found that only 8% of kidnapping victims showed signs of Stockholm syndrome. When victims who showed only negative feeling toward the law enforcement personnel are excluded, the percentage decreases to 5%. A survey of 600 police agencies in 1989, performed by the FBI and the University of Vermont, found not a single case when emotional involvement between the victim and the kidnapper interfered with or jeopardized an assault. In short, this database provides empirical support that the Stockholm syndrome remains a rare occurrence. The sensational nature of dramatic cases causes the public to perceive this phenomenon as the rule rather than the exception. The bulletin concludes that, although depicted in fiction and movies and often referred to by the news media, the phenomenon actually occurs rarely. Therefore, crisis negotiators should place the Stockholm syndrome in proper perspective.A research group led by Namnyak has found that although there is vast media coverage of Stockholm syndrome, there has not been much research into the phenomenon. What little research has been done is often contradictory and does not always agree on what Stockholm syndrome is. The term has grown beyond kidnappings to all definitions of abuse. It stated that there is no clear definition of symptoms to diagnose the syndrome.The DSM-5 is widely used as the \"classification system for psychological disorders\" by the American Psychiatric Association. Stockholm syndrome has not historically appeared in the manual, as many believe it falls under trauma bonding or post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and there is no consensus about the correct clarification. In addition, there is no extensive body of research or consensus to help solve the argument, although before the fifth edition (DSM 5) was released, Stockholm syndrome was under consideration to be included under 'Disorders of Extreme Stress, Not Otherwise Specified'.At Dignity Conference 2015, Dr. Allan Wade presented The myth of \"Stockholm Syndrome\" (and other concepts invented to discredit women victims of violence) after interviewing Kristin Enmark. In this presentation he posits that \"Stockholm Syndrome\" and related ideas such as \"traumatic bonding\", \"learned helplessness\", \"battered women's syndrome\", \"internalized oppression\", and \"identification with the aggressor/oppressor\" shift the focus away from actual events in context to invented pathologies in the minds of victims, particularly women. \"Stockholm syndrome\" can be seen as one of many concepts used to silence individuals who, as victims, speak publicly about negative social (i.e., institutional) responses.In her 2019 treatise on domestic violence See What You Made Me Do, Australian journalist Jess Hill described the syndrome as a \"dubious pathology with no diagnostic criteria\", and stated that it is \"riddled with misogyny and founded on a lie\"; she also noted that a 2008 literature review revealed \"most diagnoses [of Stockholm syndrome] are made by the media, not by psychologists or psychiatrists.\" In particular, Hill's analysis revealed that Stockholm authorities : under direct guidance from Bejerot : responded to the robbery in a way that put the hostages at greater risk from the police than from their captors (hostage Kristin Enmark, who during the siege was granted a telephone call with Swedish Prime Minister Olof Palme, reported that Palme told her that the government would not negotiate with criminals, and that \"you will have to content yourself that you will have died at your post\"); as well, she observed that not only was Bejerot's diagnosis of Enmark made without ever having spoken to her, it was in direct response to her public criticism of his actions during the siege.",
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"title": "Tears",
"doc": "Tears are a clear liquid secreted by the lacrimal glands (tear gland) found in the eyes of all land mammals. Tears are made up of water, electrolytes, proteins, lipids, and mucins that form layers on the surface of eyes. The different types of tears—basal, reflex, and emotional—vary significantly in composition. \n The functions of tears include lubricating the eyes (basal tears), removing irritants (reflex tears), and also aiding the immune system. Tears also occur as a part of the body's natural pain response. Emotional secretion of tears may serve a biological function by excreting stress-inducing hormones built up through times of emotional distress. Tears have symbolic significance among humans.\nTears are made up of three layers: lipid, aqueous, and mucous. Tears are composed of water, salts, antibodies, and lysozymes (antibacterial enzymes); though composition varies among different tear types. The composition of tears caused by an emotional reaction differs from that of tears as a reaction to irritants, such as onion fumes, dust, or allergens. Emotional tears contain higher concentrations of stress hormones such as adrenocorticotropic hormone and leucine enkephalin (a natural pain killer), which suggests that emotional tears play a biological role in balancing stress hormone levels.The lacrimal glands secrete lacrimal fluid, which flows through the main excretory ducts into the space between the eyeball and the lids. When the eyes blink, the lacrimal fluid is spread across the surface of the eye. Lacrimal fluid gathers in the lacrimal lake which is found in the medial part of the eye. The lacrimal papilla is an elevation in the inner side of the eyelid, at the edge of the lacrimal lake. The lacrimal canaliculi open into the papilla. The opening of each canaliculus is the lacrimal punctum. From the punctum, tears will enter the lacrimal sac, then on to the nasolacrimal duct, and finally into the nasal cavity. An excess of tears, as caused by strong emotion, can cause the nose to run. Quality of vision is affected by the stability of the tear film.There are three basic types of tears: basal, reflex and emotional.Some mammals, such as cats, camels, polar bears, seals and aardvarks, have a full translucent third eyelid called a nictitating membrane, while others have a vestigial nictitating membrane. The membrane works to protect and moisten the eyelid while maintaining visibility. It also contributes to the aqueous portion of the tear film and possibly immunoglobulins. Humans and some primates have a much smaller nictitating membrane; this may be because they do not capture prey or root vegetation with their teeth, so that there is no evolutionary advantage of the third eyelid.The trigeminal V1 (fifth cranial) nerve bears the sensory pathway of the tear reflexes. When the trigeminal nerve is cut, tears from reflexes will stop, while emotional tears will not. The great (superficial) petrosal nerve from cranial nerve VII provides autonomic innervation to the lacrimal gland. It is responsible for the production of much of the aqueous portion of the tear film.In nearly all human cultures, crying is associated with tears trickling down the cheeks and accompanied by characteristic sobbing sounds. Emotional triggers are most often sadness and grief, but crying can also be triggered by anger, happiness, fear, laughter or humor, frustration, remorse, or other strong, intense emotions. Emotional tears can also be triggered by listening to music or by reading, watching or listening to various forms of media. Crying is often associated with babies and children. Some cultures consider crying to be undignified and infantile, casting aspersions on those who cry publicly, except if it is due to the death of a close friend or relative. In most Western cultures, it is more socially acceptable for women and children to cry than men, reflecting masculine sex-role stereotypes. In some Latin regions, crying among men is more acceptable. There is evidence for an interpersonal function of crying as tears express a need for help and foster willingness to help in an observer.Some modern psychotherapy movements such as Re-evaluation Counseling encourage crying as beneficial to health and mental well-being. An insincere display of grief or dishonest remorse is sometimes called crocodile tears in reference to an Ancient Greek anecdote that crocodiles would pretend to weep while luring or devouring their prey. In addition, \"crocodile tears syndrome\" is a colloquialism for Bogorad's syndrome, an uncommon consequence of recovery from Bell's palsy in which faulty regeneration of the facial nerve causes people to shed tears while eating.\nBogorad's syndrome, also known as \"Crocodile Tears Syndrome\", is an uncommon consequence of nerve regeneration subsequent to Bell's palsy or other damage to the facial nerve. Efferent fibers from the superior salivary nucleus become improperly connected to nerve axons projecting to the lacrimal glands, causing one to shed tears (lacrimate) on the side of the palsy during salivation while smelling foods or eating. It is presumed that this would cause salivation while crying due to the inverse improper connection of the lacrimal nucleus to the salivary glands, but this would be less noticeable. The condition was first described in 1926 by its namesake, Russian neuropathologist F. A. Bogorad, in an article titled \"Syndrome of the Crocodile Tears\" (alternatively, \"The Symptom of the Crocodile Tears\") that argued the tears were caused by the act of salivation.Keratoconjunctivitis sicca, known in the vernacular as dry eye, is a very common disorder of the tear film. Despite the eyes being dry, those affected can still experience watering of the eyes, which is, in fact, a response to irritation caused by the original tear film deficiency. Lack of Meibomian gland secretion can mean that the tears are not enveloped in a hydrophobic film coat, leading to tears spilling onto the face.Treatment for dry eyes to compensate for the loss of tear film include eye-drops composed of methyl cellulose or carboxy- methyl cellulose or hemi-cellulose in strengths of either 0.5% or 1% depending upon the severity of drying up of the cornea.\nFamilial dysautonomia is a genetic condition that can be associated with a lack of overflow tears (Alacrima) during emotional crying.Obstruction of the punctum, nasolacrimal canal, or nasolacrimal duct can cause even normal levels of the basal tear to overflow onto the face (Epiphora), giving the appearance of constant psychic tearing. This can have significant social consequences.\nPseudobulbar affect (PBA) is a condition involving episodic uncontrollable laughter or crying. PBA mostly occurs in people with neurological injuries affecting how the brain controls emotions. Scientists believe PBA results from prefrontal cortex damage. PBA often involves crying. Hence, PBA is mistakable for depression. But PBA is neurological; depression is psychological. Patients with PBA do not experience typical depression symptoms like sleep disturbances or appetite loss.",
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"title": "Work–family_conflict",
"doc": "Work:family conflict occurs when an individual experiences incompatible demands between work and family roles, causing participation in both roles to become more difficult. This imbalance creates conflict at the work-life interface. It is important for organizations and individuals to understand the implications linked to work-family conflict. In certain cases, work:family conflict has been associated with increased occupational burnout, job stress, decreased health, and issues pertaining to organizational commitment and job performance.\nWork:family conflict was first studied in the late 19th century. During this time period, work and income moved from inside the home (agricultural work) to outside the home (factories). Industrialization challenged the current relationship between working and family.Boundary theory and border theory are the foundations used to study work-family conflict. Boundary theory divides social life into two interdependent sections, work and family. Individuals have different roles and responsibilities in each section. Since the sections are interdependent, two roles cannot take place at the same time. Individuals have to participate in role transformation between expectations of the workplace and expected roles within the family structure.\nBorder theory expands this by considering the influences each section has on the other. Border theory attempts to pin down ways to manage conflict and achieve balance between conflicting identities. Individuals may choose to treat these segments separately, moving back and forth between work and family roles (displaying boundary theory) or can decide to integrate the segments with hopes of finding balance.\nConflict between work and family is bi-directional. There is a distinction between what is termed work-to-family conflict and what is termed family-to-work conflict.Work-to-family conflict occurs when experiences and commitments at work interfere with family life, such as extensive, irregular, or inflexible work hours, work overload and other forms of job stress, interpersonal conflict at work, extensive travel, career transitions, or an unsupportive supervisor or organization. For example, an unexpected meeting late in the day may prevent a parent from picking up his or her child from school.\nFamily-to-work conflict occurs when experiences and commitments in the family interfere with work life, such as the presence of young children, primary responsibility for children, elder care responsibilities, interpersonal conflict within the family unit, or unsupportive family members. For example, a parent may need to take time off from work in order to take care of a sick child, or to witness a tournament or performance of a child. Family-to-work conflict is perceived to result in lower work productivity of employees.\nWithin work-to-family conflict and family-to-work conflict, three subtypes of conflict have been identified: time-based, strain-based, and behavior-based. Time-based conflict entails competing time requirements across work and family roles, strain-based conflict entails pressures in one role impairing performance in the second role, and behavior-based conflict entails an incompatibility of behaviors necessary for the two roles.\nAlthough work interface with family (WIF) and family interface with work (FIW) are strongly correlated, more attention has been directed toward WIF. Research, largely attributed to the idea Ariel Russel Hochschild termed the \"ideal worker\", depicts the inelastic nature of work roles and responsibilities. The expectations employers hold of an \"ideal worker\" already rest on unrealistic assumptions about how the family should operate. Many employers expect that employees with families have someone tending to everything at home, leaving the worker unencumbered. Despite the fact that a majority of families in the U.S. are dual earning, the image of the \"ideal worker\" persists, presenting work-family conflict.\nWorkaholism correlates with experiences of work-to-family conflict, since one's priority of work may interfere with family commitments. In its simplest form, workaholism is said to be a substantial investment in one's work. One who is said to be involved in the act of workaholism can be labeled as a workaholic. Workaholism is said to be multifaceted and multi-directional. The flexibility and satisfaction within one's job has an impact on an employee's happiness and satisfaction in the home and vice versa. An overabundance of work has been said to take priority over everyone and everything else in the lives of those infatuated with work. Excessive work prevents one from forming and maintaining intimate relationships and close friendships. Workaholics are known to spend a vast amount of time in work-related activities, which then results in the sacrifice of crucial family, social, and recreational activities. Marital problems, trouble with maintaining close relationships, and isolation from friends and family are the common issues related to workaholism and those involved.In most recent years, employers have become more aware of the strain and stress that work can place on an employee. Companies have since started seeing their employees not only as workers, but also as people with personal and home lives. Implementation of family-responsive human resource practices and policies that promote work-family balance have become a reality as a way to reduce stress in both environments.\nWith the struggles of work-family conflict, options are necessary to provide a solution for these problems. Loehr and Schwartz compare the extreme demands experienced by an individual in the workplace to that of a professional athlete. In both scenarios energy expenditure (stress) is experienced. Without recovery (oscillation) both cannot perform to their greatest ability, eventually leading to chronic stress, burnout, and fatigue. Persist stress without oscillation and the result will be permanent damage.Creating an environment that values oscillation, for instance encouraging 15-minute walk breaks throughout the workday or offering corporate gym memberships, can improve employee cognition, energy, focus, and emotional intelligence. Companies, along with their bottom line and employees, win when mental and physical health are treated as equally important to cognitive capabilities. In order to gain competitive advantage, organizations are attempting to be portrayed as work:life balance:supportive employers. Companies that value employee work:life balance are able to attract and retain satisfied employees, improve worker performance, and boost employee morale and organization identification.\nWork:family conflict can be diminished by establishing family-friendly policies in the workplace. Some of these policies include maternity, paternity, parental, sick leaves, and health care insurance. Organizations may provide child care options either as an on-site child care center at the business, references to close child care centers, or supplemented child care incomes for the families placing their children in a child care center.\nWith advances in technology, individuals who work outside the home and have intense schedules are finding ways to keep in touch with their families when they cannot physically be together. \"Technology has provided a bit of an upper hand, allowing them unprecedented control and creativity in maneuvering the tenuous balance between work and family\" (Temple, 2009). Organizations are now able to implement remote work policies and provide more flextime.\nThe role of gender is a large factor in work-family conflict because one's gender may determine their role in the home or work place. Female representation in the workplace is a direct result of power operating covertly through ideological controls. This is illustrated by the basic assumption of an \"ideal worker.\" Many organizations view the ideal worker as one who is \"committed to their work above all else\". Ideal workers are those that complete tasks beyond their formal and assigned behaviors, seen as a positive and valuable attribute to the organization. Individuals having to divide their time (and their commitments) between family and work are perceived as less dedicated to the organization. A manager's perception of a subordinate's role and commitment to the organization is positively associated with the individual's promotability.Manager expectations of an ideal worker are often placed on female workers. Since female workers are both part of the workforce and have significant responsibilities at home, they experience a greater bearing of work-life conflict. Families in Germany with at least one child under the age of 13 and both parents in the labor force in 2018 saw moms devote nearly three times as much time to child care than fathers did. A new study suggested that women tend to face more work-family conflict than men because women have lower control over work and schedules than men. Female employees, who managers perceive to be juggling work and family commitments, were presumed to be less committed to the organization, therefore not worthy of advancement. Women in the workforce may be \"inaccurately perceived to have less commitment to their organizations than their counterparts. Their advancement in organizations may be unfairly obstructed\". Males are perceived to be extremely dedicated to their organization because they experience lower levels of work-family conflict.\nA male individual may be unmarried and have no thought as to what \"typical\" family responsibilities entail because they simply have not had the experience. The male may be married, but his wife, due to the demands of the husband's position, has remained at home, tending solely to the house and children and experiencing the \"typical\" family responsibilities. Since the wife is the one who stays home and tends to the children, the husband is more present in the workforce, representing the higher percentage of males at the top of the organization hierarchy. Ironically, these are the individuals creating and reforming workplace policies.\nThe motherhood penalty is a term sociologists use when arguing that in the workplace working mothers encounter systematic disadvantages in pay, perceived competence, and benefits relative to childless women. In their place of work, women may suffer a per-child wage penalty, leading to a pay gap between mothers and non-mothers that is larger than the gap between men and women. Not only do working mothers have the burden of balancing work and home life, but they also have to prove they are as dedicated as other employees. Mothers tend to suffer less favorable job-site evaluations compared to non-mothers, stating that mothers are much less committed to their jobs, less authoritative, and less dependable than non-mothers. Hence, mothers may experience discrimination is terms of pay, hiring, and day-to-day job experience.\nThe way in which companies have shaped the \"ideal worker\" does not complement the family lifestyle, nor does it accommodate it. Long hours and near complete devotion to the profession make it difficult for working mothers to participate in, or get ahead in the workplace while maintaining a home and family.\n",
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"title": "Affect_infusion_model",
"doc": "The Affect infusion model (AIM) is a theoretical model in the field of human psychology. Developed by social psychologist Joseph Paul Forgas in the early 1990s, it attempts to explain how affect impacts one's ability to process information. A key assertion of the AIM is that the effects of affect tend to be exacerbated in complex situations that demand substantial cognitive processing. In simpler words, as situations become more complicated and unanticipated, mood becomes more influential in driving evaluations and responses.\nForgas defined the term affect infusion as \"the process whereby affectively loaded information exerts an influence on and becomes incorporated into the judgmental process, entering into the judge's deliberations and eventually coloring the judgmental outcome\". In other words, a process that determines the degree to which mood can affect our judgement. According to the AIM, affect (mood and emotion) exerts a notable influence not only on information processing but on the resulting response behaviors as well. For example, if a person receives an inordinately large electric bill, they will respond differently if they have had a relaxing and stress-free day than they will if they have just been stuck in traffic for two hours. Under this latter circumstance, the person will experience high levels of affect infusion, as their agitated state will be made worse upon seeing the electric bill. An assumption of the AIM is that this effect will generally occur more strongly as the complexity of a situation increases. Highly complex situations can exhibit a number of qualities, such as the amount of effort needed to process the information, whether the situation is familiar or entirely new and how severely the situation affects the person. Some common activities that tend to produce high affect infusion include: choosing whether or not to drink or take drugs, selecting or getting to know a new partner, explaining a conflict or allocating rewards to a group.\nAccording to Forgas, the varying levels of affect infusion can be seen as a continuum, with four alternative processing strategies as markers along that continuum. These strategies represent the different degrees of severity in which mood exerts its influence. In identifying these strategies, two important differentiating factors are considered: the information search strategies used to perform a task (open or restricted)\nthe extent of the information considered in constructing a response.\nSeveral factors related to the judgment target, context, and judger influence which processing strategy is selected.\nFamiliarity - Familiar targets are more likely to elicit either direct access or motivated processing.\nImportance - Unimportant judgments are more likely to encourage direct access processing or motivated processing when a specific motive exists.\nAtypical - If a target is complex or unusual it is more likely to trigger substantive processing, otherwise heuristic processing may be used.\nCognitive capacity - If the individual has cognitive capacity substantive processing may be more likely.\nAffective state - Positive affect is more closely linked to heuristic processing, while negative affect is more closely associated with substantive processing.\nMotivation for accuracy - An individual who is motivated to be accurate will be more likely to use substantive processing.\nThe least intensive of the four, direct access processing, involves reproducing a stored reaction, that is, repeating a response that has been given before to a similar situation. According to the AIM, the influence of mood on cognition will be least severe during this type of processing.Motivated processing usually involves specific and targeted search strategies with a direct informational goal in mind. This strategy also involves little influence from mood, as the individual in question will have a fairly clear idea of what information he or she needs (although it is higher on the continuum than direct access processing).Heuristic processing assumes that affective processing, or emotional processing, occurs outside our awareness, with people simply making sense of their emotional reactions as they happen. Thus, affective experience provides people with information about themselves, including their tendencies and implicit judgments. This process is also known as the \"affect-as-information\" mechanism.Also called systematic processing, this strategy involves the most elaborate cognitive processing and appears highest on the continuum, as it is the most powerfully affected by mood. The reason substantive processing is most apt to be infused by affect is because mood can affect each stage in the cognition process: attention, encoding, retrieval, and association.Attention : To grapple with the amount of information that elicits substantive processing, people are likely to only focus on a subset of the entire information available. Mood-congruent information is more likely to be attended to than mood-incongruent information.\nEncoding : People spend more time encoding mood-congruent into a richer network of representations than mood incongruent information.\nRetrieval - Mood-congruent information is more likely to be retrieved from memory than other details.\nAssociation : Constructive social judgments require the interpretation of complex information. Affect can prime certain associations that influence subsequent interpretation.\nTaken as a whole, Forgas has identified two overarching conditions under which mood is most likely to affect information processing: \nsituations that require cognition about difficult, peripheral subjects\nsituations that require judgment of obscure, atypical subjects.\nBecause mood itself is relatively complex, being the sum of many smaller emotional experiences with no single cause, pinpointing its real-world influence is no easy task. But scholars have used the AIM to examine a number of social phenomena with a variety of results. One area of research involving the AIM concerns the model's role in understanding an individual's propensity for risk taking. Since risky behavior can trigger a complex and varied set of emotional responses (elation, fear, acceptance, etc.), a person's mood might be expected to play a substantial and unpredictable role in any choice to take heavy risks. If a person is in a good mood, he or she might be more likely to appraise the risk positively and be willing to accept any consequences in advance. But even if they are in a bad mood, they could be more likely to rebel against their cultural norms and take the risk anyway.This relationship has been examined in a particular experiment by attempting to manipulate a person's mood in order to produce infusion responses. The hypothesis is that the \"risk taking tendency is greater for those individuals who are in a happy mood than for those who are in a sad mood\". Participants in this experiment were exposed to one of three priming movies (happy, sad, or neutral) and then measured on a risk-taking scale. The researchers divided the sample into two units of separation, one being age (old and young) and the other being mood valence (happy, neutral and sad). Not only did their data confirm their hypothesis for both younger and older participants, but it also confirmed the AIM as a legitimate instrument for studying the complexities of mood.\nAnother study examined how the AIM relates to a specific type of risk behavior: gambling. It investigated how mood affects an individual's sustained inclination to gamble, especially among non-regular gamblers. The researchers separated regular and non-regular gamblers and measured how their moods affected their experiences on the gaming floor. Specifically, they expected non-regular gamblers in a good mood to be more persistent than non-regular gamblers in a bad mood. This is because gambling, when it is a new and unfamiliar experience, complete with the bright lights and colors that are a feature of the average casino, requires a great deal of information processing, making it especially unattractive to someone in a bad mood. Their research confirmed this notion, but in addition, it was used to positively identify depression as a causal factor of addictive gambling, when the casino has become a familiar environment.\nIn striving for a deeper understanding of the AIM, scholars have examined different types of behavior that can be expected when affect (mood and emotion) strongly influences information processing. This is by no means an exact science, as the behavioral consequences of affect are usually indirect and varied, but they have been able to show that \"affective states have a subtle and cognitively mediated influence on the ways people perform or inhibit complex strategic behaviors\" (p. 206). In other words, emotion influences thinking and behavior in subtle ways. A person in a strongly positive mood may be more confident and use more direct interpersonal behaviors than they would if they were in a bad mood. They may feel 'untouchable' due to the many good things that have happened to them and approach complex situations with an increased level of assurance. As the research has shown, this effect becomes greater as a situation becomes more complex.In this sense, the AIM is a potential instrument for propaganda campaigns that promote a link between positive affect and desired behavior. For example, many failed attempts to dissuade adolescents from smoking have involved morbid and gloomy advertisements that only serve to depress their viewers. According to the AIM, messages that establish a comfortable atmosphere and focus not on the consequences of smoking but on the benefits of not smoking would probably be more successful.\nAlong with a clearer understanding of the effect of mood on a person's information processing, the AIM also provides a guide by which researchers can design experiments to investigate the effect of sending persuasive messages to subjects. One important area of research involves the concept of 'mood congruence', or how the results of mood compare to the mood itself. It has been found that 'mood congruence' occurs when a person exhibits a positive relationship between his or her mood and a dependent variable; essentially, as the strength of the mood increases or decreases, so the performance measured by this variable increases or decreases correspondingly. Conversely, 'mood incongruence' occurs when a person exhibits a negative relationship between mood and the dependent variable; thus, as mood increases, performance decreases and vice versa.This distinction has been used to study the relationship between moods and personal goals. For those who are mood congruent, mood generally has a positive relationship with goal motivation, which presents a major opportunity to designers of public health information. According to this line of thought, establishing a positive mood state within the emotional feel of a message and then psychologically connecting that state to the desired behavior would be critical to the message's efficacy.\nThe AIM has also provided useful insights to other fields. In consumer research, the AIM has helped to explain how males and females differ in their processing of advertising under happy and sad mood states.\n",
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